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Discussion Papers, Nr.2, April 2013

Regional Social Policy for Sustainable Human

Development: A Southern African Option

By Ndangwa Noyoo

© Farafina Institute 2013: All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publishers.

Farafina Institute’s Discussion Papers Series

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Abstract:

This discussion calls for a deepened and embedded regional integration process, in the context of southern

Africa, which would essentially be premised on regional social policy. Its central thesis is that once

regional social policy is institutionalised at the supranational level, by regional governments, the region’s

efforts towards regional integration would also be crystallised. Lastly, the paper contends that southern

Africa’s social policy should be articulated within a framework of democratic political systems and sound

macro-economic regimes, in order for the region to attain maximum human development outcomes.

�� Farafina Institute discussion paper series presents theoretical and empirical contributions on governance and policymaking issues.

Findings and recommendations in this

peer-reviewed series aim to inform

policymaking and to contribute to the

overall African research community.

Discussion papers in this series are

available for free, full-text download at

www.farafina-institute.org

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�� ABOUT THE AUTHOR

The author is a Senior Social Policy Specialist at the National Department of Social Development, Tshwane, South Africa. He has published widely on a number of socio-political and economic issues pertinent to Africa. The views expressed in this paper are entirely his and do not reflect neither those of his organisation nor of Farafina Institute.

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1. Introduction

his discussion attempts to build a case for a southern African regional social policy. It intimates that social policy1 is well-placed to realise sustainable human development, at both the local and regional levels, because of its philosophical

orientation which, among other things, hinges on the promotion of social justice and the meeting of people’s needs. This is due to the fact that social policy is an instrument used or ought to be used by governments in order to regulate and supplement market institutions and social structures (Ortiz 2007). Also, instead of just being a palliative intervention social policy should be seen as working in tandem with economic policy in order to attain a holistic national development process. However, in southern Africa the synergies between social policy and economic policy have not yet been fully appreciated by both policymakers and scholars. The question to be posed would thus be: How can social policies be used to enhance social capacities for economic development without, in the process, eroding the intrinsic values of the social ends that policy makers purport to address? This problem of the relationship between social and human development versus economic performance has a long history with theorists being acutely aware of the positive link between social and human development, and economic progress. Countervailing views, on the other hand, tended to weigh equity against efficiency (Mkandawire 2004). Thus it is intimated in this discussion that social policy investments ultimately result in economic development and should not be wrongly perceived as placing undue burdens on national treasuries. In this regard, social policy is often defined as social services such as education, health, employment and social security. However, social policy is about redistribution and protection. It is about bringing people into the centre of policymaking, not by providing residual welfare, but by mainstreaming their needs and voices across sectors, generating stability and social cohesion (Ibid.). Indeed, it is becoming evident that fragmented approaches aimed at fighting against inter alia, poverty and inequality, unemployment and social exclusion, have not yielded desired results either globally or regionally. The need to build a stronger social foundation through comprehensive social policies is brought to the forefront of the national as well as global development agendas (United Nations Economic and Social Council 2008).

In addition, social policy is instrumental in the manner in which governments use it pragmatically to secure the political support of citizens and to promote positive economic outcomes by enhancing human capital and productive employment. Therefore, social policy must become the foundation of national development strategies, as part of the biding contract between the state and citizens, addressing the vision of a Society for All. The critical instruments of the former will thence operationalise decent work, human development and pro-poor growth (Wiman et al. 2007). Social policies can also create a virtuous circle linking human and economic development that, in the long run, will benefit everybody by boosting domestic demand and creating stable cohesive societies 1 In any society, social policy fulfils three main functions: social, political and an economic. The social function lies in reducing the life cycle risks through social insurance and alleviating poverty through social assistance. The political function of social policy lies in stabilising effects. Social justice and greater equality are vital factors for building trust and social cohesion and to contribute to political stability. The economic factor lies, among others, in widening the productive capacities of society through the inclusion of marginalised areas and social groups in the growth process, and through investments in improved health and education of the population (Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia 2009:1-2).

