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A CONCEPT ANALYSIS

By

Allan Kortbæk (44910) Anders Kildebæk (42382)

Oliver Giorgio Bøgelund Andersen (42176) Stefan Sartori Olesen (42243)

Mentor: Sanne Krogh Groth

K1 & K2, Performance Design,

Spring semester - 2014

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Abstract

Dette projekt omhandler Red Bull Music Academy, der er et kultur initiativ af Red Bull. Dermed

omhandler det også blandingen af kommercielle interesser med kulturproduktion. Gennem en

analyse af Red Bull Music Academy, lavet på baggrund af interviews med musikere og ansatte, der

er forbundet til Red Bull Music Academy og eller den danske musikscene, afdækkes initiativet.

Ved hjælp af Pine & Gilmores The Experience Economy og Pierre Bourdieus kapitalteori

undersøges det hvordan Red Bull igennem Red Bull Music Academy investerer i og opbygger

kulturel og social kapital. Dette med formålet at differentiere sig i en oplevelsesøkonomisk

kontekst. Yderligere uddybes brugen af ansatte og kunstneres netværk ud fra Luc Boltanski og

Adam Arvidsson.

Med udgangspunkt i Theodor Adorno retter vi et kritisk blik på blandingen af kommercielle

interesser med kunst og kultur. Perspektiverne fra dette bliver videre brugt i en diskussion af dette,

blandt andet i forhold til armslængdeprincippet i nordisk kulturstøtte.

Ud fra vores analyse af Red Bull Music Academy kan vi konkludere, at både Red Bull og de

implicerede kunstnere opnår en masse ved samarbejdet. Dette er dog ikke uden problemer og

spørgsmålet rejses om hvad der sker med kunsten og vores opfattelse af denne når kommercielle

interesser bliver en kulturel magtfaktor.

Resumé This project concerns Red Bull Music Academy, a cultural initiative by Red Bull. Thereby it also

concerns the mix of commercial interest and cultural production. This initiative is investigated

through an analysis of Red Bull Music Academy, done on the basis of interviews with musicians

and employees connected to Red Bull Music Academy and or the Danish music scene.

With Pine & Gilmores’ The Experience Economy and the capital theory of Pierre Bourdieu we

investigate how Red Bull, through its music academy, invests in and builds cultural and social

capital. This is done with the purpose of customizing their product in the field of the experience

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economy. The use of artists and employees’ network is further analysed from the perspective of Luc

Boltanski and Adam Arvidsson.

From Theodor Adorno's critical point of view, we look at the mix between commercial interests and

culture and art. These perspectives are further used in a discussion with, amongst other things, the

Nordic Cultural Model. From our analysis of Red Bull Music Academy, we can conclude that both

Red Bull and the artists implicated are gaining a lot from cooperating. This is not unproblematic

though and the question arises about what happens to art and our perception of this when

commercial interests become a cultural force of power.

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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Table of contents Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 5  Red Bull in the experience economy ................................................................................................... 7  

Content marketing ..................................................................................................................... 10  Motivation .......................................................................................................................................... 11  Problem formulation .......................................................................................................................... 13  History of Red Bull Music Academy ................................................................................................. 14  

Ethical concerns Versus Corporate Social Responsibility ........................................................ 16  Red Bull Music Academy ......................................................................................................... 17  Red Bull Studios ........................................................................................................................ 18  

The Nordic Cultural Model ................................................................................................................ 20  Method ............................................................................................................................................... 22  

Empirical evidence .................................................................................................................... 22  Primary evidence ....................................................................................................................... 23  Secondary evidence ................................................................................................................... 24  

Delimitation ....................................................................................................................................... 24  Key concepts ...................................................................................................................................... 26  

Authenticity ............................................................................................................................... 26  The Underground ...................................................................................................................... 27  Commercial interests ................................................................................................................. 29  

Theoretical Framework ...................................................................................................................... 30  Adam Arvidsson ........................................................................................................................ 30  Theodor Adorno ........................................................................................................................ 31  Luc Boltanski ............................................................................................................................ 34  Pierre Bourdieu .......................................................................................................................... 34  

Analysis .............................................................................................................................................. 35  The field of the experience economy ........................................................................................ 36  The economic capital of Red Bull ............................................................................................. 36  The cultural capital of Red Bull Music Academy ..................................................................... 37  The symbolic capital of Red Bull Music Academy .................................................................. 41  Boltanski and the Networked society ........................................................................................ 42  The standardization of culture ................................................................................................... 48  

Discussion .......................................................................................................................................... 51  Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................... 56  Bibliography ....................................................................................................................................... 58  

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Introduction

In this project, we aim to examine the link between the commercial interests of companies and

underground actors within culture. We delve into the motivations and underlying grounds for such a

collaboration by looking at the synergies between these two sectors of society, which, at first glance

may not seem to be areas that could have much in common.

The cultural production that takes place as a result of such collaboration is interesting to

assess from our relativistic standpoint; as young cultural practitioners with an avid interest in forms

of cultural expression. In this context, we ask questions of the gains that are made by various parties

in this process, both as far as commercially motivated actors are concerned and, crucially as far as

we are concerned, from the point of view of one musician to another.

There has been evidence to suggest that cultural production via collaboration between

underground artists and commercially motivated actors has existed for many years. For example, if

one looks at the sort of partnerships that have been cultivated between artists and organs like the

state over the years. Such unions have been far from marriages made in heaven, however, with

many questions left unanswered as regards who gains what. One of the issues here is of course the

polar opposition that underground culture presents towards commercially motivated actors.

Underground culture, as something that is vehemently independent and aims to be as accurate a

reproduction of authenticity as possible is de facto and from the onset therein always predisposed to

take a critical view at best of commercially-motivated efforts to exploit it. Within this frame of

thought lies, an underlying argument of what authenticity is and for that matter all that it is not. We

discuss perspectives by the likes of Jørgen Dehs in this respect and import a modern-day view of

the concept by Adam Arvidsson, who we also use to discuss the newly born tendency of

commercial actors preying upon the radical, boundary-pushing nature of the underground and

staging a commercially motivated experience of it.

Again, such tendencies are not unheard of – a discussion of modern-day advertising is in

itself enough to reveal an articulation of the argument we are trying to make here. Numerous ideas

of freedom, independence, being different and rebellious, ideas that had their heyday in the

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counterculture-propelled sixties have been conveniently hijacked and used to sell products and

promote the culture of mass production and material consumption in which we live. The very

slogans of numerous firms today are, whether by accident or design grossly and profoundly

embedded in the narratives of the social critique that the sixties generated. What started out as a

leftist movement for social change, rooted in a rhetoric of lambasting a system that generated and

reproduced social inequalities, became, for many in the advertising industry, a romantic idea that

could be preyed upon and crafted into a mechanism that could sell products.

With this is mind; is this what we see in Red Bull Music Academy allying itself so closely

with the underground? For both the Red Bull Brand and underground artists looking for an “angry

fix,” to quote Allen Ginsberg, musicians striving to be recognised for their contributions to art and

culture, obvious gains can be made through collaboration. There are benefits for both parties,

indisputably. But are there any pitfalls? Is one party gaining more than another in this trade-off?

What do the artists themselves, whose craft and genius is what is being cultivated, have to say about

it all? Moreover, what is the stance of Red Bull Music Academy towards any potential skepticism

and speculation over grey areas of this collaboration, and from a critical standpoint, is there

anything that is not being said?

Hence, we account for the recent tendencies in corporate culture leeching off underground

culture through discussions of the experience economy by Pine & Gilmore, flanked by supportive

theory by Adam Arvidsson. Pine & Gilmore account for the grounds for such a collaboration,

particularly as far as the quest for authenticity in a world of mass production and sensory overloads.

Arvidsson on the other hand, sheds light on the grounds for closer ties between the underground and

commercial culture and documents this through well-grounded arguments that we explore and

discuss. In order to sharpen our findings in this respect, we have borrowed Bourdieu's concept of

cultural capital and briefly explored its implication in the context of the exchange between Red Bull

Music Academy and the artists it associates with is concerned. As we will demonstrate later in this

project through our empirical work, there is more being exchanged than merely money and

sponsorship rights, as is the often the case in typical sponsorship agreements. In fact, the

relationships we explore are anything but and are often free of contractual obligations and

professional liaisons per se. What then is being exchanged? Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital

helps us out in this respect.

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From a critical perspective, we delve into theory by Theodor Adorno who lashes out at the

manner in which commercial actors and other players in positions of power hijack the value and

meaning of art and culture, distorting its authenticity and degrading it somewhat. We supplement

this discussion with another briefly documenting state support for art from a local perspective. The

tradition of the provision of cultural subsidies in Scandinavia to artists who seek support is therefore

relevant. Here, we look into issues such as the selection criteria for artists in this field and compare

them with those of the Red Bull Music Academy. One preliminary remark is that there is more

transparency in this respect as far as the state is concerned. Guidelines and expectations are more

clearly laid out. In the case of the academy, things are not as transparent and a looser relationship

with more open bounds exists. What are the implications of these observations and, to return to the

central narrative in all of our discussion, who gains what?

To shed light on these discussions, we have conducted interviews with several artists that

have worked with Red Bull in order to ascertain their thoughts on the collaboration. We have also

interviewed representatives from the Red Bull Music Academy with the same motive. Lastly, as a

counterweight, we have incorporated the perspective of one musician who is deeply embedded in

the Copenhagen's underground scene and discussed his views on collaborating with commercially

motivated actors.

To round off, we would like to draw attention to the fact that our assumptions have been

grounded in a local perspective. Red Bull Music Academy is a vast international regime, with

efforts in many countries across the globe, including Denmark. We have focused on the role of the

academy locally, as this is what we have had access to and what is, for the purposes and intents of

this project relevant.

Red Bull in the experience economy

In this section, we will discuss one of the latest trends in the manner in which companies interact

with their consumers, namely the experience economy. The argument here is that, in the modern

competitive corporate environment, finding a unique selling point that differentiates ones product

from others, is a difficult process. Moreover, in societies where consumers are demanding and crave

more out of their interactions with products, there is a need for products to be more than wares on a

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shelf or services in catalogue. We argue that part of the Red Bull corporate philosophy is

underpinned on this premise. An understanding of what is meant by the experience economy and

moreover, how it is employed by firms such as Red Bull helps lay the motivation for part of the

understanding behind the grounds for a collaboration between this particular firm and artists and

other agents who are or have potential to be involved in, the production of culture.

Ratifying the claim for meta-product marketing, Pine & Gilmore state that: “The product

itself is no longer enough”.” The experience surrounding the product and the staging of this

experience is of importance, if you want to achieve any revenue growth” (Pine & Gilmore 2011:

ix). We can argue that the staging of experiences has been an inherent part of Red Bulls marketing

and branding scheme since the company first came into existence. For a company whose main

product is an energy drink, it is remarkable how little attention is given to this product directly,

especially when it comes to further enhancing the aforementioned product. (…) most differentiation

of goods now involves the enhancement or modification of items within existing product categories

and not the creation of wholly new categories” (Pine & Gilmore 2011: xii).

The status and impact of Red Bull seems undeniable. The Austrian energy drink producer

has, over a relatively short period of its existence, managed to create an entire market for energy

drinks at a time when nobody knew what the product was, and much less so, that it could fulfil a

need in their lives. Red Bull have indeed tried to produce other products, but these did poorly

compared to their energy drink (Internet Link 1). In this context, it does not seem strange that Red

Bull has put great effort into making it about more than just a beverage drink, by introducing the

brand in relation to anything but the association of buying a commodity one can pick off

supermarket shelves, in order to differentiate themselves from their competitors. Rebecca Lieb,

analyst at Altimeter Group describes this trend by stating:

“…Red Bull has introduced its content marketing around and about the product, but it is

never directly correlated to the drink itself”… “Red Bull has aligned its brand unequivocally and

consistently with extreme sports and action.” (Internet Link 2)

Red Bull have been avid users of content marketing in their promotion and branding

(Internet Link 3). They are almost synonymous with any discipline or activity within the realm of

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extreme sports, and they are widely represented in various club scenes, music festivals, magazines

and so forth. This approach seems logical, given the fact that their main product is now under heavy

pressure from other companies that are also venturing into the energy drink market (See figure

below).

