Religion a Foundation for Social Change:A Look into the Mexican American Experience in the U.S. Catholic Church through

Las Hermanas and P.A.D.R.E.S. 1969-1989

by

Karrie M. Peterson

A Research PaperPresented to the

Department of HistoryBethel College

In partial fulfillmentof the requirements for the coursesocial science seminar, history 482

Penelope A. Moon, Advisor

North Newton, KansasApril 2006

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CONTENTS

Introduction 2

1 The Role of Religion in the Fight for Equality 5

2 The Emergence of PADRES and Las Hermanas 8

3 Activism 18

Activism within the Catholic Church of the United States 19

Activism in Society 30

4 Conclusion 36

Bibliography 40

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Introduction

Growing up Las Hermanas member Sister Elisa Rodriguez recalled:

Both my parents were caring people who reached out to those who needed their assistance. We all grew up understanding that it was our responsibility to be involved with society’s most needy people. Even though we ourselves were poor, there were others who were worse off than we were. My mother was a feminist before it was in Vogue. She was a very strong person and taught all five of her daughters to claim our identity as strong women.1

During the mid to latter half of the twentieth century Americans like Rodriquez

desired their own voice to protest inequality. They did this by rising up, collectivizing,

and challenging what they considered to be the oppressive structures and powers that

ruled the nation. Religion guided many of these people in particular phenomena such as

the Civil Rights Movement, Vietnam War, and the Feminist Movement. These

phenomena illustrated the effects of religious belief on human behavior and thought.

Throughout American history, religion has driven change and continues to challenge

class, race, and gender boundaries. This is evident when looking at two Catholic groups,

PADRES, a Chicano movement and organization of Catholic priests, and Las Hermanas,

an organization created and led by Catholic Chicana/Latinas. Both organizations

emerged during the 1960s-70s in response to eurocentric and sexist attitudes within the

U.S. Catholic Church.

Through the study of their origins, as well as their activism within the Catholic

Church and in American society, I will show how both PADRES and Las Hermanas have

used religion to confront class, race, and gender-based injustice. I have divided the paper

into two main categories, one being what factored into the origins of PADRES and Las

Hermanas and the second, the activism of PADRES and Las Hermanas both within the

1 Sr. Elisa Rodriguez Las Hermanas member, interview by author, 9 January 2006, email.

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United States Catholic Church and society at large. Religion was the catalyst for which

these groups were founded and their activism models how they used Catholicism to

address issues of race, class, and gender.

Terminology

Throughout American history Mexicans born and/or living in America have been

placed in a number of different categories. I have come up with my own terms based on

information I have gathered from leading Chicano experts and my own personal

interactions with persons who are of Mexican descent and living in the United States.

The term Chicano/a was popular among Mexican Americans during the 1960s Chicano

Movement. Because PADRES and Las Hermanas have referred to themselves as

Chicano/a and were active when the term was popular, I will use this term when referring

to Mexicans involved in the groups. Recent studies have shown the more preferred term

among Mexicans living in the United States is simply Mexican, Mexican American or

Mexicano (Mexican and Mexican American for a Mexican in the U.S. with citizenship

and Mexicano for a Mexican in the U.S. illegally).2 I will further refer to all persons of

Latin American heritage as Latino/as and those from Spain or with Spanish heritage as

Spanish or Spaniards. The paper will specifically focus on the Mexican American

experience in regard to PADRES and Las Hermanas with the inclusion of Latin

Americans and Spaniards.

To understand the Mexican American religious experience in the United States

Catholic Church it is important to be familiar with Liberation Theology. The principles

of this concept promoted and still promote the church to take an active role in protecting

2 Manual G. Gonzales, Mexicanos: A History of Mexicans in the United States (Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1999), 8.

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the lives of innocent civilians and marginalized populations against social injustice. The

public acknowledgement that the Church should intervene in politics of the secular world

motivated people to actively fight in movements for social change. It empowered groups

like PADRES and Las Hermanas to fight for equality. Liberation Theology, a religious

concept, was used to create change that would challenge traditional race, class, and

gender boundaries.

Section 1: The Role of Religion in the Fight for Equality

In the 1960s and 70s the Catholic Church in the United States experienced

transformations that were key to the founding of both PADRES and Las Hermanas. An

increased emphasis on Liberation Theology and the creation of The Second Vatican

Council (a series of reform measures also referred to as Vatican II) laid the groundwork

for the Mexican American fight for equality. Liberation Theology developed specifically

in response to social and economic unrest in Latin America. Industrialized nations were

battling over the type of relationship and involvement they should have with

underdeveloped Third World nations. The Church saw the impact this battle was having

on innocent civilians and acknowledged the importance of becoming more active in

serving the victims caught in political crossfire. Las Hermanas member Linda Chavez

stated, “I think with Liberation Theology there was attention given to social change.”3

Liberation Theology turned the religious focus from a more personal and individual

spiritual journey to one that encompassed social issues geared toward aiding the poor and

marginalized populations.

In addition to Liberation Theology, the Second Vatican Council sought to re-

evaluate the role of the Catholic Church and, “marked a fundamental shift towards the

3 Linda Chavez Las Hermanas member, interview by author, 11 November 2005, email.

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modern church.” The Vatican II Council met from 1962-1965 and produced sixteen

documents, which some consider to be, “the greatest expressions of Catholic social

teaching in church history.”4 The council fathers, “strongly reaffirmed the idea of a

Church of service and not of power.”5 Pope John XXIII, the pope who convened Vatican

II said, "I want to throw open the windows of the Church so that we can see out and the

people can see in.”6 This metaphor summarized the new relationship between church and

the people that Vatican II hoped to achieve. In the United States, Liberation Theology

and Vatican II helped make issues of discrimination and injustice against marginalized

populations come alive to the public eye. Even with this awareness there was little being

done to aid Chicanos and Latinos.

Chicano/as and Latino/as, both illegal and legal, faced discrimination both in and

out of the Church. The discrimination was evident in different areas of life such as the

workforce, education and healthcare systems, and religious institutions. America was

structured in a way that race and sex often determined one’s social and class status.

Historically, male Caucasians enjoyed positions at the top of this structure, dominating

and controlling the institutions that ran America. This hierarchy also institutionalized

racism and sexism. This history of Anglo domination was also apparent within the

Catholic Church. Because Anglos held the power within the American Catholic Church,

Mexican Americans were neglected because there was a lack of cultural understanding

between mainstream America and the Mexican population.

4 The 16 documents produced by Vatican II included four constitutions, three declarations, and nine decrees. Mary Linden Sepulveda, “The Second Vatican Council Resource Guide: Nostra Aetate, Forty Years and into the Future: 1965-2005,” Lemieux Library, Seattle University, www.seattleu.edu/lemlib/web_archives/vaticanII/vaticanII.htm.

5 Gustavo Gutierrez, A Theology of Liberation (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1973), 8.6 Sepulveda, The Second Vatican.