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(Ortiz 2007). This discussion takes a comprehensive and broader perspective of social policy and notes that social welfare, social protection and social security are all intrinsic to social policy imperatives and outcomes, as the former are taken as not being mutually exclusive (Noyoo 2013). In the same vein it endorses the conceptualisation of social policy by the British academic Richard Titmuss (1974) which points out that when we use the term ‘social policy’ we must not, therefore, automatically react by investing it with a halo of altruism, concern for others, concern for equality and so on. Nor must we unthinkingly conclude that because a country has a social policy or has developed social services, that they actually operate in practice to further the ends of progressive redistribution, equality and social altruism. Therefore, what is ‘welfare’ for some groups may be ‘illfare’ for others. He brought into sharp focus the notion of a good society in that social policy is developed for the realisation of such a desired state. The former would be defined by social solidarity, unconditional and universal welfare benefits, equality and social justice, and an organic sense of reciprocity and social responsibility, among others (Deacon 2002). As most southern African countries face huge socio-economic and human development challenges, social policy should become an extremely important vehicle that could help to accelerate development in the region. Hence, this paper calls for the institutionalisation of regional social policy in order to bolster the present initiatives aimed at regional integration which seem not to percolate down to the mass of the people.

2. Unpacking the concept of regional social policy

The concept of regional social policy is fairly new in policy and development discourses; however, it is gaining ground due to its advantages in regard to its envisaged role of raising ordinary people’s livelihoods. For instance, it focuses on issues that benefit from intergovernmental cross-border co-operation such as:

� Regional social redistribution mechanisms: These can take several forms ranging from intraregional transfers to overseas development aid (ODA) and can be used to target depressed areas or to redress inequalities.

� Regional regulations: These may include health and labour standards to combat an intraregional “race to bottom”, as well as the regulation of private social services and utility (water, electricity). Regional formations in principle are in a stronger position than isolated governments to negotiate with private providers to ensure access, affordability and quality standards in commercial services and utilities (Deacon et al. 2007:4).

Regional social policy can enhance cross-border investments and technical co-operation in social policy (Deacon et al. 2007). It can also provide for mechanisms that will give citizens a voice to challenge rights abuses. Concrete expressions of the former can be instruments such as social charters, human rights declarations and councils; regional regulations on migration policy, human trafficking, and labour standards, including the portability of employment and social protection rights; regional redistribution mechanisms for example cross-border employment projects, social protection and disaster mitigation funds and best practice-learning and peer-review mechanisms (Wiman

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et al. 2007:14). The main advantages of regional social policy are its possibility to provide protection from global market forces, create economies of scale and international risk pooling and allow for a stronger voice in international and national negotiations. However, there are challenges to look out for such as financing of the initiative, multiplicity of bilateral agreements and regional blocks as well as leadership and long-term policymaking (Deacon et al. 2007:7). In regard to the former assertions, it can be noted that, for example, although member states may profess common objectives in regard to regional integration, SADC states sometimes compete against each other in terms of accessing donor funding or international markets, through various bilateral agreements with developed countries. Also, the differences in the levels of economic development of specific states may militate against arriving at a common SADC agenda, for example, poverty reduction strategies or even international trade. For instance, South Africa, which is the largest economy in the SADC, might not arrive at similar goals, with smaller nations such as Lesotho, Malawi or Swaziland. Such disparate objectives may impede efforts aimed at institutionalising regional social policy in the SADC. SADC countries also face overlaps in that some of them are members of other regional blocks which again have competing objectives with this region. For example, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland belong to the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) which also incorporates South Africa. Other countries such as Tanzania and Zambia are part of the Common Market of Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). Additionally, Tanzania is a member of the East African Community (EAC).

So there are already too many competing agendas that may become stumbling blocks to the institutionalisation of regional social policy in the SADC.

