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TurkeySultans and harems, perhaps?

Allies, but still the odd men out

The coarsest word is ‘Greek’

Schoolboy hero: Attila the Hun The new Ataturk

Poppy crisis and Cyprus crisis

East or West? Istanbul, its Islamic domes and minarets, its Western pace and style.

/F¿¿L / / n il 5 / 'aBy David Holden________________

ANKARA. I wonder what most people in the Western world think about when they hear the name of Turkey? The question washed about lazily in my mind not long ago as I sunned myself on a balcony on the European shore of the Bosphorus and watched the traffic of that lovely waterway sliding to and fro between me and the hills of Asia.

The Western image

Sultans and harems, perhaps? Or the domes and minarets of Islam on Stamboul’s famous skyline? Or the Orient Express thundering eastward across Europe, familiar symbol of an old Graham Greene- land of intrigue, espionage and love in a wagon-lit?

Harmless visions all, they seemed, if more than a touch too romantic. But a few weeks later, when the latest Greco-Turkish crisis over Cyprus burst upon the world, a different and more deeply felt image emerged. “Barbarians!” cried the banner headline of a British popular newspaper over a story of Turkish Army atrocities in Cyprus; and suddenly in many a nuance of Western reporting and comment there sounded, it seemed to me, the still-rumbling echoes of ancient fears and suspi­cions about a people who, for a thousand years, were an Eastern menace beyond the Western pale.

To be sure, the Turks themselves were far from blameless. Their diplomacy over Cyprus was blunt, to say the least, and their military actions were heavy-handed and at times apparently indifferent to human suffering. Yet they were hardly the first people to pursue national self-interest in this way and they had much justice on their side.

For 14 years of Cypriote independence the 130,000 Turks on the island had been in fact, as well as in their own imagination, second-class citizens. At least twice, in 1964 and 1967, Turkish Governments in Ankara had complied with Ameri­can pressure to refrain from sending in their troops to correct the inequity. Not surprisingly, they felt entitled this year to ask where their unnatural restraint had got them. At first, thanks largely to the blunders of the Greek military Government and its supporters in Cyprus, the Turks won some Western understanding. But as they pressed their advantage, that understanding waned. When their troops effectively partitioned the island and some unimaginative Turkish officers named the new di­viding line between Greek and Turk after that legendary villain of Western history, Attila the Hun, disappointment and exasperation mingled with sheer incomprehension among many of Tur­key’s friends. That Attila was a Turkish schoolboy hero, seen in Turkish textbooks not merely as a great soldier but as a ruler enlightened beyond che standards of his day, was simply not part of standard Western knowledge. On the contrary, to the Western mind, the most notorious “ barbarians” have come from the. East and, as the latest Oriental people to arrive, about 1,000 years ago, the Turks have always carried the stigmata of their predeces­sors. They have also added plenty of their own. For one thing, they overran the Byzantine empire of the Greeks but, most important, of course, they were a Moslem people who carried the banner of Mohammed against the Christian world. The Turk­ish "hordes”— the word itself is Turkish, derived from the original ordu, meaning army— were, quite simply, the heathens at the gates. Centuries later, that pious nonconformist Prime Minister o f Brit­ain, William Ewart Gladstone, found the Turk “ unspeakable,” and his successor, Lloyd George, was equally partisan in his apparent belief that the Turks fighting the Greeks in Anatolia in 1922

David Holden is a correspondent for The Sunday Times of London.

represented the Forces of Darkness against the Light.

Such myths die hard and the Turks of today have a difficult task in trying to live them down. For 20 years now, their country has been a mem­ber of NATO, with the biggest standing army in Europe deployed on the only NATO frontier that is actually shared with the Soviet Union between northern Norway and the Black Sea. For the last decade Turkey has been an associate member of the European Common Market as well, struggling to bring its old-fashioned peasant economy up to the competitive standards of its Western partners. Its soldiers fought in Korea alongside the Ameri­cans; it’s airfields provided a base for American spy flights over Russia; hundreds of thousands of its migrant workers have toiled with Greeks, Span­iards and Yugoslavs in the factories of West Ger­many to help create the postwar German “miracle.”

