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Bachelor Project 6 Semester 2011

Defining the Actorness of the European Union:

A Theoretical Approach to Kosovo

Mark Nygaard Brinch

Bachelor Project May 2011

Abstract

The critique of the European Union’s military incapability has led scholars to seek new ways for the Union

to fulfil a role in international relations as the pressure rises to find a suiting international type of actorness.

This paper seeks to identify the approaches which the European Union could benefit most from taking and

what eventual type of ‘actorness’ is the most evidently suitable role for the European Union to fill in order

to remain a competitive factor in the international system. In order to identify this actor-role various

International relations theories are applied to the case of the EULEX mission in Kosovo, which is done to put

theory into practice. A short description of the Resolution 1244 on the situation in Kosovo is also

implemented in order to form the basis for the contextualisation of theory into practice as it outlines the

framework for the EULEX mission. The framework is then used when I apply international relations

theories. In Part One of the analysis I used Alexander Wendt’s constructivism to analyse a potential

structural approach by the EU to Kosovo and an interesting point between the construction of the

institutional settings and authorities of Kosovo and the theoretical forming of society is identified and is the

main subject touched upon in the analysis as it reveals a lack of connection between societal construction

and material structures. The gap between material structures and societal interaction is discussed and

analysed through the liberalist view of the theory of ‘complex interdependency’ by Joseph Nye and Robert

Keohane, and eventually through a utilitarian liberalist viewpoint. When applying the context of Kosovo to

these theories the motives for the European Union to assist in the reconstruction of a new state in the

same region as itself are uncovered. In the analysis of the motives for the EU to engage into the

reconstruction the utilitarian liberalism describes the EU as a predominantly self-interested actor. It

illustrates that the utility-maximising actor strives to optimise economic gains and benefit mostly from

Kosovo’s reconstruction especially the relatively underdeveloped private sector is identified as a target for

investments by European companies if a close cooperation between Kosovo and the EU can be established.

Neorealism is also used to shortly illustrate that the EU still consists of various actors and not as one

completely unified entity. However, realism as a theoretical approach in this paper is mostly applied to

emphasise its own inapplicability in explaining the mission in Kosovo and the EU’s motives.

In Part Two the theory of the EU’s ‘Capability-Expectations Gap’ used to illustrate the lack of capabilities of

the Union identified by Christopher Hill including his statement of the Union’s effectiveness in economic

affairs, which he identifies as an international role for the Union to attain. Drawing on Hill’s statement I

analyse on the proposed international role of the Union with regard to the theoretical findings in the case

of Kosovo to locate the ‘optimal actorness’ of the European Union. After having taken a closer look at the

potential role the Union could fill in the international system I conclusively include the concept of the’

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Political Economy of Conflicts’ which outlines a different kind of economically motivated intra-state wars, or

‘new wars’ as Moritz Weiss puts it, which I argue is an evident situation for the European Union to benefit

from in regards to attaining an important international role concerning the fight against more complex

issues of economic- and security related problems.

Characters (no spaces): 3.065

Table of Contents

1. Introduction.............................................................................................................................................4

1.1. Thesis statement..............................................................................................................................4

1.2. Relevance of research......................................................................................................................5

2. Methodological approach........................................................................................................................7

2.1. Hypotheses on the EU’s approach to other actor........................................................................8

2.2. Source Criticism.........................................................................................................................8

2.3. The scope of the thesis.............................................................................................................10

3. Theoretical reflections.....................................................................................................................10

3.1. The use of International Relations theories..............................................................................10

3.2. Constructivist theory................................................................................................................11

4. The Empirical outset..............................................................................................................................12

4.1. The EULEX mission in Kosovo........................................................................................................12

5. Analysis..................................................................................................................................................13

5.1. Part One: the EULEX and applying IR-theory.................................................................................13

5.1.1. Constructivism and the European Union...............................................................................15

5.1.2. Liberalism, the EU and the complex economic interdependency.........................................18

5.1.3. Realism...................................................................................................................................20

5.1.4. Conclusion..............................................................................................................................21

5.2. Part Two: The ‘Capability-Expectations Gap’ of the European Union and the ‘Political Economy of Conflicts’................................................................................................................................................21

5.2.1. Theory of the ‘Capability-Expectations Gap’ of the Union....................................................21

5.2.2. The ‘Political Economy of Conflicts’ and the ‘new wars’.......................................................22

6. Conclusion..............................................................................................................................................23

7. Bibliography...........................................................................................................................................25

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1. Introduction

Incapability in foreign relations seems to be the centre of debate among scholars of the European Union, it

seems like the accounts for the failures of foreign policy is unlimited in the efforts to elaborate on the

grounds for the EU’s disappointing results in international relations. Especially the area of military

cooperation seems to be the hardest of issues where the European Union needs to find better ways of

carrying out policies. However, the complicated issues in international relations today does not simply

require military means or ´hard power´, the complexities of the globalization of society calls for wider

concerns and deeper insights into the roots of the conflicts in global society. This global society and its

complexities require more sophistically developed methods in order to fully comprehend the social aspects

before political initiatives are carried out. However, simple homogeneity of standpoints and continuity in

international politics face daily hurdles as a consequence of different approaches to various issues in the

EU. The European Union perhaps best encapsulates the complexities of international relations as attempts

to operate as a unified actor has left the EU weakened as a military force and in some cases limited the

Union’s success as a diplomatic actor.

Is has continued to be a main problem among scholars to describe the defects of the EU in order to theorise

on the Union’s foreign lacks. Yet the European Union still strives for international success even though

some scholars have identified a kind of ‘Capability-Expectations Gap’ (Hill 1993). Nevertheless the future

may seem brighter for the European Union’s foreign relations, as it seems like the acknowledging of the

incompetence in military matters is imminent.

1.1. Thesis statement

This acknowledging of the military incapability paves the way for a new plan for the EU, because what role

will be the most optimal one for the European Union to attaining foreign relations? In order to specify the

objective of this paper the following thesis statement has been formulated below:

- Considering the conflict in Kosovo and the EU’s succeeding role in the reconstruction; what

issues and opportunities will the European Union have to focus on in order to attain a successful

role of actorness in the international system?

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The outlined thesis statement is formulated on the basis of the conflict in the disputed territory of Kosovo

in the Balkans and the following EU-mission (EULEX mission in Kosovo) where the European Union was

assigned the task of reconstructing the institutional settings in Kosovo rather than acting as a military or

security enforcer, a task carried out by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). In this paper I will

identify and discuss some areas that could function as constructive grounds to form a more consistent and

coherent foreign policy than what has been the case so far.