3. Context and backdrop

For analytical purposes southern Africa in this paper will refer to countries that constitute the Southern African Development Community (SADC). SADC countries are namely: Angola, Botswana, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

Figure 1: Map of the SADC

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The SADC evolved out of efforts that were aimed at integrating the economies of southern Africa so as to foster economic development in member states. It also owes its existence to past groupings such as the Frontline States and the Southern African Development Co-ordinating Conference (SADCC). During the decolonisation of Africa, from the 1960s to the 1990s, the Frontline States had provided southern African liberation movements various platforms to fight against colonial domination. For instance, through the provision of logistical, financial and moral support to these formations, the Frontline States were able to systematise and amplify the liberation struggle. The Frontlines States also garnered support for the liberation movements from the United Nations General Assembly, the Non Aligned Movement (NAM) and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). Julius Nyerere, the first president of Tanzania, Kenneth Kaunda the first president of Zambia and Seretse Khama, also the first president of Botswana led this formation. Later, Agostinho Neto and Samora Machel joined the Frontline States after the independence of their two countries, Angola and Mozambique in 1975.

In April 1980, the SADCC was launched in Lusaka, Zambia, at a summit of the then nine independent states - Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Operating as a loose functional co-operation organisation, whose principal aim was to reduce economic dependency on apartheid South Africa, SADCC drew up a programme of action that covered the key areas of Transport and Communications, Food and Agriculture, Industry, Manpower Development and Energy (SADC 2008a). The reality, nevertheless, was that SADCC did not make any serious headway in strengthening the economies of the region during its mandate. Thus, in 1992 when the leaders of countries in the region met in Windhoek, Namibia, a change in focus was instituted. This culminated in a Declaration and Treaty to establish a new Southern African Development Community (SADC). What was significant with this shift was that the co-ordination of development projects was transformed into a more complex task of integrating the economies of member states. In this regard, the objective of the SADC would rest on the building of a region that was to be undergirded by a high degree of harmonisation and rationalisation. It was also envisioned that the SADC would facilitate the pooling of resources in order to achieve collective self-reliance for the improvement of the living standards of the people of the region (SADC 2006a).

4. Socio-economic trends in the SADC

Despite being endowed with abundant natural resources, the region is one of the poorest in the world. Approximately 45% of the population lives on 1 US$ a day. Malnutrition is on average around 36.1% cent with a range of 72% across the region. Life expectancy has been declining and has now levelled off to 40 years. Infant mortality rates remain above 50 per 1000 births for most countries (SADC 2008b). The region fairs badly on the economic front with a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of US$ 374.2 billion in 2006 which actually translated into a market size that was smaller than that of Belgium. The region also exhibited a per capita income 30 times less of the said country (SADC 2008b). Despite this, individual national economies are structurally diverse and at varying stages of development. South Africa, the region’s most developed economy, had a GDP of US$ 213.1 billion - more than double the combined GDP of the other southern

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African countries in 2004. A study by the United Nations International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women (UN-INSTRAN) and the Southern African Institute of International Affairs (SAIA) (2007) reports that many SADC countries are debilitated by heavy debt burdens despite debt relief for highly indebted countries (HIPC). Also, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique have all undergone structural adjustment programmes, which, whilst delivering episodic benefits, also resulted in the shedding of thousands of jobs in the state sector, many of them teachers, nurses and other care-giving professionals. It also shows that a significant proportion of households in the SADC are headed by women and are characterised by high rates of unemployment where women are less likely to be economically active and more likely to be unemployed. In Zimbabwe unemployment was estimated in 2007 to be as high as 80%. In Mozambique it was pegged at 50%; in Lesotho it was 36%, in Namibia it was between 25 and 35% and in South Africa it was estimated to range between 25 and 35% (UN-INSTRAN/SAIA 2007). In addition, following improved economic performance in 2010, economic activity in the SADC region decelerated somewhat in 2011, due to a global economic activity slowdown as a result of Europe’s economic crisis. Against this background, GDP growth in the SADC region is estimated to have decreased to an average of 5.07% in 2011 from an average of 5.94% in 2010. Based on data from SADC central banks, the average unemployment rate in the region was 24.9% in 2011. Data revealed that the highest unemployment rate was registered in the DRC (51%), against the lowest rate registered in Seychelles (1.7%). In between these two cases, some countries still presented relatively high unemployment rates, like Swaziland, Lesotho and South Africa, with 28.5%, 25.3% and 24.9%, respectively (Committee of Central Bank Governors in the SADC 2012).