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Statistics show how underrepresented Chicanos and Latinos were within the

Church. By 1970, around the time of the founding of both PADRES and Las Hermanas,

the total U.S. Catholic population was 47.8 million of which Latinos constituted 27% and

out of that 27%, Chicanos constituted 19%. In areas of the country where Chicano

populations were more highly concentrated, such as the Southwest, this disparity became

a problem. As Richard Martinez noted, “In 1969 in San Antonio, there were only eight

Mexican American priests to serve 400,000 Mexican American Catholics, four of whom

were on loan from other dioceses.” To add to this, the Irish were over-represented. “In

1970, approximately 17 percent of the U.S. Catholic population was Irish American,

while 56 percent of U.S. Catholic bishops were of Irish decent. Together, Irish and

Germans made up 81 percent of the church hierarchy.”7 These statistics show Chicanos

and Irish Americans with about even numbers of Catholic members but extreme

differences in representation.

With the push for Liberation Theology, the release of Vatican II, and a clear racial

problem within the American Church, Chicano/as began to ask questions and actively

push for answers as to why they were under-represented and marginalized. Why was the

Church failing to offer Chicanos and Latinos support both within and outside its walls

when they made up such a large portion of the U.S. Catholic population? There is no

clear-cut explanation for this, but cultural differences seem to account for a majority of

the discrimination. The structure of the Catholic Church in Mexico and other Latin

American countries differed from Catholic practice in America. The differences were

visible in liturgy and ritual, as well as differences in the emphasis on specific saints such

7 Richard Edward Martinez, PADRES: The National Chicano Priest Movement, (Austin: The Univerisity of Texas Press, 2005), 10.

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as the Virgin Guadalupe.8 These differences made it hard for many Chicano/as to attend

mass in the United States because the services did not support their traditions or culture.

The Church resembled society in its intolerance of Chicano/Latino traditions and

its de facto segregation. Blacks and Mexicans occupied the bottom of society; signs on

restaurant doors often excluded Blacks and/or Mexicans. This was also true in the

Church where segregation was widespread. Most churches had separate masses and even

separate areas of the church for Chicanos so they would not mix with the Anglos. Within

the Church, Chicanos were not able to rise above the status of priest, which led to limited

representation in the upper echelons of the church. Chicanos felt they needed

representation in positions at the top, such as in the National Council of Catholic Bishops,

in order to gain social equality both within and outside of the U.S. Catholic Church.9 By

addressing the Church, Chicanos would also be sending a message of desire to be active

participants in their religious experience.

Section 2: The Emergence of PADRES and Las Hermanas

In response to being underrepresented and experiencing inequality within the

American Catholic Church, PADRES and Las Hermanas emerged. Issues of class, race,

and gender were all key factors in the origins of the two groups. These issues are often

so intertwined it is almost impossible to say one had more influence than the other.

Caucasians dominated society and this led to the branding of Mexican Americans, Latin

8 The Virgin Guadalupe was and is still revered highly by Mexicans because the Virgin appeared in Mexico to a poor civilian. This symbolized God’s empathy for the poor and serves as a source of empowerment for marginalized populations.

9 The National Council of Catholic Bishops, now known as the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops is “an assembly of the Catholic Church hierarchy who work together to unify, coordinate, promote, and carry on Catholic activities in the United States; to organize and conduct religious, charitable, and social welfare work at home and abroad; to aid in education; and to care for immigrants. The bishops themselves constitute the membership of the Conference and are served by a staff of over 350 lay people, priests, deacons, and religious.” The United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, “Welcome,” www.usccb.org/index.shtml.

Peterson 9

Americans, and Spaniards as second-class. For Las Hermanas members it was an even

harder struggle because they were both non-white and female.

Origins of PADRES

In San Antonio, Texas in 1969, a group of Chicano priests created PADRES, a

movement for Chicano equality within the U.S. Catholic Church. The word padres is

Spanish for priests and the acronym PADRES stands for Padres Asociados para

Derechos Religiosos, Educativos y Sociales, or Priests Associated for Religious,

Educational, and Social Rights. The group was an organization, but preferred to be

considered a movement because they only wanted to function as long as there was a need

for them. When their goals were achieved and/or the movement died, so would

PADRES.

In its early stages the group decided to limit membership strictly to Chicano

priests. Because the movement focused on promoting Chicano leadership, Chicanos in

the priesthood or deaconhood would naturally be the best candidates to create their own

change. In their original draft of the Los PADRES, Inc. Constitution, the members

defined, PADRES as a “professional association of Hispanic Catholic priests, deacons

and religious brothers who serve the Spanish-speaking communities of the United

States.” The Constitution went on to state, “The purpose of Los PADRES, Inc. is to unite

the voices of the above mentioned priests, deacons and religious brothers in articulating

the needs and aspirations of their communities to the hierarchy of the United States and

to all people of good will who will listen.”10 The constitution therefore limited

membership, excluding both women and non-Mexicans. As time progressed PADRES

10 Los PADRES Inc., “Constitution,” (San Antonio, Texas, 1970), Collection Code CPDR Box 1/Folder 01: PADRES 1970, The University of Notre Dame Archives, Hesburgh Library, Notre Dame, Indiana, 1.

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opened their membership to everyone because they realized the movement could only

grow and thrive if others would support their cause.

Within the Catholic Church, PADRES were seen as somewhat subversive because

they threatened the traditional religious hierarchy. This stigma made PADRES hesitant

to open membership to other people, especially women. The Catholic Church was

patriarchal and to question issues of gender inequality was an issue PADRES resisted

taking on. Initially if they did, it might prove detrimental to their main goal and purpose

of trying to gain representation through obtaining higher positions within the Church.

In addition to gender, specific issues of race and class are apparent in the original

documentation and interviews with PADRES founders. Experiences in the seminary and

pressure to conform to a eurocentric U.S. Catholic Church influenced how PADRES

functioned and shaped the goals of the movement. According to Rich Martinez, assistant

professor of Chicano studies at the University of Minnesota, “Mexican American

Seminarians were subjected to cultural whitewashing, which caused many to lose touch

with their culture.”11 Founder Father Roberto Peña believed, “The seminary was not

sensitive to having another culture there.”12 Part of the “cultural whitewashing” was

eliminating the use of Spanish. For many Chicanos and Latinos language was culturally

important and provided a sense of pride and connection among Hispanic populations.

For the Church to deny the use of the Spanish language was both a racial and cultural

blow. Language, along with differences in worship style, prompted the creation of

separate church services for Chicanos. This separation naturally created and enhanced a

11 Martinez, PADRES, 14.12 Ibid.

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second-class status for Mexican Catholics. David F. Gomez felt that racial separation

rendered Mexican Americans aliens in their own churches.

