recreation and society in africa, asia and latin america (rasaala) vol.1 no.1 (a journal of spread...

8/9/2019 Recreation and Society in Africa, Asia and Latin America (Rasaala) Vol.1 NO.1 (A journal of Spread Corporation)

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Recreation and Society in Africa, Asia and Latin America (RASAALA)

Volume 1 Number 1 March 2010

Published by SPREAD Corporation

Sustaniable Programs for Reducing Educational and Avocational Disadvantageswww.spreadcorp.org


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Editor in chief

Neil Carr

Department of Tourism,The University of Otago,

P.O. Box 56, Dunedin, New [email protected]

Editorial Board

Rachid AmirouProfesseur des universits, Universit de

Perpignan et Paris 12 .

Responsable du dpartement tourisme, ESC

TroyesEmail:[email protected]

Christine N.BuzindeThe Pennsylvania State University,

Department of Recreation, Park and

Tourism ManagementUniversity Park, PA 16802

Email: [email protected]

Matt Forss

Private PracticeEmail: [email protected]

Abdelhadi HalawaDepartment of Wellness and Sport Sciences,

Millersville University,Millersville, PA, USA.


Kirsten HolmesSchool of Management,

Curtin University of Technology,AustraliaEmail: [email protected]

Pablo IdahosaAfrican Studies Department,

Vanier College,

York University,

4700 Keele StreetNorth York, Toronto On. Canada.


Edward L. JackiewiczDepartment of Geography,

California State University, Northridge, US.Email: [email protected]

Lynn M. JamiesonDepartment of Recreation, Park, and

Tourism Studies,Indiana University - Bloomington, US


Tess Kay

School of sport and exercise science,Loughborough University, UK


Jay MafukidzeUniversity Of Regina, Sask. Canada.


Muhammad Aurang Zeb Mughal,Department of Anthropology,

Durham University, UKEmail: [email protected]


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Jerome Singleton

School of Health and Human Performance,Dalhousie University,

Nova Scotia, Canada


Eileen O'Connor

School of Human Kinetics,University of Ottawa, On. Canada.


Iheanyichukwu Nwokoma Osondu

Department of History,Geography and Political Science,

Fort Valley State University,

Fort Valley, GA 31030


Hazel TuckerTourism Department, University of Otago,

P.O. Box 56, Dunedin,

New ZealandEmail: [email protected]

Managing Editor

Femi J. Kolapo,

University of Guelph,

Guelph, On., [email protected]


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A Special Issue on Lifestyle Migration

Guest editor, Edward L. Jackiewicz

Table of Contents

Guest editors introduction to the special issue on lifestyle migration 1-4

Edward L. Jackiewicz and Jim Craine . . . . . 5-29

Destination Panama: An Examination of the Migration-Tourism-

Foreign Investment Nexus

Annie Linderson . . . . . . . . 31-52To enter the kitchen door to peoples lives: A Multi-Method

Approach in the Research of Transnational Practices among

Lifestyle Migrants

Mari Korpela . . . . . . . . 53-73Me, Myself and I: Western Lifestyle Migrants in Search of

Themselves in Varanasi, India

Omar Lizrraga Morales . . . . . . . 75-92The US citizens Retirement Migration to Los Cabos, Mexico.Profile and social effect

Reviewers for the current issue . . . . . . 93

.


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RASAALA, Vol. 1 No.1, 1 - 4

Guest editor, Edward L. Jackiewicz

Department of Geography

California State UniversityNorthridge, CA 91330-8249

Introduction

Growing up in the northeastern United States with its long, cold winters, relatively expensive

cost of living, excessive traffic, crime, etc., the desire to retire in Florida was a dream to which

many aspired. Indeed, many aspects of life, including retirement seemed so much less complex

than they do today. My parents fulfilled their dream and relocated to Floridas Gulf Coast

shortly after I left for university and joined many fellow Northeasterners and Midwesterners

seeking sun, year round golf, early bird dinners, and more affordable living; all of which were

readily attainable. As we entered the new millennium, traditional retirement destinations in the

US, such as Florida and Arizona, began to lose many of the attributes that made them appealing

to retirees in the past and thus the migration flows began to disperse to less traditional

destinations. Moreover, retirement or amenity-driven relocations are no longer just for the

elderly, as this special issue illustrates.

Social Scientists have become increasingly interested in what is being labeled lifestyle

migrations. For Benson and OReilly (2009: 2) lifestyle migration is the spatial mobility of

relatively affluent individuals of all ages, moving either part-time or full-time, to places that are

meaningful because, for various reasons, they offer the potential for a better quality of life.

Thus, they are not driven by job opportunities or solely by economic reasons that have driven

much of migration throughout history. However, before we settle on lifestyle migration as the

accepted definition of this movement, others who have conducted research in this arena have


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Introduction


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employed the terms of International Retirement Migration (see Williams, et al. 2000) and

Residential Tourism (see McWatters 2009; Rodriguez 1998), both of which are used in this issue

to describe such movement, although I feel that lifestyle migration is a more encompassing term

and therefore more pragmatic in describing the heterogeneity of this group.

The aim of this special issue is to introduce some of the breadth of research being done

on this topic, broadly defined. The importance of these population movements will continue to

increase as baby boomers continue to retire and others sour on life in industrialized countries

and have the means to move abroad. Scholarly research is still in its early stages and thus it

remains a fertile avenue for research. Questions abound as to which destinations are most

popular and are they able to retain their popularity despite increasing competition from locales

throughout the world. Moreover, how long can some countries afford to offer extremely

generous incentives to would-be migrants before social, economic, and environmental stresses

reach their breaking point? A casual review of the demand, i.e. migrants seeking an international

destination; and supply, i.e. places luring potential migrants; suggests that the supply may soon

outweigh the demand jeopardizing the long-term future of this form of development.

This issue illustrates some of the diversity of topics and approaches to research that have

emerged over the past several years. Researchers from various disciplines have taken an interest

in lifestyle migration, which is reflected in the differing approaches to the topic. In this issue, we

hear from geographers, anthropologists, and social scientists as they shed light on the diversity of

the lifestyle migration process in various parts of the world.

The first article, by Edward Jackiewicz and James Craine, examines the surge of lifestyle

migrants relocating to Panama. The focus here is on the national level as they question the

sustainability of the project and whether or not Panama should embrace, i.e. subsidize; lifestyle


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Introduction


3

migration as part of their development arsenal. They also bring attention to the dealmakers or

middlemen in the migration process, in this case the company International Living, who

specializes in connecting would be migrants to destinations throughout the world.

The second article is by Swedish anthropologist Annie Linderson, who provides us with a

methodological piece on how to do research on this topic. The paper is based on her research in

the Costa del Sol, but its applicability is versatile and could be embraced by those doing research

in Asia, Africa, or Latin America.

This is followed by an article by Mari Korpela using extensive interviews with

Westerners who have migrated to Varanasi, India. Many have eschewed the Western lifestyle

and left with the intention of finding a better life in India and ended up finding themselves and

now many of those who leave Varanasi return on an annual basis and have formed their own

community there.

The final article of this issue is by Mexican social scientist Omar Lizrraga Morales who

takes a critical stance on the increasing presence of Americans in the popular tourist destination

of Los Cabos, Mexico. He argues that the growing presence of Americans has resulted in deep

social and environmental problems that jeopardize the sustainability of the region and make it

increasingly difficult for locals to cope due to rising costs of living, environmental degradation

and social exclusion.

