relating past and present progress and issues in language learning, pedagogy, and curriculum studies
TRANSCRIPT
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LANGUAGE LEARNING, PEDAGOGY, AND CURRICULUM STUDIES 1
Relating past and present progress and issues in language learning, pedagogy, and
curriculum studies
Heather Varaleau
Simon Fraser University
EDUC 820-5
Dr. Wanda Cassidy
December 1st, 2011
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LANGUAGE LEARNING, PEDAGOGY, AND CURRICULUM STUDIES 2
Introduction
This paper strives to draw connections between theories and issues in second language
acquisition and teaching, and curriculum studies. This is done first by comparing the
short histories of each of these fields. In examining these histories, we are able to see
similarities in both struggles and goals in each of these contexts. Following this is a brief
look at current issues in which language plays important roles: socialization, cultural
capital, values, identity, citizenship, and globalization. We will see that these issues are
inseparable from language.
A Short History
There are numerous similarities and differences to be found between both the
histories and theories of curriculum studies and second language acquisition (SLA)
research. While in the United States, curriculum began to emerge as a field of scholarly
enquiry and professional practice only towards the close of the nineteenth century, a time
that coincided with the rise of public schooling for the masses (Flinders & Thorton,
2009, p. 9), SLA began as a field around the 1940s. The emergence of both of these
fields coincide with relevant historical points in US history: the Progressive movement
and the Second World War respectively. Language learning became increasingly
important for the purposes of gathering intelligence.
Although scholars in each of the aforementioned fields have been focused on
making developments in teaching, SLA scholarship has always had its roots in science
with contributions from multiple branches of cognitive psychology and linguistics. This
has led to a significant disconnect between researchers and practitioners.
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LANGUAGE LEARNING, PEDAGOGY, AND CURRICULUM STUDIES 3
The abstractness and conflicting explanations of many important topics in SLA
contribute to a sense of separation between those who do theorizing and those
who do practicing. In addition, the largely quantitative nature of SLA research
studies reinforces this sense of separateness between theoreticians and
practitioners by sending a false signal that unless ones research study includes
some sort of experiment and inferential statistics, ones contribution to
understanding second language acquisition processes is insignificant and
marginal, almost anecdotal. Therefore most teachers view their positions as
powerless, entirely controlled by theoreticians and researchers whose abstract
models they often consider impractical and whose ideas they reluctantly follow
(Johnson, 2004, p. 1).
In SLA, theories based on quantitative research and entirely disconnected from the
classroom and teacher continued to be the norm until the late 20th
century. Meanwhile, in
curriculum studies, traditionalists, the majority of curricularists found in 1977, as
described by Pinar (1978) are former school people whose intellectual and subcultural
ties tend to be with school practitioners. They tend to be less interested in basic research,
in theory development, in related developments in allied fields, than in a set of perceived
realities of classroom and school settings generally (p. 168).
Not unlike the disconnect between SLA theorizers and ESL practitioners, there
arose a similar disengagement between curriculum studies researchers and teachers in the
1960s with the emergence of curricularists known as conceptual-empiricists. At this
time, and greatly due to the so-called curriculum reform movement, research in education
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LANGUAGE LEARNING, PEDAGOGY, AND CURRICULUM STUDIES 4
became no different than research in the cognate field of social sciences, and by 1978, the
field of education lost what intellectual autonomy it had possessed (Pinar p.170).
In the field of SLA, it was not until the 1990s that significant shifts in research
focus began to take place. In Blocks (2003)A short history of second language
acquisitionhe justifies the necessity of his historical survey as it enables him to show
how in the span of approximately thirty years, a loose collection of researchers
interested in language teaching developed into a considerably larger group of researchers
interested in language learning, not only in formal contexts but in naturalistic contexts as
well (p. 8). Kumaravadivelu (2006) further clarifies this point.
We have been awakened to the necessity of making method-based pedagogies
more sensitive to local exigencies, awakened to the opportunity afforded by
postmethod pedagogies to help practicing teachers develop their own theory of
practice, awakened to the multiplicity of learner identities, awakened to the
complexity of teacher beliefs, and awakened to the validity of macrostructures
social, cultural, political, and historicalthat shape and reshape the
microstructures of our pedagogic enterprise (p. 75).
While it appears that curriculum studies has always had roots in macrostructures, there
has also been awakening taking place in the field. This awakening is reconstructionism.
Ornstein & Hunkins detail that in reconstructionism, there is an emphasis on social
sciences and social research methods; examination of social, economic and political
problems; focus on present and future trends as well as national and international issues
(Orstein, 2011, p. 6). It may be argued that practitioners have yet to see the results of
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these awakenings in curriculum and textbooks, but as social actors in institutions and
communities, it is in our power to act as agents of change.