Yet the Turks remain the West’s odd men out— all 35 million of them. Poorer on average than any other people in Europe except perhaps the Portu­guese, more remote, less literate, speaking a tongue unlike any Western language (unless you count Finnish, with which Turkish shares some common roots as well as a common obscurity) and Moslems almost to a man, they offer, in Western eyes, no plausible points of contact save those of economic, political or military convenience.

Culturally and psychologically, they remain al­most as much as ever beyond the pale— welcomed as an expedient extension of Western military might around the southern flank of Russia but otherwise strangers at the door. Nor is this sur­prising.

The fact is, surely, that for most of us West­erners “The East” still begins at Istanbul— a twi­light world of unease and strange circumstance that we approach with a mixture of ignorance and indifference interspersed with periodic bouts of moral disapproval. The result is that the Turks feel profoundly neglected by their Western partners— cared for only so long as they are militarily useful and their Governments do as they are told.

The Turkish reaction

“J tried to find a title which would describe the brigands who left the innocent children, women and aged in hunger and thirst and who killed our brethren whenever they got the chance . . . In the end I found the coarsest and most humiliating word to describe them— Greeks."That quotation from a recent Turkish news­

paper article shows that the Turks, too, are vic­tims of historical myopia. Looking westward into Europe much as we look eastward into Asia, with equal and opposite prejudices built into their col­lective psyche by the centuries, they, too, find ancient stereotypes of hatred, fear or plain mis­understanding emerging in times of stress.

Thus, while nothing has infuriated them so much in the Cyprus crisis as Western criticism o f Turk­ish “ barbarities,” nothing has been more popu­larly acceptable, in reply, than to point to Greek “atrocities.”

Behind the official shock expressed in Ankara at the murder by Greek Cypriotes of the American Ambassador in Nicosia in August, there was some­thing like a thrill o f popular satisfaction that the Greeks had shown the world so convincingly that they— and not the Turks— were the real “ barbari­ans.”

At a more exalted level, the Turks have claimed repeatedly that their actions in Cyprus were dic­tated by humanitarian motives and that the only reason for Western criticism was what the Premier, Bulent Ecevit, called “ the West’s sentimental weak­ness about the Greeks.”

But in this obsession with Western pro-Hellenic sentiment and their eager- (Continued on Page 51)

48

Past or present? Kemal Atatürk (center), a military hero who founded Turkish democracy, and (clockwise from top left): Attila the Hun, who was no villain to the Turks, a harem woman, Premier Bülent Ecevit and a Turkish commander in Cyprus. A paradoxical history seems to repeat itself in the mosaic of modem Turkey.

The New York Times Magazine/October 27, 1974 49

Continued from Page 48

ness to portray themselves as reasonable and civilized people, the Turks are expres­sing not just a long-standing resentment about Western at­titudes but, far more pro­foundly, a sense of confusion about themselves. It is a confusion that is rooted in a kind of national inferior­ity complex vis-à-vis the West in general; it has dogged them ever since the years o f Otto­man decline when, by de­grees, the old Turkish Empire was halted, thrown back and finally humiliated by the ap­parently invincible advance o f contemporary Western culture and power.

But the key to the confu­sion now is that the modem republic of Turkey, bom out o f the Ottoman ruins after World W ar I, took that sense of inferiority as its guide to national policy and resolved, through the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, to remake both the state and the people in the “ superior” West­ern image and apply for full- scale membership in the West­ern club.

At bottom, this extraordin­ary endeavor is what much of contemporary Turkish life and politics are still about and Ataturk’s shadow broods, almost literally, over every twist and turn o f the road to its fulfillment Nearly 40 years after his death, his pic­ture is still Turkey’s universal icon. Impeccably clad in West­ern white tie and tails, faded to a hazy blue by heat and time, he gazes down incon- grously, in countless village stores, upon the pickled olives -and the yogurt. In every bank and Government office, it is he, not the Pre­mier or the President of the day, who invariably has pride of place upon the walls.

It is entirely characteristic o f Turkish thralldom to his memory that his statue has just become the first official addition to the adornments of Kyrenia, the little Greek port on the northern shore o f Cy­prus that is now one o f the prizes of the Turkish occupa­tion there.