References

OReilly, K. and M. Benson. 2009. Lifestyle Migration: Escaping to the Good Life? In M.

Benson and K. OReilly (eds). Lifestyle Migration: Expectations, Aspirations and

Experiences. pp. 1-13. Farnham: Ashgate.

McWatters, M.R. 2009.Residential Tourism: (De)Constructing Paradise. Buffalo: Channel

View Publications.

Rodriguez, V., G. Fernndez-Mayoralas, and F. Rojo. 1998. European retirees on the Costa del


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Introduction


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Sol: A cross-national comparison. International Journal of Population Geography4:2 ,

pp. 91-111.

Williams A.M., R. King, A. Warnes, and G. Patterson. 2000. Tourism and international retirement

migration: new forms of an old relationship in southern Europe.Tourism Geographies, 2(1): 28-49.


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Destination Panama: An Examination of the Migration-Tourism-Foreign

Investment Nexus

Edward L. Jackiewicz and Jim CraineDepartment of GeographyCalifornia State University, Northridge

Abstract

Panama has emerged as an important destination for US citizens seeking an affordable

and exotic place to invest, relocate or live out their golden years. The result on the

Panamanian landscape to date has been uneven and its implications to the Panamanian

economy and society warrant attention. The flow of new residents and money, both ofwhich have been made relatively easy by liberal government policies, have spurred

growth immediately evidenced by the abundance of half-built skyscrapers in the capital

city and burgeoning non-urban communities complete with golf courses and other

amenities typical of retirement communities in the US. The objectives of this paper are

twofold: first, we aim to build a conceptual framework in an effort to better understand

the myriad of factors that intersect to establish such movements; and second we examine

how this rapid influx of US culture and economics promote and perpetuate what we

argue is a questionably sustainable neoliberal economic agenda.

Keywords: residential tourism, globalization, neoliberalism, Panama

Introduction

Panama is an increasingly important destination for the flows of people, money, and

ideas that circulate throughout the Americas, often with uneven results. Panama has

found, at least temporarily, a niche within the region (and world) as a safe place to invest

and the concomitant economic advantages are now evidenced by rapid commercial and

residential development in the capital city and in more remote yet often more

economically and/or aesthetically desirable locales throughout the country. The country

has established a highly favorable tax climate for investors, including homeowners, while

at the same time launching an extensive marketing campaign in combination with many


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Edward L. Jackiewicz and Jim Craine


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local and foreign private companies to lure tourists and potential long-term residents to

what is promoted as an environmentally rich country friendly to international tourists,

investors, and retirees. Our emphasis throughout the paper is on the growing North

American (primarily US) communities whose inhabitants range from retirees, part-time

residents, tourists, to investors. The intense promotion of the tourism and real estate

industries (not necessarily separate as we discuss later) has obviously hastened human

and capital flows into the country with economic, social and environmental implications.

Indeed, based on a report by Prima Panama, a real estate promotion company, there are

now 107 residential towers of at least 20 stories each valued at $3.2 billion under

construction in metropolitan Panama City alone (see Lakshamanan 2007). The same

report claims there are 11,000 apartments scheduled for completion by 2010. The average

price on a new condo in Panama City is US$289,000, but some luxury places can go well

into the millions. In an effort to analyze the confluence of these activities and their

potential for sustainable, equitable growth in Panama we borrow from several streams of

literature including: globalization/neoliberalism, residential tourism, international

retirement migrant and citizenship/identity. As such our paper is cognizant of the

territorial institutions of governance that regulate these spaces and the extent to which

opportunity has availed itself to all members of society in a democratic fashion.

Situated within these broad frameworks, we tie together several strands of inquiry

that help to define contemporary Panama. Because of this mode of development, Panama

is similar to many countries in the region that have become highly reliant on foreign

investment and the influx of people (i.e. investors, tourists, seasonal residents, and

laborers), a situation that leaves Panama exposed to the uncertainties characteristic of the


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Destination Panama: An Examination of the Migration-Tourism-Foreign InvestmentNexus


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hyper-capitalistic neoliberal world. As such, our focus here is on macro-level

developments with some discussion of local-level phenomena. Panama is by no means

the only country experiencing these trends, but it does seem to be at or near the forefront

of a model of development that is highly dependent on foreign investors, foreign visitors,

and foreign-born residents and therefore could be a bellweather for things to come

around the region and globe.

Global-Local Connections

Our discussion of the dominant economic imperative in Panama can be seen in the work

of McMichael (1996: 26-7): Local processes, and local expressions of globalization, are

then situated in an historically concrete, rather than an abstract context. We believe this

is a very concise and apt description of the term new economy especially as it pertains

to the North American homebuyers engagement in a specific economic transaction. One

attribute of a globalized new economy is the extreme hypermobility of capital,

particularly its ability to overcome the historical and political boundaries of nation-states.

A second attribute is the effect of the new economy on spatial outcomes at local scales,

chiefly within the global city that Sassen (1998: 86) describes as strategic sites for the

valorization of leading components of capital and for the coordination of global economic

processes. These two characteristics identify both the economic transactions and the

cultural implications of our engagement with these new economies of globalization.

The ability to acquire commodities such as a home in Panama, a process made

easier by the Internet and organized sales forums, is indicative of the changes in scale and

speed that typify globalized financial activities. Money, according to Barnet and

Cavanagh (1996: 361), has become free of its place. The Internet functions as a site for


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transactions, a place completely free of labor unions, minimum wage laws and other

encumbrances, particularly taxes (Mander and Boston, 1996) where North Americans,

as consumers, are able to eliminate any temporal-spatial limitations that interfere with

their desire to purchase a commodity. Buyers are able to largely bypass the normative

real estate agent-facilitated transaction and are thus placed within the nexus of

deregulation their money has now indeed traveled faster, farther, and in ways never

envisioned by banking legislation and regulatory authorities (365). Buyers are capable

of making these forms of transactions because price controls on their desired commodity

have been lifted, creating attractive price differentials. The middleman (i.e. real estate

agent) is transformed by, or at least now subordinate to the Internet or the group sales

activities that are the chief facilitators of such transactions and, at the same time, create a

sub-industry of potential buyer tourism, i.e. those who travel from abroad to tour

potential retirement/investment properties throughout the country. These types of

transactions have contributed to the economic reorientation towards home ownership in

foreign countries brought about by the Structural Readjustment Programs discussed by

Bello (1996). Buyers have become part of the dynamic economic restructuring process

through the liquidity of capital they have transgressed the local and positioned themselves

within the global. By utilizing the globalizing effects of deregulation, buyers have

contributed to a further loss of significance for the Panamanian state and to the

emergence of the supranational. In this instance, the primary role of the state is as

facilitator by creating an attractive investment/retirement destination.

The new Americanized communities become local expressions of globalization.

The urban developments embodying the sensibilities of the intruders reflect the


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architectural aesthetics of the home country itself, a landscape that contains several

conflicting elements: contemporary consumer capitalism embodied in modernist

architecture that sweeps away all trace of local history and tradition and local qualities of

space that are to be respected. McMichael (1996: 42) states, As global integration

intensifies, the currents of multiculturalism swirl faster. Under these conditions, which

include the juxtaposition of ethnically distinct labor forces and communities, the politics

of identity tends to substitute for the civic (universalist) politics of nation-building. This

concept of speed is common to the creation of North American communities in Panama:

things move too fast the available commodities are increasingly valorized so there is

little time for contemplation of effect because of the desperation to keep pace with

something that is always on the verge of disappearing. Sassen (1996: 84) comments on

experiences of membership and identity formation that represent new subjectivities and

McMichael (48) states global integration crystallizes the local, even to the point of

generating reaction to global analysis. The purchases of North Americans present a

struggle for space within the now threatened geographic place of Panama and the

economic, social, and political confrontations within the amenity-rich (which not by

coincidence also investment-friendly) spaces depict the end of history for the

Panamanians. These occupied spaces represent a community struggling to survive a

contested problematic future for a globalized capitalist Panama that is now both

consumer and consumed.