[Mexican Americans] are not Mexican except from blood and cultural ties,

and yet mainline American institutions do not accord them full

participation and regard them as “foreigners.” Thus, the Chicano presses

for full civil rights as an American even as he refers to the Southwest as

“occupied Mexico.” He speaks an English that is peppered with barrio

dialect. He admires and hates the Anglo at the same time: Admires him

for his efficiency and inventiveness and hates him for his racism and

insensitivity to the poor.”13

To address the second-class status Chicano priests faced, PADRES referred to the

principles and concepts of Liberation Theology and Vatican II. These doctrines provided

Chicanos with the evidence and support they needed to publicly make a case for equal

representation in the Church. PADRES members were able to use their racial and class

identities to ask the church for equality. In accordance to Liberation Theology and

Vatican II, the church would support marginalized populations and PADRES felt because

of their race and class status they qualified. Liberation theologian Gerardo Thijssen said,

“God Manifests through the poor.” Thijssen based some of this argument on Mark 1:14-

15, believing Christians should actively participate in creating a kingdom of God on earth

based on love, justice, and human dignity and not focused on only personal salvation.14

Current societal conditions for Chicanos mimicked anything but this equality and like

13 David F. Gomez, “Somos Chicanos: ‘Strangers in our Land,’” (Boston: Beacon Press, November 1973), Collection Code CPDR Box 1/Folder 16: PADRES- Publication 1972-1983, The University of Notre Dame Archives, Hesburgh Library, Notre Dame, Indiana, 1.

14 Gerardo Thijssen, “An Alternative Economic Perspective Effects of American/Canadian Foreign Policy to Mexico/Liberation Theology,” (lecture given at Quest Mexico in Cuernavaca, Mexico on 9 January 2006).

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Thijssen, through interpretation of the Bible, PADRES used Liberation Theology and

Vatican II to encourage and put pressure on the Church to support societal issues of race

and class inequality that directly affected Chicanos.

The idea that there was a relationship between advocacy within the church and in

society led PADRES to engage in and encourage the church to become active in creating

equality in society. PADRES was not content with merely working to alleviate problems

within the Catholic Church and extended their activities to address problems in the

secular arena. In 1960, 35 percent of Spanish-speaking families lived in poverty

compared to 16 percent of whites.15 The average Chicano during this time experienced

unequal educational opportunities, labor exploitation and workplace discrimination, and

enjoyed little political power at the local, state, and national levels.

It was not easy for PADRES members to challenge the church and society

because others saw them as a threat to the current social order and this caused tension

between Chicanos and other racial groups. Ironically, by speaking publicly, PADRES

members risked opportunities for advancement in the church and this was something

most priests dreamed of achieving.

The experiences of discrimination PADRES members encountered in both the

church and society in several ways shaped the PADRES Constitution, as well as the goals

and actions of the movement. The following is Article II Purpose of the Corporation

found in the Los PADRES Constitution:

The Corporation has been organized to operate exclusively for charitable, educational and religious purposes, including but not limited to:

1. the promotion of social welfare of Mexican Americans and other Spanish-speaking peoples in the United States;

2. the development, employment, health care, housing and

15 Martinez, PADRES, 21.

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3. the promotion of ethnic and religious awareness as a desirable contribution to the concept of pluralism which, if accepted by American society at large, will result in a diminution of racism.16

In this written constitution, it becomes clear PADRES used religion to challenge pre-

existing notions on class and race in order to gain the rights, privileges, and standards of

the first class for Chicanos.

Origins of Las Hermanas

In response to being excluded from PADRES membership, a group of religious

Chicana women formed their own organization called Las Hermanas. Las Hermanas

held its first meeting in Houston. It lasted for three days and drew in about fifty people

most of whom were Chicana. The purpose of the first meeting was to gauge interest in

the organization, develop a name, and set goals. The decision was made to name the

organization Las Hermanas, meaning the sisters, because it specifically targeted women

and took as its model a cohesive group, like a family, comprised of diverse individuals.

The reason for their founding was not only to compliment the activism of

PADRES, but also to fight sexism within the Catholic Church and society. The

organization was founded as a way for Chicanas, Latinas, and other women of Hispanic

origin to gain their own voice within the Church while placing an emphasis on serving

people in their communities. The organization provided Chicanas, Latinas, and other

women the opportunity to share their struggles and thoughts with each other in a way that

empowered them to overcome an oppressive Caucasian, male-dominated society. They

chose the motto, Unidas en Acción y Oracción, (United in Action and Prayer) because it

16 Los PADRES Inc., “Constitution,” 4.

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appropriately described their activism through “prayer and spirituality” and it

distinguished them from other Chicana groups emerging during this time period.17

From the beginning Las Hermanas had an open membership policy, meaning

anyone could join. This may be one reason why the organization survives today. They

saw the Church as a place that should ideally be inviting to all people and therefore

decided to model their organization around the concept of inclusivity. Inviting people of

different ethnic, class, and educational backgrounds allowed Las Hermanas to extend and

reach different people more effectively and efficiently because it created a broader

resource base. Las Hermanas founders envisioned members as “agents of change for

social justice” working toward “a transformation of the use of religious power within the

Church.”18 Once they transformed the church power structure they hoped to fight social

injustice outside of the Church.

Like PADRES, Las Hermanas faced cultural traditions that shaped their activism.

For example, in Latin American culture and even today, the family has been a focal point

for Mexican and Latin Americans. Having a strong family system was/is very beneficial

because it generally offers both physical and psychological support.19 Traditionally, the

family has been patriarchal and the role of the male has been to be the breadwinner and

provider while women have been expected to support their husbands while maintaining a

stable and healthy home. Because Latin American culture was structured in this fashion

for so many years, women were slow to challenge this type of institutionalized

oppression simply because it was so culturally ingrained.

17 Ibid., 57.18 Ibid., 68.19 One reason why family is so crucial is because most of the population at least in the 21st century

has been categorized as being in poverty. The lack of material possessions has created a tradition deeply rooted in family and spirituality.

Peterson 15

Some Chicanas felt “the oppression they experienced within their own

communities was as bad as that encountered from the dominant society.”20 Las

Hermanas publicly addressed and created open dialogue about this issue. They, like

other Chicanas, wanted to support their male counterparts in the fight against class and

racial discrimination, but felt it would be a hollow victory if they could not gain equality

within their own racial group. It was not only about gaining equality, but creating a voice

for Latin American women.

The frustration Las Hermanas felt as a result of sexism and racism within the

Church and society prompted them to embrace ideals of the Feminist Movement.

Women of all racial backgrounds began to challenge the patriarchal structure of the

Catholic Church and Las Hermanas also saw this as their opportunity to gain their voice.

Las Hermanas not only created a voice for Latin American and Spanish women, but also

created pride for these women, something that had never been done on this scale in the

Catholic Church. Lara Medina professor of Chicano and Chicana Studies at California

State University, Northridge, noted that

…Las Hermanas expanded the ministerial role of the U.S. Roman Catholic Church as it bridged the civil rights struggles of Chicanos and Chicanas and their religious needs. As feminists they joined the ranks of Chicanas who battled the gender oppression rampant in the Chicano cultural nationalist movement and brought Chicana feminism into the Catholic Church.21

Las Hermanas formed as its own group separate from the Feminist Movement because

they felt as though their experience was in some ways different than the Anglo-led

Feminist Movement. By having a separate organization they could create their own

20 Gonzalez, Mexicanos, 216.21 Lara Medina, Las Hermanas: Chicana/Latina Religious-Political Activism in the U.S. Catholic

Church, (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2004), 1.