In both the field of curriculum studies and SLA, there has been a movement
toward qualitative research and socialist approaches. Predictably and unfortunately,
mistrust and intolerance has developed in parallel; in SLA, mainstream researchers view
these approaches as unscientific and relatively minor in their contributions (Johnson,
2004, p. 44) and in curriculum studies criticisms have arisen with regards to who is
capable of asking the right questions (Pinar, 1978, p. 174). In both cases, it is safe to
conclude that no party is wholly right or wrong. Despite decades of research and debate,
what is practiced in ESL classrooms today has strong ties to the linguistic and cognitive
research that took place in the 1940s, and the essentials of what Bobbit wrote in The
Curriculum(1918) has been dominant in North American curriculum ever since (Flinders
& Thorton, 2009, p. 8). Although new theories and practices have emerged over time,
many of these have subsumed aspects of those that came before them. Both SLA theory
and curriculum studies are multifaceted and fluid, offering those interested myriad
choices with regards to both research and practice.
Socialization, Cultural Capital, Values, Identity, Citizenship & Globalization
Each and every creature on Earth is molded by its environment, and humans are
undeniably social beings. Hence, we are shaped by those who surround us; we are
socialized. That is, we are made to behave in a way that is acceptable to our society
(Stevenson & Lindberg, 2010). Socialization is understood as cultural acquisition or
learning, taught mainly implicitly, but sometimes explicitly, by experts to novices
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LANGUAGE LEARNING, PEDAGOGY, AND CURRICULUM STUDIES 6
residing in the same society, not to say that this process is unidirectional, as roles within
it are in fact dynamic. In a paper titled Becoming familiar with a world: a relational
view of socialization,Van de Walle (2011) puts forth an additional definition of
socialization.
The present paper defines it in terms of becoming familiar with a new world,
and a series of changes affecting the structure of the relationship between the
human agent and this new world. These structural changes include immersion in
a world that is at first strange; subjection to the authority of this world on the
basis of acceptance of this authority; and involvement in the worlds everyday
life structures and activities through doing (p. 315).
A childs everyday life and subsequent socializationbegins in the home under the
authority and guidance of their parents. Indeed, the forces of socialization are gathered
even beforebirth when our families begin to project their hopes and dreams, and
expectations into our lives (Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2011, p. 15). At first, this statement
sounds promising; the words hope and dreamcarry positive connotations. It may
sounds daunting as well, as the word expectation implies responsibility. What dont
spring to mind are the forces gathered against some children before they have even yet to
be born. What if those hopes and dreams are likely to be unattainable due to
socioeconomic status? What if the society the child is born into disables him or her from,
instead of enables him or her to, meet expectations? Socialization, be it before or after
birth, is unmistakably intertwined with cultural capital, a term coined by Bourdieu,
which refers to the general cultural background knowledge, disposition, and skills that
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are passed on from one generation to another (McLaren, 2008, p. 80). What happens
when children dontinherit the cultural capital needed to succeed todays world?
Following primary socialization with family and in the home, educational
institutions are the major domain of secondarysocializationfor much of the population
(Zuengler & Cole, 2005, p. 303). Unfortunately, Students from dominant culture inherit
substantially different cultural capital than do economically disadvantaged students, and
schools generally value and reward those who exhibit the dominant cultural capital
(which is also usually exhibited by teachers) (McLaren, 2008, p. 81). As a result, if a
child belongs to the dominant culture, the transition from home to school is not a
monumental shift. Regrettably, this is not the case for a large portion of the population.
As Lin (1999) points out arecurrent theme in Bouredieus work is that children from
disadvantaged groups, with a habitus incompatible with that presupposed in school, and
children of the socioeconomic elite do not compete from equal starting points; thus social
stratification is reproduced (p. 394). For those in society who are not part of the middle
or upper class, the progression from home to school may not be smooth, for as Sensoy
and DiAngelo (2011) explain for every social group, there is an opposite group. One
cannot learn what a social group is, without learning what a social group is not (p. 22).
Unfortunately, what an unnecessary number of children learn upon entering formal
educational institutions is that they are not part of the social group that fits in or are
catered to in their new and unfamiliar environment. The system whose purpose it is to
get youth ahead in life is, in fact, designed to leave them behind.
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The inflexibility and lack of accommodation for students of different needs that
exist in schools today lead to numerous students becoming drop-outs or push-outs.
As a result, youth at the margins of society struggle to make it by.
Existing social, racial and economic disadvantages were often exacerbated by
other disturbing events, such as placement in residential care; bullying;
experiences of violence or mental illness; family drug or alcohol abuse; and
unacknowledged learning disabilities. Consequently, experiences of frustration,
difference and being poorly valued at school often grew into dissent or opting out
altogether, sometimes culminating in aggressive or criminal behaviour.