The economic transactions that make Americans part of the new economy has

also given them access to this contested space. Culture has itself become a form of capital

and, like its financial counterpart, culture has become hypermobile and transnational. The


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visual expressions of the processes of globalization that are represented by the homes of

the North American relocators resonate with equal intensity to multinational consumers

of the landscape. A landscape that must meet the imaginary of the US retiree ensuring

that their international foray is not too alien. They have thus participated in the new

economy in a multi-level manner. They have used the financial aspects to find

advantageous consumer conditions that are supranational in nature. They have also

redefined local affects, within the contested spaces of the globalized city, through their

representations of America in a Panama that struggles to comprehend its hybrid identity.

Residential Tourism/International Retirement Migration: Structures and Agency

Just as the lines between international tourist and international migrant can get blurred, so

has the terminology surrounding this subject. The two most commonly used terms are

International Retirement Migration (referred to elsewhere as IRM; see King, et al. 1998

for a detailed discussion) and Residential Tourism. We prefer the latter for this

discussion for several reasons as outlined by McWatters (2009): 1) it has a scholarly

tradition in describing the movement of Northern Europeans to Southern Spain (see also

Rodriguez, 2001); 2) their pattern of behavior is often similar to that of tourists; and 3) it

conscientiously drops the word retirement because many of these individuals are not

retirees. Another potentially slippery issue is defining who is actually a residential

tourist. For example, some may be seasonal migrants who continue to work in some

capacity either in their host country or are able to work from afar.

The accelerated movement of people from the United States or Canada to Latin

America, is fueled by several interrelated factors. First, many people in the US are

retiring at a younger age and/or living longer with greater resources and in turn greater


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flexibility with their retirement decision-making. Second, many more people have

greater international experience and familiarity with foreign places which makes places

like Panama more accessible and more desirable. Finally, many traditional retirement

destinations in the United States have become expensive and many are perceived or

experienced as too crowded, thereby negating the major pull factors that initially lured

retirees to destinations like Florida or Arizona. These adverse factors have driven a

greater number of investors/retirees to seek international destinations, as is evidenced by

the recent real estate boom in Panama.

In many ways, Panama has supplanted Costa Rica as the trendy place for US

citizens to relocate. In the 1980s, Costa Rica offered many incentives to lure US

investors there but has since rolled back many of these policies to curb migrant flows.

The incentives currently offered by Panama are inspired by 1980s Costa Rica and

include: liberal landownership laws, a one-time tax exemption of up to $10,000 on

imported goods, a tax exemption on newly constructed properties for 20 years and a low

2.1% tax on other properties, low cost healthcare (most US migrants purchase private

insurance), a dollarized economy, not to mention discounts at movie theaters, restaurants,

medical services (e.g. dental, optometry), hotels and resorts, utilities, et al. These

incentives have given Panama a comparative advantage over many of its neighbors; not

to mention the historical linkages to the Panama Canal.

The increasing flow of individuals from the United States and Canada to Central

America in many ways imitates the retirement migration to Florida in the postwar period

but, as is the case with Panama, there are potentially adverse consequences to the local

economy, culture and environment. This is not to say the mass migration to Florida did


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not create problems locally but the move further south to Central America represents a

migration stream that is ripe for investigation.

The Individual: tourists, migrants or both?

One of the initial obstacles in doing research on residential tourism is obtaining accurate

and/or reliable statistics. Within the US, the Department of State (DOS) collected this

information until 1999, but has since stopped due to security reasons. Even when they

did collect this information they were little more than estimates based partly on

registration with the US embassy in the host country. Data can be gathered from host

country censuses, but of course they would not necessarily be accurate because many

residents would not be counted, notably those who are part time residents. By any

estimate, the number of US residents in Panama has historically fluctuated due largely to

political events. The Panamanian census reveals an increase of 136% between 1990 and

2000, due likely to the 1989 overthrow of Manuel Noriega and return of former canal

workers and US military personnel who left when the Canal was handed back to Panama

(MPI 2006). There has not been a census since 2000, but by all accounts there has been a

swell in the number of US residents in Panama since that time.

Visa statistics are another way to obtain data on the number of US residents

living in Panama. Of course, these numbers are also prone to inaccuracy as not everyone

needs to apply for a visa as many apply for tourist visas if they live there part-time.

Nonetheless, these numbers highlight that the number of migrating retirees/relocators is

on the rise, as the number of visas issued to US residents more than tripled between 2003

and 2005. Panamanian officials state that US citizens represent 2/3 of foreign resident

visas issued over the past several years and between January 2003 and March 2006 at


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least 1,379 Americans have received such visas (see Lakshmanan 2007). Granted, this is

not a huge number but it should be viewed as more useful in revealing trends than

enumerating migrants.

Categorizing and conceptualizing this type of movement raises some provocative

questions without easy answers. Are these individuals who decide to buy a home (which,

it should be noted, is often a second home) in a foreign country and reside there for only

several months a year considered a resident of that country? If they retain citizenship and

an address in the US are they migrants or tourists? Neither? Both? With the onset of

globalization and the increasingly free flow of money and people these population

movements are becoming increasingly more complex and difficult to pinpoint. Urry

(1995) has argued the need to examine these leisure-related activities amid the wider

social relations in which they exist, a condition that Williams and Hall (2000: 29) argue is

pertinent to the study of tourism and migration because of their complex causal

connections. Indeed, tourist destinations become relocation/retirement destinations

because they are both often amenity-rich areas.

Much of the previous work on the links between tourism and migration has

focused on how European tourist destinations can become retirement destinations (see for

example Williams, et al. 1997). This tourism-retirement nexus is hastened by second-

home buyers who, upon retirement, turn their vacation home into a retirement home

(Williams et al. 2000). We argue that the popularity of owning a home in Panama is

related to scalar economic and cultural outcomes of globalization. How this process

defines and complicates conceptions of citizenship is much less clear. We believe the

term residential tourism functions best in its ability to define conceptions of citizenship


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and spaces of contestation. The use of this term within the economies of Panama

transforms the home into a commodity that is a part of the much larger rubric of

consumed goods within the global marketplace.

Residential tourism thus becomes a historically concrete outcome, similar to

McMichaels set of relations and based on and constructed by social forces put into

place and supported by a set of capitalist relations driven by the desire to consume and to

own. Residential tourism becomes another industry designed to perpetuate the hegemony

of the Northern capitalist economies. For Panama, the subordinate cultural and historico-

economic relationship complements the First World notion that buying and selling is

natural and that Panama is thus more natural in this respect than the United States.

Spatial availability in destination countries like Panama are often the result of the

inequalities of the historical processes of capitalism and are, according to Wijers (1998:

71), relegated to the informal and unregulated labor market without rights and without

protection [where] more dubious and unprotected labor markets have developed

internationally. Residential tourism becomes, then, an economic manifestation of desire

that constructs the spaces of Northern pleasure and fantasy.