It is, indeed, impossible "to understand Turkey now with­out grasping something of what Ataturk set his hand to. His concept of Turkey’s fu­ture was, when you think about it, breathtaking in its sweep for it implied changing practically everything that the nation had stood for. The lion of Islam would have to lie down with the Iamb o f Chris­tendom, the multinational em­pire of the Ottomans would have to be remade as a self-

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contained nation-state, the autocracy of the Sultans would have to be replaced by par­liamentary democracy. Tur­key, in short, would have to become what Atatürk himself described as “ civilized" — Western in form, habits and aspirations instead o f char­acteristically Oriental.

The famous reforms of what came to be called “Kemalism” were all part of this strangely paradoxical process: a demo­cratic system imposed by the army; a secular Constitution instead of a traditional, Mos­lem one; Islamic laws replaced by a civil code based on—of all things— Swiss experience; the Arabic script replaced by the Latin alphabet; the Chris­tian Sunday weekend instead o f the Moslem day of prayers on Friday; even the fez of Islam cast out and the flat cloth cap o f the Western worker stuck in its place.

Ataturk’s energy and ex­ample certainly lifted Turkey out of the rut o f decadence in which the Ottoman Empire had been set, but to many people his policies seemed to jeopardize the nation’s iden­tity and the attempt to en­force so comprehensive a revolution from above left deep rifts everywhere. Intel­lectuals, city dwellers and en­thusiastic army officers, al­ready impressed by Western power and culture, were set against the peasant majority which remained faithful to Islam— and many a bust of Atatürk has been defaced in irate reaction.

Ordinary people were even cut off from much o f their own written culture, for the translation o f traditional Turk­ish literature into the Latin alphabet is still incomplete. And though Turkey was made officially a secular state, it remains today the only one in Europe with an almost entir­ely Moslem population— and the only, state in the Moslem world in which Islam is not recognized as the state re­ligion.

A legacy of such confusion might seem damaging to the memory o f most statesmen. But Atatürk was more than a revolutionary, he was also an authentic national hero. As a young army officer, he made his name in the fierce Turkish resistance to the British in­vasion o f Gallipoli in 1915-16. But his apotheosis came in 1922 when, at the nadir of Turkish fortunes, with half of Anatolia occupied by Greek armies and Greek expansion­ists intent upon seizing Con­stantinople, he assumed the leadership of the Turkish peo­ple, proclaimed what amounted to a national crusade and

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swept the Greeks at Smyrna to the most crushing defeat they had ever suffered.

As the hammer of the Greeks, Mustafa Kemal was a hero to every Turk, but, in the memory o f his great vic­tory, the social and political tensions aroused by his re­forms were often overlooked. The underlying paradox was inescapable: Turkey was try­ing to recapture, under Ata- turk’s shadow, a sense o f na­tional pride and independence by thrusting aside much that was most deeply Turkish. In the Cyprus crisis 50 years later, this inverted national­ism discovered an escape valve and the current Premier, Bulent Ecevit, found himself rocketed to stardom, like Ata- turk himself, by becoming the successful hammer of the Greeks and appealing thereby to the most atavistic o f all Turkish emotions.

In many ways it would be hard to image a less likely figure to inherit Ataturk’s mantle than Bulent Ecevit (pronounced Bi-LANT AA-ja- vit). A relative late-comer to national leadership, he was probably better known re­cently as a poet, translator and former political journalist than as a politician. Educated at an American foundation in Ankara called Robert College, and later at Harvard, he was once described by an Ameri­can diplomat as "too nice a guy for the hurly-burly of politics” ; in a system domin­ated for so long by the mili­tary ethos attached to Ata­turk’s memory, Ecevit’s wholly civilian and largely intellec­tual image still seem strangely out of place.

Moreover, although he in­herited the secular, reforming ideas o f Kemalism along with the leadership o f the Republi­can People’s party (R.P.P.) which Ataturk himself had founded, he has always be­longed to the left wing of the party. A stanch social demo­crat and an old admirer of Germany’s W illy Brandt, he has many friends who are quasi-Marxists of one shade or another and his own pub­lished works include titles like “ Left to Center” and “ The System Must Change.” In spite of— or because of— his American educational background, his attitude to­ward the United States has the characteristic ambivalence and suspicion of most Euro­pean intellectuals— a fact that has contributed to misgiving among senior Turkish Army officers whose own Kemalism has a conservative, strongly anti-Marxist flavor and whose

(Continued on Page 58)

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Continued from Page 55relations with the United States have usually remained close.