In order for Red Bull and any given company to remain at the forefront and

continually be able to employ and expand their operations, they need to pursue the staging of

experiences, more particularly experiences of the transformative kind. Transformations guide

people toward a purpose. Unlike experiences, which tend to fade over time, transformations change

people. Moreover, transformations are effectual, turning the customer into the product and thereby

offering more than an experience would ever do (Pine & Gilmore 2011: 255).

To cement our findings in this respect, it is important for us to discuss one of the central

themes highlighted in an experience economy setting, namely the line of The Progression of

Economic Value (POEV). This model deals with the placement of a product according to the whole

chain of the product activities. It revolves around the base of progression through customization.

“(…) more offerings should be customized, what is needed is not more production of physical goods

but more innovative methods for making those goods.” (Pine & Gilmore 2011: xiii). Ideally, the

final stage in the POEV, transformations, is what every company should seek to facilitate. These

transformations should come with a fee, thereby ensuring the potential to capitalize on the

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integration of experiences and transformations (Pine & Gilmore 2011: xv).

If a company wants to incorporate the idea of the experience economy into their way

of operating, they will need to act like it, treating their business as a stage (Pine & Gilmore 2011:

xxv). The company must instruct their employees as actors, and said employees must act according

to the standards and intentions of the company, mirroring the ideals and principles (Pine & Gilmore

2011: xv). In the words of Pine & Gilmore: “Work is theatre” (Pine & Gilmore 2011: xxv).

Content marketing

Building on what we discussed previously, if we take the metaphor of Red Bull being like a stage

from which it performs to its consumer audience by providing transformations, we can discuss how

they use content marketing to propel this intent.

One way Red Bull is treating their business like a stage, is in the way they go about their

marketing. As mentioned earlier, Red Bull has been particularly good at promoting their products

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through content, more specifically content marketing, by setting up events and creating platforms

such as their website in order to address and accommodate their targeted audience.

Content marketing is nothing new. Sharing unique content has been done before by many

other companies. What is new, however, is the way the content is shared. New technologies and the

internet in particular, have provided new and faster ways of sharing. If any given company wants to

be ahead of its competition, it has to have a strategy for content marketing. The premise today for

said companies is a well-established and content providing webpage and social media platforms,

that articulates the needs of its customers by giving them access to quality content (Internet Link 4).

It is about making and sharing this content with the customers, thereby pulling them in. It is pull

rather than push.

What this essentially implies is that the days of bombarding one’s customers with

advertisements and the general sales propaganda are gone. Instead, it is about making the customers

come to you. People want real content that is different from what other companies are providing,

and that makes a difference for them. In the end, it all comes down to creating commitment, brand

loyalty and finally profit (Internet Link 4). Again this only ratifies the claims for meta-product

marketing - the idea that products themselves are no longer enough and that companies need to go

beyond making a mere product.

Motivation

The idea of events being staged to create an experience with an idea connected to a product is a

fundamental cornerstone in this project. As explained in our chapter on the experience economy, the

role of the event in today’s society can be articulated such that it is a medium of communication

between businesses and people. The event as a cultural focal point has roots that are deeply

ingrained in studies of anthropology and rituality. With regards to the event in a modern-day

perspective, a newly emergent tendency within the creation and implementation of events is that of

'event marketing.' This involves companies going beyond the form and purpose of mere advertising

to create an authentic experience of a product; staging the encounter between consumers and

products in ways that involve a much wider affective registry. (Arvidsson 10: 2007). This seconds

what we have already discussed in the previous sections. In other words, the event and the

subjective experience that it is for the individual participant has been latched onto by a handful of

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firms who have seized the opportunity to market not merely a product , but rather an experience

framed loosely around a product or brand ideology. What follows is the creation of events that are

propelled by the creativity and ingenuity of their participants, which firms such as Red Bull

tactically latch onto and exploit with the aim of strengthening brand value whilst contributing

fundamentally to culture.

Our motivation for investigating such phenomena stems from the fact that they are

relatively new and therein revolutionary within the scope and scape of “the event.” Undeniably they

do follow a trajectory of historical developments that have seen the event change in form and

structure. This too is interesting to examine in order to understand how we have arrived at the

innovative experience-based marketing hinged around events that well and truly seems to be the

latest “in” phenomenon within marketing. The aforementioned novelty makes it all the more

interesting for us given that little has been written about it hitherto – some, like Arvidson call it

event marketing, others have surely developed other lexica around the emergent trend. For this

reason it is still very much a grey area at the apex of various fields of study and thereby fascinating

to work with. One can also say that we do have an interesting in charting the development of the

event to what it has evolved into today.

Moreover, we feel that it is important to state, even at this early point in proceedings

that the examination of an issue of this nature requires a broad approach to it on our part as

researchers. It is all well and good to warmly embrace the Red Bull Music Academy for their

handsome contributions to culture. These developments have after all nurtured the creativity and

career of RBMA participants, fortified the Red Bull Brand and brought numerous cultural

consumers together under the banner of an event or events. But are there any drawbacks for the

various participants in the process ? RBMA themselves may arguably be coy and aloof on such a

matter, but what do those who have been taken under their wing as RBMA participants have to say

about their experiences? Understanding the discursive narrative that exists on the issue as it is

constructed from various points of view may arguably lead to a greater understanding of the issue

itself. This is one of our core motivations in this process.

Lastly, as young cultural practitioners independently engaged in all manner of event-

based forms of work and expression, it is important for us to ask questions of the gatekeepers that

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are involved in the field of art and culture. RBMA have developed into a gatekeeper of sorts within

the underground electronic music circles, commandeering a role that belonged to other players

before they came into the picture. What do RBMA do differently to those that have gone before

them and crucially, what are the implications of their actions for the culture that is being promoted?

A black and white answer to these questions is surely not what we are after. We do, however, hope

to shed light on the implications of the strategies used by firms such as Red Bull insofar as themes

such as “artistic authenticity” and “freedom” are concerned. We also hope to ask critical questions

as to the wider cultural implications of RBMA's workings as far as art and culture as a social field is

concerned.

     

Problem formulation

What effect does a collaboration between the underground and commercial actors have on cultural

production?

Working Questions

• How does RBMA foster artist collaboration while connecting with the commercial interests

of Red Bull?

• How do does RBMA build and maintain a network of affiliated artists?

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History of Red Bull Music Academy

In order to understand Red Bull Music Academy and the way they operate, it is important for us to

have a basic understanding of the Red Bull Brand and its operational philosophies. In this

Data sourced from caffeineinformer.com

section we will discuss both the history and nature of Red Bull and further on, the Red Bull Music

Academy. We will also distinguish between the academy and Red Bull music studios, a relevant

discretion to keep in mind later on in this project.

The story of Red Bull Music Academy (RBMA) begins with the creation of Red Bull. In 1984, the

Austrian entrepreneur Dietrich Mateschitz founded Red Bull together with the Thai businessman

Chaleo Yoovidhya. Three years later in 1987, the Red Bull energy drink was launched in Austria.

Because of the energy drinks high level of taurine it remained unapproved in various countries for

several years, particularly in the EU, but as of 2013 it is sold in all EU countries which makes it

sold in a total of 165 countries around the world.

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Based on the data above, it is clear that Red Bull has, in a relatively short space of time (the

company was founded in 1987), achieved a leading position within its market niche, energy drinks.

A mere graphic representation in visual terms is enough to point this blatant fact out. Whilst

statistics like this are not the focus of this project, they do help point out another important fact. Red

Bull must be doing something that their market rivals are not to achieve such a convincing market

share. What is different about Red Bull compared to other energy drink firms?

Red Bull is known for its comprehensive marketing strategy using extreme sports, video

games, music, celebrities and events in the creation of a global brand. To this end, Red Bull has

promoted a spirit of adventurism and boundary pushing, loosely hinged on the slogan “Red Bull

Gives you wings,” and closely tied to the personal ethos and character traits of its founder, Dietrich

Mateschitz, an Austrian entrepreneur with a passion for high-speed aeroplanes and doing things

differently.

“Red Bull’s freewheeling culture goes beyond office symbolism, however, and is also about

freedom for each country operation to pursue strategies that they believe to be most appropriate to

their local market.” (Pangakar & Agarwal 2013)

This is exemplified through numerous examples of their operations, ranging from the

ownership of entire football clubs (e.g. Red Bull Salzburg) to their music academy (more relevant

to our discussion). It is apparent that many of the Red Bull organizational organs operate on a

mindset that is generic to their specific field of interest and thus each is different from the other.

“Red Bull Canada, for instance, is more heavily involved in music (it aims to be a music

producer) and arts (it owns a gallery space to exhibit, among other types of art, quirky and non-

traditional art such as Canada’s Best Doodle Art) than most other country operations.” (Internet

Link 7).

This makes for very interesting reading as far as this project is concerned and leads us to a

discussion of the Red Bull Music Academy, which operates on similar premises to Red Bull

Canada, albeit with even more focus of facilitating cultural production, on a global vis a vis local

scale.

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Ethical concerns Versus Corporate Social Responsibility

Red Bull’s product, a taurine-based energy drink has come under international pressure in recent

years from various activists and food and nutrition organs who have voiced concern over the

amounts of caffeine and taurine in it. Whilst such critique has generally been levelled at an over-

consumption of Red Bull, the use of Red Bull in tandem with other alcoholic drinks such as

Jagermeister and Vodka, it has been enough to prompt concern over its ethical blueprint. Given that

the drink is consumed by children too, the ethical profile of the Red Bull product has come under

scrutiny.

With ethical questions such as these in mind, the marketing integrity of the Red Bull PR

machine has also been questioned. The strategies it employs and the target groups that it focuses on

often have nothing to do with the core product itself. Given its success in marketing, is one to

attribute this to good corporate social responsibility (CSR) on the part of Red Bull, who take active

philanthropic interest in matters of global interest (cultural production) in this case; manifesting this

through shared value and not merely shared profit? The case for businesses taking a philanthropic

interest in the fate of the world and the issues that undermine society’s progress manifests itself in

the creation of shared value and not merely profit per say, as Kramer and Porter point out (Kramer

& Porter 2011)

The case for practicing good CSR exists, and there is a general acknowledgment of this

across the board, ratified no less by the UN Guiding Principles on CSR, which were formulated as

recently as 2011. A nascent set of governing statutes, the UNGP’s preside over a nascent way of

thinking; namely adding shared value through the ethos that business need to become more

involved in mitigating social issues even if such issues are not directly linked to the operations and

thereby may even entail that companies incur a short term profitability loss in actively practicing

responsible CSR. Hence, from this point of view Red Bull’s marketing makes complete sense. Or

does it? We will raise these questions later on in this project.

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Red Bull Music Academy

RBMA was initiated in 1997 as a result of Red Bull approaching Yadastar, a brand consulting

company, “(...)about implementing some method of fostering discourse about underground dance

culture”. This led to the first RBMA in Berlin in 1998 and has since then been held every year in

the following cities around the world: London, Dublin, Sao Paulo, Cape Town, Rome, Seattle,

Melbourne, Toronto, Barcelona, Madrid, New York and later this year Tokyo. RBMA describes

themselves as “(...) a world travelling series of music workshops and festivals: a platform for those

who make a difference in today’s musical landscape.”

RBMA consists of 60 participants from around the globe that are divided into two

groups of 30, which are brought to the RBMA location of the year for two weeks. During these

weeks, RBMA facilitates the collaboration of music amongst the participants by giving them access

to professional sound studios and producers. Furthermore, they attend various lectures with

professionals from the music industry, producers, sound engineers and recognized musicians. These

lectures are the only compulsory part of RBMA.

RBMA describes themselves as “(...) committed music lovers (...)” and “(...) not a

sponsored event, but a long-term music initiative, committed to fostering creative exchange

amongst those who have made and continue to make a difference in the world of sound.”

Besides the yearly academy event, RBMA also organizes local events, workshops and

lectures, curates festivals and concerts, and in 2005 launched their own internet radio station Red

Bull Music Academy Radio.