Linking Tourism and Retirement

We argue that there is a strong connection between tourism and relocation/retirement in

both the economic and social spheres. Panama emerged from the Noriega era embracing

a new economic model that included promoting tourism and attracting investors from the

United States and Canada. To see the effect of this model one has only to note that the

number of international tourist arrivals (it is logical to assume that investors/relocators

are part of this trend and data on them alone is not available) increased from: 345,000 in


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1995; 534,000 in 2002; and 795,000 in 2006. Once a tourist arrives in Panama, it is near

impossible to avoid being bombarded by the real estate mania sweeping the country. In

addition, even a cursory exploration of Panama-related websites will reveal a link to or

information about living in Panama, further illustrating the dramatic effects and

prominence of this new economic phenomenon.

Panamas National Tourism Council was founded in 1983 to promote tourism and

like many government agencies began to lose its power as a result of the recent shift

toward neoliberalism and the concomitant increase of tourism investments that allow

tourist exemptions from import duties, income, and real estate taxes--pull factors that

have helped open the door for the residential tourism increase. Thus, as soon-to-be

investors from the United States and Canada were looking for options outside normative

communities the Panamanian government was creating an enticing environment for

potential investors and residential tourists. Not surprisingly, opportunists seized the

moment to connect the two.

It is important to note that the Panamanian government has not made the investor

friendly policies uniform throughout the country. Rather they have identified certain

areas as tax free zones as illustrated by the map below, which not surprisingly

encompasses the most aesthetically pleasing and tourist friendly locales throughout the

country. The subsequent description of each of these areas highlights their amenities.


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Zone 1, La Amistad: Located in the provinces of Chiriqui and Bocas del Toro, characterized by the presence of La

Amistad International Park and Baru National Park. The structure is composed of 61attractions (47 are natural and 14

are cultural) which make this zone propitious for ecological tourism. The main areas of this zone are concentrated in

Boquete and to a lesser extent Cerro Punta, Volcan and the Sereno River.

Zone 2, Bastimentos: The province of Bocas del Toro has one of the largest Marine Parks in the country which

includes beach areas, reefs and the presence of the Afroantillian culture which is most present in the architecture of

the city of Bocas del Toro. The tourist areas of this zone are made up of 78 attractions (58 are natural and 20 are

cultural), predominating sandy, white beaches and crystalline waters which are ideal for diving and ecological tourism.

Zone 3, Arco Seco: The Arco Seco is conformed by the coastal areas of the provinces of Herrera and Los Santos,

unique for their traditions and socio-cultural events which attract large amounts of visitors.

Zone 4, Farallon: Farallon includes 80 kilometres of Pacific Coast, distributed between the provinces of Panama and

Cocle. Its tourist potential is comprised of 24 natural attractions of which 17 are beaches and the

remaining attractions are in the area of the Anton Valley for ecological tourism.

Zone 5, Metropolitan: The principal attractions are related with Panama City, shopping, business activities, historical

and cultural attractions as well as the natural parks that surround it. This zone has 126 attractions (72 are natural and

54 cultural).

Zone 6, Portobelo: Portobello is located in the province of Colon; it consists of beaches and innumerable diving

areas, a National park and an assembly of Historical Monuments. Zone 6 accounts for 82 attractions (54 are natural

and 28 are cultural) mainly reefs for underwater explorations and ruins of the forts of Portobelo.

Zone 7, San Blas: The Caribbean of the Kunas, an exotic place due to its islands and areas of corral reefs and white

sandy beaches guards one of the most traditional and native of the Americas.

There are 200 attractions in this zone (173 are natural and 27 are cultural). Its potential is characterized by more than

300 coral based islands and associated white sandy beaches.

Zone 8, Archipelago de Las Perlas: Composed of more than 30 islands and 83 beaches in the Pearl IslandArchipelago, complimented by ample coral reefs and innumerable sport fishing areas. Zone 8 is made up of

136 attractions all of which are natural, characterized by beaches and fishing spots.

Zone 9, Darien: The tourist potential of this zone is made up of 72 attractions (39 natural and 33 cultural). The main

attraction is the Darien National Park declared by UNESCO as a Biosphere Reserve ideal for the ecological and

adventure tourism, additionally it integrating the indigenous groups that live in this zone.

Source: http://www.panamarealtor.com/real-estate-law-incentives/projects-in-special-tourism-zones

Figure 1. Panamas Free Zones.


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Whos behind the push?

While nearly all of the big real estate companies (Century 21, Coldwell Banker, Re/Max

to name just three) from the United States now operate in Panama, one particular

company, International Living (www.internaitonaliving.com), maintains a niche by

connecting potential residential tourists to desirable destinations around the globe,

including Panama. Created in 1979, International Living now plays a vital role in

promoting real estate investments around the globe, including Panama, as evidenced by

their advertising slogan: Living better, for less, overseas. Although one of the

companys primary interests is to increase investments in Panamanian real estate,

International Living also offers a wide variety of travel activities including river rafting

and various sight-seeing adventures, as well as touring residential communities, thereby

making an explicit link between tourism and migration.

International Living has also contributed to the increase of investments in

Panamanian real estate by offering a complete range of housing from luxurious houses to

apartments, from properties in metropolitan Panama City to properties in the foothills of

the mountains to multi-acre beach lots. Panamanian real estate is especially presented as

more affordable and more desirable than other places in Central or South America due to

the fact that foreigners in Panama are offered the same property ownership rights as

Panamanian citizens in addition to the low price of property insurance and lower taxes

are all presented as incentives appealing to potential retirement migrants from the United

States and Canada. As a result, Panama has been ranked by the International Living


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Newsletter as the worlds best place for Americans to live abroad, an accolade that

further contributes to the increase in residential tourism to Panama.

In addition to the aforementioned amenities geared to investors and retirees,

Panama has the additional pull factor of numerous U.S.-standard healthcare facilities

staffed with U.S-trained, English-speaking doctors that are readily available and easy to

access. Panamas modern technology infrastructure also helps ease the transition for

Americans moving into a new environment and lifestyle. Panama has easily accessible

satellite television and high-speed, voice-over Internet. Although technology is beneficial

for communication it nonetheless has the potential to distance them from the Panamanian

people, culture, and lifestyle.

Thus, for many expatriates, Panama is the perfect place to enjoy a low cost of

living, a booming economy, and a government that supports business and foreign

investment. However, how is this all benefiting Panama and how long will it last? The

country is posting tremendous growth numbers in real GDP (7.5% increase in 2007), but

distribution remains an issue and the separation among class and ethnic lines is of great

concern. In fact, 40% of Panamas population lives below the poverty level and their

wealth distribution is second worst in the hemisphere, next to Brazil. This situation is all

too characteristic of the endemic neoliberal economic policies introduced by the

Panamanian government in the 1980s and 1990s, especially those emphasizing

privatization and market competition, that threaten lower income communities in Panama

and elsewhere throughout the region. The separation of classes, often easily visible on

the landscape, is becoming increasingly evident as new high rise residential complexes,

gated communities, and resort areas typically have a strong security presence, either


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through gates and/or security guards, effectively separating them from the local

population.

One of the distinguishing features of the Latin America society at-large is its stark

and widening socio-spatial differentiation that caters to the elites, and in this context

including the transnational residents. For example, in his research on Managua, Rodgers

(2004) argues that with this new pattern of segregation in cities dotted with walls and

enclaves, public space is eroded and those living on the inside feel little responsibility

for those on the outside. This would be particularly true for Anglo residents who can

easily escape the local realities of Latin America while being surrounded by people of a

similar background inside the gated community, elite high-rise, or isolated rural enclave

thereby challenging or at least questioning the notion of citizenship or belonging.