(Milbourne, 2009, p. 77).
Without economic capital and cultural capital in their corner, many disaffected youth are
left with social (symbolic) capital as their only means of gaining control in their lives.
The means by which youth gain symbolic capital, accrued prestige or honour (Thompson,
2003/1991, p. 14), may culminate in undesirable outcomes. An individuals judgment of
what is important in life, a persons values, may be manipulated by forces which appear
out of ones control. Differences in values as well as the devaluation of others can lead to
conflict and marginalization.
Values are not held solely by an individual or group of individuals, culture as a
whole is laden with values. Figure 1 shows the democratic values in the cultural domain
of Canada as represented by Hbert & Wilkinson (2006). We can see Sense of
belonging and Human dignity at critical points at the base of this figure. Furthermore,
studies of
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Figure 1: Network of Democratic Values in the Cultural Domain (p. 37)
disadvantaged youth have identified both of these values as crucial to the success of
youth in educational settings. In Milbournes (2009) examination of three case studies of
community based organizations working with disengaged youth she identified sense of
belonging as key (p. 79). A Canadian study by Cassidy and Bates (2005) examining the
ethic of care as it is practiced in an independent school for underserved at risk youth
quotes one students perspective on how the principle behaves toward him as follows:
He treats me, he treats us like human beings, instead of just a place where he works (p.
97). It is clear that in the Canadian context, the values of the cultural domain and those
of the individuals within it overlap. And herein lies the question, if we all essentially
hold these values, why does our society continually strip individuals of a sense of
belonging and human dignity? Identity and autonomy play important roles.
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lessons and were positive about their futures. Of the three remaining schools, students in
two of them felt disengaged from lessons and believed their futures were dismal. In the
final school, due to the agency of the teacher, students participated in English lessons and
felt positive about their futures. Lin concludes that understanding existing classroom
practices and their sociocultural and institutional situatedness is a first step toward
exploring the possibility of alternative creative, discursive practices that might contribute
to the transformation of students habitus (p. 441). This is a fact that holds true in all
educational settings. From aperspective of global education as the number of people
using English grows, L2 speakers of English are drawn toward the inner-circle of first
language speakers, and foreign-language speakers to the outer-circle of second-
language speakers (Taavitsainen &Pahta, 2003, p.4). Even in countries where English
is not an official language, there is a risk of youth becoming drop-outs or push-outs
as a result of their English skills, or lack there of.
When it comes to socialization race and ethnicity interact in complex ways with
language and nationality (Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2011, p.23). In their introduction to
Language socialization across cultures, Schieffelin and Ochs (1986) take language
socialization to mean both socialization through language and socialization to use
language (p. 2). Socialization is not only experienced by children, it is something that
takes place continually throughout our lives, and for immigrants and learners of a second
language, socialization takes place in a new sociocultural context. A study by Li (2000)
looks at the double socialization of a Chinese immigrant named Ming in a new work
environment and as a learner of a new language and culture. Her study focuses on
Mings development of requesting behaviour. Li points out, that for immigrant ESL
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learners the expression of needs and wants through English requesting behaviour is
usually neither optional nor trivial. For them, making requests is tied up with their
survival, wellbeing, and productivity within their adoptive land (p. 60). By the close of
the study, Ming had successfully adopted English requesting behaviour without
compromising her traditional Chinese identity or values. In her discussion, Li points out
that socialization need not go hand in hand with complete assimilation. From a
pedagogical perspective, she also notes that the processes of socialization and pragmatic
development involve conditions, options, choices, and consequences that should be
discussed in ESL classes (p. 67). Although Western culture claims to value
individuality there are social, psychological, and material rewards for conformity, such
as social acceptance, being treated as normal, andcareer development (Sensoy &
DiAngelo, 2011, p.18). Nowhere does social acceptance play a more crucial role than in
schools.
For children for whom English is a second language and who are in the Canadian
school system, mastering English is likely to determine their success in the classroom, in
society, and throughout their entire future. Whats more, there might be the added
pressure of a family who is counting on them for future financial support. A study by Li
(2010) demonstrated that for immigrant children in ESL programs schools reproduced
the social inequality that perpetrates exclusion and discrimination (p.132), which
immigrants are already suffering from in their day-to-day lives. In her study, Li identifies
two major barriers for students: a lack of opportunities for immigrant students to interact
with peers that did not speak their first language, as well as a socially induced
psychological fear derived from peer separation (p. 131). These two factors result in an
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unlikelihood of students mastering English as well as lead to marginalization within their
school community. Given the number of immigrants and immigrant children in Canada,
changes to practices and policies both within and outside of the education system are
paramount.