1.2. Relevance of research

Considering the often discussed issue of the EU member states disagreeing over various aspects of foreign

relations the ambitions of the European Union to be amongst the leading actors on the international scene

in the near future alongside countries like India, Brazil and China reality has to correlate to the capabilities

of the Union, which is not the case at the moment. The previous ambitions of the Union in terms of an

economic free trade area, a common currency and a competitive advantage in economy on a global scale

has been successfully realised, however, the forming of a coherent, consistent and common approach to

foreign relations seems to be an impossible task at the moment. The Union is now at a crossroads; if the

ambitiousness of the on-going project called the ‘European Union´ is to be sustained, respected and

continuously re-realised in the same way that has been the case for more than 50 years the member states

have to find a way in which collaboration on foreign issues is not only possible but easily doable, if the EU is

to be regarded as a serious competitor to the rising BRICS-countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South

Africa) in a global scale, baring this in mind the outlined task of this paper to try to analyse on the practical

internal disruptions in the Union in the efforts of creating a common foreign policy and the theoretical

analysis of the EULEX-mission in Kosovo, the task is of immense importance to the EU’s future reputation

not only among the Europeans but also in relation to the upcoming leading powers of the world, again

referring to the BRICS-countries. The perception in the BRICS-countries of a united union, (in principle) a

single-exercising state and the respect that follows is of great importance to a Union that is going through

tough times and faces a great deal of scepticism in many member states. This can be seen in the rise in

popularity of many nationalist and EU-sceptical parties possibly somewhat due to the increasing criticism of

the EU in terms of the lack in individual sustainability of the poorer member states’ economies in the

aftermath of the financial crisis. The reasons for focusing on the EU as a regional actor instead of as a global

actor lies in the realisation of the Union already having been left long behind the BRICS-countries in terms

of being a true global competitor as an international actor, which gives rise to the perception of the EU as

having to be able to exercise successful regional foreign policies in order to become a successful global

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actor, meaning that the European Union needs to learn to be a dominant regional player before being able

to compete as a global player with the BRICS countries in the future.

1.2.1. Definition of ‘actorness’

Another important aspect to consider when the relevance of this study is to be discussed is the very outset

of studies of the European Union in international relations. The commonly conducted studies of the EU

focuses on the Union as a failure in terms of performing consistent and coherent actorness, the wrongness

in these studies lies in the conceptualisation of the structure of these studies as the approach to EU foreign

relations seems based on erroneously listed criteria for a successful exercise of actorness in the

international system. In other words, the notion of ‘actorness’ in the case of the European Union should

not be used as a definite term or a predetermined conceptualisation. This paper will therefore seek to

approach the notion of ‘Actorness of the European Union’ in a critical manner as the notion of actorness is

highly debatable.

This paper will seek to contribute to conceptualising the Union’s optimal role or the best possible

positioning on the international scene of the Union, it will further take into consideration the Union’s

opportunities as an actor with focus on the best type of actorness suitable. In others words, this paper will

use a method of predefining the concept of ‘actorness for the Union’ as it will strive to conceptualise the

ideal manner the Union can exercise actorness in order to find a more suitable basis for analysing on the

European Union’s opportunities as an international actor. Furthermore, in line with the listed aim of this

paper the severe critique of the Union as a weak international actor it also seems unfair in the light of the

judgements being made on the wrong conceptualisation of the Union’s role as an actor, what this paper

therefore will strive to account for or determine is what concept of actorness or what mode of actorness is

best suitable to account for the pattern of behaviour of the EU in international relations. The importance in

finding a suitable conceptualisation in order to investigate the European Union’s potential as part of the

international system is vital, as the academic debates are taken a bad turn towards not taking into

consideration the uniqueness of the Union. However, scholars are still better equipped to discuss the

actorness of the Union as newer theoretical argumentation with reference to constructivist theory takes

into regard the construction of identity, which in practice is neglected, and as Christopher Hill points to in

an article from 1993: “‘Actorness’ in the world is something which most non-theoretical observers

automatically assume the European Community1 possesses (…)” (Hill 1993; 308).

1 Christopher Hill’s article ‘The Capability-Expectations Gap, or Conceptualizing Europe’s International Role’ was written in September 1993, two months before the ratification of the Maastricht treaty and the birth of the European Union which explains Hill’s use of the terminology of the European Community and not the European Union. Hill’s article will profoundly dealt with in the section on ‘Source Criticism’.

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2. Methodological approach

The theoretical aspect of this paper is fairly comprehensive as the academic discussions will be concerned

with analysing the approaches to international relations performed by the European Union in order to form

a theoretical argument to find the ideal actor-role for the Union as mentioned in the introductory section.

The analytical section will concern the mission in Kosovo and a description together with a theoretical

analysis of a theory from Security Studies which originates from the perception of the international system

being actor-based leaving the international environment open to threats from all kinds of actors to initiate

conflicts in intra-state structures and create intra-state unrest (Wennmann 2007).

The analysis of Kosovo will nonetheless be the prime of this paper meaning that this paper will have as its

overall focus the theorising of the EU’s performance as an international actor in Kosovo analysed from the

views of various theories of international relations. Furthermore, in accordance with the stated theoretical

task outlined for this paper and due to the task being rather theoretical in its character in terms of

elaborating on the optimal international role for the European Union, this paper will therefore to a great

extent omit a description of the practical features tied to the EU’s foreign relations. In the outlining of the

situation in Kosovo the practical performance by the EU will be sought to be explaining by IR-theory. The

theoretical aspect of the Kosovo-analysis will not only be the most comprehensive one but it will be

focused upon throughout this paper because of its uniqueness in connection to the EU functioning as a

successful international actor. Besides theorising on the case of Kosovo the analysis will include a section

discussing the concept of the ‘new wars’ (Weiss 2008). These theories will be contextualised with the

EULEX mission in Kosovo in order to discuss the coherence between the empirical successes and failures of

the mission and the concept of the ‘new wars. This paper will from the outset of the analysis of the

cohesion of Kosovo and the ‘new wars’ determine the optimal style of actorness for the EU in foreign

relations by applying the theory of the ‘Capability-Expectations Gap’ outlined by Christopher Hill (Hill 1993).

The theoretical aspect of this paper can be divided into two parts; firstly, an explanatory and theorising part

of applied International Relations theory (IR-theory) which outlines and discusses the theories and

separately contextualises them with the mission in Kosovo. Secondly, a part with outset in the findings of

the first part will also be discussed in the context of an identification of the contemporary challenges to

world security, this section will strive to account for the ‘new wars’ and the role of the EU in these wars.

Furthermore, an attempt to identify the strength of the Union will also be made and it will be based on the

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outcome of the findings in the theoretical analysis of the case in Kosovo and the through the application of

a theory from Security Studies.