Of Citizenship

Exactly what is meant by the term citizenship is open to many definitions and meanings

within the various political nation-states and cultures of the world. Sennett (1994: 310)

endows citizenship with a particular freedom, the ability to move anywhere, to move

without obstruction, to circulate freely, a freedom greatest in an empty volume. Mitchell

(2000: 138-39) directly links citizenship to freedom of individual movement within the

spaces of the landscape. This type of citizenship is based on the externalization of those

deemed undesirable and can be accomplished through design or through law

[enforcing] the fact that such exclusions are seen as a wholly desirable aspect of

citizenship. Holston (1998) draws on T.H. Marshalls work on the civil, social and

political rights of citizenship and sees citizenship as a membership in or of a political

unit (usually the nation-state) that secures certain rights and privileges to those who fulfill


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certain obligations. Thus citizenship becomes a concept that formalizes the conditions for

full participation in a community such as the residential tourism communities of Panama.

Within these concepts, tensions and spaces of resistance are created between local,

national and supranational units. There are continuing struggles to maintain power over

defining the rights of citizenship and the economic forces necessary to maintain those

rights. People can create their own, alternative spaces of citizenship which either

challenge or reinforce the inconsistencies and inequalities built into the political systems

of nation-states at any scale.

Economically, residential tourist citizenship takes one of two forms. One, membership in

a political unit gives an individual (or even a group) the ability to fully participate in

society that brings with it the protection of property rights and personal wealth. By

participating in the economy (as consumer or producer), members are guaranteed the

rights and entitlements contained within the free market society. A second form sees

market inequalities denying some members their citizenship entitlements. This allows the

state to intervene and offset these inequalities thereby ensuring the opportunity and the

right of everyone to participate in the complete range of social activities.

For residential tourists to be citizens (not necessarily in the legal sense) there must

be some degree of interaction within the economic structure of a larger membership-

providing entity. In Panama, these interactions are often controlled by the third party or

the dealmakers who bring the investor and property together thereby easing the

transaction process, but at the same time minimizing or eliminating the degree of

interaction typically characteristic of the road to citizenship, in a formal or informal

sense. Becoming part of the community allows residential tourists to recombine what


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their new culture has differentially transmitted to them, create new value from these

recombinations and make the new value available to each other through exchange.

Growth, either personal or some form of nationalism, comes from the differences in the

transmission of culture facilitated by the entitlements of citizenship, but if those

exchanges are minimized then how do we come to understand these interactions?

Cosgrove (1989: 123) states, Any human intervention in nature involves its

transformation to culture, although that transformation may not always be visible,

especially to an outsider. Most humans live in societies that are divided by class, caste,

gender, age, and ethnicity or even physicality. Citizenship, as Mitchell has stated, is often

grounded in exclusionary practices, intentional or otherwise. An economically dominant

group like residential tourists will seek to establish its own experience of the world as the

objective and valid culture of all people. Power is then sustained through the reproduction

of culture. This is clearly shown in the residential tourism industry, be it through

gentrification (or redevelopment), through modernist urban constructions such as the

high-rise condominium boom in Panama City, through one-size-fits-all architecture that

inhibits bodily motion, and through the struggle to obtain a livable wage. If anything,

residential tourism is a good indication of the varying interpretations and forms of

citizenship and how there can be great differentiation across political boundaries (formal

or informal) and at any scale or economy. Also worthy of consideration, but beyond the

scope of this paper, are the perceptions of Panamanians and residential tourists have of

each other. Do the Panamanians view the hundreds of foreign residents housed in the

mountain enclave of Boquete as citizens? Similarly, do the new residents care to be

considered Panamanian while they are insulated in their community protected by the


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security of their American neighbors, gates, and guards? Also, one must consider the

role of the Panamanians who build, clean and protect these properties. Obviously, there

is the necessary employee-employer capitalist relation, but within these communities who

is the insider and who the outsider?

According to Kempadoo, paraphrasing Marx (1998: 25, n.6), humans make their

own history, but not in circumstances of their own choosing. The ways in which

Panamanians produce and reproduce their social, economic and political life emphasizes

this interwovenness of human agency and social structure helping to make clear the

contested and problematical nature of the domain of the residential tourist. Panama, for

some Panamanians, is becoming a marginalized economic endeavor complicated by the

unavailability of those most affected to provide a voice offering a more provocative

reading of the Panamanian landscape.

The popularity of residential tourism defines the concept of neoliberal

reterritorialization in two ways. The economies associated with the industry reinforce the

dominant capitalist social constructs of globalization and illustrate the commoditization

of Panama and its consumption by a Northern hierarchy. Promotional web pages on the

Internet are clearly a site of capitalist desires in which space (in its globalized

hybermobility) is easily transported to or visited by participants in the economies of

residential tourism. Appadurai (1996: 35) likens these to mediascapes that, tend to be

image-centered, narrative-based accounts of strips of reality, and what they offer to those

who experience and transform them is a series of elements . . . out of which scripts can be

formed of imagined lives, their own as well as those of others living in other places. The

removal of the physicality of the transaction complicates issues of this imagined


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neoliberal utopia even more. No matter the space, be it real or cyber, Panamanians are

deprived of a voice or, as of yet, are unable to be heard within the discourses that attempt

to speakfor them. This absence of a voice, although defining in one way, complicates

matters of transnational landscapes in others. To attempt to provide a voice without

having existed within or experienced the social, political and economic life of the

Panamanian is yet another exoticizing of the Other based in Western neo-colonial

traditions.

Seen as a form of neocolonialism, the formation of these residential spaces would

seem to indicate a growing awareness of the vulnerability of the disenfranchised to the

desires of a residential tourist capable of exploiting deficiencies in the Panamanian

economies. This further exposes the problem that markets are by nature indiscriminate

and inclined to reduce everything including Panamanian territory to the status of

commodities. Those commodities are often held to have little or no value to their

previous occupants especially when based on economic class or race and are excluded

from newer postcolonial social formations that treat them as waste products better used

for profit-based ventures within capitalist economies such as residential tourism.

Clearly, Panamanian land (and the residences on that land) has a historical

meaning that can embody histories from personal scales to international scales. This land-

home dialectic has economic meanings that can embody conceptions of both slavery and

privilege but can also contain meanings relating to cultural imperialism. The ability of the

Panamanian individual to contest any question of ownership as articulated by the state

might result in a resistance to the homogeneity created by the new reterritorialization.

The neocolonial retirement communities transcend scale, to realize an imagined


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community thereby enlarging scalar space from the Panamanian local to the

international residential tourist industry. That industry imposes its own meanings of land

ownership onto the landscape by incorporating narratives of desire and consumption into

the transactional process and Panamanian meanings and histories are often lost in the

objectification of the desires of the capitalist North. Thus, transnational residential

tourism can inflect these formations only by a transgression of meaning local histories

and personal meanings are now reinscribed on Panama and its new occupants.

A Bit on the Local by way of Conclusion

What this rapid transformation is creating is an unsustainable pattern of development that

is prone to crises and disenfranchisement, and that is ultimately leading to economic and

social decay. The fickle nature and local hardships resulting from this 'fast' capitalism is

well documented (see for example the Asian and Argentine crises during the last decade).