When children come to this phenomenal world, they cannot choose their race,
gender, class, and first languages. As new immigrant students from all over the
globe enter into Canadian schools to face mainstream teachers, Western
textbooks, and peer pressure, they challenge both themselves and institutions to
change. To fashion a meaningful cultural integration that honours differences
and does justice to diversity, our educational system must make a sustained
effort to attune itself to the changing face of Canadian classrooms, providing
schooling that places greater emphasis on the strengths as well as the needs of
culture and ethnicity (Li, 2010, p. 134).
It is upon us all as citizens of the world to take up the challenges that children face
regardless of their origin and persuasion. Whether one is teaching language or biology, in
Canada or Korea, issues of culture and identity will always come into play. Regardless of
the context awareness and sensitivity are required.
Like language cannot be separated from culture or socialization, pragmatics
cannot be separated either. When it comes to language socialization, pragmatics is
paramount. One cannot teach or use language and avoid language in use and the contexts
in which it is used. As all socialization, much of pragmatic socialization is implicit,
occurring through novices participation in recurrent communicative practices (Kasper,
2001, p. 520). In many ways, pragmatics is deeply rooted in culture. In looking at Figure
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2 it can be seen that language is a surface culture, but in fact, many of the cultural rules
that lie below the surface are inseparable from pragmatics. When language is taught,
Figure 2: The Iceberg Concept of Culture(Source:http://www.echospace.org/assets/1843)
culture is taught. Sociocultural information is deeply imbedded in language. Language
in use is then a major, if not the major, tool for conveying sociocultural knowledge and a
powerful medium of socialization (Scheieffelin & Ochs, 1986, p. 3). Where English has
become the language of the world, this poses new questions for the ESL teacher.
Indeed, it could be argued that English educators, if they hope their craft to
remain relevant and up-to-date, must look afresh at how they teach both
language and culture. In this respect, English teaching professionals need to
rethink the answers to such questions as whose culture should be taught, what
http://www.echospace.org/assets/1843http://www.echospace.org/assets/1843http://www.echospace.org/assets/1843http://www.echospace.org/assets/1843 -
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LANGUAGE LEARNING, PEDAGOGY, AND CURRICULUM STUDIES 16
goals should guide culture teaching, and how culture-related course materials
should be designed and selected (Nault 2006 pp.314).
While those in the field of curriculum studies are concerned with what we teach in formal
schools, ESL practitioners all over the globe also need to be aware of bringing cultural
bias into classrooms. Although it is often not realized by English teachers, ELT
materials are in no sense neutral or value-free educational aids (Nault, 2006 p. 321).
In his article titled Going Global: Rethinking Culture Teaching in ELT Contexts,Nault
(2006) concludes that globalization has troubled the issue of how to teach culture and the
English language itself. It is his view that, ESL instructors better educate themselves
and their students on world cultures to promote genuine linguistic/cultural awareness and
international understanding (p. 314). It could be said that in this globalized world,
people of all backgrounds and all professions would do well to educate themselves in this
way.
Discussion
Educators, regardless of specialty or whereabouts carry with them mutual
struggles and responsibilities. We struggleforchange: change in research, change in
curriculum, change in materials, change in practices, change in policies, change in
politics, and change in social constructs. We struggle tochange: to change our students,
to change their present and their future, to change their plight, to change their view, to
change their outlook, and on top of all that we are challenged to change ourselves. Of all
the change we contend with, we possess the absolute power to change one thing:
ourselves. In the wise words of Gandhi be the change you want to see in the world.It
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LANGUAGE LEARNING, PEDAGOGY, AND CURRICULUM STUDIES 17
is only when we begin to change our own values and perceptions that we can begin to
change others. In knowledge lies power. Ineducating ourselves on issues that have led
to and continue to drive the socioeconomic disparities thriving across the globe, we will
gain the power to be and create agents of change.
With English having become a global language, English language learning and
teaching have become commonplace worldwide. In many respects, language teachers
and learners hold influential roles in the global community as ambassadors of culture.
Language is inseparable from culture in almost every respect. Regardless of where
practitioners are teaching, they need to be aware of whatthey are teaching. Language
learning need not simply open doors, but open minds. It is the responsibility of language
educators to provide relevant, meaningful, crosscultural and unbiased lessons that serve
to promote international understanding and foster global citizenship.
Conclusion
Although on the surface, research and practice in second language acquisition and
curriculum studies appear to have multiple differences, there are in fact at least as many
similarities both in their short histories and with regard to current and relevant social and
global issues. This paper has brought to light some of the shared difficulties and
responsibilities education and education professionals face by drawing attention to
matters of socialization, cultural capital, values, identity, citizenship, and globalization,
all of which are in many ways inseparable from language. Lastly, to sum up, with
teaching, of any kind, comes responsibility and as a consequence and in the words of
John Cotton Dana who dares to teach must never cease to learn.
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