Furthermore, challenges of post-war disarmament and reconstruction (in Angola and the DRC), and continuing internal strife (Zimbabwe) had adversely affected economic performance in these states (Department of Energy, 2005). The Zimbabwean economy experienced a sharp deterioration in a period of five years leading up to 2005, with real GDP contracting by about 30%. There is presently a conflagration of hostilities in the DRC as renewed fighting has displaced hundreds of thousands of people and many more being killed, maimed or raped in the process. Zimbabwe’s economy is now in free fall and political insecurity is the order of things. As was the case in 2008, both Zimbabwe and the DRC are still experiencing a humanitarian catastrophe in 2013. Despite this dismal forecast, there are some encouraging signs. Botswana, South Africa and Mauritius continue to register higher per capita gains, especially in the manufacturing sector (SADC 2008b). Zambia is also experiencing an economic boom with a consistent growth rate of 6% from 2004 to 2006 (Noyoo 2010a). Mozambique and Angola are also now stable and also exhibiting economic growth.

Undoubtedly, the aforementioned challenges continue to be accentuated by the region’s huge disease burden, especially the HIV/AIDS pandemic. According to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) (2011), whilst referring to 2009 data sets, the countries of southern Africa had some of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world, and the region remained the global epicentre of the epidemic. The USAID also notes that the ‘hyper’ epidemic in the countries within the region is a continental – and global – exception, unlikely to occur elsewhere. The USAID also cites the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), which shows that. It

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further reports that nine countries in southern Africa, in 2009, continued to bear a disproportionate share of the global AIDS burden. All except Angola had HIV prevalence levels greater than 10% and had some of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world. The region was home to 11.3 million people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA), an increase of nearly one-third (31%) compared to the 8.6 million PLWHA in the region one decade earlier. Approximately 5.6 million of PLWHA living in southern Africa resided in South Africa in 2009. In 2009, the region also accounted for 34% of all PLWHA worldwide and 34% of AIDS deaths. In the same period, 2009, heterosexual sex continued to be the dominant mode of transmission. In these countries with exceptionally high prevalence of HIV, the epidemic affected all levels of society. In Lesotho, prevalence of more than 15% had been found across all education, income, and migration strata. Despite promising declines in prevalence in many southern African countries, the USAID (2011) asserts that curbing the epidemic will require continued scale-up of prevention programmes, matching programme components to countries’ needs. However, in Swaziland, the country with the highest HIV prevalence in the world in 2009, only 17% of total expenditures in 2008 supported prevention programmes. Prevention strategies often failed to address key drivers of national epidemics, including people in stable relationships and adults over 25 years of age. A promising change, however, across southern Africa is the trend towards safer sexual behaviour among young men and women (15 to 24 years of age) (USAID 2011). Nonetheless, sub-Saharan Africa remains most severely affected, with nearly 1 in every 20 adults (4.9%) living with HIV and accounting for 69% of the people living with HIV worldwide (UNAIDS 2012).

5. Shifts towards a regional policy for the SADC

This discussion acknowledges some of the positive strides made in this arena by some regional actors in the political, academic and policy arenas. For instance, in 2004, the first meeting proposing a regional social policy was convened in Johannesburg, South Africa. The purpose of the meeting was to chart a new course of action in the SADC in matters of social and human development. The deliberations highlighted the importance of adopting a much broad-based integration that went beyond trade liberalisation. One of the main proponents of this initiative was the South African former Minister of Social Development Dr. Zola Skweyiya. The meeting reflected upon the re-prioritisation of the social development agenda. This was in partial response to the launch of the SADC Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP) in March of the same year that focused on social and human development goals. The meeting further made recommendations to the Integrated Committee of Ministers (IMC) of the SADC that a forum of SADC Ministers responsible for social development be established. Subsequently, the meeting of 2006 emerged with a draft regional social policy document and in 2008 there was a follow-up meeting to that effect. The 2006 draft document had even defined social policy in the context of southern Africa accordingly:

…social policies at the national level are collective state-led measures, implemented by the central and local governments and other stakeholders such as organised employers and workers, the broader private sector and civil society, as well as international development partners. Social policies are interventions which are about promoting the well-being of all citizens and which address structural

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inequalities in wealth, ensure greater equity and equality for all, correct market shortcomings, reduce poverty and promote social inclusion (SADC 2006b).