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Source RBMA website (RBMA event Miami)

Red Bull Studios

Hitherto in this project our discussion has been centered on the Red Bull Music Academy and its

nature. However, we have frequently reiterated that the academy is but of several organs in the red

bull anatomy. Each of these organs plays a different role in the Red Bull Universe and in the case of

the academy, is distant in form and function from the actual Red Bull shelf product, the taurine-

based energy drink. “Red Bull Studios offers a creative network of studios with state-of-the-art

equipment for artists around the globe” (Red Bull Studios webpage).

Less focused and less organized than the academy, this tentacle of the Red Bull universe

aims to provide artists with the technical tools that they require in order to produce music, taking

the role of the traditional recording studio in the music making process. Unlike the traditional

recording studio, Red Bull studios do not own the content rights of the media produced, nor do they

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demand any formal contractual obligations of those who use the studios. The studios are separate

from the academy in an organizational chart though naturally, they do collaborate closely with each

other. Similarly, the networking operational aspect inherent to RBMA expresses itself in the design

of the studio webpage- it is built on the simple template that connects those interested in using the

studio with those who already have used it via short, descriptive profiles of the people behind each

of the studios in different cities across the world (From Cape Town to Copenhagen).

We will discuss these observations with the help of our empirical research later on. For now,

a screenshot of the 360-view function offered by the web page is shown overleaf:

Source Red Bull Studios webpage (London studio 360 preview)

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The Nordic Cultural Model We have discussed the nature of Red Bull and the Red Bull music academy and the grounds for a

collaboration between them and other agents of the underground. What we have not done hitherto is

discuss other opportunities that artists have when it comes to them marketing their music and

finding a forum through which to ply their trade. In Denmark, one can talk in great length of various

avenues artists, both established and up and coming, have the opportunity to explore through state-

driven agents. As state-sponsored initiatives, they differ in scope, strategy and objective to RBMA.

We explore one such initiative below, the Nordic Cultural Model.

The Nordic Cultural Model as it stands today spawned from a research project put forth by

the Nordic Network for Cultural Policy Research, called “Nordic cultural policy in transition”. The

raison d'être for the project, was the “(…) new cultural policy challenges in the mid-1990’s” that

the Nordic countries were facing (Duelund 2003: 479).

Ever since the Second World War, the five Nordic countries have produced cultural policies

as an inherent part of their welfare policies. The outset for these policies has differed due to lack of

political independence and the creation of a national state for the Nordic countries over different

periods. Denmark and Sweden managed to create a representative and bourgeois public sphere with

emphasis on culture early on, because of their aristocratic and feudal history. Norway, Finland and

Iceland did not share the same historical background, since the creation of their nation states came

much later (Duelund 2003: 486). Another contributing factor to the difference of implementation

was the socioeconomic and geopolitical backgrounds of the Nordic countries. In spite of these

different preconditions, the cultural policies of the Nordic countries share more similarities than

differences, when it comes to general objectives and administrative structures.

This regimentation came about in the 1960s. The time called for a change, in

opposition to the commercial culture industry. The philosophy of the welfare system cited that “(…)

society has a duty to ensure both individual liberty and equal social and cultural possibilities for all

citizens in society” (Duelund 2003: 487). The counteraction against the commercial market was

state support for artistic production and distribution as well as research and education. In the 1970s,

the cultural policies shifted towards an emphasis on humanism, citing that culture was now a way of

life, “”Culture for everyone” was replaced by “culture is everything”” (Duelund 2003: 491). From

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the 1980s and into the 1990s, the cultural policies became increasingly more focused on the

financial growth potential. The “intrinsic” values of the arts were replaced by more “explicit”

values, “Culture should pay for itself” (Duelund 2003: 491).

The Nordic countries have established state councils for the arts since the 1960s. They

served both as advisory bodies for the ministry of cultures that dealt with professional and political

aspects of the arts, and they chose members for the select funding committees in the individual

countries (Duelund 2003: 493). In contrast to Finland, Norway and Sweden, where these state

councils are organized under a single umbrella organization, the councils in Denmark have been

organized separately in councils such as the Danish Theatre Council, the State Music Council and

so forth, each having independent management and administration. The selection of members for

each of the councils are done by recommendation from organizations and institutions for the arts

(Duelund 2003: 494-495).

The way of funding the individual artists in the Nordic countries are unusual when

compared to the rest of Europe. Expert bodies, who are appointed for a three or four year period,

allocate the direct funding and this is all at arm’s length from the ministers that work with cultural

policies. In Denmark, the funding is limited to “creative artists”. A common denominator in all the

Nordic Countries, and the only criteria for receiving funds, is the quality of their work (Duelund

2003: 495-496). For the sake of transparency and making sure that politicians will not be able to

affect any decisions concerning the delegation of subsidies, the “arm’s length” principle was

introduced in the period from 1972. It formed the basis of cultural policies in all Nordic countries,

with the exception of Iceland and Åland who introduced the principle in the 1980s and the Faroe

Islands, Greenland and the Saami regions introducing it in the 1990s (Duelund 2003: 504).

The “arm’s length” principle is concentrated around a separation of the executive,

decision-making and legislative powers, thereby ensuring autonomy and an avoidance of any

exploitation in financial regards, while keeping control over authorities so no abuse of power comes

into play when it comes to funding of the arts. In Denmark, the politicians determines the financial

framework, while all other aspects are handled by the boards and experts:

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“The arts foundation’s cooperative board of directors and the Minister select

autonomous committees of experts in the arts (…) These committees make the final decisions

regarding the distribution of work stipends (…)” (Duelund 2003: 505).

The Minister of Culture approves the chairperson, but beyond that, has no influence.

Former Minister of Culture Julius Bomholt said about the “arm’s length” principle:“If one wants to

cultivate democracy, one must first democratize the structural conditions determining cultural

activities based on the motto: Funding yes, control no.”” (Duelund 2003: 505).

The “arm’s length” model is not critique free, however. Some have criticized it for

only taking into consideration a small amount of the allocated funding. The funding of large cultural

institutions are allocated without expert evaluation by civil servants and politicians. This goes for

the national theatre, opera, art galleries and national museum. Furthermore, the funding neglects

some art forms, while prioritizing others. Much of the management techniques for allocating

funding, have changed from being quantitative demands to qualitative demands, thereby changing

the way the arts are evaluated. It is a shift, which can lead to a situation where the independence of

the arts are purely illusory (Duelund 2003: 508-509).

With this stated, it is important that we keep in mind the alternatives that exist when it

comes to artists gaining a forum for their craftsmanship, The Nordic cultural model being one of

these. We employ and briefly explore it in order to provide a counterweight of sorts to RBMA and

will discuss how so later on.

Method

Empirical evidence

In this chapter, we will introduce the empirical evidence we use in this project. We have divided the

evidence into primary and secondary empirical evidence. The primary being evidence we ourselves

have directly obtained through first-hand sources. The secondary being articles, literature, videos

and websites.

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Primary evidence

In the collection of primary empirical evidence, we have made use of qualitative, semi-structured

research interviews. Steinar Kvale and Svend Brinkmann defines the semi structured research

interview as being a type of interview where it is possible to attain descriptions, that originates from

the interviewees outlook. We then, as interviewers, can interpret the meaning of the phenomenons

as described by the interviewee (Kvale & Brinkmann 2010: 19). The advantage of a semi structured

research interview is the possibility to ask clarifying questions to the interviewee and thereby attain

a deeper understanding. Hence, the purpose of these interviews is to gain specific knowledge, that

may be difficult to obtain through secondary empirical evidence. When we produce interviews the

knowledge is processed in our interpretations, in this our own preconceptions are included, which

means that the empirical evidence produced is not objective.

In other words, we have an understanding and an agenda that in some degree determines the

outcome of the interviews and the empirical evidence that is produced.

In this case, we are investigating RBMA and the possible consequences of the relationship

between music, art and commercial interests. We recognise this in the further analysis of the

knowledge obtained and in the preparation of and during the interviews.

The empirical material we have collected through this method comes from four interviews

with four different interviewees:

Maren Astrup Sørensen works as a culture communications specialist, meaning that she works

with the communication concerning RBMA, Red Bull Studios and the cultural events surrounding

this. The interview with Maren provides us with a view of RBMA from an employee perspective.

Mads Oustrup is half of the duo in Copenhagen based band Okapii. Mads is a producer and sound

engineer and has worked Quadron and Rhye amongst others. In his work, he has collaborated with

Red Bull Studios in Copenhagen. The interview both provides us with insight concerning a specific

collaboration with Red Bull Studios and thoughts about art, authenticity and commercial interests

vs. artistic interests.

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Julius Sylvest is a Danish musician, producer and DJ who participated in the 2011 RBMA in

Madrid. Since then he has been connected with RBMA. The interview with Julius gives us an

insight in both the RBMA and the network and structure surrounding it.

Tobias Kirstein is one of the founders of the Copenhagen venue Mayhem, which is artist driven

and focuses on the experimental art and music scene. The interview with Tobias provides us with a

perspective on art, underground and commercialism.

In order to document and use the interviews in our analysis we have conducted a loose

transcription of these. The primary aim of this is to create an overview of each interview in the

further use of these in the analysis. With this in mind, we have decided not to include pauses and

interjections, as we do not assess these as necessary in the understanding of the interviews.

Secondary evidence

The secondary evidence comes from articles, blog posts, videos and such, which combined, creates

a broader understanding of Red Bull and RBMA. Most of the material can be found on the internet

and consists of both information produced by or for Red Bull and information produced

independently.

Delimitation

In this project, we will look at the link between Red Bull Music Academy and the artists that it

engages with. To do so, we will look at this interaction as a narrative constructed from the different

perspectives of those involved, namely artists, the academy itself and, for the sake of comparison,

other underground artists who have an opinion about collaborating with commercial producers of

culture like RBMA.

One of the more obvious delimitations in a project of this nature is the fact that we have not

grounded our observations or discussions in studies of business per se, but rather, operated from our

relativistic point of view as students of culture and performance studies. Hence, when it comes to

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analysing what RBMA gain from their operation, detailed sales and marketing data has not been

incorporated into our project. Instead, we have had to rely on reading in between the lines of what

our interviewees say (and all they do not) in order to discuss what is being exchanged in the

relationship between RBMA and its artists. Of course, the fact that in many cases this is a non-

monetary relationship only compounds an understanding what is at stake and what is taking place.

Furthermore, RBMA is a vast intricate global institution with numerous operations the world over.

A more detailed analysis of their operation would no doubt add scope and depth to this project.

However, contacting RBMA’s affiliates in other parts of the world would require a time frame in

excess of that which we are operating with in this project.

From a theoretical point of view, we use Adam Arvidsson to discuss the nascent

phenomenon of cultural production via a staging of authentic experiences inherent to the qualities of

underground culture. Arvidsson’s discussions, whilst being well argued and exemplified, do not

offer much critique of the cultural production that takes place as a result of the collaboration

between commercial interests and underground culture. For this, we draw on Theodor Adorno’s

position on the matter. Whilst relevant on a general level, it is important that we consider that

Adorno wrote in an epoch that was very different to our modern day world. It is therefore

imperative that one has this discretion in mind when discussing Adorno. Similarly, whilst Luc

Boltanski’s discussion of the new nature of capitalism has some relevant points for this project, his

views are limited to a narrative that orientates itself more towards specific changes in the global

capitalist structure. This notwithstanding, as mentioned, some of his views are indeed applicable to

our work.

Moreover, whilst we discuss the non-monetary exchanges that take place between RBMA

and artists from the point of view of what Bourdieu calls capital, we do not go further and use

Bourdieu to analyze what implications this has for the parties involved. He is employed purely as a

descriptive agent though invariably, many of his positions are arguably valid for this project and

could have been employed to a greater extent than we have done.

Empirically, we have focused on looking at how the narrative of RBMA and artist

collaboration is constructed from varied perspectives. Undoubtedly, more interviewees would have

given a broader sample size and more varied perspectives to incorporate. This is particularly

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relevant as far as interviewing other artists from the underground is concerned, as their opinion on

collaboration with commercially-motivated producers of culture can help give a non-insider view

on the relationship between artists and businesses. We have one interview that is grounded on this

ethos but it could have reinforced by additional interviews of the same sort. When all is said and

done we do feel that the few detailed interviews we have undertaken provide a solid framework for

us to operate with. Moreover, by interviewing different parties, we have varied perspectives through

which to build a narrative.