Even as leader of the R.P.P. Ecevit’s political base was un­til a few weeks ago severely limited. He came to power last January, at the age of 48, by the skin o f his teeth. It was a time when nearly three years o f barely disguised mil­itary rule had ended in poli­tical deadlock. At elections in the previous October, no party gained an over-all majority, and for 100 days Turkey was without a Government, as pol­iticians wheeled and dealed in an effort to put together a viàble coalition. Ecevit finally did the trick—but only at the cost of harnessing his secular, social democratic and Kemal- ist R.P.P. to the anti-Kemalist, Islamic fundamentalism of the National Salvation Party— the joining, in other words, of more or less moderate parlia­mentary socialism with ram­pant Turkish Qaddafism. On this rickety patchwork horse of government, Ecevit rode out, amid increasingly power­ful political and social cross­currents and at imminent peril of his political life.

His first problem was the economy. More than any other country in the Western al­liance, Turkey suffers from all the chronic problems of underdevelopment. Both in town and country, prosperity o f any kind— except for a tiny traditional élite— is a novelty. New visitors to Ankara or Istanbul nowadays maybe im­pressed by the veneer o f ur­ban sophistication that the last decade o f economic growth has created.

But veneer is all it is. Be­

hind the new cars and hotels, the chic boutiques and side­walk cafes, lie a thousand un­paved alleys and a million homes without piped water or sanitation. Even the wealthy in their lovely old wooden gingerbread mansions along the Bosphorus enjoy no regu­lar garbage collection. Every morning, when the mist hangs low over the water, their serv­ants can be seen tripping to the verandah’s edge to empty yesterday’s rubbish into the channel, and many a friend­ly neighborhood restaurant serves fresh fish— delicious and apparently perfectly harmless— that has fattened on the raw sewage oozing from a thousand pipes.

In the country, the poverty goes deeper. Ten years ago you could have driven from end to end of Turkey, from Istanbul to the Persian bor­der, without seeing more than a handful of farm tractors and not many more private cars. Nor would you, in nearly a thousand miles, have driven on more than 200 or 300 miles of properly surfaced roads. Even now, although the trac­tor and the cooperative com­bine are beginning to replace the horse cart and the scythe, most o f Turkey’s peasants still live far from a modem motor road and their lives re­volve around a few acres o f com, a grove o f olive trees or a herd of goats, with days spent in idle contemplation— and chronic underemployment — in the village coffee shop.

It is from this life o f inbred isolation that so many Turk­ish youngsters have escaped in recent years to the cities o f their own country or to Germany and beyond, one of

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‘There was a nagging feeling among Turks that they had become little more than stooges of a Western world to which they had once freely offered their loyalty and their strength.’

the most familiar sights of any Turkish village now is that o f the young man with his tin suitcase climbing aboard the local dolmus— the service taxi— amid a crowd of wailing women in head scarves, as he sets o ff on the great adventure.

When the inflation rate rose above 20 per cent a year or two ago and soaring world oil prices imposed new bur­dens on an economy heavily dependent on imported fuel, Turkey’s currency quickly fal­tered and its new growth was threatened. So when Ecevit came to power in January, he was confronted at once, in acute form, with the same de­pressing question as so many other current political leaders: How to cut back without pro­voking immediate social pro­test?

He could take no liberties with the peasants because they provided the backbone of support not only for the right-wing opposition parties in Parliament whose combined strength outnumbered his own, but also for his coali­tion partner. Nor could he go against his city-based support by cutting back industrial in­vestment, or offend his own — and his party's— instincts by renouncing social welfare or by seeking more private foreign investment. Saddled with contradictory demands from the country and conflict­ing interests in his coalition, he was in a cleft stick.