The amenities that are luring investors and migrants into Panama is being replicated in

many areas throughout the world as evidenced by the International Living website where

places from Uruguay to Bulgaria to Vietnam are advertised. Thus, there is obvious

competition and once the potential profit in Panama becomes minimized or superceded,

new opportunities will avail themselves and the dollars and people will likely follow.

Latin America has a long history of 'boom and bust' economies that historically

involved agricultural and mining activities. We are even witnessing it now with the loss

of maquiladora jobs to lower cost markets such as China. There is no reason to believe

that the same will not occur with the residential tourism model. Perhaps it is best to

recognize the tourist-residential experience as an export vulnerable to shifts in global

demand and the vulnerability of these markets, since they are as reliant as activities


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beyond their borders as they are on activities within the host country. Again, note how

quickly temperaments toward Argentina changed once their economy hit a bump in the

road and investment fled the country and is still slow to return.

While the emphasis of our argument is at the macro- or national scale, the

emergent spatial pattern within the country is revealing. Panama City remains the hub of

most real estate activity, particularly that which caters to entrepreneurs who in turn serve

foreign clientele. It is also the 'jumping off' point for most visitors to the country and the

majority spend at least a day or two there to experience the Canal and other urban

attractions before heading off to the rainforests, islands, and/or rural communities. The

few skyscrapers that dominated the skyline of Panama City a few decades ago were

referred to as the cocaine towers due to the belief that they were built on cocaine

money laundered through real estate purchases during the Noriega regime. They no

longer stand alone as new investment has poured in building office towers and high-

priced mixed-use condominium/retail developments. Now the many unfinished buildings

represent the new flood of money from eager investors looking for the next investment

opportunity. On the rapidly growing outskirts of Panama City, there are high-priced

residential communities sprouting up complete with the services designed to

accommodate the new residents such as schools, shopping areas, and improvements to

the local infrastructure. Prices in these exclusive neighborhoods can easily reach

US$500,000, although a similar place in South Florida or Southern California could fetch

three times as much. At the same time, older areas of the city are slow to improve as

many neighborhoods are neglected.


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As a final point, it should be noted that this model of development also has its

critics within Panama. The boom is certainly underway as evidenced by the small

retirement haven of Boquete in the Chiriqui province near the Costa Rica border (see

McWatters for a detailed chronicling), which is expected to add at least 5000 more

retirees in the next 15 years, creating serious social and economic concerns. One of the

pressing issues is employment. Ruben Lachman, President of the consultancy Intracrop

(as quoted in Batista 2007: 78), adds that ..in Boquete alone there will be the need for a

workforce of 25,000 by 2008, while seven years ago only 6,500 people were employed in

this area. In Panama City, Jose Bern of Empresas Bern, a large hotel and real estate

firm, said one of his biggest problems is finding enough workers to complete the projects

(as quoted in Lakshmanan 2007). This type of growth puts enormous pressure on the

local environment and culture. The potential negative impacts are amplified because, as

Raisa Banfield, a local architect, puts it no plans of organization or long term

sustainability have been implemented (quoted in Batista 2007: 78).

Another leader in the international retirement migration is movetopanama.com.

The services they provide include: real estate advisory, insurance and immigration

assistance. Similar to other companies, they organize tours to urban and rural residential

communities. Panama is also aided by the positive press it has received over the past few

years, often hailed as the best or near the best places in the world to retire. They have

capitalized on the baby boomer population that is now reaching retirement age, but that

demographic bubble has its limits. As Mario Vilar, owner of Move to Panama,

comments we cannot expect a 20-year boom in residential tourism. Being conservative,

I give it ten more years (as quoted in Batista, 2007: 79).


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References:

Bakhtin, M. 1981. The dialogical imagination. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Barnet, R. and J. Cavanagh. 1996. Homogenization of global culture. In The case

against the global economy, ed. J . Mander and E. Goldsmit, 71-77.New York: Sierra Club Books.

Bello, W. 1996. Structural adjustment programs: Success for whom? In The caseagainst the global economy, ed. J . Mander and E. Goldsmit, 60-70.New York: Sierra Club Books.

Cosgrove, D. 1989. Geography is everywhere: Culture and symbolism in humanlandscapes. InHorizons in human geography, ed. D. Gregory and R. Walford,118-135. Totowa, NJ: Barnes and Noble Books.

Gregory, D. 1994. Geographical imaginations. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers

Hardt, M and A. Negri. 2000.Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Harvey, D. 1973. Social Justice and the City. Baltimore: John Hopkins UniversityPress.

__________. 1990. The condition of postmodernity. Cambridge, MA: BlackwellPublishers.

__________. 1996.Justice, nature and the geography of difference. Cambridge, MA:

Blackwell Publishers.

__________. 2000. Spaces of hope. New York: Blackwell Publishers.

Holston, J. 1998. Spaces of insurgent citizenship. InMaking the invisible visible,Ed, L. Sandercock, 37-56. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kempadoo, K. 1998. Introduction: Globalizing sex workers rights. In Global sexworkers: rights, resistence, and redefinition, ed. K. Kempadoo and J. Doezema,1-28. New York: Routledge.

King, R., AM. Warnes, and A.M. Williams. 1998. International Retirement Migration inEurope. The International Journal of Population Geography 4: 98-111.

Lakshmanan, I.A.R. 2007. Panama on the Rise. The Boston Globe. January 22.

Mander, K. and A. Boston. 1996. Wal-Mart: Global retailer. In The caseagainst the global economy, ed. J . Mander and E. Goldsmit, 335-343.New York: Sierra Club Books.


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McMichael, P. 1996. Globalization: Myths and realities.Rural Sociology. 61 (1): 25-55.

McWatters, M.R. 2009. Residential Tourism: (De)Constructing Paradise. Buffalo, NY:Channel View Publications.

Migration Policy Institute. 2006. Americas Emigrants: US Retirement Migration toMexico and Panama. The Migration Policy Institute.

Mitchell, D. 2000. Cultural geography: A critical introduction. Malden, MA: BlackwellPublishers.

Panama Realtor. N.d. Tax Incentives for Projects in Special Tourism Zones, pp: 1-2.Retrieved July 16, 2009 from: http://www.panamarealtor.com/real-estate-law-incentives/projects-in-special-tourism-zones.

Rodgers, D. 2004. Disembedding the city: Crime, insecurity and spatial organizationin Managua, Nicaragua.Environment and Urbanization 16 (2): 113-123.

Rodriguez, V. 2001. Tourism as a recruiting post for retirement migration. TourismGeographies, 3 (1): 52-63.

Sassen, S.1998. Globalization and Its discontents. New York: The New Press

Scheper-Hughes, N. 2000. The global traffic in human organs. In The anthropology ofglobalization, ed. J. Inda and R. Rosaldo, 270-308. New York: BlackwellPublishers.

Sennett, R. 1994. Flesh and stone: The body and the city in Western civilization.New York: Norton.

Urry, J. 1995. Consuming places. London: Routledge.

Wijers, M. 1998. Women, labor and migration. In Global sex workers: rights, resistance,and redefinition. ed. K. Kempadoo and J. Doezema, 69-78. New York:Routledge.

Williams, A.M. and M. Hall. 2000. Tourist and migration: new relationships betweenproduction and consumption. Tourism Geographies: International Journal ofPlace, Space and the Environment2 (1): 5-27.

Williams, A.M., R. King, and A.M. Warnes. 1997. A place in the sun: internationalretirement migration from northern to southern Europe. European Urban and

Regional Studies 4: 115-134.