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agenda. Despite being a separate organization, they were still influenced by and

supported other feminists groups because it empowered the larger Feminist Movement.

The Relationship Between PADRES and Las Hermanas

From the beginning, Las Hermanas tried to work in conjunction with PADRES,

but initial support was limited because the advancement of women ostensibly threatened

the power of Chicanos. The quest for equality among Chicanas left some Chicanos

feeling threatened because it might upset the little power they did enjoy, traditional

family structure, and social order.

As time progressed PADRES realized how much more effective their movement

could be with the support of Chicanas and Las Hermanas. The decision to collaborate

was a rather monumental one for Mexican Americans because it acknowledged and

pledged to confront not just of sexism in a patriarchal Catholic Church, but in

Chicano/Latino culture, something that had rarely been done before. Las Hermanas

initiated this relationship so they could educate PADRES and other Chicanos about issues

facing Chicana Catholics.22 By working together the two groups were able to address

issues of gender in Chicano/Latino culture, reach more people, and build momentum to

their social activism both within and outside the Church.

One way they worked together was through conferences and dialogue that

addressed goals and expectations of the groups. For example, on 27 October 1977 at the

Santa Lucia Rectory in El Paso, Texas, PADRES called for a joint conference with Las

Hermanas to discuss the possibility of working together. Those Las Hermanas members

present requested “some kind of rationale for the suggestion of a joint encuentro

22 Ibid., 93.

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[encounter or in this case meeting].”23 Why were PADRES members suddenly taking an

interest in working side by side with Las Hermanas? PADRES members present

responded by reflecting, “the national organization’s desire to become a not so clerical

organization and to show by action the stance of PADRES in support of women in

ministry; of women in the Church.”24 As time passed, Chicano/as realized that Mexican

American men and women needed to work together to reach a larger audience and create

a greater network of support.

Despite fears of lingering patriarchal views, both PADRES and Las Hermanas

members reported feeling fairly “hopeful” about the outcome of the meeting, and

reported “women are approaching ministry with less threat than men.” PADRES response

to the meeting was there was, ‘Not too much distrust voiced by men, but it is there and

shows in subtle put-downs of women.”25 Although the two groups were working together

to bridge the gap of gender inequality, traditional ideas on gender recurred during and

after the joint-session. Religion however, helped keep the groups together by uniting

them in a common quest, first and foremost, for religious equality. Religious doctrine

and concepts such as Liberation Theology and Vatican II provided PADRES and Las

Hermanas with justification for demanding equality within the Catholic Church with their

requests for equality.

23 “Minutes of Meeting,” Joint Hermanas-PADRES Conference, 27 October 1977, El Paso, Box 15: Projects/Activities/Affiliations/Folder 12: Joint Meetings, Mexican American Cultural Center, Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio, 1.

24 Ibid.25 Ibid.

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Section 3: Activism

Although the initial focus was on addressing discrimination in the Anglo-

controlled Catholic Church, PADRES’ and Las Hermanas’ activism within the Church

occurred alongside efforts to combat discrimination in society as a whole. PADRES and

Las Hermanas felt if they first achieved greater equality within the Church, they could

use the church as a resource to extend their fight into society at large.

PADRES and Las Hermanas saw a need for improved living conditions,

education and job opportunities, health care, and in immigration rights and felt it was

crucial to get both the Hispanic and Anglo populations involved and working together

toward reform. To successfully do this, the groups educated the general public by

holding regular conferences and producing printed material.

Regardless of the issue, both groups strongly believed in grassroots work.

Grassroots work was essential for a few reasons. For one, the groups could have more

control over the mission and functioning of an organization, and two, grassroots activities

empowered people locally in the absence of significant help from people in higher

positions of the Church. Las Hermanas member Linda Chavez remembers that, “Nothing

was forthcoming form the hierarchy.”26 Because they received little help from the

Catholic Church, Las Hermanas and PADRES had no other choice but to create their own

organizations that they could regulate and control. Discrimination and oppression were

not only institutionalized in the Catholic Church but also in political, economic, and

social structures. By using grassroots work PADRES and Las Hermanas were able to

influence their activism from the ground up.

26 Chavez, Interview.

Peterson 19

An example of their collaborative grassroots activism is in a program designed by

PADRES called The Mobile Team Ministry (MTMC). The program worked to promote

Mexican American representation in both the Church and society. The Mobile Team

Ministry Concept aimed “to make the parishes now serving the disadvantaged Mexican

American be as relevant as possible to the religious, educational, and social needs of the

poor by being a resource pool to the parish staff.”27 Equally as important, the MTMC

pledged “to preach the social Gospel where they find themselves so that the wider more

affluent community may become more deeply aware of the needs of the poor and be

given an opportunity to respond.”28

The Mobile Team Ministry is a prime example of how PADRES and Las

Hermanas used their Catholic identity to reach out to racial minorities in an attempt to

create equality in both the Church and society. When it came to preaching the gospel,

MTMC embraced all human beings; the organization felt that everyone needed to hear its

message about the Chicano/Latino plight. The program modeled a summary of the goals

and purpose of activism for both PADRES and Las Hermanas because it challenged and

disrupted pre-existing race, class, and gender boundaries empowering Hispanic

populations to help themselves.

Activism within the Catholic Church of the United States

PADRES and Las Hermanas feared Chicanos, Latinos, and Hispanics, facing

discrimination in their church would soon lose interest in the Catholic faith because of the

treatment they were receiving. Up to the 1960s-70s tradition had kept many Chicanos in

the U.S. Catholic Church. Las Hermana Sister Elisa Rodriguez said, “The Catholic faith

27 Reverend Ralph Ruiz, “Mobile Team Ministry Concept,” Collection Code CPDR Box 1/ Folder 61: PADRES 1970, The University of Notre Dame Archives, Hesburgh Library, Notre Dame, Indiana, 1.

28 Ibid., 2.

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has been a very important part of the culture and we consider its preservation of primary

importance.”29 Catholicism was/is deeply rooted in the culture of Mexico and Latin

America and those Chicano/as and Latino/ in America maintained strong connections

with the Church.

This desire to feel connected is shown in the goal of Chicanos in fighting to create

a complementary relationship with others in the Church instead of seeking to take over all

positions of power. Because they were a marginalized population, it was a challenge to

be taken seriously by the Catholic Church hierarchy. Often Chicano/as felt the Church

viewed them as being a population of people who had been relatively politically inactive

and non-threatening to Anglo-dominance. Their silence allowed or encouraged the U.S.

Catholic Church to ignore them and the societal discrimination Hispanic populations

faced. This is why the role of Las Hermanas and PADRES was so crucial. By gaining

power through the use or religious concepts, PADRES and Las Hermanas were able to

break down long standing race, class, and gender boundaries. The two issues within the

U.S. Catholic Church PADRES and Las Hermanas highly emphasized were inequality in

leadership and language.