Key concepts

A project of this nature involves numerous different concepts. This section briefly introduces some

of the key concepts that we will be discussing in this project. In attempting to analyse these

concepts in as broad and as embracing a way as possible we are essentially examining what they

imply and connote both in relation to the artists that collaborate with RBMA and the same the other

way around (from the point of view of RBMA).

Authenticity

Authenticity is a broad, widely discussed notion. In our discussion, we will use theory from Jørgen

Deh's to give a vague overview of what one is to understand through the term. On the most basic of

levels, from an etymological perspective, Dehs argues that authenticity is that which has the

authority to define itself. (Dehs 2012: 25). This emanates from the roots of the word, namely

authentikos, rooted in authentes (authorship) and is also closely linked to the etymologic word root

autos (self).

However, whilst etymology in itself frames the definition of the word, its application in a

context-specific everyday world implies that such a linguistically specific definition is perhaps

somewhat diluted. Therefore authenticity is, in today's world “a concept we use to describe that

which we encounter or experience.” (ibid). For this reason, Dehs also discusses the authentic in

another linguistic context that helps illustrate one of his key postulations, namely that authenticity

cannot be identified alone and is determined in context to its negative opposite, that which is

inauthentic” (Dehs 2012: 7).

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What then is authentic and what is inauthentic? Is there a universal consensus that defines

these terms? We can argue that these terms are relative; defined differently from one individual to

another. Our empirical work aims, amongst other things, to ascertain what perspective different

parties in the Red Bull Music Academy narrative attach to authenticity.

For the purpose of our project, it is important that we put authenticity in focus as far as our

discussion of cultural production is concerned. Returning to our discussion on the experience

economy, which focuses on cultivating experiences rather than on selling products per say, it can be

argued that that those operating within the experience economy aim to tailor experiences by

harnessing the properties of authentic phenomena (whose authenticity is defined by their ability to

define themselves as discussed). Dehs implies that many phenomena can indeed be turned into

experiences through planning, activation and the like, but that those which stand out in one way or

another (by possessing some form of authentic quality) can be useful in cultural production.

Furthermore, “authenticity sells” “This cannot be overstated” (Dehs 2012: 24) Consumers use

authenticity as one of the criteria through which to navigate the value of goods and services in the

market economy. This being the case, it is one of the variables that businesses use to compete with

each other and corporate branding can indeed take place through harnessing the authenticity or

indeed the authentic potential of art and cultural experiences. In addition, cultural production within

the experience economy seeks, amongst other things, to stage unique experiences for users –

through innovative encounters between consumers and products. Indeed many companies today “go

beyond mere advertising to create an authentic experience of the product, to stage the encounter

between consumers and products in ways that involve a much wider affective register” (Arvidsson

2007: 10). We argue that this is what we see with Red Bull's Music Academy; a staging of cultural

processes that poaches the authenticity of the underground. On that note, what constitutes the

“underground”?

The Underground

The term 'underground' refers to relatively autonomous processes of cultural production that unfold

in the urban environment, often in connection some 'subcultural' scene. (Arvidsson 2007: 14).

Moreover, the underground is autonomous, innovative and cutting edge, more authentic,

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rebellious and more cool when compared to other forms of other forms of creative production

(ibid). A link between the underground and authenticity is clearly present. Reiterating Dehs and his

views on authenticity, we discussed the term in relation to something that has the authority to define

itself (see previous section). This concurs with Arvidsson's suggestion of the underground bearing

autonomous (auto-definitional) qualities. From this, we can argue that the underground defines

itself and the rules of play within it.

Additionally, one can relate the underground to its polar opposite as we have with the

authentic and the inauthentic. That which is mainstream or universally appealing across different

social parameters is the antithesis of that which is 'subcultural,' and in some cases cult

(underground). Are qualities of authenticity and properties that are innovative, cutting edge,

rebellious and cool as vehemently manifested in the mainstream as they are in underground sub-

cultural spheres and more importantly, can the two polar opposites stride side-by-side and co-

operate with each other? Poutain and Robbins maintain that the underground is “intrinsically

opposed to to the corporate logic of standardization and commodification” (Poutain and Robbins

2000). Given the rebellious and autonomous (auto-definitional) qualities of the underground that we

have discussed before, it is hardly surprising that it is a cultural niche that is resigned to opposing

the standardized machinations of all that is mainstream and culturally commodified.

However, cooperation between the two worlds does indeed take place and in fact

follows an established historical trajectory that dates back to the 1930's when advertising aesthetics

began to prey off the avant-garde art scenes of Italy and Russia (Salaris 1986). A more recent

example would of course be the path that advertising took from the 1960's and onwards,

“conquering the cool” by drawing inspiration from the counter culture and leftist, rebellious ethos

promulgated by the swinging sixties. (Frank 1997). Moreover, it is important for us to mention that

the underground is also a relative concept, one that changes from one context to another and which

depends on one’s relativistic viewpoint. What makes one underground artist more underground than

another and more importantly, who is to decide this? Since the concept is as loose as it is and there

is not a firm consensus through which it is defined, its very meaning is one that is in flux.

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Hence, we aim to look at the qualities of the underground and discuss what it is that makes

this niche a target for Red Bull's Music Academy. To do so we will look at how both RBMA

participants as well as others in the underground scene define the field in which they work.

Commercial interests

It seems to go without saying that commercial interests form part of the motivation behind RBMA’s

investment in underground talent. Previously in this section we have discussed the synergies

between the underground and mainstream society and depicted the exchange between the two as a

cultural capital transaction.

Expanding on this collaboration, Arvidsson is of the opinion that many commercial players

prey off the vanguard consumers at the edge of development in their peer group in order to create

value for their business and interests. (Arvidsson 2007: 14-15). Moreover, an overlapping of

commercial and underground interests is an increasingly common tendency, due to amongst other

things, a blurring of boundaries between those producing commercially motivated content for

companies and those engaged in the underground scene. In many cases:

“the interconnections between the advertising industry and the underground have been

institutionalized to such an extent that advertising professionals, although they often identify as

members of the creative class, often concede that real creative production tends to unfold

elsewhere.” (Arvidsson 2007: 15).

One can argue that RBMA, in partnering with the underground in the manner that it does is

doing so on the basis of furthering its commercial interests, which could include, amongst other

things, adding brand value, building brand loyalty, and promoting the Red Bull product. One can

also put forth the argument that RBMA is a mere tentacle in the Red Bull brand universe anchored

within a narrative of responsible corporate social responsibility. Chiefly we are interested in seeing

how RBMA articulate their commercial interests in the underground and more importantly, are

there other non-commercial interests that are inherent to the academy and the way in which it

works?

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Theoretical Framework

In this section, we present a brief overview of the various theorists that we use in this project. Adam

Arvidsson and Luc Boltanski provide a solid foundation for our preliminary assumptions regarding

the relationship between the underground and commercially motivated actors. Adorno is a

counterweight to their generally praiseworthy theory.

Adam Arvidsson

Swedish researcher Arvidsson is a pivotal cog in our empirical foundation. His 2007 article

“Creative Class or Administrative Class? On Advertising and the Underground” is a well-

documented, articulate account that documents the relatively new marketing strategies employed by

companies to harvest the potential of the urban underground niche.

As a point of departure, Arvidsson lambastes Richard Florida's popular theory on the

creative class in which he (Florida) praises salaried professionals from the advertising and creative

sectors of the economy for their contributions to culture and creativity in society. Arvidsson

maintains that this is an incorrect assumption, arguing that these professionals “owe their class

position to their ability to poach and appropriate creativity produced elsewhere, in networks of

(mostly) unsalaried immaterial production that unfold in the urban environment.” (Arvidsson 2007:

8). This “poaching” of creativity as Arvidsson puts it is a key element in the understanding of the

manner in which RBMA operates.

Arvidsson documents the increasingly co-creational synergies of “the underground”

and commercial players in society, referring to a proliterization of the advertising sector,

orchestrated by amongst other things, the increased power of marketing bureaus and the

massification of the advertising industry and its processes. Both of these recent trends point

towards a need for more creative thinking in an industry whose entire ethos is grounded on

creativity. For companies, this implies that they have to think outside the box and seek to

implement product and marketing strategies that reflect this. Reiterating to the importance of the

experience economy in today's global consumption narrative (mentioned earlier in this section),

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selling experiences as opposed to products has become one of the strategies through which

companies create more authentic customer experiences.

Arvidsson's work documents the launch of Volkswagen's Fox model in Copenhagen in

2005, using it as a state-of-the art example of how companies poach the abundant creativity within

underground culture to create an experience of their products. There are numerous parallels that can

be drawn between their manner of operating with respect to their one-time product launch and the

more day-to day practice of Red Bull Music Academy. One of the more obvious parities that we

draw upon through using Arvidsson is that of network entrepreneurship and indeed on the manner

in which RBMA poaches on the established networks and social relations of key creative standouts

within the spectrum of underground culture. Arvidsson maintains that: “the underground produces

the authentic forms of life that have become increasingly valuable in contemporary viral or event

marketing strategies.” (Arvidsson 2007: 20). He elaborates on this by describing the role and

function of network entrepreneurs such as deejays and artists within the urban underground, who

“make use of their networks, either to mobilize an attractive crowd of friends and acquaintances, or

to develop their own artistic capital.”(ibid). It is this particular fringe of people nestled within a

niche of society (underground culture) that are of interest to us through our theoretical discussions.

We wish to establish whether RBMA does in fact “poach” the creativity and social prowess of those

within the aforementioned social segment, in so doing creating an interactive experience between

brand and consumers. Moreover, if this is the case, what criteria do RBMA operate by when it

comes to selecting and poaching off the efforts and social placement of network entrepreneurs and

crucially, from a critical perspective, who gains what from such a strategy? It goes without saying

that RBMA and the Red Bull brand surely profit monetarily or otherwise from such strategies.

However, reiterating our problem formulation, it is vital that we also examine how the artists

involved are affected by this collaboration. Arvidsson's findings are pivotal in this respect,

particularly when it comes to examining the link between the underground and commercial

interests.

Theodor Adorno

Theodor Adorno's text “Culture Industry Reconsidered” is a continuation of his work with

Horkheimer and their book from 1947, Dialektik der Aufklärung. In this book, they discussed the

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concept of ‘mass culture’, and in doing so coined the phrase ‘culture industry’. The reason for the

shift from mass culture to culture industry should be seen in the light of the general misconception,

namely that the concept of mass culture suggests a culture that has arisen from the masses

themselves. According to Adorno, the culture industry is not something that occurs spontaneously

in the masses. It is a top down application, a carefully planned effort by those in power,

intentionally designed to create needs, desires and consumption in said masses. The culture

industry reflects the needs of the masses, mirroring them and creating them at the same time,

deliberately disguising itself as something adapted to the consumer’s specific needs. (Adorno 1972:

30).

It blends “high” and “low” art forms, to the detriment of both. The “high” art loses its

value and is destroyed by speculation about its impact, while the “low” art loses its expression

through domestication of the undisciplined and intractable, values that kept it from being controlled

(ibid). By speculating in such a calculated manner in the conscious and subconscious mind-set of

the masses, the culture industry transforms the individual into an object of cultural industries,

thereby eliminating any subjective participation. The consumer is not king, as the culture industry

wants us to believe. He is its obedient object (Adorno 1972: 31).

The culture industry is profit motivated and gain revenue by instilling the masses with

its undermining ideology. The autonomy in art disappears with the standardization of skills,

products and trades incorporated by the culture industry. The challenging aspects of and within the

cultural realm are now being eradicated with the shift towards the quantitative. The spiritual

creations, which previously were also seen as goods, are now reduced to only be product (goods)

from the inside out. Culture has thus become a product. The profit motive in the cultural industry is

to sell old ideas as new (Adorno 1972: 31-32).

At the same time, the culture industry packages its products in the scourge of

individuality and sells them as immediate and personal and as something, which provides a

sanctuary from immediacy.