His second problem was the army. Since the days of the Ottoman Empire, the Turkish Army has seen itself as the only true keeper of the flame of pure democratic Kemal- ism; and for the last 15 years especially it has fulfilled that role through repeated inter­ventions in the democratic process. In surrendering its indirect power again last year, the army left behind an un­happy record o f ruthlessness and torture as well as 4,000 political prisoners. Ecevit

proposed an amnesty last spring, and there were quick rumbles of military disap­proval. This threat was in­creased by the defection on the same issue of nearly half the parliamentary strength of the National Salvation party.

In some ways more social­ist than the socialists, with its shrill demands for “ social justice” and widespread state controls, the N.S.P. is at heart a deeply reactionary party. Fanatically nationalist, pro- Moslem and anti-Marxist, it represents all those elements that Kemalism has tried to reform or suppress and N.S.P.’s success last October was more than anything a populist ex­pression of peasant frustra­tion at the prolonged repres­sion of their traditional Turk­ish identity. Apart from its revolt over the political pris­oners— characteristic o f its hatred o f the left — its chief contributions to Ecevit’s early months in the Government this year were precisely those that would have won most approval from Libya’s Colo­nel Qaddafi— or, for that matter, the late, unlamented Greek colonels, with whose sternly moralistic version of “ Christianity” the N.S.P.’s Is­lamic outlook has much in common. They included the removal from public gaze of a nude female statue in Istan­bul, the lengthening of sev­eral inches to the skirts of all policewomen and the vocif­erous condemnation o f long­haired men and hippies.

In the Cyprus crisis, it was also the most hawkish o f all the Turkish parties. It dis­puted Ecevit’s policy of main­taining an independent Cyprus and insisted on im­mediate outright partition of the island, or even its whole­sale annexation by Turkey. It was on this issue, ostensibly, that Ecevit briefly resigned his Premiership in September, to thrust the N.S.P. tactically into a comer, rid himself of their incubus in his coalition

60

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Now, for the first time. The Franklin Mint is making available, directly to the public, its new 1974 Sterling Silver Christmas Ingot in a special edition.

Each 1974 Christmas Ingot, in the special edition, will contain 500 grains of solid sterling silver— more than one troy ounce— and will be struck with The Franklin Mint’s flawless gem PROOF finish. The design for the ingot is an original work of art, "The Snowman,” created by the distinguished American sculptor James Ponter.

A MEMORABLE GIFT. The 1974 Christmas Ingot makes a unique holiday gift for family, friends or busi­ness associates. A gift of beauty and charm. A gift of distinction and enduring value. The cost of each 500- grain solid sterling silver proof ingot is $14. A deluxe presentation case is included. All ingots will be deliv­ered in time for Christmas giving.

LIMITED EDITION. The total number of ingots pro­duced will be exactly equal to the number ordered by November 10, 1974. After these ingots have been minted, the dies will be destroyed so that the 1974 Christmas Ingot can never be produced again. Thus, its rarity will be assured forever.

Also available at selected Franklin Mint dealers.

© 1974 FM ~~

----------------------------------------------ORDER FORM ---------------------------------------

1974 FRANKLIN MINT CHRISTMAS INGOT Orders must be postmarked by November 10,1974

The Franklin MintFranklin Center. Pennsylvania 19091

Please send me the 1974 Christmas Ingots I have indicated:

500-arain sterlina silver inaots (a) $14. each..............QYY

.1000-grain sterling silver ingots @ $25. each............OTV

Name

Plus my state sales ta x ............

Total remittance enclosed..........

PLEASE PRINT CLEARLY

Address

City

State ZipAll orders are subject to acceptance by The Franklin Mint.

THE MMT tS TV*. WORLD'S LARGEST PRIVATE MINT. IT IS NOT AFRUATEO WITH THE U.S. MINT OR ANY OTw£» GOVERNMENT AGENCY. I______ 03-38 }

A battlefield in the poppy crisis. Turkey refuses to stop growing poppies, which make their way to the United States as heroin.

and prepare for new elections, probably in December, in which he might turn his new status as a national hero into overwhelming support at the polls.

Yet the nature of the Na­tional Salvation party’s ap­peal should not be under­estimated. Besides its theolog­ical morality and national ex­pansionism, it is also categorically anti-Western in its foreign policy, rejecting such encumbrances at NATO and the Common Market, as well as American military bases in Turkey, and demand­ing that the nation seek a more independent, Eastern and Islamic identity again.