However, since then, such efforts seem to have waned. Moreover, there is still a

strong economic bias in the SADC regional integration strategies whilst social policy seems to have taken a back burner. This is not surprising as the immediate history of the SADC demonstrates that there has been undue emphasis placed on economic policies as opposed to social policies. Significantly, the main reason behind this lopsided approach is due to the fact that the majority of the SADC’s initiatives were and are still not sorely funded by member states, but by mostly the donor community comprised of Western countries. This also goes for Western financial institutions such as the World Bank which fund the SADC. For almost two decades, when neo-liberalism was in ascendancy and the region was at the mercy of ‘trickle-down’ economic prescriptions, embedded in the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), SADC countries were compelled by the donors to adopt an approach akin to economic determinism which disadvantaged social policy’s critical role in regional integration. There is also lack of innovation in the areas of social policy in many countries of the SADC which still see social policy as there to mop up after market failures instead of being a transformative instrument. Social policy as earlier articulated in the paper should be an approach employed by governments in order to create the ‘good society’. This perspective seems to be eschewed by most SADC governments. Instead of championing the notion of a ‘good society’, governments in the region seem to be more interested in ‘piece-meal’ approaches. For instance, Devereux (2006) observes that social protection is a relatively new concept in southern Africa, and ‘welfarist’ safety net programmes and interventions to save lives following livelihood shocks dominate policy responses to risk and vulnerability. The ideal of social protection as guaranteed, predictable transfers to all chronically vulnerable groups remains a distant ambition, although there are significant movements in this direction in several southern African countries. Apart from formal social security arrangements for workers, three categories of safety nets for the rural poor are found in six southern African countries of Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Zambia and Zimbabwe. These are: social assistance to people who are unable to work, emergency relief to people affected by livelihood shocks, and food security support to subsistence-oriented farmers (Devereux 2006). It is also evident thus far that most social assistance programmes in the region such as social grants or cash transfers are seen as a burden on the fiscus and not an investment by most governments in the region. Thus many of these interventions are primarily under the auspices of donor support; as opposed to them being mainstreamed in government budgets as in the case of South Africa.

6. Sound macro-economic and democratic systems for regional social policy

Even though regional social policies address issues that require intergovernmental cross-border co-operation, notwithstanding, regional and sub-regional social policies represent an extension of national social policies, and should be consistent with national social policy objectives (SADC 2006b). Therefore, some of the issues which were raised earlier in the paper such as different levels of economic development between member states may hinder efforts aimed at elevating regional social policy to supranational levels. For example, in the area of social assistance, some states may be resistant to the provision of

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cash benefits to vulnerable citizens because of their inability to sustain such programmes, in part, due to low levels of economic development. Whereas in the case of states such as South Africa, which already rolls out this type of programme to almost 16 million of its citizens, the up-scaling of cash benefits to regional levels might not be regarded in a negative light. There is also ideological incongruence amongst SADC states which may act as a barrier to a regional social policy thrust. For example, some states may perceive social policy entitlements from universalistic lenses whilst other states may be inclined to employ a more residualistic approach that uses means-tests to determine access to certain services. Other states may see social policy entitlements as citizenship rights which should be enshrined in a country’s constitution as in the case of South Africa, whilst others may not be eager to adhere to a rights-based approach to social policy. Therefore, what is ‘welfare’ for some groups may be ‘illfare’ for others. These are some of the challenges that may create hurdles for member states as they search for common ground in matters of regional social policy.

With that being said, it is also important to bear in mind that regional social policy may not be easily operationalised across the region if countries2 remain undemocratic. This is due to the fact that social policy usually flourishes in countries with progressive and democratic political systems. The former are usually exemplified in the way they respond to the needs of the people, that is, in a caring and inclusive manner. They also respect human rights and people’s dignity as well as encourage people’s participation in matters of national concern. Hence, there is a need to take into critical account the existing political regimes in the SADC. It is also vital that conditions in each country are conducive not only for coherent policy formulation and institution-building, but for the maintenance of democratic and transparent systems so that, inter alia, the rule of law is entrenched. Where these measures are absent, country-specific social policies will merely remain on paper. Furthermore, draconian and despotic governments that oppress and de-humanise their citizens, for example in Angola, DRC, Swaziland, Zimbabwe, and recently in Zambia, are major stumbling-blocks towards the finalisation of a SADC regional social policy. Social policy values such as individual and social well-being, social solidarity, human rights and social justice, freedom of speech and association, and democracy, are simply alien concepts to regional presidents like Robert Mugabe. It is thus crucial that the solidification of regional social policies must be undertaken in concert with the democratisation of political processes leading to fundamental reforms in the SADC at the country-specific and supranational levels.