Williams, A.M., R. King, A.M. Warnes and G. Patterson. 2000. Tourism and


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international retirement migration: new forms of an old relationship in southernEurope. Tourism Geographies 2 (1): 28-49.

Zizek, S. 1997. The plague of fantasies. New York: Verso.

Biographies of Authors

Edward Jackiewicz is an Associate Professor of Geography at California StateUniversity, Northridge. His primary research interests are within the broadspectrum of development and post-development with recent interests in: tourism,lifestyle migration, and parks as public space. He recently co-edited the bookPlacing Latin America: Contemporary Themes in Human Geography (Rowmanand Littlefield 2008).

Jim Craine is an Assistant Professor of Geography at California State University,

Northridge. His current research centers on media geography, particularly thedevelopment of new theories for the visual engagement of geographicinformation. He is a co-editor of Aether: The Journal of Media Geography.


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To enter the kitchen door to peoples lives: A Multi-Method Approach in the

Research of Transnational Practices among Lifestyle Migrants

Annie LindersonDepartment of Cultural Anthropology and EthnologyUppsala UniversitySweden

Abstract

This article introduces and evaluates an ethnological qualitatively-based multi-methodapproach in researching lifestyle migrants transnational practices in destinations oflifestyle migration. Drawing on research of individual and collective practices oftransnationality among lifestyle migrants in a well-established region of lifestyle

migration, a multitude of methods will be discussed and reviewed; participantexperience, serial interviews, observation, walk along interviews and media orientation.

Key words: Lifestyle migration, Qualitative Methodology, Transnationality

It is said that Ethnologists enter the kitchen door to peoples lives in order to

acquire and gain knowledge of what it is like to stand in that other persons shoes. It is

there in the domains of the everyday life such as in a kitchen where the concrete daily

activities and conversations serve as the key to an understanding of micro implications

and possibilities that stand in sharp relation to macro structures of global and

international policies.

This article offers an ethnological multi-method approach to use in the aspiration

of entering a transnational kitchen door to lifestyle migrants lives in regions of lifestyle

migration. In essence the methodology in question falls under the umbrella of anethnography used within Anthropology. However, while the Anthropologist traditionally

has devoted extended periods of time in field in the study of the Other, the proposed

ethnological multi-method approach offers possibilities of entering and reentering the


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field over shorter periods of time through a diverse set of gateways. The methodology

that will be recommended in this article is traced back to the roots of Ethnology in being

a discipline engaged with the cultural study of a daily life familiar to the researcher, often

in the national context of the researcher. Due to a close relation to the object, a diverse set

of methods has been a means to make the researcher unfamiliar to the common and well-

known surrounding and cultural life. In other words, the Ethnologist has had to exoticize

the object in order to distance her- or himself from the seemingly familiar, especially if

studying cultural processes in the own society or among individuals of the same

nationality as the researcher (cp. Mirad, Kockel, & Johler, 2008). Since a multitude ofmethods results in different sets of data, the multi-method approach contributes to a

reflexive, multi-layered and contextualized micro understanding of the phenomenon in

question.

Within research of lifestyle migration the approach aims to highlight different and

tangible components of the lifestyle migrants daily experience. To follow is a broad

review drawn on ethnographical research of transnational practices among Swedish

lifestyle migrants that have relocated to the southern Spanish coast, Costa del Sol, which

aims to illustrate possible theoretical definitions of transnational practices and suggest

methods to use in qualitatively-based studies of lifestyle migration in general terms.

Indeed, the methods described below are easily transferable to locales in Asia, Africa or

Latin America. By using the ethnological multi-method approach to enter the kitchen

door to peoples lives, Ethnology can serve as a contribution in researching lifestyle

migration.

To enter the transnational kitchen of lifestyle migrants


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To enter the kitchen door to peoples lives: A Multi-Method Approach in the Research ofTransnational Practices among Lifestyle Migrants


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To enter the inner domains of a house symbolizes in this case to take up ethnographical

research on transnational practices among lifestyle migrants that has settled down in a

destination of tourism and leisure on a permanent basis. More specifically, the article

proposes views of how to study individual and collective relations to both old and new

country and an emerging transnationality that is practiced through the interconnection.

While approaching the kitchen door of the lifestyle migrants, the transnationality is

defined as practices to be on the one hand expressions in life stories of the transnational

life, and on the other, agency-based practices, found in the making of an everyday life led

in relation to two separate countries. The two categories of practices are considered to becomplementary and enable two different theoretical approaches; narrative analysis and

phenomenology. The intersection of constructivism and phenomenology of lived

experience constitutes a fruitful combination in giving a broad understanding of the

transnational phenomenon of permanently residing in a country, other than the country of

origin (Frykman & Gilje, 2003, p. 9; Frykman, 2006, pp. 69ff). The Swedish Ethnologist

Jonas Frykman affirms this approach by stating that two legs are more stable than one

(Frykman, 2006, p. 70).

The focal concern is practices of telling and making a transnationality from below

(Smith & Guarnizo, 1998a, 1998b. See also Povrazanovi Frykman, 2004), among

lifestyle migrants with dual (or multiple) frame of reference. The transnationality can be

expressed and made through organized and institutionalized practices, as well as throughnon-organized and spontaneous practices in the everyday life of the lifestyle migrant. The

dualistic or multiple perspectives derive from the general and compassing tendency of

migrations not [being] singular journeys but tend to become an integral part of migrants


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lives (Faist, 2000, p. 13). The concept transnationality is the result of having acquired

multiple bonds connecting ones life across the territorial boundaries of nation-states as a

consequence of mobility and migration. The dual (or multiple) frame of reference creates

flows of things not [only] bodies (Mahler, 1998, p. 77) across national borders. The

result is a transnational experience embedded with news, memories, and stories between

global, national, regional and local settings. Thus, bodies can be situated on location in

country of residence while being emotionally affected by things or activities concerning

the country of origin in the same degree as if the person would actually be in the old

country. In essence the aim is to study a transnational experience that is expressed andmade, as well as how flows of ideas, values, and cross-cultural expressions affect both

the individual and the collective in the daily transnational life.

Collectively a shared consciousness is created among the lifestyle migrants of

living a similar transnational experience and having a similar dual or multiple frame of

reference resulting in cultural reproduction. A shared transnational consciousness implies

a collectively acknowledged common identity of perceiving a mental state of being at

home and away from home. Together the individuals create a transnational space made

of shared memories, stories, history, and experience (cp. Faist, 2000; Faist, 2004;

Jackson, Crang, & Dwyer, 2004). Furthermore, the transnational cultural reproduction,

associated with two or more places, blend together into a bricolage of expressed

traditions, norms and habitual action within the group. Transnational space, as a

theoretical concept, is by some scholars filled with a similar content as the concept

diaspora. Thus, the concepts, as analytical approaches, are at times used synonymously

(Povrazanovi Frykman, 2004; Wahlbeck & Olsson, 2007). That is to say, place-bound


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transnational practices collectively expressed and made create and constitute diasporic

communities (Povrazanovi Frykman, 2004, pp. 82ff). The concept diasporic community

is here defined as the establishment and meaning attributed to a collective formation with

connotation to a shared place of origin in a certain geographical territory other than the

origin (for definitions of diaspora, see Safran, 1991; Cohen, 1997). This has relevance

when analyzing and describing shared features and meaning of an imagined or actual

diasporic community that are articulated and practiced among the lifestyle migrants. To

give emphasis on the collectiveness of this dimension the concept diasporic community is

chosen rather than transnational space (cp. Anderson, 1983; Cohen, 1995; Vasta, 2000).Noteworthy is the fact that the resemblance of such community involves and is

constituted by all types of lifestyle migrants, whether they be permanent residents,

seasonal migrants, second home owners or long-stay tourists (King, Warnes, & Williams,

2000, pp. 43-44). They all figure in the specific articulation of a diasporic community in

destinations of lifestyle migration, when such is set in practice.