On the other hand, the Marxist left has also exploited Turkish impatience with Western ties, inveighing against NATO and “Western imperialism” in general and especially against the alleged threat to Turkish safety and territorial integrity posed by the presence of American nu­clear weapons on Turkish soil. Although not many Turks are willing to go all the way with such arguments— for suspicion o f Russian .expan­sionism is bred as deep into Turkish bones as ambivalence toward the West— there are few who do not feel some resentment about the long, postwar domination of American power and Western interests.

Those with longer mem­ories recall the embarrass­ment o f previous Turkish Governments about the use of Turkish airfields for unau­

thorized American spy flights over Russia. More recently, Turks remember, with mingled astonishment and disapproval, Dr. Kissinger’s obvious irritation at their refusal o f allow the use of Turkish air space for the re­supply of Israel in last October’s war.

Last spring, as Mr. F.cevit juggled with his perilous coali­tion, other issues suddenly came to a head and reinforced the nagging Turkish feeling that they had become little more than stooges of a West­ern world to which they had once freely offered their loyal­ty and their strength. The first issue was the affair of the opium poppies. Back in 1971, when America was still on the rack in Vietnam and drug addiction seemed a growing national peril, Washington persuaded the Turkish Gov­ernment to curb the tradi­tional opium growing on the Anatolian uplands. Last year, sweetened by the offer of $35- million compensation, the Turks agreed to ban it alto­gether in the hope of killing off the heroin trade carried on through the notorious French connection.

From America’s point of view, it was a reasonable plan. For Turkey, however, the ben­efits were less clear, especially at a time o f growing economic stress. The left wing found another cause in the plight of 100,000 peasants allegedly thrown out of work at Amer­ica’s behest and many an up­right Turkish soldier, farmer or businessman demanded to

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62

Turkish imprimatur: Soldiers erecting a statue of the legendary Ataturk in formerly Greek- Cypriote Kyrenia. The little port on northern Cyprus is one o f the prizes of Turkish occupation.

know why Turks should suf­fer in their Innocent livelihood' because o f American deca­dence. So when Ecevit an­nounced in March that poppy growing would be resumed, he had a ready-made popular issue; and when Washington responded with ill-concealed anger and threats to suspend American arms supplies, it only inflamed Turkish nation- ist resentment.

A second issue came still closer to Turkish hearts: it was the Greek Government’s assumption that the Aegean Sea was, in effect, a Greek lake and its consequent claim to all the seabed rights in oil exploration. To be fair to the Greeks, they had a good case under existing international law, for the accidents o f his­tory have left the Turkish coast ringed by a multitude of Greek islands— relics of that long, sea-borne Greek dias­pora that goes back to classi­cal times. But to the Turks, that was evidence only of the law’s inadequacy; and when the military Government in Athens pursued its claims with customary arrogance, and when repeated Turkish protests were ignored, tem­

pers simmered dangerously in Ankara. Discreet cooling noises from Turkey’s Western allies only made ordinary Turks more impatient.

“What do you think we are?” asked one o f my oldest Turkish friends in June, tak­ing me in his irritation for a representative specimen of “Western” man. “A lot o f god­damn pushovers? If we want to go to war, we’ll damn well go to war. And, in my opinion, it’s time we did!”

It was in that mood that the Cyprus crisis burst again upon the Turks in July, with the results that the world knows. Politically, the crisis was a godsend for Ecevit, en­abling him suddenly to focus all the accumulating cross­currents o f introspective bloody-mindedness and uncer­tainty about Greece, the West and Turkey’s destiny upon the single most emotional nation­al issue of them all— the pro­tection of fellow Turks from Greek oppression. When he sent the troops into Cyprus, he restored a sense of na­tional pride. When he ordered them to advance a second time, in defiance of interna­tional pressures to desist, and

YOU HAVEN’T TASTED SPAGHETTIUNTIL YOU’VE HAD IT

COOKED IN A PAPER BAG.Unless you’ve been to the Trattoria d iC iccio in

Amalfi, you don’t know how spaghetti should taste.First, Ciccfo makes a sauce with clams and olives.