Undoubtedly, what is expected of the SADC governments is not beyond their purview as modern government is based on a social contract between the citizens and the state, in which rights and duties are agreed to by all to further the common interests. Citizens lend their support to a government through taxes and efforts to a country’s good; in return, governments acquire legitimacy by protecting the people’s rights and through public policies that benefit all (Ortiz 2008). Thus, social policy is well-placed to realise sustainable human development, at both the local and regional levels, because of its philosophical orientation which among other things hinges on the promotion of social justice and the meeting of people’s needs. Because social policy is an instrument which is used by governments to regulate and supplement market institutions and social structures, it would be prudent if it is ratcheted up to the regional level to serve the same purposes. It

2 Note: the terms state and country are used interchangeably in this paper.

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would be realistic at this juncture to begin work in less contentious areas and gradually incorporate those deemed controversial later on. Thus, this paper advocates for a phased-in and gradual approach. For example, cross border co-operation on the development of accessible and affordable quality health-care or preventative work on the cross-border spread of diseases (e.g. HIV/AIDS, Ebola, Tuberculosis, Malaria, Avian Flu, etc.) could be strengthened by regional governments (SADC 2006b).

7. Conclusion

Before ending this paper it is imperative to reiterate its main points. It should be borne in mind that social policy can be an effective supranational instrument that could effectively realise better social and human development outcomes at the regional level, by intertwining both economic and social objectives, for the betterment of the lives of the citizens of the SADC. Current approaches seem to lean heavily towards economic imperatives while less emphasis is placed on social goals. Unfortunately, it is erroneously assumed by policymakers that once the region’s economy has been developed then social and human development would follow. However, the evidence cited in this paper shows that, this has not been the case. Critically, inter-state co-operation on social policy is a voluntary accession to policies and codes that does not challenge the principle of sovereignty in a fundamental sense. As states agree to the codes and practices, they are the authors of their destiny and consent to bind themselves to measures that may constrain their exercise of power (SADC 2006b). But the former can also make states procrastinate and dissuade them from arriving at firm commitments in so far as the realisation of regional social policy is concerned. Lastly, intergovernmental co-operation also facilitates the articulation of a common regional or sub-regional position on international issues and may increase the strength of the southern African voice in continental and global fora (Ibid.). The desire by SADC governments to conceptualise a regional social policy is a welcome prospect. Furthermore, whilst strongly endorsing this idea, the paper cautions against mere politicking as this idea urgently has to be put into concrete action. SADC governments must make genuine efforts aimed at achieving better living conditions for the people of this region via regional social policy.

8. Recommendations

This paper proposes a multi-pronged approach for the setting up of the agenda of regional social policy. In order for regional social policy to be adopted by member states, the following building blocks, which are neither prescriptive nor exhaustive, are proposed for the SADC:

Engaging regional academics and policymakers

This process of engaging regional academics and policymakers is very important in laying the foundation necessary for the development of a regional social policy. The reason for firstly undertaking this task with these actors would rest on the raison d’être of social policy itself. This hinges on the following: that firstly, a basic distinction has to be made between social policy as an applied policy arena relating to government and other institutional interventions that positively affect people’s welfare, and secondly, that it is

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an academic field of inquiry. Both academics and public officials should be crucial players in the drafting of the SADC social policy, although they will be coming from distinct and different perspectives. This process will also have to be informed by an inventory of all policy and academic related structures, networks or organisations. For instance in the academic sector, there are various collaborations and research initiatives that have taken place in the SADC while some are still continuing. These initiatives will all have to be fed into the development of a regional social policy. For example, in 1998, social policy scholars from Botswana, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe met in Harare, Zimbabwe to discuss the concept of a regional social policy for East and Southern Africa. What emerged from the deliberations was that there was indeed a need for synergies in regard to social policy training in the two regions of Eastern and Southern Africa if the perennial problems of poverty and social exclusion were to be reduced. The academics at this symposium also observed that social policy was well-placed to tackle the social ills of the regions as it could also avail governments the tools to fight poverty and enhance service delivery in areas such as health, education, social security and employment.3

