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4

We must begin by determining exactly where we are in real terms with regards to Gender Equity in Africa. Only then can governments, development agencies and advocacy groups adequately plan for parity and fairness. This is where the specifics of surveys, research and data output from

authentic sources come in to the play.

Mrs. Winhin Jemide, Founder Winhin Jemide Series

Edition 1, March 2016

No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted electronically, mechanically, by photocopying or any web-based tool/website without the permission of the copyright holder.

The sale of this book is prohibited, as is its hiring or circulation without the proper permissions in place.

All contributors have waived any rights to their submission in this book and subject to the clause above.

Published by

Winihin Jemide Series

1B Adekola Balogun Street, Off Maruwa Bus Stop, Lekki, Lagos. Nigeria

Copyright (c ), Winihin Jemide Series, March 2016

www.winihinjemideseries.org www.facebook.com/wjseries.genderemergence

@winihinjemideseries @winihinjseries www.youtube.com/user/WJSeries

5

The decision to embark on this study was borne out of the Manifesto decisions reached by delegates at the Winihin Jemide Series Women in Government and Politics (WIGP) Conference held in November 2013 themed Increasing Numbers: Access and Progress

The Women in Government and Politics (WIGP) Conference, London 2013 was masterminded

to launch a regional conversation with the abiding aim of providing women with the

encouragement they need to prepare for and successfully participate in all aspects of politics

and governance. It brought together a wealth of experience from a convergence of influential

women drawn from the five regions of Africa.

The conference theme was Increasing Numbers: Access and Progress, creating a platform for the first Africa-focused forum for women in government and politics. The conference

discussions examined a number of topics that dealt primarily with some of the issues that

impact the access and entry of women into government and politics. The delegates also

compiled a list of specific courses of actions to address these issues. An immediate outcome

of the WIGP Conference was a position document signed by 95% of attending delegates. It

was this accord that formed the basis for the WIGP Manifesto developed at the end of the conference (see page 76).

The WIGP Manifesto aims to set out the rationale and importance of conducting an audit

of the current status of the access and numbers of women appointed or elected to positions

in government. As a result of the conference, the cause of women working within Africas

changing political climate will come under the microscope to drive research and create

campaign messages that it is hoped will begin to change the status quo.

The expectation for this research conducted by The Winihin Jemide Series is that it will

engender a strong movement for the promotion of women in politics and government

throughout the continent.

6

ContentsPreamble . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8

Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12

Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

Research Guidelines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

Data Control and Verification Spot Checking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18

Research and Ranking Report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

Research and Ranking Report . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

Academic Paper. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48

Executive Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50

Gender Equality and Economic Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .51

Gender, Climate Justice and Sustainability . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52

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The Case of Women in Public Leadership Positions in Nigeria . . . . . . 53

Women in Public Service Leadership in Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54

Main Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

Implications of the Study for Countries in the African Continent

and Around the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56

Gender Equality and Economic Growth in Brazil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

Meanings of Gender Equality in Development: Perspectives

from Norway and Ethiopia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58

Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60

Ranking Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

Calculating Gender Representation in Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

Ranking by State . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66

GDP and Gender Representation in Nigeria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68

Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70

Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72

Profiles of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74

The Winihin Jemide Series Manifesto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76

Survey Tools and Metrics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84

8

Preamble Gender equity is an issue that has been discussed in various

international forums as well as academic conferences and national

conventions. The nature and extent of the problem of gender

inequality has been defined and highlighted through a series of

conventions, conferences and declarations. In addition, studies

have shown that women tend to lag behind men on a number of

social, economic and political dimensions.

The United Nations has led some of the most noteworthy

international actions taken to address gender inequality for women.

In 1979, the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All

Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), considered

the Bill of Rights for women, was adopted. It defined gender

discrimination and issued a call for action. In 1995, the Fourth

World Conference on Women was convened in Beijing. The Beijing

Declaration and the Platform for Action went further by outlining

strategic objectives and actions for achieving gender equality

in areas such as health, education, economics, human rights and

decision making. Since Beijing, five-year reviews have been used

to assess progress made in the various countries to implement the

actions contained in the declaration.