Next, he boils some spaghetti. Then he puts both things into a paper bag, folds it shut and heats it in an oven.

W hat comes out o f that paper bag isn’t just spaghetti with sauce on it. But spaghetti with sauce in it.

The food is so good in Ciccio’s, you almost forget to look out the w indow at one o f the most incredible coast­lines in the world. Amalfi.

Alitalia is the only airline flying exclusively 747s non-stop from N e w York to Rome and Milan.

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64

divided the island along the so-called Attila line, he was hailed as the new Ataturk.

Identity Still Unknown

Where, after all, is Turkey heading now, East or West? Who will win its tug of war between Western aspirations and Eastern instincts, between NATO loyalties and Turkish interests.

First, just as Ataturk had to straddle a contradiction be­tween his modernizing pol­icies and the traditional sup­port for his success against the Greeks, so Ecevit is sus­pended in potential conflict between his rational political aims and the emotional up­surge of nationalism he has generated by his Cyprus tri­umph. As a thoroughly “West­ern” sort of leader at the head of a party with an increasing­ly “ Western” style, he is in tune with the vaguely left- wing social and economic pol­icies that are now widely ac­ceptable throughout Europe. Although his party is still in a minority in Parliament, its vote in last year’s elections showed a substantial gain over earlier performances.

suggesting that the modern drift from the country to the towns— or to the cities of Western Europe, where a half­million Turks are now at work — is having the same effect as in many other developing countries of raising expecta­tions and heightening political awareness.

So Ecevit may calculate that he is riding a rising na­tional tide which will con­tinue to favor those principles of modernization and reform that Ataturk inaugurated. But Turkish emotion over Cyprus is of a totally different order, confirming the emergence of a specifically Turkish nation­alist renaissance in which the country’s older, instinctive loy­alties are sometimes united with and sometimes opposed to Ecevit’s own rational for­mulations. Even if Ecevit does secure an undisputed majority in the new elections, he can­not ignore such deep emo­tions. Nor, probably, will he want to, for in the current era of détente and superpower stand-off, nationalism for Tur­key has growing attractions— and other countries nearby have already shown how it may be exploited. There is no

‘Visitors to Ankara or Istanbul may be impressed by the veneer of urban sophistication. But veneer is all it is. Behind the new cars and hotels, the chic boutiques and sidewalk cafes lie a thousand unpaved alleys and a million homes without piped water or sanitation.’

largest NATO standing armj after the United States, it alsc

doubt, for example, Turkish actions in Cyprus have been influenced both by Israel’s past success in ignor­ing externa! pressures in her dealings with the Arabs and by the Arab demonstration in last October’s war of how a long and frustrating diplo­matic deadlock may be broken by bold military action ir de­fiance of the superpowers.

The Greek gesture in leav­ing NATO in disgust over America’s alleged partiality for Turkey is also relevant. By underlining Turkey’s supe­rior strategic value to the al­liance, both as the sovereign power of the Black Sea straits

enhances the Turkish bargain­ing position both with her al­lies and the Soviet Union.

This, in turn, suggests a fa­tal weakness in the latest United States Congressional threats to suspend mili­tary aid to Turkey because of its use in Cyprus. The last such threat, over the opium poppy issue, really had no perceptible effect except to inflame Turkish feelings. This new one may appease Ameri­can politicians who see yet another former client state be­having in ways they do not

approve, but it is hardly cal­culated to change Turkish pol­icies— except perhaps in the direction of greater independ­ence and closer relations with the neighboring Arab world, and possibly with the Soviet Union.

A deep suspicion of the So­viet Union remains in many Turkish quarters, from the peasantry to the senior ranks of the armed forces. But there is also an awareness that the Soviet Union needs Turkey’s acquiescence, if not her friend­ship, to maintain passage for her ships through the straits to the Mediterranean— easily the most important of her sea­borne outlets.

At the s&Ttw» time, the value to the Western povim of Turkish bases may be dimin­ishing. There is a growing be­lief that permanently sited, land-based nuclear weapons, for instance, are a military nonsense as well as a political liability and in the event of full-scale nuclear war few strategists would expect to see the U.S. Sixth Fleet left in the Mediterranean for longer than it takes to steam through the Straits of Gibraltar into

CONE TO SICILY AND BE EMBARRASSED BY A FOUNTAIN.