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“The more dehumanized its methods of operation and content, the more diligently and

successfully the culture industry propagates supposedly great personalities and operates with

heart-throbs” (Adorno 1972: 33).

The culture industry still lingers in the world of trade and goods, bearing an affinity

for the aging circulation process of the capitalistic system from which it heralds. Thriving on the

individualistic arts and the commercial exploitation of said art forms, it portrays an industrial way

of operating in a sense, by adapting to different organizational forms, leeching on to true art and

mechanically reproducing it by means of industrial production patterns (Ibid).

To underestimate and dismiss the culture industry altogether would be foolish and

downright naive. One has to take it seriously. Not as a concept of culture that should be encouraged

and favored, but because it is destructive and diminishing. Critique of the culture industry, are most

likely met with allegations of esoteric arrogance, but one cannot apply the mark of quality just

because a feature has a wide appeal (Adorno 1972: 34-35).

Furthermore, Adorno believes that the information, which the culture industry brings

to light, is pathetic, trivial, banal and ultimately conforming. People are divided when it comes to

the culture industry and what it has to offer. The masses wants to be deceived, and they ignore the

deception, knowing fully well that they will not be able to do without the satisfactions offered by

the culture industry (Adorno 1972: 35).

Proponents of the culture industry are in the wrong, according to Adorno, as they

cannot see that it destroys more than it preserves. He accuses it of stealing everything that is unique,

in order to streamline it and make it look like everything else. The culture industry sells itself as an

advisor to the misguided, offering hollow solutions to “fabricated” problems, so that people never

have to address the real problems in their lives. Should one stray from the chosen path, the culture

industry can quickly ease one back on track, just as a musician in a rhythmic jam finds his way back

(Adorno 1972: 37).

As a means to reduce consciousness of the masses, the culture industry engages in a

deliberate smear campaign against intellectuals. Although the culture industry’s intentions may

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seem harmless, they have to be regarded as anything but that. In Adorno's view, the culture industry

is about anti-enlightenment and mass deception. It prevents the creation of independent minded

individuals, through branding of the masses from above. It keeps the individual from reaching an

enlightened maturity and emancipation (Adorno 1972: 38-39).

Luc Boltanski

Through Arvidsson we have discussed the increasing importance of companies latching onto the

potential of creative individuals with significant networks. Expanding on this notion, Luc Boltanski

puts forth arguments that chart newly emergent trends in the modern narrative of capitalism.

Boltanski's theories argue that capitalism has gone through many different changes

over the last century, which he documents in some depth, based on empirical fieldwork. Of the

many changes he discusses, it is his findings regarding the networked functionality of the modern-

day firm that interests us. The French sociologist argues that “ a new representation of the firm has

emerged, featuring an organisation that is very flexible; organised by projects; works in a network,

features few hierarchical levels; where a logic of transversal flows has replaced a more hierarchical

one etc...” (Boltanski 2002: 4). Adding ballast to this, in his chronological assessment of some of

the major changes within capitalism over the last 30 years, Boltanski also cites other developments

such as an increased tendency to fuse private lives with one's professional sphere and “lean

companies” that are organised in networks or by projects (in the 1990's and thereafter).

Boltanski's comparative matrices also suggest that there has been a tendency for

companies to become more meritocratic and project oriented. Project-oriented operations of this

sort, he argues, facilitate opportunities for one to develop one's employability. In similar vein, fuzzy

organisations, high levels of innovation and creativity and an organisational desire for and comfort

with permanent change all contribute to creating the underpinning conditions for a networked,

loosely structured and self-defining organisation.

Pierre Bourdieu

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The capital theory of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu plays a key role in the analysis of Red Bull

Music Academy. The purpose of applying this theory being to investigate and reveal the structure

Red Bull Music Academy is part of.

According to Bourdieu reality is relational, which is seen in the social space, the

society, in which social agents occupy a relational position towards each other (Bourdieu 1997: 91).

The social agents differ from each other and place themselves in the social space by possessing and

exchanging different kinds of capital (Bourdieu 1997: 91). These different kinds of capital can

manifest themselves as economic, cultural and social capital. When recognised in the social space,

the capital a social agent possess transforms into symbolic capital. Hence, when capital is

exchanged it transforms into symbolic capital within a field of exchange. Symbolic capital being

prestige, honour, recognition and thereby power (Bourdieu 1986: 244). The exchange of capital

happens within different fields in the social space. Bourdieu uses the term field to describe a

structured social space in which the relations between people have their own rules, hierarchies and

way of acknowledging each other. In modern society, examples on different fields can be politics,

education or art.

In the case of Red Bull Music Academy, we have constructed the field the experience

economy. It is in this field we will investigate the role of Red Bull Music Academy and the

exchange of capital. This construction is an academic tool we use in order to objectify the complex

reality that Red Bull Music Academy is part of. We do this with an understanding of the concepts of

field and capital as abstract constructions that we as researchers can utilize to create an

understanding and a way of viewing and arranging a specific problem or specific social contexts.

Analysis

Our analysis is threefold, entailing an exploration of the capital exchange that takes place as a result

of RBMA operating in the way it does with its affiliated artists. To do this, we incorporate Bourdieu

and his position on forms of capital. This is discussed in the context of Pine & Gilmore's stance

related to the experience economy. Secondly, we explore the grounds for RBMA to operate in the

manner that they do (as a highly networked operation), as discussed by Boltanski. We then delve

36

into the specifics of the manner in which they network and on the importance of this for both

RBMA and the artists affiliated with them, exploring the potential synergies between both parts

using theory by Arvidsson. Lastly, we examine the potential pitfalls of such a collaboration as

expressed by Adorno, who is of the opinion that an institutionalization of art that erodes the

authentic properties of craftsmanship takes place through a relationship such as the one in question

here.

The field of the experience economy

In the following, we will establish the field of the experience economy in order to analyse the role

and capital of Red Bull Music Academy. To do this we apply the theories and observations of Pine

& Gilmore together with the concept of field and capital of Pierre Bourdieu.

A key element in The Experience Economy by Pine & Gilmore is the progression of economic

value. Pine & Gilmore writes about the progression of economic value as a development occurring

when a product is commoditized and as a result needs to be customized in order to differentiate from

other products(Pine & Gilmore 2011: 34). The strategic efforts from Red Bull to do this has led

them to a point of customization that Pine & Gilmore labels experiences. Compared to the earlier

stages of the progression of economic value - commodities, goods and services - the value of a

product is not based on the product itself, but on the experience surrounding it. In Bourdieu's terms,

the experience surrounding a product is symbolic, meaning that it represents itself not as economic,

cultural or social capital, but as symbolic capital. When using experiences to sell a product, you do

not perceive the product but the symbolic characters surrounding it. For instance, when buying a

can of Red Bull you are not only buying an energy drink, you are buying the symbolic capital that

Red Bull has created through experiences like Red Bull Music Academy. Hence, the purpose of the

further analysis of Red Bull Music Academy is to investigate the symbolic capital that Red Bull

achieves through Red Bull Music Academy.

The economic capital of Red Bull

It is quite obvious that Red Bull spends a lot of economic capital on Red Bull Music Academy.

Employee at Red Bull in Denmark Maren Sørensen puts it this way:

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“Well it is obvious, that when a brand spends so much on it, economy on it, that Red Bull of course

does - it is obvious if you do the math, without me knowing the numbers - then it is clear that you

gain something, but i think that is pretty obvious that you get… Well that you are being connected

with those artists in some way.”(Interview with Maren: 30:03)

To Maren the exchange of economic capital has an obvious benefit, being the relation

of the Red Bull brand to the artists, and as she specifies: “You sort of connect Red Bull with them

supporting good music and you get a positive view of the brand, right?” (Interview with Maren:

30:34). According to this, Red Bull exchanges their economic capital, through Red Bull Music

Academy, to a symbolic capital of being related to and supportive of good music. Musician and

former participant in Red Bull Music Academy Julius Sylvest describes the possibilities that the

economic capital Red Bull provides: “(...)they can help me both on some economic fields, they don’t

give money per se, but they give me presents like for instance a drummachine(...)” (Interview with

Julius: 08:43) and, “But they just have those means to do something big, that would be impossible

for me to do in my career.”(Interview with Julius: 11:28).

Tobias Kirstein has a more critical or realist view towards this, saying: “Well, they’re

buying indulgences, right?” (Interview with Tobias: 38:50) Referring to the strategy of Red Bull

Music Academy, being a way for Red Bull to do something good, while producing a possible

dangerous energy drink (Internet Link 5).

In relation to the experience economy, Red Bulls economic capital provides Red Bull

Music Academy with the possibility to be a long-term partner with musicians on a global scale and

provide an experience and a feel surrounding the brand continuously. In the terms of Pine &

Gilmore Red Bull stages memorable experiences by investing massive amounts of economic capital

in order to customize their product - the Red Bull energy drink. The question then occurring is how

Red Bull Music Academy manages to transform the economic capital to symbolic capital. To

answer this we will analyse both the cultural capital and social capital of Red Bull Music Academy.

The cultural capital of Red Bull Music Academy Cultural capital is divided into three subtypes of capital: The embodied, the institutionalized and

the objective.

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The embodied cultural capital refers to the self and the way you think, act and behave, in

Bourdieu's words ones’ habitus. The embodied cultural capital is acquired over time, both

consciously and passively, through socialization, education, traditions and so forth. It can be said to

be the sum of your impressions constantly developing and changing one's habitus as life happens. In

relation to the experience economy, this is essential. Pine & Gilmore and the experience economy’s

recognition of experiences being a force of change in the ongoing development of one’s cultural

capital is in many ways the core of the experience economy and describes the final step in the

progression of economic value - transformations. In other words the use of experiences in business’,

as in other parts of life, shape the embodied cultural capital of the people experiencing. In the case

of Red Bull and Red Bull Music Academy their use of experiences both, change the artists

participating and the audience, i.e. the customers and the cultural capital of Red Bull. Musician and

participant at Red Bull Music Academy in 2011 Julius Sylvest exemplifies this, when speaking of

his experience, first meeting well-known musicians and then producing music:

“And it was after we had heard peoples’, who really have made it in the industry, opinions and

their story and then we had plenty opportunity to go to the studios and create from the inspiration

we had gotten.”(Interview with Julius: 06:14)

The people who made it, that Julius Sylvest mentions, are people who embodies

cultural capital, hence they are accomplished musicians. By using these, not only does Red Bull

Music Academy legitimize themselves culturally, but it is also an experience that adds to the

embodied cultural capital of the participants. Another point Julius Sylvest makes in this context is

when he quickly describes the intense weeks during the Red Bull Music Academy:

“Well first you are picked up from the hotel, eat some food, listen to the two lectures, in to the

studio, create music until maybe 22 in the evening. Afterwards you are sent to a club, where you

have to dance and listen to some musicians. Up at 9 the next day, do the same and at the end this

cycle has been going on for 10-11-12 days, then you start to drink Red Bull and it is the first time

you do it and vi were pretty internal about we are definitely not going to drink any of that piss, but

in the end you couldn’t help it because we really needed that extra caffeine boost. And then they

took the pictures and it all made sense for them.”(Interview with Julius: 34:50)

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The participants did not want to drink Red Bull, but through many intense days, the

experiences and the lack of sleep made it impossible to resist a Red Bull. This can be seen as a

transformation of the participants to a more positive attitude toward Red Bull. The Red Bull Music

Academy employees also bring an embodied cultural capital. An article written in the Danish music

magazine Gaffa called Red Bull Music Academy: Music nerds with wings introduces the founders of

Red Bull Music Academy as “(...)glowing music enthusiasts”(Internet Link 6). The embodied

cultural capital as music enthusiasts or nerds is then reflected upon Red Bull Music Academy. Mads

Oustrup, who personally knows Fergus Murphy, the head of Red Bull Music Academy in Denmark,

says:

“Fergus, who is one of the prime movers behind, definitely has a mission. He is at Red Bull because

they give him the opportunity to do something that he is really passionate about, that is supporting

upcoming music. He is not passionate, as I know him and as I experience it, about strengthening the

Red Bull brand. That is Red Bulls passion. He is there because he can be allowed to give some

music wings with the money of Red Bull. And i think you can feel that on him, that they’re very

sincere about their passion for it.”(Interview with Mads: 51:43)

Employee Maren Sørensen specifies this when speaking of the Red Bull Music Academy

website: “It is music nerds who create the site, it is music nerds who work with it, educate and do

the Red Bull Music Academy radio.”(Interview with Maren: 12:35)

This leads to the next subtype of cultural capital, being the objective cultural capital. In this

case, we use this term to describe the music, videos and radio shows recorded and stored at the Red

Bull Music Academy website. Maren Sørensen says concerning the interviews: “Yes, there is a lot

of documentation in it. Well you document these interviews and then they are there for the future.”