2.1. Hypotheses on the EU’s approach to other actor

This paper also outlines a hypothesis concerned with the unique approach or the special positioning the EU

has taken in international system. This paper will base its research on the hypotheses of the EU being an

actor highly involved in the structural features of the other actors of the international system. In a sense

the outlined hypotheses takes ground in the perception of the Union as a rather analytical actor that takes

into regard the distinctive characteristics of every actor on the international scene.

The notion of ‘acting analytically’ takes ground in the theoretical idea of constructivist theory that puts

emphasis on the various social interactions in society and how these interactions result in the shape of

identity that forms political action (Reus-Smit 2001). Speaking in broader terms the concept of

constructivism entails a focus on constructivism and the structuralism embedded in the actors on the

international scene. By stating that this paper will perform an analysis of the EUs foreign policy potential

from the outset of hypotheses of the EU as acting out from a constructivist view means that there is a

suspicion of a very analysing approach by the EU to other actors in the international system. This approach

focuses on the consideration of the uniqueness of every actor and the idea that every state is characterised

by its own unique features as a result of the dynamics of interaction in society. The constructivist view of

approaching every state with focus on its uniqueness and how it is constructed as part of a societal process

and not as a definite prescribed result entails an unpredictability in state behavioural patterns which is

consistent with the individual process and identity shaping construction of each state.

This paper will approach the analysis from the outset of the suspicioned outcome of the analysis as being a

result based on the hypothesis that the European Union acts like an overwhelmingly thoughtful and rather

sophisticated actor in international relations. This could therefore entail that the conceptualisation of the

European Union’s attitude to other actors is based on strong analytical skills .It is therefore further believed

that the case of Kosovo have contributed further to the analytical way the EU approaches international

relations as the case of Kosovo is anticipated to be a scenario which the EU can benefit form in many ways.

2.2. Source Criticism

The use of a report (European Security and Defence Policy: The first 10 years (1999-2009)) outlined by the

European Union on its own activities in the area of the mission in Kosovo is obviously controversial

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considering the bias which easily could be embedded in an account of one’s own foreign activities.

However, since the report focuses on outlining the mere framework of the mission in terms of material and

chronological development of the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (EULEX) I have found it

suitable as a source for this paper.

Apart from the EU-report this papers analysis will involve different academic pieces from scholars involved

in the field of study of international relations, among these is the article ‘the Capability-Expectations Gap,

or Conceptualizing Europe’s International Role’ written by Christopher Hill, whom will be a frequently used

reference as a result of his very comprehensive and fulfilling research in the study of EU foreign relations.

The use of Hills article in a study of the opportunity of the CFSP has two slightly controversial issues tied to

it. Firstly; it might seem somewhat vague to use this distinct article by Hill as it can be argued to be on the

verge of being out-dated since it was released in September 1993, about the same time as the ratification

of the Maastricht treaty2. This means that Hills research has been challenged severely in terms of the

obtainability of data of the new treaty because of its originality. There is of course the idea that Hill could

had had time to consider the new treaty before its ratification if he somehow could get access to the

document before it was sent to a re-referendum in some countries, here amongst Denmark. However, it

might have been a rather impossible task to get hold on these documents before their ratification. Hill’s

article focuses on the institutional system and the paradigm of European collaboration being that of the

European Community and not the European Union. In the light of the ground-breaking changes as an effect

of the comprehensive document of the Maastricht treaty it might give reason to some scepticism towards

the validity and actuality of Hill’s article on the EU lacking in foreign relations as even though Hills article

was published in November 1993 he mentions both the CFSP and the Maastricht treaty on several

occasions when outlining his theory of the Capability-Expectations Gap (theory of CAG) in that article.

Secondly, as a result of the massive changes the European Union has gone through since the publishing of

Hills article the actuality of a study of the EU’s foreign policy involving his 1993 article might spur some

critique as the three and later two-pillar system which the EU and foreign policy is based 3on could for

obvious reasons not taken into regard. However, the rationality in conducting a study involving the Hills

1993 article lies in his account of the EU foreign policy as a universal struggle in terms of the obstacles in

the performance of a consistent foreign policy being the same in 2011 as in 1993. Elaborating on this

statement calls for a directing of attention to the frequently stated issue tied to foreign policy in the

2 The Maastricht treaty was signed on February 7, 1992 and ratified November 1, 1993.3 The uses two modes of decision-making; the Supranational or the Community method which does not need national approval and the intergovernmental mode of decision with enables member states to ‘veto’ certain proposals.

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institutional settings as a result of the process of decision-making based on the right to veto 4. The decision-

making process of Intergovernmentalism entails by the right of veto that the creation of it was done with

efforts to use as democratic a decision-making process as possible. Yet, the disposal of the veto for member

states leaves the process fragile to disruption as a result of even minor disagreements in the end

compromising the consistency and coherence of the EU foreign relations. In other word the argument by

Hill of the EU foreign policy being “no more than the sum of what the Member States severally decide”(Hill

1993;309) is to a great extent still the case because none of the member states is interested in

compromising their sovereignty in terms of their own nations performance of foreign relations.

2.3. The scope of the thesis

Because the study of the potential of the European Union’s foreign relations is an area that has been

exhaustively dealt with in the academic world as a natural part of the frequently seen practical limitations

of the EU in foreign matters observed in for example the Iraqi War and the case of the Russian-Georgian

War this thesis will seek to limit its scope to two areas. Firstly, the outset of this paper is limited to focus on

the EULEX mission, as the case of Kosovo enabled the EU to attain the role of mediator and reconstructor of

the judicial, the legislative and the executive branch5, which I will later argue is the optimal and most

effective role for the EU to exercise in terms of conflict-scenarios. Secondly, a majority of the literature on

EU foreign policy outlines some proposed reasons for the failing common foreign policy on military matters

and are generally sceptical about the prospects of a functioning foreign policy for the EU. This paper will

however focus on some of the areas of the EU’s Foreign policy that has been rather successful and it will

further focus on how the Union should try to politically capitalise on that in order to benefit internally as

well as externally, this will likewise be dealt with in a theoretical matter.

3. Theoretical reflections

3.1. The use of International Relations theories

In the efforts of trying to conceptualize the opportunities and abilities of the European Union as an

international actor applying IR-theory seems obvious in trying to analyse the Union’s foreign relations and

4 The decision-making process referred to is Intergovernmentalism.5 In this regard the executive power refers to the police and border-control unit as well as the political executive power in Kosova.

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its possible limitations to this way of conducting international politics. As a consequence of the complexities

of the EU and the structural aspects of the operation in Kosovo the theoretical view of constructivism is

inevitable in efforts to analyse the EU’s approach to international relations. The paper will apply Alexander

Wendt’s conceptualisation of constructivism and his view that societal interaction creates international

relations behaviour more than material structures which also has influence on international behaviour,

however not to the extent that social processes in society does it (Wendt 1999; 21).