In 1971, the Subcommittee for the Spanish-speaking Minorities Committee of the

Los Angeles Priests’ Senate, stated, “Many of our people are being driven to anger,

frustration, and even to despair because the Church has not made sufficient efforts to

understand their culture, their traditions, and their needs. Without realizing it, the Church

reflects the majority culture, the typical American middle-class mentality which is

basically racist.”30 Six years later, in 1978, The Washington Post discussed the same 29 Rodriguez, Interview.30 Subcommittee for the Spanish-speaking of the Minorities of Committee of the Los Angeles

Priests’ Senate, “Statement and Recommendations,” (1971) Collection Code CPDR Box 1/Folder 02: Statement and Recommendations of the Subcommittee for the Spanish-speaking, The University of Notre

Peterson 21

issue. Bishop Juan Arzube of Los Angles said, “All we want is to bring a new leadership

to the Church. It’s simply a matter of feeling, the way someone is brought up, customs

that are so innate to a person that you can’t put it all in words.”31

Chicanos and Latinos wanted the Church to be a place in which they could feel at

home, a place of support, love, and acceptance. In a December 1978 Washington Post

article the Rev. Peter Luque, a Hispanic priests from San Bernardino, lamented, “The

church’s leaders here don’t want to promote our growth. But are more interested in

keeping command of the structure of the church. We see Anglo bishops riding in their big

cars. They don’t want to give time to our people. They don’t care about preaching the

gospel to all those living under the avocado trees.”32 Cultural misunderstandings along

with issues of race and gender, contributed to the margenalization of a majority of

Chicanos and Latinos into a lower class status. Hispanic populations were so angry, two

years after their founding, PADRES threatened to create their own Catholic Church

within the Roman Catholic Church, but apart from the American hierarchy, because they

were so frustrated with their standing in the Church.33

Chicanos wanted to profess their religious identity with pride and a sense of

connectedness to the Church. In 1975, Archbishop Jean Jadot explained the importance

of equal representation for Chicanos/Latinos in the Church. “There is a realization that

there are important values in one’s own racial and ethnic and cultural traditions and in the

Dame Archives, Hesburgh Library, Notre Dame, Indiana, 2.31 Joel Kotkin, “Church Upheaval: Mexican-Americans Seek More Hispanics in Clergy,” (Los

Angeles: The Washington Post, 27 December 1978), Collection Code CPDR Box 1/Folder 21: Photocopies of Press Coverage 1969-1971, The University of Notre Dame Archives, Hesburgh Library, Notre Dame, Indiana, A6, Col. 1.

32 Joel Kotkin, “Church Upheaval: Mexican-Americans Seek More Hispanics for Clergy,” The Washington Post, 27 December 1978, Collection Code CPDR Box 1/ Folder 21: Photocopies of Press

33 Dan L. Thrapp, “Chicanos Issue Call for Own Catholic Church: Latin Priests Deny Being Schismatic Ask Representation in Separate Vicariate,” Times. Collection Code CPDR Box 1/Folder 21: Photocopies of Press Coverage 1969-1999, The University of Notre Dame Archives, Hesburgh Library, Notre Dame, Indiana, 1.

Peterson 22

traditions of others,” Jadot argued, “which should not be submerged and snuffed out but

rather cherished and preserved.” Jadot felt it was important for the Catholic Church to

recognize this if it hoped “to bring together the faith of men and women of enormously

diverse cultural backgrounds” in a way that could show “diversity within unity.”34 Jadot

thought if the Church could unify in a way that would recognize and accept cultural

differences, it would only be stronger and if it did not, there would be a split in the

church. With the threat of a split, the Church recognized the plight of Chicanos and

began by talking about their specific needs.

One of the key demands Chicano/as made centered on maintaining cultural

heritage. Early members of both PADRES and Hermanas recalled being prohibited from

using the Spanish language in the church. In the early-mid 20th century, many Chicanos

were unable to speak fluent English because Spanish was their first language. Because

some Chicanos were unable to speak English, they were unaware of other social services

they qualified for through the Church. The lack of awareness was largely due to weak

out reach efforts by other Catholic Church members or a hesitancy of Chicanos to seek

help. Some Chicanos who did seek help often felt intimidated because of the language

barrier and were not always received in a positive way by the English speakers who were

supposed to help them.

Language differences also contributed to the development of separate masses.

PADRES founder Father Albert Gallegos recalled, “‘[In Chicago] there were

concentrations of Hispanics in parishes, and they never had a Mass. I started to say Mass

in a Polish church, but the pastor would not allow us to say Mass at the main church. We

34 Archbishop Jean Jadot, “Signs of Hope in the American Church,” an expert from a talk given by Jadot and written down for the PADRES Congress, 1975, Collection Code CPDR Box 1/Folder 06: PADRES 1975, The University of Notre Dame Archives, Hesburgh Library, Notre Dame, Indiana, 15.

Peterson 23

had to go into the basement and the place was full with Hispanics.’”35 PADRES and Las

Hermanas wanted the Church to acknowledge Spanish speakers and allow them to

practice in the same facilities as other Catholics. Moreover, they demanded the

advancement and increase of pastoral ministers and teams that can speak in Spanish and

work directly with Spanish communities. They wanted the hierarchy to offer meaningful

services to the Spanish-speaking people.

Not all PADRES and Las Hermanas members agreed that Spanish services were

best. Sister Yolanda Tarango recalls that, “A lot of us had also grown up in the era where

we were punished for speaking Spanish in schools so a lot of us couldn’t speak Spanish

anymore or spoke it very poorly. We had all these clashes about do we speak Spanish or

English, how do we do it?”36 Both groups realized it was important to use both

languages. In some cases English was more practical and Spanish was also a part of their

cultural heritage that was a way to unify them. The use of both languages opened

PADRES and Las Hermanas to a larger audience. PADRES and Las Hermanas were

committed to using the Spanish language because it became a crucial communication tool

in reaching out to Spanish communities. Sister Yolanda Tarango said after their first

meeting in 1971, “We went away committed to learn Spanish, re-learn Spanish, to

improve our Spanish skills to become educated on the needs of the Hispanic population

in the United States and to demand that we work with our own people.”37

Goals

PADRES

35 Martinez, PADRES, 32.36 Yolanda Tarango interview. 37 Ibid.

Peterson 24

Although they cooperated, PADRES and Las Hermanas worked toward their

goals differently. A clear difference between the two organizations is apparent in the

way they planned to execute and achieve their goals. PADRES was a more exclusive

group because they only allowed Chicano priests to be in positions of power and

leadership. PADRES thought if they could gain higher positions in the Church they

could advocate for other Chicanos. For PADRES community activism would be

incorporated with their prime goal of advancement within the Catholic Church.