(Interview with Maren: 13:59) Through this documentation and production, Red Bull Music

Academy establishes an objective cultural capital, not for the purpose of sales, since they do not

own the rights to the music, but for the purpose of strengthening the cultural capital of Red Bull

Music Academy.

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The institutionalized cultural capital refers to the recognition institutions can give to individuals,

being grades or diplomas in school or awards like an Oscar. Being able to participate in Red Bull

Music Academy is, by the large number of applicants and the small number of participants, a

recognition and the Red Bull Music Academy is by many viewed as an institution with a high

degree of cultural capital. Red Bull Music Academy has, through several years of dedication; build

an institution with a high degree of cultural capital. This shows when Mads Oustrup speaks of why

he wants to cooperate with Red Bull:

“That, which makes me wanting to work with them and think that it is cool, is the history they have.

It means just as much as the studio they have, that they have participated in introducing some cool

music.”(Interview with Mads: 32:52)

The social capital is the third kind of capital, which in this context refers to the network that Red

Bull Music Academy is part of and have established. There is no doubt about Red Bull Music

Academy being a platform for a global musical network, Maren Sørensen says when speaking of

the beginning of Red Bull Music Academy: “it is namely very network oriented.”(Interview with

Maren: 02:04) This also became clear in the interview with Julius Sylvest when talking of the

network Red Bull Music Academy creates: “Yes, the network you hold on to and you keep on being

connected to the people around the world.”(Interview with Julius: 07:47). And for Julius Sylvest it

doesn’t end there, the network is like a family for him: “Yes, because they are my friends from Red

Bull and we eat dinners together and we have a good chemistry, a naturally good chemistry

together. So I don’t think it becomes superficial.”(Interview with Julius: 19:26) The network is an

essential part of Red Bull Music Academy both in order to become part of Red Bull Music

Academy, as Maren Sørensen says when speaking of the criterias of entering the Red Bull Music

Academy: “It is a lot of, like you talked about in the beginning, this network attitude. It is usually

not big stars, but people who can achieve something by working with others.”(Interview with

Maren: 04:14) To musician Mads Oustrup the network of Red Bull made it natural to want to

participate in a cooperation with Red Bull, he explains:

“ A lot of artists are part of this CDR and Green Shades and Red Bull. Red Bull has sponsored

these events for a long time or for these three, four years it has existed. So that’s why it was obvious

for us to begin a cooperation with them.”(Interview with Mads: 10:21)

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The symbolic capital of Red Bull Music Academy Through Bourdieu’s concepts of capital we have shown how Red Bull have used their economic

capital to build the cultural and social capital of Red Bull Music Academy. In the following, we will

try to conclude how this is valued as symbolic capital in the experience economy.

In the experience economy the product is no longer enough, instead “(...) the staging of experiences

must be pursued as a distinct form of economic output.”(Pine & Gilmore 2011: ix) In some ways,

this is what Red Bull is doing through the initiative of Red Bull Music Academy. In order to do this

staging of Red Bull successfully, they have realized that economic capital is insufficient. To create

an experience the use of cultural and social capital is demanded in order to be recognised within the

field of artists, musicians and also consumers. This is done by tapping into the creativity and

originality of upcoming artists and their network, while simultaneously boosting this and thereby

institutionalizing it through the Red Bull Music Academy. The symbolic capital gained from this

process can differ depending on whom you ask. To Maren Sørensen it creates “(...) a great deal of

respect and legitimacy towards Red Bull Music Academy amongst musicians.”(Interview with

Maren: 10:20). To Mads Oustrup “They gain a lot of authenticity on it.”(Interview with Mads:

19:30). He reflects further: “It is a very cheap way for them to do this, compared to having to buy

the same credit, because it is insanely expensive to buy peoples’ credit.”(Interview with Mads:

17:50). Julius Sylvest exemplifies how this credit is bought through him:

“Well, I’m going to create a scenario now. If I one day become, let’s just say something, I become

the new producer of Rihanna or something, a big producer. Then people are getting to be interested

in reading about me, searches on Wikipedia for instance and sees that he has been to Red Bull

Music Academy. Already we have a positive story, that is about success and Red Bull in the same

stall. That is the perfect way of doing marketing for them.” (Interview with Julius: 36:41)

Tobias Kirstein, founder of Mayhem, does not value the symbolic capital of Red Bull

Music Academy because he holds on to the fact that Red Bulls main contribution is economic, and

not social or cultural, which he value higher within the field of music and art. He says, when asked

of the difference between Mayhem and Red Bull Music Academy:

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“But I think there is a big difference and now it becomes something that you are not really

supposed to say, but I think we have a purity in what we do, that Red Bull in no way can claim and

that is a quite crucial difference.” (Interview with Tobias: 44:51)

In conclusion, Red Bull has managed to exchange their economic capital to cultural

and social capital, by allowing musicians and music nerds to work quite freely and passionately

with music. This has given Red Bull Music Academy the symbolic capital needed to continue and it

has given Red Bull the symbolic capital to be viewed not only as an energy drink company, but also

as a company that gives people wings. Although this is rejected by some, it is appreciated by many,

and as Maren Sørensen says: “(...) it is probably this that the future will rely more and more upon.”

(Interview with Maren: 37:05) With that in mind and with the observations of Pine & Gilmore

supporting this, Red Bull has positioned themselves as a recognised and powerful agent in the

future field of experience economy, culture and art.

Boltanski and the Networked society

Within a narrative of some of the changes to capitalism over the last century, Boltanski cites one

major change that is of relevance to our project, namely the tendency towards a more networked

society. The French sociologist puts forth that:

“a new representation of the firm has emerged, featuring an organisation that is very flexible;

organised by projects; works in a network, features few hierarchical levels; where a logic of

transversal flows has replaced a more hierarchical one etc...” (Boltanski 2002: 4).

This is interesting to consider as it lays out the overlying assumptions behind why Red Bull

can operate in the way that they do, as a networked organisation that is both flexible and works on

the basis of projects. These projects can include the artists that RBMA invests in, or indeed the

numerous activities that are organised for them (such as the various events that they activate in

order to mobilize activity from their artists).

From our empirical forays, it is clear to see that this description of the modern-day firm

correlates closely with the sort of organisation that Red Bull is. From the outset, this is backed by

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the wording of the firm representatives who we interviewed, for instance by Maren Sørensen who,

from the outset states that one of the criteria that RBMA value in their candidates is that they they

have a network that can be tapped into and expanded “ A lot of it is about networking.” “They don't

have to be big stars per se but people that can gain from working with others” (Interview with

Maren Sørensen: 2:00). Lena Agerbo, another RBMA employee, seconds this, adding that:

“RBMA acquires a strong link and network to the music scene whilst the artist becomes part

of a huge network that provides unique opportunities that one would otherwise be unable to

access.” “It is everything from concert venues, exposure to both the press and the strong and

influential platform that is part and parcel of RBMA”

Lena Agerbo, in response to the question as to what RBMA and the artists involved gain

respectively. For their part, the artists we interviewed also voice their awareness of the networking

aspect of the Red Bull operation, with Julius Sylvest going as far as calling Red Bull a part of his

“family.”

What this implies is that RBMA is an operation that, as we will discuss further on using

Adam Arvidsson, invest strategically and deliberately in underground networks. Boltanski's theories

argue for the existence of a different type of firm, organised in projects and which works in a

network as mentioned previously. RBMA appears to reflect this trait. Boltanski also talks of an

increasing tendency to fuse private lives with one's professional identity, leading to fuzzy

organisational structures with high levels of creativity and innovation. This blurring of identities is

something that we can exemplify using Maren Sørensen, who works on a freelance basis for RBMA

(as opposed to being under a permanent contract). She herself gives further mention of this fuzzing

of social roles with regard to one element of the academy (RBMA radio) stating that “It (the radio)

is made for music nerds.” “It is music nerds that made the site, it is music nerds that work with it

and it is music nerds that teach and produce RBMA's radio” (Interview with Maren Sørensen:

12:25). Even more enlightening is Maren's depiction of the music academy, as an organisation that,

“when all is said and done, RBMA is a music nerd forum for the most part” (Interview with Maren

Sørensen: 23:35) .These statements ratify Boltanski's observations of post 1990 firms and whilst his

conclusions are more general, it is clear to see that many of the traits he mentions are indeed

exemplified by RBMA and the sort of operation that they are running. We can talk of the existence

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of a networked corporate operation whose aim it is to ally itself with the underground? To reiterate

our research objectives, who gains what from this relationship and how is it exemplified? To shed

light on this, we turn to Adam Arvidsson and his description of the corporate poaching of the

underground.

As a point of departure, we reiterate to our definition of underground culture; the existence

of autonomous processes of cultural production that are often more cool, innovative, rebellious and

cutting edge when compared to other forms of cultural production. (Arvidsson 2007: 14). From this

definition, it is evident that the musicians and spokespeople that we have interviewed bear some of

these qualities in their craftsmanship. Furthermore, their work is self-defining (no doubt to a higher

extent before it is enmeshed with the interests of others such as RBMA). This auto-definitional

quality, we can argue, gives it a quality of authenticity that other forms of cultural production lack.

On the other side of the spectrum, commercially motivated actors such as RBMA and the

overall Red Bull brand have their own motives as far as their behaviour in the narrative of society is

concerned. One of the more obvious motives of many businesses is that of making a profit. We

have not delved much into this corporate objective through our research. What we can say,

however, is that, many firms operate as networked operations and that networking constitutes a

central part of their day-to-day activity (as discussed using Boltanski above). Now the link between

the two (the underground and network-based operations such as RBMA) is what is of interest to us

here. “The underground produces the authentic forms of life that have become increasingly valuable

in contemporary viral or event marketing strategies.”(Arvidsson 2007: 20). Moreover, Arvidsson

makes mention of ‘network entrepreneurs;

“(...) such as deejays and artists within the urban underground, who “make use of their

networks, either to mobilize an attractive crowd of friends and acquaintances, or to develop their

own artistic capital.” (ibid).

This suggests that there is a marketing potential in the underground that can be poached and

turned into capital by commercial agents such as RBMA. From our interviews, it is clear to see that

the artists who collaborate with Red Bull are well aware of this. It is also clear to see that each of

them has a unique relationship to RBMA and that what they have to offer the organisation as

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network entrepreneurs is different from one musician to another. Moreover, in the case of Tobias,

who hasn’t collaborated with RBMA, we can mention that he displays a critical scepticism towards

working with them, based on his definition of what he does as an underground agent and artist.

To exemplify the different attitudes, we can start with Julius, the youngest of the lot, who is

wholeheartedly praiseworthy of his collaboration with RBMA, stating that he is pleased with it and

feels that he owes RBMA something for all that they have done for him. Mads oustrup is also

generally pleased with his relationship with Red Bull (though here it is important for us to

remember that his collaboration has primarily been through the use of Red Bull Studios and not the

academy directly). See the distinction between the two in the chapter entitled “History of Red Bull

Music Academy.” He categorically ratifies the grounds that RBMA have to venture into harnessing

the fruits of the underground stating that:

“Underground musicians are hungry, so they say yes to such a collaboration.” “Larger

mainstream labels won’t do the same as they (underground artists) get all these things other

places” (Interview with Mads Oustrup: 29:35).

Furthermore, where Julius has nothing skeptical to say of his experiences, Mads is indeed

pleased with the networking aspect of his collaboration with RBMA but feels that more could have

been done to nurture what he got out of it:

“The entire network around music and producers exists also in London and U.S.A.” “ As a

producer I would have hoped to have been more involved in such a network through working with

some of the people in it” (Interview with Mads Oustrup: 37:47).