The international relations theories of realism and liberalism will likewise be used to identify the failures or

successes in the foreign affairs of the European Union in the mission in Kosovo, however in the case of

realism it will be rather neglected as an approach to Foreign relations by the EU but the theory will still be

applied to aspects of the analysis that concerns the behaviour of other actors of the international system.

In contrast to the use of realist theory the application of liberalist theory will be argued to be a much more

suitable theoretical approach in analysing the EU’s international relations. In terms of using the theory of

liberalism it will be sought to try to use it to show the economic incentives tied to the EU becoming a

successful leading regional actor. The theory of neoliberalism and utilitarian or utility-maximising liberalism

will be the theories applied. Furthermore Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane’s famous theory of the ‘complex

interdependency’ (Nye and Keohane 1977) of countries which create an incentive to neglect armed conflict

will likewise be used to identify the strengths of the Union.

The theories of liberalism will be combined with the abovementioned concept of ‘the Political Economy of

Conflicts’ (Weiss 2008) that seeks to account for the grounds tied to the different kinds of conflicts the

world is facing and will to a great extent be facing in the near future. These different kinds of conflicts are

the result of the globalization and the clashes of societies enabling various types of actors on different

levels of the anarchical system of the international system to engage in civilian conflicts and wars based on

the strive for power.

The majority of the motives for the conflicts-initiating actors are economic, even though some of them is a

manner of power of different shapes and kinds all the private actors initiating the conflict are driven by

economic incentives. The concept of the ‘new wars’ developed with point of departure from the

unsatisfactory theoretical explanations of the intra-state conflicts of the 1990s (Wennmann 2007), here

amongst the conflict regarding Kosovo.

3.2. Constructivist theory

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The main theory discussed in the analysis will although be constructivist theory, as the outset of this paper

in regards to the later outlined hypotheses at first glance seems very applicable in analysing a potential

coherence between the theory of constructivism and the hypotheses of this paper which proposes a

relation between the European Union’s very ‘analytical’ way of acting in the international system and the

rising conflicts of the future.

Another theory by Christopher Hill will be taken into use to illustrate and analyse the capabilities of the

European Union’s foreign performance after the analysis of Kosovo and the theory of the ‘new wars’ has

been carried out is his theory of the EU’s ´Capability expectations gap´ (Hill 1993). In this theory Hill

basically outlines the significant incoherence between what is expected by the European Union as a single

actor exercising foreign relations, and what is the reality of the abilities and activities of the European

Union in the field of foreign relations.

To Sum up the theories applied to the analysis on EU foreign relations will be divided into the three parts of

the analysis. Part One of the analysis will discuss the situation in Kosovo by implementing realism,

liberalism in terms of the theory of ‘complex interdependency’ and of utilitarian liberalism, and

constructivist theory from the study international relations. Part two will involve the discussion of Kosovo

and the theoretical outcome will be discussed with Christopher Hills earlier mentioned theory of the ‘new

wars’ as part of his more comprehensive theory of the uprising and widely academically approved but

highly debated concept of the ‘Political Economy of Conflicts’. Part Two of the analysis will further include

the theory by Hill labelled the ‘Capability-Expectations Gap’ of the European Union.

4. The Empirical outset

4.1. The EULEX mission in Kosovo

To briefly outline the events that created basis for the EULEX mission in Kosovo and to acquaint the reader

with the context of the case of Kosovo. The fundamental reason for Kosovo being a disputed territory is to

be found in the suppression of the Albanian majority in the state of Kosovo 6, a majority which can date its

roots in Kosovo back from the times of the Ottoman Empire from 1389 and on to the First Balkan War of

1912, where Serbia regained control of Kosovo (CIA World Factbook 2011; Kosovo). During the regime of

the Ottomans many Turks and Albanians had moved to Kosovo and in the 19 th century Albanians had begun 6 Throughout this paper Kosova will sometimes be referred to as a state in spite of the fact that the UN Security Council has not officially recognised its independency as a result of the Russian veto (Serbia and Russia declared its independency illegal (Grevi 2009)), however, as of May 1, 2011 over 70 countries have recognised Kosova as an independent state (CIA World Factbook).

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to outnumber Serbs in the province of Kosovo, which would lead to a rise in Kosovo Albanian nationalism in

the 1980s as the post-WWII autonomous province of Kosovo of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia had

been given almost complete autonomy in line with regular states was now being heavily suppressed

through discriminatory policies against its Albanian majority (CIA World Factbook 2011, Kosovo; Grevi

2009). The continuous discrimination against the Albanian majority in Kosovo by Serb-political leader

Slobodan Milosevic culminated in 1989 when Milosevic’s regime abandoned Kosovo’s status as an

autonomous state in a new constitution which led to Kosovo-Albanians organising a referendum with

efforts to declare Kosovo independent. The increased tensions led to a Serbian massacre on the Albanian

population of Kosovo which ended in March 1999 when NATO initiated a bombing of Serbian troops that

led to their withdrawal from Kosovo (Grevi 2009). After the bombing, the UN Security Council (UNSC)

resolution 1244 of June 1999 paved the way for United Nations forces being deployed as security forces in

Kosovo, later NATO undertook the task of providing military security in Kosovo which was given the mission

name of KFOR, the administrative and political reconstruction still rested with the UN in the United Nations

Interim Administration Mission In Kosovo (UNMIK) (Grevi 2009).The UNMIK’s mandate was very unique in

several ways, for example the idea itself that a foreign actor was enabled the supervision of the

administration of a state basically meant that the exercise of law and order could be overruled if the

UNMIK found it invalid. Furthermore, the territorial integrity as Grevi puts it was not questioned and in

other words the sovereignty of the state was not widely respected when the decision to move in to Kosovo

was put into practice. Nevertheless it is worth considering the various historical later examples of the

international community hesitating or simply having reluctance to deal with or interfering with the

sovereignty of states even in extreme cases involving the need for a humanitarian intervention, the

upholding of integrity in terms of nation-sovereignty is the topic of many different papers, not this one.

The United Nations did not only assume the position of being supervisor and guider of the Kosovo-

administrations the UNMIK also undertook the task of helping the exercise of a legitimate political process

in terms of a potential independent future Kosovo, this might be even more controversial considering the

issue of having no regard for the integrity of sovereignty.

5. Analysis

5.1. Part One: the EULEX and applying IR-theory

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The mission in Kosovo was in many ways a very unique task for the European Union as it enabled the

European Union to prove its worth in matters of foreign relations, a field of operation in which the EU had

not yet shown the unity and power that a framework of several European nations working together else

could have signalled. European Union as a unified actor could have had a potential of status of

‘Superpower’ with enough strength to challenge the USA-monopoly on said status, the Union could just as

well have strived to obtain a status as an international alternative to the USA as a superpower.