Rome has Bernini ’s Fountain o f the Triton, 3 fountains in the Piazza Navona and o f course, the Fountain o f Trevi.

But only Palermo has the Fountain of Shame.The nakedness o f the statues is lifelike and sensual.

But even more obvious is the affection some of the statues have for each other.

The Fountain o f Shame, like everything else in Sicily, is a little bit different than what you’ll find in the rest o f Italy.

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The New York Times Magazine/October 27, 1974 65

Under their own new flag: Turkish-Cypriote girls in Nicosia.

the open waters of the At­lantic.

Nor does Turkey’s role in NATO seem to have much sig­nificance for the possible “ re­gional” conflicts o f which Western, and especially Amer­ican, military planners have made so much until now. Cyprus was a regional con­flict par excellence, but there was nothing NATO could do to prevent it. Nor was Turkey willing to be drawn into sup­port o f America’s role last year in the equally regional conflict between Israel and the Arabs. After these two experiences, it is far more likely, if there are to be more regional conflicts o f this kind, that they will be settled by the regional powers; and it is significant that Turkey has al­ready begun to plan a separate national strike force outside NATO’s framework.

With Arab power waxing steadily on the prospects of the Middle Eastern oil indus­try, the resurgence o f Islamic feeling in Turkey will probab­ly be maintained. Even before '\d Cyprus crisis, there were clear signs that the new Gov­ernment was ready to follow the National Salvation party some o f the way in this. For the first time in modem

urkish history, it sent a Cab- * minister to a summit

ig o f Islamic countries

in Lahore. During the crisis, this new sympathy was ex­tended to practical matters, through some quick horse- dealing with Turkey’s Arab neighbors to ensure continuity o f oil supplies in case the United States tried to cut o ff fueL Iraq, Libya and Saudi Arabia all guaranteed oil and Libya’s Colonel Qaddafi, en­thused as ever by what he took to be an Islamic cause, is believed to have supplied ammunition and military spare parts as well.

In short, a sense o f grow­ing independence has already taken root in Turkey, and seems likely to grow, fed by opportunity as well as nation­al instinct. At a superficial level, it may appear to be nothing more than a reflec­tion o f the instability common to many countries as they haul themselves out o f tradi­tional poverty toward the comparative affluence o f our Western world. But in Turkey it goes deeper, to tap the roots of people’s whole iden­tity. “Barbarians” the Turks know very well they are not — at least, no more than most other people. But what are they? That’s what the Turks are now trying to discover-— and a disturbing process it may well be, to the Western world as well as to them­selves, for many years tc come. ■

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She’s only seven,but Doan Thi has already seen war, her home destroyed, her father killed.Now peace has come to her hamlet.To her family’s little tin-roofed house.Her mother works an acre of rented rice field.Her crop supplies the basic diet for her family of six and a weekly income of $6.She is determined to keep Doan Thi in school because she knows the importance of an education. But Doan Thi will have to sacrifice her education to help support her family.If Doan Thi grows up illiterate she will never escape from poverty. You can help a child like Doan Thi to escape. For just $15 a month, you can sponsor a youngster through Save the Children Federation in many countries around the world and here at home. And a portion of your $15, combined with money from other sponsors, can help all the people in her hamlet To keep the children in school. Buy water pumps, crop sprayers and fertilizer to produce more nourish­ing rice. Simply stated, to help people help themselves. This is what Save the Children has been all about since 1932.For you—educated, involved, and in touch with your own heart—there are many rewards. Correspond with a child. Receive a photo and progress reports. Reach out to another human being. That’s how Save the Children works. But without you it can’t work. So please: clip this coupon and mail it today, flow you can turn the page.

Save the Children Federation is indeed proud of the handling of its funds. An annual report and audit statement are available upon request. Reg­istered with the U.S. State Department Advisory Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid. Contribu­tions are income tax deductible.r---------------*1I wish to contribute $15 a month to sponsor a□ boy O g irl:

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The New York Times Magazine/October 27, 1974

İstanbul Şehir Üniversitesi Kütüphanesi Taha Toros Arşivi