Las Hermanas

The initial goal to serve all Hispanic people regardless of gender heightened

support from the community and it was not long after its 1971 founding that Hermanas

addressed issues of gender. Chicanas and Latinas felt as though they were in a class of

their own because they were both female and non-white in an Anglo patriarchal Catholic

Church. Despite their race and gender disadvantages, Hermanas collectivized and found

ways to be heard. Because the initial goal of Las Hermanas was to create a “more

effective and active service to the Hispanic people,” Las Hermanas shifted in the late-

1980s to “develop leadership among Hispanic women, with a view to the needs of all

members of the Hispanic community.”38 It was very important to Hermanas members

that Las Hermanas act as a voice for Chicanas and Hispanic women religious as both a

voice within the Church and society.

Even though Las Hermanas was and is affiliated with the Catholic Church, it

gained recognition as a politically and socially conscious advocacy group because their

efforts extended past the Church and into all realms of society. In contrast to the initial

exclusiveness of PADRES, Las Hermanas was inclusive from its origin. They fought

38 ? Medina, Las Hermanas, 132.

Peterson 25

issues not just regarding religion, but labor, education, policy, leadership, and healthcare.

Las Hermanas looked to the community to tell them what their main concerns were and

sought to create the desired changes.

Methods of Achieving Goals

PADRES

Race and sex served as organizing tools for PADRES. This is evident in the

language used in the goals of their first Constitution. Article I Purpose stated:

The purpose of LOS P.A.D.R.E.S., Inc. is to unite the voices of the above

mentioned [Hispanic Catholic] priests, deacons, and religious brothers in

articulating the needs and aspirations of their communities to the hierarchy of the

United States and to all people of good will who will listen to them.39

PADRES members felt to achieve their goals in a precise and efficient way, they would

focus on empowering a more specific group of people, in this case, Chicanos and other

male Hispanic leaders within the Catholic Church. Chicano priests realized they had to

make the public aware of their lack of representation in the Catholic Church in hopes of

gaining momentum and support from outside sources.

PADRES was controversial because it challenged the status quo in the Church

and for that reason, PADRES members were hesitant to create any more controversy.

This is why they did not focus their activism in the Church on equality in the hierarchy

for both men and women. They used their maleness as a way to get the Anglo-men in

power to relate to them. It was not until Las Hermanas confronted PADRES about this

issue and that PADRES agreed to not only support the advancement of Chicano priests,

but also acknowledging the needs of the women of the Church. If the two groups did not

39 Los PADRES Inc., “Constitution,” 1.

Peterson 26

understand and support each other, their activism could be hurt due to a lack of

community support among Chicano and Latinos.

This process often produced unexpected results. Those who eventually achieved

more power often ended up merging with those Anglos already in power because there

was a natural tendency to gravitate towards self-interest. If Chicanos were too

outspoken, they were looked down upon by the hierarchy and most likely to be driven out

of their positions.

Las Hermanas

To achieve change, Las Hermanas often used public policy and the law. A way in

which Las Hermanas empowered women and other members to collectivize and speak

out was through the sharing of their stories of oppression. In some ways this approach

was gendered. It was more socially acceptable for women to speak which each other

about shared emotions and experiences than men. This was a strong component of Las

Hermanas that allowed them to gain momentum and support from both within the

Catholic Church and in society. The method also had strong ties and roots in the ongoing

Feminist Movement. In regard to their ability to collectivize after just one meeting, Sister

Yolanda Tarango said, “I think it was also sort of like the Feminist Movement, when you

tell your story and someone else tells their story and you realize that you have some

commonalities.”40 Las Hermanas was able to attract other Chicanas and Hispanic women

because there were very few other organizations in which these women could speak to

each other and share race, class, and gender commonalities.

They not only gathered among their own race, class and gender, but also sought

to collectivize with other religious persons around the world. In November of 1983,

40 Yolanda Tarango, interview.

Peterson 27

1,200 people, all women except men in the press, gathered in Chicago in hopes of

changing the Church.41 Las Hermanas members were among those present who came

from 37 states, Canada, several Latin American countries, England, Australia, and

Holland. The conference aimed to address the role of women in the church and why little

progress had been made in the struggle for equality. What it “stressed again and again

was the need to make connections between interlocking systems of patriarchy and sexism

in the church and those systems of economic, military, ecological, and sexual oppression

in the wider world.”42 One nun commented, “My priest said, ‘Don’t come back and lay a

lot of heavy stuff on me. I already have an ulcer.’”43 These women did not want to leave

the Church but to challenge it. In this they found inspiration in Jesus. Jesus did not leave

his Jewish tradition, but challenged its religious institutions of oppression to build a

community focused on equality. Las Hermanas felt it was their duty in collaboration

with other women religious to change the Church instead of leaving it.44

For many minority women, especially Hispanic populations living in the U.S. Las

Hermanas’ approach of collective voice and understanding was truly empowering

because of the sense of unity it offered them. Approaches to activism within the Church

were not intentionally gendered a certain way, rather Las Hermana Linda Chavez said, “I

don’t think it was issues as it was the women’s ability to hang in there. The women have

less to lose than the men in Church matters.”45 Because women had no positions in the

hierarchy, they felt their activism should be an all-or-nothing approach.

41 Men were not specifically invited but were welcomed if they came.42 Joan Beifuss, “Amidst laughter, tears and talks, women set course,” (The National Catholic

Reporter, 25 November 1983), Box 4: Correspondence to Las Hermanas 1980 General/Folder 3, Mexican American Cultural Center, Our Lady of the Lake University, San Antonio, 1.

43 Ibid., 20.44 Ibid., 21.45 Chavez, Interview.

Peterson 28

Difficulties

PADRES

Although the Catholic Church began publicly acknowledging the inequalities in

the Church, activism did not come easy for PADRES members. In fact, five of the

founding members actually resigned or left because of the cost of their activism. Not all

PADRES members were committed to fighting for Chicano civil rights, but there was

certainly a committed group. The Catholic Church chastised many of these members

because they were being “too disruptive.” Father Juan Romero, a founder of PADRES

suggested social activism hurt the chances of advancement within the Church and said,

“It costs. It costs people perceiving you as a radical or as a political priest.”46 Activist

priests who were too outspoken, ran the risk of dismissal from the priesthood or

relocation to an undesirable destination as a way to silence them. For example, founder

Alberto Carillo resigned after presenting a speech on institutionalized racism at the

PADRES National Congress in Los Angeles in October 1971. Soon after his speech, he

was told “in no uncertain terms that he had angered many powerful people in the church

and would not be able to function as a priest in California and several other states.”47 For

priests like Carillo the experience caused great pain and even shattered dreams, but to

gain leadership in the Church many persisted.

Las Hermanas

Initially Las Hermanas may have had more support simply because they were

sisters looking at the traditional family, but because they were militant and specifically

looking at the roles and power of women in the traditional family structure, they were

46 Martinez, PADRES, 126.47 Ibid., 127.

Peterson 29

quickly labeled as feminists. Yolanda Tarango noted, “We became known as the bad

sisters, and in the beginning, some of the religious orders wouldn’t even let their sisters

join Hermanas so that they wouldn’t become too outspoken.”48 Some even considered

Hermanas members to be traitors and given the name Malinches because they were

Hispanic women who advocated for women.49

In some cases, the church simply tried to separate activist Chicanas to limit their

activism. Sister Yolanda Tarango said, “There were lots of efforts to really keep us away

from each other in a sense and with Hermanas that was like turning all of that around.”50

Despite attempts to quiet Las Hermanas, they remained persistent in helping Chicana and

Latinas speak as one voice in the church.