Nevertheless the EULEX-mandate was also an opportunity for the EU to manifest its reputation as a strong

regional security actor, in this case through assisting, monitoring and advising the construction of the legal

institutional system of the Kosovo. The mandate for the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) was

nonetheless surrounded by some controversy due to the extensiveness the mandate provided the EULEX

with. The controversy tied to the European Union’s performance in foreign relations has ground in the

development policy which the Union performs in third world countries where the ‘promotion of

democracy’ is among the Union’s stated goals but to some extent has been criticised for being a

westernisation of the third world countries in disguise. Because of the history of European colonization the

foreign policy activities of western actors and especially European actors are a fragile topic, which makes it

even harder for the European actor(s) to carry out the promotion of democratic values outside Europe

without critique or at least some scepticism. Even though in the case of Kosovo, it was a regional

intervention the disrespect for the sovereignty of states seen various times in world history was still in mind

when the mission in Kosovo began, it is these examples of disrespect for sovereignty and territorial

integrity of state and of course later examples as well that contribute to the issue of humanitarian

intervention being elevated in terms of seriousness, and as a frequently labelled ‘very last resort’. It is in

the light of the common respect for the integrity of the sovereignty of state that the controversies tied to

the mission in Kosovo had its roots; one of the things that were subject to debate was the legitimacy of the

far-reaching mandate of the UN Security Council. The mandate stated that the UNMIK should amongst

others be:

“Organizing and overseeing the development of provisional institutions for democratic and autonomous self-

government pending a political settlement, including the holding of election; (…) facilitating a political process

designed to determine Kosovo’s future status” (United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244, 1999).

The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 (UNSCR 1244) was aimed at making the UN and later

the EULEX able to assist, monitor, advise and in certain areas exercise to the extent needed in order to

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construct the judicial, police and institutional elements required for Kosovo to function. However, due to

the wide-ranging mandate the UNMIK and the EU operated within the establishment of an independent

Kosovo with institutions, border control and political was a comprehensive task in which western countries

was given the exclusive right to organise the construction of a state. The level of controversy tied to the

western constructing a state is reflected in the on-going polemics over the recognition of Kosovo’s

independence and of Kosovo as a state that has seen only 70 countries recognition its statehood with

amongst others Serbia and Russia declaring the statehood of Kosovo illegal. When the EU to the outlined

extent outlined in the mandate deploys in Kosovo and has the influence on the construction of the state is

no longer a matter of building a state with outset from the Kosovar people, the project is more just a case

of a western project of constructing a state of that of western standards or in this case more specified of

EU-standards. This is nonetheless easily an interpretation excelling all rationality as the forming of an

independent and well-functioning state with borders, rule of law and democracy is an impossible task if the

political culture has no roots in history tying it to traditions of the construction of statehood, because even

though the ethnic cleansing had to be put to an end the institutional construction and be argued to be a

somewhat too comprehensive an intervention by a foreign unit. However, the issue of to what extent

humanitarian intervention is defendable has been profoundly discussed by scholars, one of the most

famous scholars involved in the discussion on humanitarian intervention was John Stuart Mill whom

proposed that “Like individuals, states developed their political powers and capabilities by learning to

manage their affairs themselves. They might make mistakes, even engage in civil conflicts and cause much

suffering, but that was all part of the process of growing up” (Parekh 1997; 53). This is of course a rather

out-dated source but nonetheless is the debate of the justification of humanitarian intervention a timeless

debate as it is concerned with ethics of sovereignty of states. Nevertheless, in the light of the EULEX

mission and its tasks of assisting, monitoring, advising and to some degree exercising in the construction of

the state of Kosovo it can be argued that the role of the institutional construction-based role of the EU

might been too much considering the statement John Stuart Mill, as the obstacles tied to state-construction

in the case of Kosovo has been relatively absent and therefore has not contributed to the “(…) process of

growing up” as Mill puts it. It might therefore be a matter of concern if the Kosovars are capable of carrying

out the responsibilities tied to statehood without it turning to corruption, organised crime and other

elements. The EULEX mission has provided the state with a good comprehensive framework, but

nonetheless it’s still just a framework for state governing.

5.1.1. Constructivism and the European Union

15


Looking at the humanitarian intervention from a constructivist point of view the European Union has taken

on a hard job in terms of attaining the role as state-entrepreneur, because even though the EULEX mission

assists the Kosovars in building the institutional, judicial and political framework for Kosovo the embedded

political culture of Kosovo might take some time to form. In a constructivist sense, the identities and the

societal interactions of Kosovo are going through many processes during the time of EULEX mission and

have done so in the past. Recalling the uprising in the 1980s against the Serbian regime and the continuous

strive for independence was a result of the on-going processes of interaction in society. The struggle of

cultural domination in the territory of Kosovo is a process of cultural interaction between all of the many

minorities of Kosovo, and most significantly a cultural process involving the Kosovo Albanians and Serbs

which have been living side by side for a very long time and competed for significance. Moreover, the

dispute between the Kosovo Albanians and the Serbs has lasted for a very long time with intensity being

really high in the past 20-30 years adding to the societal struggle for domination and influence in the

Kosovo territory.

If we draw on Alexander Wendt’s work on constructivism it is arguable that the future of Kosovo is very

unpredictable when speaking of the consolidation of nationhood, meaning that if we adopt the view of

social interaction and societal processes rather than material structures being the main factor to influence

the shaping of behaviour and identity in international relations (Wendt 1999; 21), we might be able to

account for the development in Kosovo up till now but we are still not in a position to predict the nature

and international behaviour of the state of Kosovo as an international actor. In spite of the EULEX mission

building the institutional framework for the state of Kosovo we are not able to build the state of Kosovo in

terms of building a well-functioning international actor, according to Wendt. The material framework

established by the EULEX mission is not sufficient to create an international actor according to Wendt’s

theory. In accordance with constructivist theory in the sense of Wendt’s outlining of the theory the societal

processes in Kosovo is the main influence in the shaping of behavioural identity of international actors. This

underlines one vital issue tied to Kosovo as an international actor; it might most likely be impossible to

predict whether the state of Kosovo will be a well-functioning state in the international system or not if

seen from a constructivist point of view, this is because even though the material framework or structures

has been created for Kosovo to fulfil its role in international relations, as well as in domestic affairs, the

actorness in the international system of Kosovo is determined by the internal social interaction and the

societal process in Wendt’s view. This means it is thereby not certain to what extent Kosovo will be able to

carry out an effective performance of actorness because it lacks the identity created in society through

societal processes due to it being an artificially established state. Therefore will Kosovo not be able to

shape its behavioural pattern as an actor, due to the rapidness and forced construction of its statehood

16


together with the factor of foreign actors being the entrepreneurs. In addition to the theoretical

interpretation of Kosovo it should also be mentioned that constructivist theory argues that because of the

unpredictable and complex social processes in a society we can never predetermine the outcome of these

processes in terms of determining actor-behaviour in international relations.