He reinforces this statement by stating that “our collaboration is defined by Red Bull paying

for numerous expenses for things that we could not pay for ourselves but also things we have

gained because they did pay” (Interview with Mads Oustrup: 6:21).

In Mads’ example, we are dealing with an artist who is interested in becoming part of a

larger network, but nevertheless he is expressing that he does not feel this is the case after

collaborating with Red Bull. He does not feel that he has enlarged his network and he does not feel

46

as a part of a “Red Bull-family” ((Interview with Mads: 54:00) which Lena Agerbo mentions as an

answer to the question about whether or not it is difficult to upholding a connection to artists who

have participated in the Red Bull Music Academy (Interview with Lena Agerbo: spørgsmål 3).

Mads is seeing a great unexploited potential as Red Bull holds contacts in several countries

worldwide and he expresses that he very much wished to be a part of such a network. He suggest a

model where Red Bull gather a group of the most popular producers in Denmark in terms of what

music has the most air-time and let these producers exchange ideas on each other’s work and thus

produce new work. This, he states, could and should not only take place that one time a year at the

Red Bull Music Academy but throughout the year (Interview with Mads: 37:47).

It is important to bear in mind that Mads is not and has not been a part of the Red Bull

Music Academy and only in the Red Bull Studios in Copenhagen. Furthermore it is clear early in

the interview that prior to the collaboration with Red Bull he is already a part of a network of

musicians and key figures in the industries which most up-coming musicians can only dream of

(Interview with Mads: 19:35, 44:40 and 51:53).

In this case, it seems obvious that Red Bull is simply buying access to this network through

a simple classical exchange of economic capital: Paid expenses of singing-lessons, plane tickets,

studio hours and various equipment. Thus, Julius and Mads hold different roles in the network,

which Red Bull is constructing. While Julius is harvesting an expanded network through his

collaboration with Red Bull, Mads holds the role mainly as a resource in the network to be offered

as a long-term investment to promising artists as Julius.

The structure that Red Bull is building is a network of people, where each member

contributes with different resources or shows potential for building up such resources on a long-

term basis and thus they themselves become a long-term investment for Red Bull. Through this

method, new resources are automatically attracted through the capability of RBMA offering the

resources it is already holding and thus becoming self-sustaining. We can talk of a snowball effect

here - where the growing of the network makes it even more attracting for new artists. One can

imagine that this accumulation of resources, or different types of capital - symbolic capital and

network capital as Bourdieu would argue, gives Red Bull the opportunity to cut down of their

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economic expenses in this model as their level of authenticity and their bank of these different types

of capital which can be used as a means of exchange automatically grows.

Arvidsson states above while elaboration on the collaboration between the underground and

various commercial interests that it is not only the company who benefit but also the artists can

through such a collaboration “develop their own artistic capital” (Arvidsson 2007: 20)

Julius would agree very strongly on this which his statements above witness. Mads seems a bit

more reflected on the matter and expresses concerns whether the exchange of capital is to his or

Red Bull’s favor but comes to the conclusion that he does not at all see any harm of being

associated with Red Bull but rather gains on the relationship on several accounts and therefore does

not feel exploited in any way.

A much more pessimistic view on the matter of the collaboration between commercial and

artistic interests is expressed by Tobias Kirstein when asking to his understanding of the concept of

‘underground’:

“I understand it kind of like a capitalistic metaphor, not because I am a marxist or its like,

but because it is like a metaphor for growth. There is the underground and then there is something

that flourish so we can [he sniffs and makes sounds of comfort] Ah! And then we sniff it and makes

a lot of money…” (Interview with Tobias: 18:28).

Tobias feels that the relationship between the commercial and the cultural interests is not in

balance or that is one of mutual respect and that the capital is mainly flowing in one direction - to

the company. Also the concept of ‘entrepreneurs’, ‘grassroots’ and their like, which is labels often

used in connected to doing non-profit work are concepts, which Tobias understands in an extremely

negative way:

“I hate those words! Entrepreneurs are simply idiots. It is the companies which uses them like…

Wow these are idiots! And grassroots… Again, there is the metaphor, right? They are the ones

around here [pointing underground] and nobody really sees, and they are really important [said in

an extremely sarcastic tone of voice] for all of us, but it is this [points up over the ground] that we

really appreciate.” (Interview with Tobias 31:35)

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Tobias does mention, that he has, through his work as a curator for the Click-Festival in

Helsingør (Interview with Tobias: 32:41) taken part in considering a wish for raising money and

expanding an international network, which is pretty much the same motives as Mads and Julius has

for collaborating with Red Bull. On these notion on how to do his he states the following: “(...) this

is among other ways done by collaboration with Red Bull” (Interview with Tobias: 32:30). But this

is the question if this is the case. Through our empirical work with artists collaborating with Red

Bull and employees in the company it is clear, that what you stand to receive through the

collaboration very much depend on what you yourself have to offer in return.

As mentioned above Tobias reflections and notions on the concepts of the underground,

entrepreneurs and other terms is of a negative character and that he generally has a very critical

approach on linking commercial powers and art together. However, he is not categorically rejecting

such a collaboration but seems to be of the notion that too often the exchange of capital favors the

company and not the artist:

“(...) if for an example Copenhagen Dox (fodnote) contacts us then we know that they

prosper from volunteer workers and that we do not like. It is how the movie business runs. We want

that the culture branch is decent and that we treat each other properly and therefore we might

demand a high salary or a high rental fee (...)” (Interview with Tobias: 12:43)

In short, Red Bull is with Red Bull Music Academy building a network structure where they

are accumulating resources (musicians), which through the effect like a snowball or gravity attracts

even more resource. These resources is at the same time an accumulation of different capitals and

by holding the name of Red Bull Music Academy it makes Red Bull able to use these capital not

only in the context of the music industry but in general.

The standardization of culture

When it comes to the RBMA, the levels of negative criticism are almost non-existent. In most of the

interviews, that we have conducted there seems to be a common thread throughout. Almost all the

interviews sing high praises of the concept as a whole with Lena Agerbo noting that:

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"RBMA is unique and something that does not exist in other forms. “It is so brilliantly

conceived and an incredible music facilitator, which most artists have a burning desire to be a part

of. I think that it is really impressive that they have built this up" (Interview with Lena Agerbo).

The participants of the RBMA and the Red Bull Studios programme, Julius and Mads, both

had very little if anything critical to point out. The main concern in Mads’ instance was the lack of

networking, while Julius seemed more occupied with the fact, that he did not feel like he gave

enough back to Red Bull (Interview with Julius: 11:55).

The overall impression is that Red Bull facilitate and propagate without any stringent

demands and contractual circumstances. This is seemingly a great deal for both Red Bull and the

musicians, though Adorno would probably think otherwise, arguing that Red Bull has done what

companies within the culture industry does, I.e. undermine the artists with a Red Bull philosophy

and ideology thereby gaining influence over them, turning them into products with a profit motive

for pushing the “real” product, the energy drink. A product, which is sold in the guise of something

else and new (Adorno 1972: 31-32).

RBMA seems fixated on incorporating sub- and underground genres into their roster

and gain access to those environments: “All that have worked with RBMA as musicians are from

the underground universe. They know what it's all about” (Interview with Maren 36:09). However,

Tobias from Mayhem is in opposition to much of what RBMA is about. Tobias says that even

though RBMA and Mayhem may not differ greatly at first glance, there is a vast difference in the

way they operate on a financial level. Mayhem does not operate with the same economic intention

as RBMA. As Tobias says: “We have not done this in order to strengthen our brand because we

feel guilty about our shitty product. We have done it in pure altruism, and one can say for selfish

reasons” (Interview with Tobias: 42:00) When asked whether or not Mayhem then is not just doing

the same thing as RBMA, Tobias notes that: “(...) I think there is a huge difference (...) I think that

we have a purity to what we do, which Red Bull cannot claim and it is therefore a crucial

difference” (Interview with Tobias: 44:51).

He himself being a representative of the DIY culture, Tobias asserts that he has no

interest in any kind of mediator coming between him and his art. When asked whether or not he

would enter into a relationship with Red Bull, he stresses that he himself would not.“ (...) I only

want unadulterated conditions between me and what I do” (Interview with Tobias: 45:00). He

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needs no proxy or intermediary to facilitate his intended desires and needs in relation to said art.

This standpoint is not far from the thoughts of Adorno, who says that art in any form loses its value

when it is subjected to influence from outside forces. The “low” art, in this case the punk and DIY

scene, will lose its expression and be domesticated if they enter into a collaboration with Red Bull.

The autonomy and any challenging aspect will disappear with the standardization that comes with

such a collaboration (Adorno 1972: 31-32). Tobias also notes that he finds it difficult to work under

circumstances where there is little or no transparency. "I do not like not being able to figure out who

I work with, and I cannot figure out what kind of operation Red Bull is” (Interview with Tobias:

36:00). Unlike Tobias, Mads does not see his music as art. His music is a product and one that he

willingly combines with a commercial aspect, unless it is in conjunction with companies with

whom he does not share any affection for their products such as cigarette producers (Interview with

Mads: 21:45 & 30:40).

To sum up, we have examined how RBMA are building up their position within the cultural

spectrum by acquiring different forms of capital through tactical investments in the potential of the

underground. Whilst it is clear that there are mutual gains to be made from this sort of investment,

there is no doubt that RBMA are potentially the bigger of the two winners in the equation. This is

something that some of the artists involved are aware of, in varying degrees, depending of their

level of involvement in RBMA and other factors.

We have also discussed networking and the importance that this plays both for RBMA and

the artists it affiliates itself with. Again, there are varied opinions here though a sample size of two

participants on which to ground our assumptions is somewhat limiting. The underlying conditions

for RBMA to operate as it does (a heavily networked operation in the modern era) are clearly

defined by the likes of Boltanski, and their strategic nous, whilst not specifically and categorically

defined by their employees, remains one that is sturdily anchored in networking.

Counterweights to the gains made by the artists and RBMA can be made from the

perspective of Adorno, who lashes out at the legitimacy of one’s work after it is adulterated by

commercial influences. These are backed by a well-grounded, well-formulated opposition to such

collaborations on the part of Tobias Kirstein. It is important to mention here that he is not against

these alliances taking place, but from his point of view, it does not make sense to engage in them.

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Here, we can once again discuss the idea of each individual we have used in our empirical work and

how their viewpoints are relative; related to their specific relationships to RBMA. We will expand

on this in our discussion.

Discussion

In this section, we will discuss the findings of our analysis and the implications they have on

answering our research queries. In this regard, we have explored the relationship between RBMA

and its affiliated artists, many of whom fit a profile of being part of the underground scene, at least

at the start of their collaboration. This relationship is built on the premise of the existence of

grounds for greater collaboration between the underground and commercially motivated actors, as

we have discussed using Boltanski and Arvidsson.

To answer our research questions using our analysis, we can say that RBMA creates a

dialogue between themselves and the artists they affiliate with around the idea of establishing a

network of ambitious underground (with potential to emerge and become famous and recognised)

cultural entrepreneurs. We use the terminology entrepreneur, as Arvidsson does, as it is clear that

RBMA affiliate themselves with a network of people who are more than mere artists- focus is on

more than music itself. In this regard, RBMA facilitates by giving these entrepreneurs what they

need in terms of resources and studio tools, investing in the vanguard of the underground as part of

a content marketing strategy embedded in a wider brand value narrative. An experience of the idea

behind the brand / product is what is marketed, not the product itself, exemplifying hallmarks of

modern day Pine & Gilmore views on the experience economy.

This network is built through RBMA appealing to the vanguard of the underground

cultural sphere. It is maintained through the creation of a web of music nerds as one interviewee put

it, cultivating a network of people interested in music. Like any academy process, after

“graduation” some come back and become teachers and alumni, strengthening the network further.