Summary of Activism within the Catholic Church of the United States

Although PADRES and Las Hermanas used different organizing techniques in

their activism, they fought for similar causes and worked together in doing so through

grassroots work. By working together, it is apparent religion blurred gender lines for

Catholic Chicano/as at least for certain issues involving their racial and class

advancement. Some of the projects they worked together in were faith-based and specific

to helping racial minorities. They included the Task Force of the Spanish-speaking

Minorities, Mobile Team Ministries, and the Mexican American Cultural Center in San

Antonio, Texas. In working for equality within the United States Catholic Church social

activism became just as important especially if PADRES and Las Hermanas were going

to function in relation to Liberation Theology and the Second Vatican.

48 Ibid.49 During the conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards, Spanish leader Cortez had a translator

nicknamed Malinche who helped in the capture of the indigenous people of Mexico. For Mexicans this had an extremely negative connotation. Las Hermanas were called Malinches because they threatened the traditional family order and were often viewed as being too outspoken.

50 Ibid.

Peterson 30

Activism in Society

While their activism was viewed as subversive, it also came as no surprise

because of the historical context out of which PADRES and Las Hermanas emerged.

During the 1960s and 1970s several social movements emerged that had a significant

impact on organizations like PADRES and Las Hermanas. The movements that

prompted and supported Chicano/as to voice their opinions were the Civil Rights

Movement, the Chicano Movement, and the Feminist Movement. Along with these

movements Liberation Theology and the Vietnam War protests made Chicano/as more

comfortable in challenging the institutions that were oppressing them because other

marginalized populations were doing the exact same thing.

Through their social activism, PADRES and Las Hermanas showed the Church

could be involved in secular issues. Programs that PADRES and Las Hermanas

supported such as headstart, compensatory school programs, education grants, jobs,

public interest law programs and affirmative action benefited a variety of marginalized

populations because they the same aid to different people. The initial and primary focus

of PADRES and Hermanas was on labor issues because economics have been/are a

primary reason why Mexicans and Latin Americans have historically and presently come

to the United States.51

Labor Activism

In the area of labor, PADRES and Las Hermanas fought long and hard for

increased rights and benefits such as better working conditions, wages, and hours. They

51 Zaragosa Vargas, Labor Rights are Civil Rights: Mexican American Workers in Twentieth-Century America, (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2005), 16.

Peterson 31

did this through organizing boycotts, protests, legal action, and holding rallies and

conferences.

The farm worker struggle marked the start of labor activism outside the Church.

While other Protestant American churches aided in the plight of Chicano and Mexicano

laborers, the U.S. Catholic Church remained relatively idle in these efforts. In 1969,

Cesar Chavez requested the aid of the U.S. Catholic Church in the California grape

boycott by reminding them of early church doctrine that had been in place to help the

poor and oppressed in economic situations. One specific doctrine, the Rerum Novarum,

put out in 1891 by Pope Leo XIII, was re-acknowledged in the 1930s and 1960s because

it emphasized and proclaimed the role of the Catholic Church in supporting the poor and

working class outside of the church walls. Doctrine such as this, motivated Catholic

bishops, priests, and sisters, to aid in agreements between labor unions and workers in

situations like the California grape boycott. In 1973, during the boycott, two PADRES

members, Juan Romero and Raul Luna were jailed for thirteen days for “illegal assembly

and failure to disperse the picket line.”52 Members for both PADRES and Hermanas did

not back down. In the same year, Hermanas prepared for further action during their

annual conference that was held in Los Angeles. A group of Hermanas members planned

to join the picket lines, “We picketed, slept on linoleum floors got up at 4:00 A.M. and

had no breakfast. We walked, prayed, and sang as the police with their dogs watched

us.”53 Other religious groups along with PADRES and Hermanas empowered lower-class

workers to challenge existing racism and classism.

52 Medina, Las Hermanas, 81-83.53 Ibid., 83.

Peterson 32

From the beginning those in positions of power were not eager to grant people of

brown or black skin advancement. PADRES and Las Hermanas sought legal help to

combat discrimination. This was done through class action lawsuits, petitions to change

legislation and the support labor unions. In 1975, their activism saw achievement with the

passing of the Agricultural Labor Relations Act, which regulated grower compliance with

union elections and contracts. Agricultural workers were now able to seek legal

assistance in unfair labor practices.

Las Hermanas motivated other minority women to take action because they

showed that minority women, backed by religious principle, could and should be treated

as equals to those with power in the United States. A key tool Las Hermanas used to

publicize their ideas and push their agenda was through their publication Informes.

Between 1971 and 1996, sixty percent of Informes publicized information about the

United Farm Workers, the Farm Labor Organizing Committee, and other labor struggles

such as the 1978 boycott on JP Stevens products.54

For example, an article in the June 1978 Informes educated readers on the

practices of J.P. Stevens, a textile company, stating, “In some J.P. Stevens plants, state

and federal inspectors have measured dust and lint in concentrations up to 12 times

higher than recommended standards.” “A Federal Judge in 1975,” it continued, “found

J.P. Stevens guilty of hiring on the ‘basis of race’ at seven North Carolina plants and both

women and minorities have been subjected to massive discrimination in employment

practices.” In fact 97 percent of Stevens officers and managers were male and 98 percent

were white. Anyone who would take part in a labor union ran the risk of, “firings,

54 Medina, Las Hermanas, 86.

Peterson 33

harassment, interference with elections, refusal to bargain, and even electronic spying.”55

The work of PADRES and Las Hermanas to combat companies like this models how they

not only addressed fair labor laws, but issues of class, race, and gender. Because they

worked at the grassroots level, they could address all of these issues to the degree they

wanted to.

By working with and through grassroots organizations, PADRES and Las

Hermanas were able to avoid some discrimination, racism, and sexism that would be

embedded in other already established organizations. Grassroots work enabled PADRES

and Las Hermanas to create a powerful voice for the people they represented who were

largely poor and disconnected from mainstream standards of labor. The approaches

PADRES and Las Hermanas took in fighting labor injustices were limited because of

race and gender issues. They had to think of ways to affect social structures and the

powers that kept them oppressed. By using their religion they were able to gain support

from churches that encompassed a broad range of members. In addition, they were also

able to encourage other laborers of similar class status to join the fight and help their own

labor rights.

Mexican American Cultural Center

The creation and opening of the Mexican American Cultural Center (MACC) on

in January of 1972 in San Antonio was a chance for PADRES and Las Hermanas to

emphasize their desire to educate and create a consciousness of inequalities at hand. The

MACC was a place where people could go to learn about the struggles of Chicanos and

55 “Please Don’t Buy J.P. Stevens Products,” Informes, 8 June 1978, 8.