Taking Wendt’s constructivist theory into consideration in the case of Kosovo an interesting aspect worth

taking a closer look at is the idea of the artificially created state and the following theoretical argument of

the lack of identity to shape actorness. In the construction of a state the European Union might benefit

from taking a structural approach in terms of taking into consideration the societal processes tied to the

institutional construction. However, the construction of a state is a very unique objective and perhaps the

European Union is to some extent the best possible entrepreneur in the case of Kosovo?

Wendt’s concept of constructivism does not only assist in theorising the issues tied to the construction of a

state in the case of Kosovo, it further assists in explaining the problems the European Union will have to

face as an international actor, because the European Union is in many ways the best illustration of a

conceptualisation of Wendt’s constructivist theory. Elaborating on this point means that we will look to the

previous successful initiatives by the EU in terms of assisting in state construction or state-strengthening. In

order to fully comprehend the EU as an international actor and outline a suitable actorness for the Union

we have to take a closer look at the theoretical explanations of the actorness of the member of the

European Union.

Looking at the European Union from a constructivist view, the social construction of a continental politically

coherent Union might to some extent be seen as an impossible task in the light of the differences between

nations still present in the contemporary European Union. It is no secret that the Union still is struggling

with internal differences creating a unique composition of actors, which The Union might be able to benefit

from in its exercise of international actorness. The reason for this belief lies in the reflection of the Union as

a consolidated empirical actor. This means that when bearing in mind the historical development of the

Union it is an actor which has developed on the basis of 27 individual member states that all have a

politically predefined relationship to each other and to other actors of the international system. This entails

the actorness of the European Union does not contain an unpredictability embedded in a social

construction since it is not entirely in line with constructivist theory as the basic approach of these member

states to certain issues is predetermined to some extent as the EU Members still consider the national

foreign policy and not the one performed by the EU as their primary foreign policy. Wendt’s account of

17


constructivism can to some extent be applied here but with exceptions. Rightfully the Union consists of

internal processes and social interaction, which in the case of the Union is easily seen reflected in the

performed foreign policy of the Union in the form of a more sophisticated approach to other actors of the

international system seen carried out in practice in the construction of Kosovo, hereby referring to the

special circumstances of civilian character in mission. The very mentoring, advisory and consolidating

approach to the construction of the law enforcement institutions in terms of taking into consideration

incorporation of various ethnicities was a good example of the Union’s regard for structural and societal

factors.

Even though the Union consists of 27 individual actors a homogenising of some fundamental standpoints

has developed throughout years of close collaboration and the EU is obviously constructed on basic

common stands which enabled the approach to Kosovo I the first place. The homogenising of common

policies in the EU has also been a key element in the motivation for construction the state of Kosovo due to

its geopolitical significance for EU, both politically and economically.

5.1.2. Liberalism, the EU and the complex economic interdependency

The uniqueness of the mission in Kosovo derives especially from the comprehensive engagement of the

European Union in all three branches needed to create a framework for the establishment of a democracy;

the judicial branch, legislative branch and the executive branch.7 The construction of the state of Kosovo in

the Balkans is holds great opportunities for the EU to benefit from. Broadly speaking four opportunities is

recognisable for the Union in the light of the creation of a Kosovar state. Firstly, and most mainly the Union

can recognise an economic incentive in the construction of the Balkan-state; because the construction of

new institutional settings and the establishment of a new societal framework provides great opportunity

for the rise of new private companies to generate capital. This will create an entire new foundation for

investments in Kosovo, a Balkan country that will be an unexploited market for foreign investments by

companies in the EU, in other words a completely unexploited market will rise and embrace the

investments by the European companies. This is however only if Kosovo embraces the West, which is

evidently the case as the EU already has shown is support to the construction of a state and invested

nothing less than 2.7 billion Euro in the construction of Kosovo (Grevi 2009; 365). Secondly, the cultural

incentive embedded in a potential collaboration with Kosovo. The predominant religion in Kosovo is Islam

which could be a very good incentive for the European Union to begin close regional cooperation with a

Muslim country in order to improve its image in the Muslim world. Taken it a step further then the

7 Here referring to both the law enforcing forces and the political exercise of an elected government.

18


possibility of an eventual membership of a predominantly Muslim country could likewise be a good

opportunity for the Union to pave the way for a better image. Thirdly, the idea of an EU-membership is also

an opportunity in itself. It is although worth mentioning that there are risks tied to striving for a Kosovar

membership for the EU. These possible risks are the bad economic state of things. As Kosovar historically is

a place for many minorities the risk of Kosovo becoming an economic burden instead of an economic

advantage is also a scenario worth taking into consideration. Fourthly, there is also the possibility of

establishing a successful gateway to the rest of the Balkan countries meaning that the inclusion of Kosovo

into the EU or simply initiating successful close co-operations like including Kosovo to be part of the

European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) might function as a motivational appeal to other Balkan countries

struggling to live up to the Arquis Communuitaire in order to continue the process to that of direct

negotiation on EU-membership The country which first comes to mind is obviously Albania as close co-

operations between EU and Kosovar Albanians easily could serve as motivation for Albania to more

intensely strive for membership.

Most of the identified primary listed opportunities for the EU tied to the rise of a Kosovar state is of

economic nature, which to a great extent can be argued to be among the most considered incitements for

the EU in foreign relations. Considering the Union’s role as an economic trading power with 40 years’

experience in international economic negotiations, and its role as a powerful bargainer in the multilateral

system it is an evitable to ignore the EU’s label as an ‘trading superpower ’, you might even argue that the

EU has gained worldwide political influence through trade (Meunier and Nicolaïdis 2005; 265). This

proposal by Meunier and Nicolaïdis does not only underline the strength of the Union when consistency in

policymaking is possible through unanimity, it also emphasis the effectiveness of the Union in terms of

exploiting the market-based economy as an advantage considering its own customs union. The Union has

not only managed to collaborate on foreign policies in order to strengthen is economical position, it has

done so through an early realisation of an increasingly ‘Complex interdependency’ of world economies to

introduce the terminology of Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye (Nye and Keohane 1977). Joseph Nye and

Robert Keohane theory of ‘Complex interdependency’ proposes the idea that countries have become

increasingly interdependent through the liberal market-based economy entailing that armed conflicts are

too risky and not worth engaging into for market-based countries because of the potential for mutual

economic losses due to the complex economic interdependency (Nye and Keohane 1977). Drawing on the

work by Nye and Keohane the EU could identify strong economic incentives in the effort of establishing the

state of Kosovo, in other words the EU might at an early stage have identified the benefits tied to assisting

Kosovo in a rapid construction of the state and of the economy.