Bringing on board civil society formations

For far too long many of the initiatives of the SADC seem not to have been anchored in the social milieu of its respective countries, due to minimal participation from ordinary people in matters that affected them. Therefore, it is paramount that civil society is brought on board in order to also champion the agenda of a SADC social policy as past initiatives of the region rarely included the views of civil society. In this sense, the politicians’ vision of regionalism was state-led (Keet, 2008) and there was less inclination by politicians to solicit the vision of other sectors in the region. Of importance though, is the manner in which some of these civil society formations work closely with ordinary people in the region. Civil society would in this respect act as a conduit for regional social policy and implement it at grassroots levels. Local initiatives or know-how from ordinary people have not been given priority by the SADC governments. Indeed, regional integration remains a top-down government-led initiative that still shies away from creating spaces for civil society’s participation (Noyoo 2007). There is a need to allow ordinary citizens and civil society formations to participate in the planning and administration of national social policies which can then be up-scaled to a regional level. All relevant role players need an active voice in the formulation of social policy in the region, and the process must not be shrouded in secrecy. National governments must allow for consensus-building on issues of mutual concern in the social sphere such as education, health and housing to filter through to the SADC Secretariat. The former should also be involved in ameliorating undesirable consequences of designing programmes for specialised vulnerable groups without regard to national boundaries (Tembo 1998). There will also be a need to tap into the already existing regional networks on health, HIV, gender and women’s rights, human rights, the media etcetera. The former could be used as scaffolds for the development of a regional social policy.

3 The author attended this symposium as an academic from the University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa.

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Reconstituting the SADC Secretariat into a robust policy development and analysis

and research outfit

The other glaring shortfall as regards the notion of a regional social policy and other policy-related matters in the region is that the SADC Secretariat in Gaborone has not been in the forefront of engaging in robust research, evidence-based policy development, social policy reviews and analyses. It has mainly acted as an administrative organ and has not provided leadership in the former critical areas. It can be speculated that this may have hindered regional governments from arriving at a clear and well thought-out blue print for the development and implementation of the SADC’s social policy. In short, the Secretariat needs to be transformed into a robust policy development and analysis, and research outfit. The Secretariat’s lacklustre approach to regional issues and challenges has been shown in the manner it has lurched from one regional crisis to another without accurate data for policy intervention. This is because the Secretariat falls short of a robust research agenda. For instance, the bouts of drought and floods that continuously besiege the region are not scientifically researched so as to arrive at accurate data that would culminate in policies that allow for early warning systems and other disaster mitigating programmes that are systematic and not ad hoc. The drought and subsequent famine of 2002 that was preceded by floods which had devastated the region are a clear testimony to this inchoate approach by the Secretariat. Presently, the people of Mozambique are once more experiencing hardships due to on-going floods. Another issue that the Secretariat could pursue is the generation of up-to-date data and evidence on the socio-economic conditions and human development of the region. The paucity of latest data on employment, unemployment, infant mortality rates, HIV/AIDS and other regional trends amongst other issues, does not augur well for the region.

Bringing on board the private sector through Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR)

The history of most SADC countries is steeped in central planning and state-run economic activities, where the private sector was not given ample space to blossom. Many of these economic experiments were outright disasters. This problem still persists in some countries, as the business sector is not overtly encouraged to input into both national and SADC policy deliberations. Social policy could become an important tool that could realise this approach through Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in southern Africa because of its general orientation and tradition that conjoins social and economic development objectives. Nevertheless, CSR still needs to be linked to a public policy formulation framework so that the capacities of the private sector are also enhanced whilst ensuring that some of its profits have developmental outcomes. In this way the motives of the private sector will not be diametrically opposed to national and regional development priorities (Noyoo 2010b).

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References

Committee of Central Bank Governors in the SADC (2012). Integrated paper on recent economic

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