The process is well documented and published on a forum where it is accessible to many, adding

ballast to the creation of this universe of relationships between RBMA and its artists. In the

process, RBMA, as the architects of this universe, propel themselves into a position of importance

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through building up various forms of capital, as mentioned by Bourdieu. In a snowball effect,

investments in such forms of enterprise, create spiralling within the network, which morphs into

something bigger and more advanced as nodes at the bottom of it connect independently with each

other. A viral effect is created and RBMA are at the nucleus of it all, empowered by the acquisition

of capital, mainly-non-monetary which in turn, gives them the ability to acquire more influence.

Expanding our discussion on the underground, we can ask questions of the

collaboration between RBMA and their affiliated artists. Does this alliance in any way damage or

adulterate the character or authenticity that the craftsmanship of the artists concerned is associated

with by virtue of it being part of a perceived underground music environment? Certainly according

to Adorno’s last century opinion, an artist's work loses value when subjected to influence from

external forces, which thus undermines the authentic qualities associated with an artist and his or

her craftsmanship. Through the work and theory of Theodor Adorno, it seems that the Red Bull

Music Academy and Red Bull as a company, represents much of what Adorno so persistently railed

against in The Culture Industry Reconsidered. When looked at with the critical gaze of Adorno,

RBMA and its subsidiary branches all represents a combined whole with the sole purpose of

pushing a product, the Red Bull energy drink, to the masses who willingly play the role of

consumers just as Red Bull would have them do, proving that the academy initiative is yet another

part of the culture industry.

In our case, the consumers should not merely be seen as the recipients of the RBMA

output. In some sense, the term ‘consumer’ also entails the musicians and the people who are

willingly entering into a joint collaboration with Red Bull. They are also part of the targeted

audience, keeping in line with Arvidsson and Boltanski and their thoughts. Neither they nor we, the

rest of the consumers, are “kings” as Adorno so lightly stated, we are obedient objects. Once again,

how set-in stone this position is depends on the individual artist and case in question. Concurring

with Adorno, Tobias is of the opinion that a collaboration between his craftsmanship and

commercial actors would would pollute his art as it can never be truly clean if any other interest

than the ones of the artists himself is present. It is important to note here that he is not against such

a relationship; it is just not something for him and his form of producing art.

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On the other hand, the RBMA interviewees themselves (Mads and Julius) do not view

their work as adulterated for the worse as a result of their collaboration. In Mads’ case, he focuses

on whether the interest of Red Bull contradicts with his own which he judges not to be the case and

therefore cannot see any downsides to the collaboration. It is in this context interesting to bear in

mind the statements of Mads regarding his view on himself as being foremost a producer and not

musician (he judges himself as a hopeless musician). We can only speculate on how the other part

of Mads’s project Okapii, Alex, would react on this statement, as Mads expresses that he can only

imagine she sees herself first and foremost as an artist in contradiction to himself. Given the

etymological definition of authenticity as being autos (self-defining), the complexity of discussing

how (in)authentic one’s craftsmanship becomes as a result of collaboration with RBMA is further

compounded.

It is clear therefore that there are mutual gains in the process of a collaboration

between commercial actors and underground artists. In addition to the traditional route of artists

getting their craft exposed via more established fora such as the record label, there exist, in today’s

networked societies, other forms of doing the same. In the case of the record label, it is clear that

record profiles have specific, clear guidelines that define the nature of collaboration between them

and the artists that they affiliate themselves with. As far as RBMA is concerned, however,

networking and storytelling seem to be the defining nous behind their relationships with the artists

they ally themselves with. Within this narrative, there is plenty that is not said, but implied as, for

one thing, the exact criteria as to what specific qualities they look for in their applicants are not

given.

Moreover, there is also the murky aspect of nobody knowing who composes the panel

of judges that review the annual applications to the academy, which Julius talks about in some

depth. This is compounded by poorly defined criteria that go beyond the realms of mere music, as

discussed previously. In our interview with Maren, she explains how applicants for the RBMA are

asked to answer personal questions, so that Red Bull can assess whether or not the person can

collaborate with other people (Interview with Maren: 06:00). Julius confirms this in his interview,

where he stated that his application consisted of a psychological evaluation of his character

(Interview with Julius: 01:00). At the same time, Julius also said that Eloq (famous Danish artist

red.), did not get accepted into RBMA (Interview with Julius: 30:30). This enhances the impression

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that Red Bulls focus when choosing its applicants, relies on more than just the musical product. At

the same time perhaps, it also shows that the established artists seems to be a far cry from what

RBMA is intentionally seeking to affiliate themselves with most of the time. This also seem to be in

conjunction with the impression that Mads has of Red Bull, mainly that they seek upcoming artists

that are “hungry” and perhaps more willing to enter into a relationship with Red Bull (Interview

with Mads: 26:50). An interesting aspect of the whole selection process is that very few people

actually know whom the RBMA jury consists of. Maren said that even she does not know who the

people are (Interview with Maren: 12:55). When compared to the process of state funded cultural

subsidies, which we accounted for in the chapter on the Nordic Cultural Model, Red Bull lacks

transparency. This lack of transparency is, among other things, what deters Tobias from working

with Red Bull. He cannot figure out what Red Bulls intentions are.

Again, we can talk of record companies and the generally set-in-stone criteria that

they require of their collaborations compared to this more diffuse manner of working. Reiterating

Adorno, one can argue that there are other things in focus here apart from music in itself. Weaving

loosely defined collaborations with underground musicians with a content marketing and branding

narrative is nothing short of a hijacking of the authenticity of the underground according to Adorno.

We can also import another relevant argument- that of the Nordic Cultural Model,

which aims to, independently of commercial interests, support artistic initiatives. Here too, as we

discussed in the section about this model, the criteria are clearly defined and the goals and

objectives as well as process, documented in a transparent manner. In the current Danish model of

subsidies within the cultural realm, the model and the “arm’s length” principle allows for

transparency, which in turn allows the public to raise questions of concern or express disagreement

with the allocation of funds in cases where it is needed. This was evident when Tonekunstudvalget

chose to delegate 855.000 dkr to the lead singer of the band Ulige Numre (Internet Link 8). This is

not to say that RBMA are hiding anything per se or acting in an unethical manner, we simply wish

to point out that their working processes are less transparent than other cultural platforms that allow

for the exposition of art. Naturally, there are many that could cry foul here and lambaste RBMA for

being a cover-up for an unethical product, an energy drink. Indeed even Adam Arvidsson, who we

have used in some depth, terms the sort of action that RBMA are associated with as them preying

off the cultural production and ingenuity of the underground. Unlike Adorno, however, he is

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uncritical of this and focuses on describing what has been borne of such a fusion, namely cultural

events that market the rebellious, innovative and cool ethics of underground culture and attract a

plethora of different interested audiences. Here, we need to ask ourselves the fundamental question.

What would happen were commercial actors like RBMA not to be involved in the underground

scene? Would the underground gain the exposure that it deserves and does it even want to gain such

exposure?

We must consider the obvious delimitations in our working process here, namely, that,

whilst we have discussed possible alternatives to gaining artistic exposure, such as Record Labels

and the Nordic Cultural Model, we have not delved into sufficient depth, empirically, to investigate

what the artists affiliated with RBMA think of these alternatives and more importantly on what each

of them would do to their craftsmanship. We also need to bear in mind that this is not a stand-alone

example of commercial interests finding synergies with underground culture. The very discussion

of gentrification and of the advertising industry’s hijacking of the values of sixties counterculture is

one that could go on endlessly. From our point of view, it is with RBMA and their artists as it is

with the aforementioned examples; there are mutual gains for all parties as a result of common

synergies. Some gain more than others do and there are always questions that can be raised.

Ultimately, it is imperative to ask what would the alternative to non-collaboration be and what

implications would this have?

While Red Bull is a private company and can as such do as they please with their own

money, it nevertheless raises some interesting questions in regards to their future role of cultural

facilitators. This becomes especially evident, considering their growing presence in the public

sphere through events and through their influence on the general music scene. These are not

questions that we wish to answer and as such is not the intention with this project. We can merely

note that given the ongoing success of Red Bull, and other companies venturing into the opportune

land of experiences and content marketing, it seems justifiable to acknowledge that it is something,

which one has to take into consideration in regards to the facilitating role of Red Bull and their

vices.

What we can say, aside of the speculations as to the ethical profile of what RBMA are

doing or not doing is that, from our research, those who have worked with the academy are

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generally pleased to have done so. Here we also need to consider that Mads Oustrup’s relationship

with RBMA is unique compared to Julius’ - Mads has been more involved with Red Bull Studios

whilst Julius was the first Dane to be accepted into the global academy. Discrepancies and varied

opinions are at least partially explained by these banal facts. For his part, Mads thoughts on the

academy consolidate the general impression that one has of the operation. In response to being

asked why he thought the academy was as hyped as it is, he replied:

“Because so much good music has been born out of it which has been created in those

bounds. Many compilations has been made, which are created during those academy-sessions

containing a lot of cool stuff.” (Interview with Mads: 58:20)

Conclusion

The intention of this project was to investigate the relationship between cultural production and

commercial interests through the case of Red Bull Music Academy. To do this we interviewed four

people who in some way were connected to Red Bull Music Academy and the Danish music scene.

These four interviews came to be this project's primary empirical evidence and thereby the basis for

the analysis. The analysis of Red Bull Music Academy has several tracks.

First, we investigate how Red Bull through Red Bull Music Academy exchange

economic capital to the cultural and social capital of the artists and employees. This in Bourdieu's

terms transforms into symbolic capital, meaning that Red Bull is recognised, respected and

legitimized through Red Bull Music Academy. This, in the field of the experience economy as

described by Pine & Gilmore, is essential in order to customize their product - not only selling an

energy drink, but selling the feel and experience of a company that gives you wings. It is clear that

both Red Bull and the participants in Red Bull Music Academy are gaining a lot from this.

Furthermore, we believe that this mix of cultural production and commercial interests will become

more and more common.

The next part of the analysis dives deeper into the way Red Bull Music Academy uses

the networked society of today in the accumulation of resources and capital through their employees

and artist collaborations. This is based on the work and theories of Arvidsson and Boltanski and

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through this we show how the network structure and project oriented work life in our society blurs

the lines between not only one’s personal life and one's professional, but also blurs the lines

between artistic and commercial interests. In other words the networked society makes it possible to

combine these, as we established is being done through Red Bull Music Academy.

Where the first two parts of the analysis focused on investigating and describing Red

Bull Music Academy, the third part takes a more critical approach. Through the work of Adorno we

ask what are the consequences of this blurring of lines between commercial interests and cultural

production. Adorno is very clear in this, saying that as soon as art is influenced it loses its’ value.

As soon as the commercial interests of Red Bull influence the artists, the legitimacy of their art

disappears. This point of view is backed by Tobias Kirstein, who like Adorno has a view of art and

culture as something that should be free and pure of other interests. The somewhat opposite stance

towards this is taken by Mads Oustrup and Julius Sylvest, who as musicians do not perceive their

collaboration with Red Bull as something that affects the authenticity of their work. In this, we find

different approaches towards the production and purpose of music and art. This is further discussed

both ethically and in comparison to the Nordic Cultural Model.

In the end, we can conclude that this relationship between commerciality and culture

is a growing tendency, with a lot of obvious benefits. Not so obvious is the answers to the questions

that follows concerning our perception of art and culture in modern society. We cannot and neither

do we intent to answer this, but we do think it is important to ask: What are the consequences of big

commercial interests being able to shape and set the agenda of modern society’s cultural

production?

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Bourdieu, Pierre (1997): “Symbolsk rum of socialt rum”. Kap. 1. i “Af praktiske grunde” Hans Reitzels Forlag. Bourdieu, Pierre (1986): “The forms of capital” i J. Richardson (ed.) “Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education” New York: Greenwood, s. 241-258. Dehs, Jørgen (2012): Det autentiske - fortællinger om nutidens kunstbegreb. Forlaget vandkunsten (udvalgte afsnit) Duelund, Peter (2003): “The New Nordic Cultural Model”. Nordic Cultural Institute, Copenhagen 2003 Pine II, B. Joseph ( & Gilmore, James H.) (2011): The experience economy. Rev. ed. of: The experience economy : work is theatre & every business a stage. 1999. Harvard Business Review Press Porter, Michael & Kramer, Mark (2011): “Creating Shared Value,” Harvard Business Review, Harvard 2011