19


If we include the earlier listed opportunities for the EU we quickly recognise the somewhat utilitarian

nature of the Union which might point towards a more self-interested and utility maximising foreign policy

performed by the Union. It is likewise identifiable that the Union puts great efforts into establishing a good

relationship with Kosovo through assisting in the construction of the state. This relationship can be argued

to contain possibilities for other Balkan-countries as well. Looking at the Balkans, many of the countries in

that region is on the brink of either obtaining status of official EU membership-candidate or is in the

process of living up to the Arquis communuitaire. If the EU can assist these countries in become

interdependent in economic terms it would create a good foundation for further co-operations and

creating a closer and better relationship between the countries which has a history of unrest and conflicts.

Thereby enabling them to create stability and peace in the region and create groundwork for an

economical positive expansion of the Union into the Balkans or create a strong neighbour in the same

region as the Union evident as partner. Considering the complex interdependency-theory outlined by Nye

and Keohane the increasing interdependency between countries leads to better no armed conflicts as the

mutual costs would be too high, the European Union could benefit from having this approach to conflict

solution. It is nonetheless obvious that the case of Kosovo was a unique opportunity for the Union to build

an economic partner from scratch and thereby establish a good foundation for investments and economic

collaboration which might not have been that easily done elsewhere. Even though the benefits for Kosovo

are good the engagement into Kosovo by the EU can still be argued to entail a utilitarian liberalist view of

international relations by the EU as it would pave the way for economic investments.

5.1.3. Realism

To include neorealist theory that considers actors of the international system to consist of states all seeking

to strive for maximum the EULEX mission in Kosovo is very interesting as neorealism seems somewhat

unable to explain the Kosovo mission. In a realist view the engagement into Kosovo and the construction

work is rather unexplainable in the sense that an actor would only strive for maximum influence on another

actor in order to optimise its hard power. As done in the last paragraph it can be argued that the EU would

benefit economically. Secondly, realism is further limited in its explanation of Kosovo by the idea of military

and security resources, in other word the EU would not help Kosovo establish security forces as it would

not be in the best interest for the Union to strengthen the hard power of a foreign actor. However, there

was, as Grevi points out in his report on the EULEX mission, one issue in the construction of Kosovo that can

be ascribed to realist theory. This was mainly due to the EUPOL Afghanistan and EUMM Georgia mission

20


also requiring national security resources at that time (Grevi 2009; 362). This small dispute between the

member state countries over the level of material dedication to the mission in terms of resources reflects

some of the issues the EU struggle with in its efforts to become a successful military actor.

5.1.4. Conclusion

When looking at the European Union’s handling of the situation in Kosovo the mode of a constructivist

approach is rather insufficient for the Union in this specific situation. This is due to the exceptionality of the

situation in terms of the Union having to rebuild a whole new state but being in no position to create a

society. In regards to the construction of a society and societal actors in Kosovo the EU seems to be acting

on grounds to utilise its own foreign opportunities, with emphasis on the economical perspectives. In the

EU’s way of performing actorness the member states seem to be able to agree on a common economical

way of doing actorness reflected in the engagement into Kosovo as having long term economic benefits for

the Union.

5.2. Part Two: The ‘Capability-Expectations Gap’ of the European Union and the

‘Political Economy of Conflicts’

5.2.1. Theory of the ‘Capability-Expectations Gap’ of the Union

The theory of the ‘Capability-Expectations Gap’(Hill 1993) of the Union has outset in the argument by

Christopher Hill which describes the great expectation to the international political cooperation of the

European Union and the expectations to the Union’s capabilities as an international military actor leaving

disappointing results as evidence of the impotence of the EU as a military actor. This gap between the

capabilities and expectations of the Union can to some extent be connected to the very motivation by the

EU to engage into Kosovo in the first place. Taking into consideration the lack of effectiveness of an

effective military actor role for the EU it seems like this lack of capability has been acknowledged and the

Foreign Policy of the Union has taking a new turn into a different type of actorness focusing on civilian

support instead of a military one. Furthermore, the outlined goal of the EU striving to become a global

actor no longer is seen reflected in practice. This could entail the Union’s aim is changing from the aim of

becoming an established global actor to becoming an established regional actor, as the engagement into

21


Kosovo entails (Larsen 2002; 297). It is no secret that the EU is currently in an actorness identity crisis but if

the Union has directed attention to the civilian aspect of foreign policy and conflicts resolution the optimal

position in international relations for the EU might no longer be that much out of reach.

Considering the diagnosed gap between capabilities and expectations in foreign policy the realisation of

this gap seems to be happening as the mission in Kosovo entails, the European Union is most likely starting

to realise the lack of capabilities in international military affairs and is now turning towards the areas where

the EU has diagnosed itself as having a competitive advantage as an international actor. As outlined above,

the EU is predominantly acting in line with liberalist theory, more specifically a utilitarian liberalism focusing

on economic gains and as Hills points out the forerunner for the European Union, the European

Community, already had function is performed in the international system (Hill 1993;310), one of these

roles included the ‘managing of world trade’.

In spite of the World Trade Organization being established in 1995 two years later than the publishing of

Hills article it is very interesting that he recognised and argued that the Union had capabilities in trade to

become a successful global actor through using that advantage to function as the global manager of trade.

Looking at the contemporary strength and weaknesses of the European Union we have earlier identified

the Union as being rather effective in economy-related issues and focusing on economic gain to a great

extent in its performance of foreign policy. Taking its identified capabilities in economic matters into

consideration the theoretical potential as a global actor focusing on economy as mentioned by Hill and

argued in relation to utilitarian liberalism and the understanding and exploitation of the complex

interdependency might pave the way for a successful actorness for the European Union, not only as a

regional but as a global player.

5.2.2. The ‘Political Economy of Conflicts’ and the ‘new wars’

Having taken a close look at the EU potential and capabilities as an economic factor in the light of Kosovo it

is also relevant to shed light on the potential for the Union as a global or regional security actor. The

engagement into Kosovo was a rather different challenge for the EU as a security actor. The situation stood

out because of the civilian construction aspect tied to it. However, the intervention was performed by

NATO and therefore cleared the way for the European Union structural work leaving the European Union

with responsibility of almost only the civilian dimension in Kosovo, but maybe then Union should have a

more significant role as a security actor in international relations?

