relativization in korean ko constructions: a topological solution

14
Relativization in Korean ko Constructions: A Topological Solution Jihye Chun MoDyCo, University of Paris Ouest [email protected]

Upload: leigh-cote

Post on 30-Dec-2015

18 views

Category:

Documents


0 download

DESCRIPTION

Relativization in Korean ko Constructions: A Topological Solution. Jihye Chun MoDyCo, University of Paris Ouest [email protected]. Objective of This Work. To propose a simple analysis of new data on word order constraints in Korean ko construction composed of three - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

TRANSCRIPT

Page 1: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Relativization in Korean ko Constructions:

A Topological Solution

Jihye Chun MoDyCo, University of Paris Ouest

[email protected]

Page 2: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Objective of This Work

To propose a simple analysis of new data on word order

constraints in Korean ko construction composed of three

verbs V3-ko V2 V1, using a linearization formalism in

the framework of dependency grammars

Keywords:

relativization, island constraints, function, constituency, topology

Page 3: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Plan

1. Korean ko Construction

2. ko Construction & Relativization

3. Several Accounts of Island Constraints

4. Topological Account of Relativization

5. Conclusion

Page 4: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

ko Construction: V3-ko V2 V1

• dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e seukulbus-reul ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC schoolbus-ACC take-KO go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’ V3-ko V2 V1 has simultaneous readings; V1 is an aspectual verb; V2 and V3 don’t have a tense marker and V3 has the ko marker

Some part of all possible word orders obtained through Deplin (Dependency Linearizer)

• dareun haksaeng-deul-i seukulbus-reul ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ schoolbus-ACC take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’

Page 5: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

ko Construction & Relativization

• dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-n seukulbus other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC take-KO go-NM begin-ADN school bus ‘the school bus by which other students began to go to school’

• ?? dareun haksaeng-deul-i ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-n seukulbus other student-PL-SUBJ take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-ADN school bus

In the above case where hakkyo-e is intercalated between V2 and V3,

the relativization of seukulbus becomes interestingly unnatural

Question arised:

What happens in the process of relativization in Korean ko constrution ?

Page 6: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Several Accounts of Island Constraints

Ross (1967)A syntactic constituent that disallows movement within itself

is known as an island; this behavior is an island constraint

I read [ a statement [ which was about that man ] ]

* The man who I read a statement [ which was about ____ ] ] is sick (Ross 1967)

Question arised:

How can we effectively describe this phenomenon in different languages

such as Korean where word order is relatively free ?

Page 7: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Several Accounts of Island Constraints

X-bar Theory Lexical-Functional Grammar

syntactic relation & word order

• manipulated in the same structure require mixing different levels of information

• separately represented: f(unctional)-structure & c(onstituent)-structure

displacement operation • transformational account

• « long-distance dependencies»• no movement operation and no empty categories in c-structure • Kaplan & Zaenen (1989): long-distance dependencies are described at the functional level, based on the data from Icelandic

Page 8: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Proposition of Topological Solution Our data having the same functional structure, but different word orders:

• dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e seukulbus-reul ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo

other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC schoolbus-ACC take-KO go-NM begin-P-N

‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’

• dareun haksaeng-deul-i seukulbus-reul ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo

other student-PL-SUBJ schoolbus-ACC take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-P-N

‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’

Page 9: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Proposition of Topological Solution

Consideration of two separate levels of organization

following Gerdes & Kahane (2001):

Syntactic (dependency) structure

in which the functions of the yet unordered words are described;

Topological (constituent) structure

in which independent from the functional relation,

the order and the grouping of the words are expressed

 

Page 10: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Proposition of Topological Solution Initial Idea of Topological Model A sentence is a template-like sequence of different fields each being able to

host different types of constituents

Syntax-Topology Interface Rules Constituent creation rules give the types of constituents a word

can create and specify which field of the constituent it occupies;

Constituent description rules describe the ordered list of fields

the constituent consists of and indicate whether a field can or must

accommodate one or more constituents;

Constituent placement rules indicate into which field a word can

go – depending on the position and the constituent of its governor

Page 11: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Topological Account of Relativization

Hypothesis of the existence of two possible competing structures

Possibility of relativization and formation of verb cluster construction of the

sequence V3-ko V2 V1 (obtained a higher degree of cohesion)

• dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-n seukulbus

other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC take-KO go-NM begin-ADN school bus

‘the school bus by which other students began to go to school’

Impossibility of relativization and formation of independent construction of

V3-ko with its nominal dependent

• dareun haksaeng-deul-i seukulbus-reul ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ schoolbus-ACC take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’

Page 12: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Topological Account of Relativization Constraint I • dareun haksaeng-deul-i seukulbus-reul ta-ko hakkyo-e dani-ki sijakha-eoss-eo other student-PL-SUBJ schoolbus-ACC take-KO school-LOC go-NM begin-P-N ‘Other students began to go to school by school bus’

Extraction doesn’t take place;V3 ta-ko has a dependent in the syntactic structure;

It must form an embedded constituent with a place for its dependent:

Page 13: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Topological Account of Relativization Constraint II • dareun haksaeng-deul-i hakkyo-e ta-ko dani-ki sijakha-n seukulbus

other student-PL-SUBJ school-LOC take-KO go-NM begin-ADN school bus

‘the school bus by which other students began to go to school’

Extraction takes place; V3 ta-ko doesn’t have its dependent in the syntactic structure;

It must go in the position opened by V2 in the verb cluster:

Page 14: Relativization in Korean  ko  Constructions: A Topological Solution

Conclusion

1. V3 rejoins the verb cluster in the case of extraction of its nominal

dependent, while in the case where extraction does not take place,

V3 forms an independent constituent with its dependent;

2. The separation of the function and the constituency facilitates

the analysis of predicative chains in Korean where word order is

relatively free;

3. Topology allows indirect description of constraints on extraction,

contrary to classic descriptions of extraction such as Ross (1967)

or Kaplan & Zaenen (1989)