Peterson 34

Latinos. The center was heavily influenced by Liberation Theology and grassroots

work.56 Yolanda Tarango said, “We worked with PADRES and Bishop Flores,” and the

board of MACC consisted of representatives from a variety of organizations such as Las

Hermanas, PADRES, the Christian Family Movement, and farm workers union. The

center also functioned as the first Mexican American national pastoral institute.

According to Lara Medina there were two main purposes for the institution, “to empower

the poor and to train religious leaders.”57 By having a physical place where people could

gather, PADRES and Las Hermanas were able to educate people about the “culture,

music, art, history, and social action relevant to the Chicano experience.”58 MACC was

centered around religious principles such as Liberation Theology and acted as the bridge

between fighting discrimination in both the church and society. The center is an example

of how PADRES and Las Hermanas used religion to create equality; the center was open

to all people regardless of age, race, class, or gender.

The center did go through some changes, diverging from its grassroots, Tarango

said, “One of the things that happened as it [MACC] started changing was MACC

became instead an institute for religious Anglo groups and priests to learn to work in the

Hispanic community.” This changed the board from a more being more diverse and

activist to that consisting of bishops and millionaires. “It took on much more of a form

we can’t be too activist or we won’t get funding.”59 It was no longer serving its original

purpose of being a place where underprivileged Chicanos and Latinos could come to and

feel as though they had a voice in the decisions made by MACC.

56 Medina, 69.57 Ibid., 70.58 Ibid.59 Tarango, Interview.

Peterson 35

In general the MACC has served its purpose to help educate the public about the

Chicano plight and serve as a place in which Chicanos can feel welcome and proud of

their heritage. It is also a valuable resource holding documents of the history of the

Chicano struggle and the histories of both PADRES and Las Hermanas.

Summary of Activism in Society

Despite being a “silent group” in both the Church and society for so many years,

Mexican Americans were able to break traditional boundaries of race, class, and gender

with the aid of groups like PADRES and Las Hermanas. PADRES and Las Hermanas

listened to Chicanos and focused directly on the social issues that affected them. They

fought labor issues for more than rights, but for race, class, and gender equality. Even

though society and the church saw them as subversive at times, they still persisted to

create communities of equality in America. Their advocacy branched outside of labor

into education, healthcare, and politics. The creation of the Mexican American Cultural

Center stands as evidence of the successful advocacy of PADRES and Las Hermanas.

They created a center where their religious identity as well as social and political

ideologies could be expressed and shared by all of society.

Section 4: Conclusion

Both PADRES and Las Hermanas encountered great obstacles and successes

throughout their activism. Looking back at the organizations today, it is apparent their

organizational differences influenced their longevity.

Peterson 36

PADRES

Demise

For many PADRES members, activism proved to be extremely painful. In fact,

by 1986, at least five of those who founded PADRES had resigned from the priesthood.

Each of these men had a different reason for leaving; some were frustrated with the

slowness of change, some had doubts about their place in the priesthood, and others

desired to focus on social activism.60

By the 1980s, PADRES became less active because they shifted towards a more

“conservative tone.” Although it legally still exists, PADRES officially stopped meeting

in 1989 because most of the current PADRES members at that time decided to merge

with a clerical group called Sacerdotes Hispanos. This new group was composed of

mostly foreign-born Latinos and functioned as a fraternal support group to Spanish-

speaking priests. PADRES members who did not join Sacerdotes Hispanos (later called

Asociación Nacional de Sacerdotes Hispanos) generally involved themselves in other

social and community activist groups.61

Factors that contributed to their decrease in activism were the joining of PADRES

members to other organizations such as the Secertariat for Hispanic Affairs (PADRES

helped create this), a lack of support from PADRES members who eventually gained

higher positions in the church hierarchy but disassociated themselves with PADRES out

of fear they would loose their position, a loss of mission and goals within the movement

as time progressed, and the original closed membership policy of allowing only Chicanos

to be in leadership positions. The closed membership policy is the one factor out of the

60 Martinez, PADRES, 130.61 Ibid., 130.

Peterson 37

four that really came back to haunt PADRES. The goals of PADRES were centered

towards the Chicano experience. People of other racial backgrounds often found it hard

to relate to the organization and this limited support and ultimately the longevity of their

movement.

Significance and impact

Even though PADRES dissolved in 1989, it has still impacted the Chicano and

minority experience both within the Church and society. It was officially the first

national organization of Mexican American priests, and “the first time that a group of

priests of any ethnicity organized nationally as a sustained movement in defense of

Mexican American Catholics against both the Catholic Church and American society.”

They were unique in the sense they were one of the only non-secular supporters of the

Chicano Movement.62 Because of their religious affiliation PADRES fought racism in

both the secular and non-secular realms of society, bridging the two together in order to

combat race and class and to some degree sex issues.

Las Hermanas

Current Status

Las Hermanas is still very active within the Church and society. One of the

reasons for their success can be contributed to their initial desire to extend outside the

walls of the church and their open membership policy. In fact, this emphasis still exists

today.

This past October of 2005 I attended the 25th Las Hermanas Conference in San

Antonio. The Las Hermanas members were upbeat and had a positive outlook on

creating change. The conference served as both an educational function and a way for

62 Martinez, PADRES, 135.

Peterson 38

women to collectivize and recall the original purpose of Las Hermanas. During the

conference, time was taken out on a regular basis for members to share with each other

experiences, questions, and concerns. The sharing between members has contributed to

the longevity of the organization because it creates a sense of pride and connection

through collectivization. The conference also housed a variety of speakers and panels to

discuss current issues facing marginalized populations and offered ways to combat them.

This was also a reflection on the early methods of educating Las Hermanas members as

well as the public. Both Spanish and English were spoken to remember cultural heritage,

as well as their identity as Americans. Some though, expressed concerns about the future

of Las Hermanas particularly the lack of interest from the next generation of Hispanic

women. Many women have left the church for a variety of reasons and Las Hermanas is

striving to keep membership numbers up.

Significance and Impact

Las Hermanas was unique like PADRES in the sense it was a part of the Chicano

and feminist movements that tackled both the secular and non-secular issues. Las

Hermanas was one of the first groups in the United States Catholic Church that gave

Chicana, Latina, and Hispanic women a collective voice in which they were able to

control their own agenda. Tarango said, “I think one of the things Las Hermanas has

done is we’ve expanded the boundaries of the church. This sends the message that we

are with the marginalized populations and those people are also outside of the church.”63

Las Hermanas models how religion can be used to fight equality in race, class, and

gender.

Final Remarks

63 Tarango, Interview.

Peterson 39

Both PADRES and Las Hermanas took great risks from their origins to either

their demise or current state. Their impact can be seen today through an increased

number of Chicano/as in higher positions and through the organizations they founded and

to which they contributed. There is still along way to go because the current state of

class, race, and sex equality is far from perfect. With religion at their foundation, both

PADRES and Las Hermanas have modeled how religion is used in movements for social

change challenging existing class, race, and gender-based issues.

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Peterson 40

Tarango, Yolanda, Las Hermanas member from its origins. Interview by author, 28 July

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