22


As Moritz Weiss explains there is a change in the security-environment, a change of the nature of conflicts

from inter-state wars towards intra-state wars that differ from the usual civil wars. Weiss further describes

this change of the nature of conflicts as a’ window of opportunity’ for the Union to benefit from in terms of

focusing on becoming a significant security actor through its capabilities in relation to handling the ‘new

wars’ as Weiss labels it (Weiss 2008). These ‘new wars’ involve private actors tied to criminal activities and

is often connected to the finance of militias, it seems like the environment of states are incapable of

handling these new kind of conflicts, which Monika Heupel describes this further as the ‘Criminalisation of

war economies and the economisation of motives’ (Heupel 2005).

The description of the changing security environment and the future challenges to world security seems to

be a suitable task for the European Union when taking into regard the economic and structural approach

which previously was identified in the case of Kosovo, and which Weiss also recognises. Weiss If we apply

the idea of the Union as a security factor concerned with economic and structural intra-state conflicts the

Union could fulfil the needed role in the international system and thereby find its ideal actorness. The

argument also rest on the needed international recognising of the international system consisting not only

of states as actors, but as private actors as well. The need for this recognition stems from the actors of the

‘new wars’ which is often private actors as Heupel described (Heupel 2005), private actors which

governments find it hard to deal with but whom the European Union is highly aware of. The capabilities in

this area of the European Union might have ground in is institutional settings whom is a unique

composition of private actors and governments combined with the earlier described very sophisticated and

analytical approach to actors of the international system.

If we return to Wendt’s theory of constructivism, he holds the view that domestic policies is shaped by the

social interaction and on-going processes in society, he further argues that due to these behaviour shaping

processes being reflected in the actorness performed by the society or country in the international system

it is difficult to distinguish between domestic and foreign policy (Wendt 1999). This can be said to explain

the excellence of the European Union in its performance of what can best be labelled foreign economic-

security policy.

6. Conclusion

The outset of this article was the situation in Kosovo and how the European Union had used the case of

Kosovo to seek new paths in its efforts of attaining a successful type of actorness in the international

23


system. This was done through theorising on the opportunities for the European Union by mainly applying

constructivist theory by Alexander Wendt and two liberalist theories. Utilitarian liberalist theory explained

that the European Union was primarily motivated by the prospect of economic gains in terms of benefitting

from the unexploited and underdeveloped private sector of Kosovo, which European investors could

exploit for the benefit of the EU. However, in spite of the overwhelmingly economic incentives as factors

explaining the great dedication to the situation in Kosovo, constructivist theory argued that because of the

gap between societal processes in Kosovo the material structures/ institutional settings constructed

through a high level of involvement by the EU on various levels the Union is not capable of entirely

predicting the identity of the potential Kosovar state. Thereby it was established that constructivist theory

only to a certain degree can be used in the case of the EU.

By applying utilitarian liberalism it was outlined that the Union should only be dedicated to fulfil its own

economic needs. This self-utilising way of performing international politics which was backed by

Christopher Hill’s ‘window of opportunity’ was later argued to have the potential to become a new mode of

actorness for the Union to benefit from on a global scale.

Looking back at the outlined hypotheses it could to some extent be argued that the Union has had an

analytical and sophistically approach to the situation in Kosovo. As was pointed out above, the

constructivist theory applied showed the gap between the societal processes and the material structures

was out of reach for the EU in terms of influencing it for the Unions benefit. Furthermore, the European

Union’s actorness showed limitations in terms of being able to analyse on the development of Kosovo,

which was an argument for the utilitarian liberalist approach as it did not consider the societal processes as

limitations which was the case for constructivist theory.

The findings in this paper presents the European Union with a bright future as an international player with

opportunities to fill out a role as an actor capable of identifying the criminal economic and security

activities out of reach for states but increasingly relevant. Looking at future research on the issue of

European foreign policy an interesting aspect worth taking a closer look at whether the expectations of the

new actorness of the European Union corresponds with reality, or if we might experience another

‘Capability-Expectations Gap’.

Characters (no spaces): 51.542

24


7. Bibliography

Hill, Christopher (1993). ‘The capability-expectations gap or conceptualizing Europe’s International role’, Journal

of Common Market Studies, 31 (3), pp.305-328.

Grevi, Giovanni and Helly, Damien and Keohane, Daniel (2009). European Security and Defence Policy The first 10

years (1999-2009). Condé-sur-Noireau (France): Corlet Imprimeur.

Heupel, Monika (2005). Friedenskonsolidierung im Zeitalter der "neuen Kriege": Der Wandel der

Gewaltökonomien als Herausforderung. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften.

Larsen, Henrik (2002). ‘The EU: A Global Military Actor’. Cooperation and Conflict. 2002 37: pp. 283-302.

Meunier, Sophie and Nicolaïdis, Kalypso (2005). International Relations and the European Union. Oxford

University Press, New York.

Nye, Joseph and Robert Keohane (1977). Power and Interdependence: World Politics in Transition. Little, Brown

and company.

Parekh, Bhikiiu (1997). ‘Rethinking Humanitarian intervention’. International Political Science Review, Vol, 18, No.

1, pp.49-69.

Reus-Smit, Christian (2001). ‘Constructivism’ in Scott Burchill ed. Theories of International Relations, Palgrave,

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United Nations Security Council (1999). ‘United Nations Security Council Resolution 1244 on Kosovo’. New York,

1999.

Weiss, Moritz (2008). ´The “Political Economy of Conflicts”: A Window of Opportunity for CFSP? ´, Journal of

Contemporary European Research, Vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 1-17.

Wendt, Alexander (1999). Social Theory of International Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999

Wennmann, Achim (2007). ‘What is the Political Economy of Conflict? Delimiting a Debate on Contemporary

Armed Conflict’ Prepared for the International Studies Association Conference 2007, Chicago

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world-factbook/geos/kv.html) Document dated April 6, 2011. Document accessed April 20, 2011

CIA World Factbook. Kosovo, CIA World Factbook, 2011. (https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-

world-factbook/geos/kv.html) Document dated April 20, 2011. Document accessed May 3, 2011

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%3D%26lt%3BLang%26gt

%3B&usg=__OKKApK58cz3jMC2jj8Hr5ie1fNE=&h=599&w=541&sz=24&hl=da&start=28&zoom=1&tbnid=XkASjFueEMIGkM:&tbnh=162&

tbnw=146&ei=CiLCTeThH4ebOqywxJ0I&prev=/search%3Fq%3Dkosovo%2BEU%26um%3D1%26hl%3Dda%26sa%3DN%26biw

%3D1280%26bih%3D677%26tbm

%3Disch0%2C711&um=1&itbs=1&iact=hc&vpx=135&vpy=286&dur=51&hovh=236&hovw=213&tx=129&ty=86&page=2&ndsp=16&ved=

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