As mentioned earlier, the transnational phenomenon derives from at least two

separate localities. Expressed and made transnationality and diasporic experience does

not stop at the borders of a given territory but exceeds to involve multiple places, being

global, national, regional and local. To be contextually sensitive to the multiple places

and structures affecting the transnational everyday experience should, therefore, be a

given ambition throughout the analysis. The ideal is to engage in a multi-sitedethnography, thus to follow the lifestyle migrant to the multiple sites where they are to be

found (See Watson, 1977; Marcus, 1995; Hannerz, 2003; Hannerz, 2001). However, lack

of time and the practicality of conducting fieldwork might hinder a multi-sited


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ethnography. It is therefore advisable to strive for a multi-sited awareness even though

the transnational practices originate and happen on one specific site (cp. Kleist, 2004,

Anthias, 1998, p. 564).

The practices are viewed as a process of making the world understandable to live

in for the individual. Thus, it is an everyday process. At times, it is goal-oriented toward

specific results. Often the process is something seemingly unconscious, effortless and

spontaneous (cp. Reksten-Kapstad, 2001, p. 11; Faist, 2004, p. 170). The practices are

considered to be a tool kit of expressions, symbols, and narratives, as well as habits,

skills, and styles, used to order life and orientate oneself in relation to how the life is ledabroad. When the individual uses a tool, he/she also demonstrates the command of a

competence or a capacity that governs the way to act and behave that is suitable for the

given situation, time or place. Thus, this knowledge is a resource for adapting to or

managing a transnational life in relation to and within a group or groups (Swindler, 1986;

Casey, 1996, p. 34; Frykman & Gilje, 2003, p. 48). This makes the practices specific to

context, place and time.

A Multi-Method Approach tothe telling andthe making

A definition of the practices of transnationality is now given. However, the question

remains of how to acquire the content that is hidden in the making and in the telling. The

ethnological line, as indicated, argues for a multi-method approach filtered through the

reflexivity of the researcher. This signifies that the researcher through a multitude of

methods enter different gateways to capture the activities and perceptions of the

transnational everyday life led by lifestyle migrants in places of lifestyle migration. These

entrances will also put the researcher her- or himself in the light of the study which


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demands a thorough reflexive discussion on the behalf of the researcher in order to draw

attention to the many implications of using a physical and emotional researcher self in the

field (cp. Davies, 1999). By using different and separate methods, entering the kitchen

door of the everyday life offers disparate layers of knowledge and understanding. This

enables a research with a deep and broad perspective. Rather than digging deep in

singular spots, finding more of the same, the multi-method approach opens the

ethnological gaze to new and unexplored terrains which in the long run works

complementary. By constantly removing the focus and positioning oneself sometimes as

an outsider, and then changing to the insider position, the study can be both analyticallyenriched and strengthened.

The multiple methods pointed to in this article are as follows: participant

experience, series of conversational interviews, observation, walk along interviews and

orientation through media. Throughout a presentation of each method there is an

aspiration of using and adjusting the methods to the lifestyle migration context of leisure

and relaxation, as well to the specific places of tourist destinations. The context of each

separate lifestyle migration destination generates specific cultural patterns that can be

benefitted from when applying different methods.

Transnational subject

To put a multitude of methods into a practical research approach, the first gateway into

the kitchen of the lifestyle migrant is to use the researcher self as a transnational subject.Inspired by the phenomenological approach (Frykman, 2006; Frykman & Gilje, 2003;

Bengtsson, 2001) the use of the own actions, interactions, impressions and thoughts of

the transnational lifestyle is a way to gather understanding while residing in a destination


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of lifestyle migrants during a period of fieldwork. The daily life in field is recorded in a

reflective field diary. Being an insider in this sense is inspired by the well-established

method participant observationbut expanded intoparticipant experience (Hansen, 2003,

p. 160). Time and engagement has proven to be vital in participating and experiencing the

transnational reality in situ. Camouflaged by the distinguished feature of a constant

circulation of tourists and temporary or permanent lifestyle migrants in and out of areas

common for lifestyle migration, participant experience as a method is most suitable to the

culture of such regions.

The reception of a researcher in lifestyle migration areas differs but my ownexperience is that the sudden appearance of me as a researcher was not being perceived

as anything extra ordinary. I was just like any other person whose motives for dwelling in

the area was seldom questioned or asked for. Certainly for those initiated, my work as a

researcher was looked upon with fascination and curiosity although I was often kept at

arms length outside my role as a researcher. However, this too I found to be a notable

ingredient of the daily life the lifestyle migrants have adopted in my research the

atmosphere is opened to people of all kinds with a diversity of backgrounds which as

such are generally not of primary interest when getting acquainted with new people. It

seems like the main ambition is to stay present in the here and now, regardless of

previous achievements, networks, or status.

As a result of the welcoming environment, I easily became an actor within the

lifestyle migrant community and found a place where I could make informal contacts and

conversations on a daily basis, above all through institutions with connotations with the

home country of the migrants, like a church and a school. I took part in community


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activities such as singing with the church choir and with a smaller group of vocalists,

made visits to the school and gave a lecture there about Ethnology and my research

project to High School students, participated in the media that was directed toward the

lifestyle migrants, as well as engaged in the different types of social events in the

destination. The type of knowledge gained through this method is a first hand experience

of alterations in the group throughout the seasons, different types of networking within

the group, daily activities and interactions with the host society etc.

In this procedure the researcher self is central in the collection of data which puts

an emphasis on previous knowledge, experience, and the continuous reflexivity of thesefactors when using the self as a transnational subject. In my research, I gained help from

my previous experience in the area while being a student of the local language, as well as

conducting fieldwork related to my Masters thesis. Equally, my knowledge of the

language per se together with living several periods of my life in the country enabled a

pre-understanding of living in the country as a foreign woman. Hence, taking a

transnational stand during my time in fieldwork has not been difficult. It has rather

followed the common order of the lifestyle migration since research has shown it is often

preceded by holidays and other types of travel on location (King et al., 2000, p. 27;

OReilly, 2000, p. 25).

Albeit having a general pre-knowledge of the phenomenon as well as the host

country, the same pre-understanding has forced me to strive to frame myself from fixednotions that I have gained before hand. I have had to put myself curiously anew to dis-

remember or decode myself from preconceived notions of the lifestyle migration

everyday life (Frykman, 2006, p. 68). More so, my gender, age and private


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circumstances, such as not having children of my own, restrained me to naturally get

access to all events and places of the lifestyle migrant experience. Seldom could I join the

activities of the retired groups on an equal basis as the pensioners. Nor had I access to the

activities for families and small children. Thus, I was left out of the daily interactions and

conversations in cases like the mentioned. At the occasions where I naturally could take

part in such activities, my outsider position was emphasized since ordinary talk differs

depending on the participants similarities in age, gender, region of origin, length of stay,

reason for stay, etc. Circumstances like these ought to be taken into account while

interpreting the data of the method.Finally, it has been impor

recreation and society in africa, asia and latin america (rasaala) vol.1 no.1 (a journal of spread...

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