At the country level, many countries (or the women in the

countries) have taken seriously the strategic objectives and actions

from the Beijing Declaration and have adopted legislation and

other measures to address gender inequity. One of the ways some

countries have addressed gender inequity in government has been

through adopting quotas under constitutional or electoral law

for the representation of women in their legislative bodies. In other

countries, political parties have adopted quotas for the recruitment

and selection of candidates for office. It has been recognised that in

addition to the United Nations five-year reviews, there is a need for

surveys of progress by individual countries and a need for ongoing

dialogue regarding measures that work to reduce inequality.

9

One such dialogue took place in London in November of 2013. The Winihin Jemide Series

sponsored a Women in Government and Politics Conference that brought together women

from Africa and the African Diaspora to start a conversation and promote research about

women in government and politics on the continent of Africa. Since the conference, the

conversation has continued, and research on issues related to women in government and

politics has been conducted. This research document is an outgrowth of the conference.

This document provides a good assessment of the status of women in key federal, state and

local positions in Nigeria. Knowing and understanding the status of women in public sector

positions helps to provide a foundation and platform to plan and implement strategies for

increasing gender equity. The Nigerian study can serve as a template for surveys of other

African countries as voluntary and legal quotas and other methods are used to speed up the

pace of gender inequality reduction. The data in this study is very useful, but the researchers

call attention to the need for improved data collection systems so they can be sure the data

they are using are reliable and consistent across the various states.

A similar study would be welcome in countries such as Rwanda where women outnumber

men in a legislative chamber for the first time in the world. Government officials in

other countries should use the study to identify and eliminate deficiencies in their data

collection processes.

The good news from this study is that progress has been made in increasing the representation

of women in elected and appointed positions in Nigeria. The findings should not be used just

to sing the praises of a particular administration or jurisdiction or as an opportunity to stop

and relax efforts to increase the numbers. Instead, they should be used as an incentive and

motivation to eliminate male dominance throughout the government at all levels.

by Dr Elsie Scott Director, Ronald W. Walters Leadership and Public Policy Center

Howard University, Washington, D.C., USA

10

ForewordIn 2015, the Winihin Jemide Series, in consultation with the

National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) of Nigeria, set out to determine

how many women are in the Executive, Legislative and Judiciary

branches of government, and how have these numbers changed

since Nigerias return to democracy.

This study covers the years 1999 to 2015 and provides compelling

reasons as to why gender equality in politics and public

administration is important. These reasons include fairness,

accountability, justice, empowerment, and the importance of

bringing womens perspectives to policy and other discussion.

The last of these reasons resonates deeply with me as an engineer.

I have seen time after time that complex problems are solved best

by teams whose members have a diverse range of perspectives:

gender, age, background, etc. The increasing complexity of local

and global challenges make it imperative that nations have broad

representation in their public leaders todays challenges cannot

be addressed adequately without voices that have hitherto been

ignored. Unfortunately, however, the burden on non-traditional

leaders can be heavy. As an engineer in a very male-dominated

field, I know first-hand how tough it can be to be the only woman

in a room, particularly when suggesting ideas that challenge the

status quo.

11

In light of the intrinsic value of diverse voices, and the difficulty of being a minority voice,

regardless of the worth of ones contributions, this report provides some encouragement.

Among other statistics, women now represent an average of 15% of state commissioners and

almost 20% of permanent secretaries at the state level; both represent significant gains on

earlier years. But despite the progress that has been made, key governance positions remain

overwhelmingly dominated by men, particularly at the national and state level.. It is therefore

evident that vigilance and much more progress are needed, particularly in achieving better

gender balance in national and state leadership positions.

I wish to congratulate the Winihin Jemide Series for taking the bold step of tracking how

the global call for gender equity is evolving, within the government structure in Nigeria. It

would be very interesting to see how this plays out across the African continent and even in

the many developing nations of the world. I want to encourage the Winihin Jemide Series to

continue on its admirable course of exploring the ways womens voices are growing and how

they are making a difference in their countries.

Fiona M. DoyleDean Graduate Division and Donald H. McLaughlin Professor of Mineral Engineering

Department of Materials Science and Engineering University of California, Berkeley,

Member, National Academy of Engineering (United States).

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Introduction I am delighted to present to you the maiden research study by the

Winihin Jemide Series titled Research & Ranking Report on Female

Representation at State/Local Government Levels in Nigeria from

1999 to 2015. Its timing is apposite. 2016 has been declared the

Africa Year of Human Rights with particular focus on the Rights

of Women by the African Union (AU).

At the 8th African Gender Pre-Summit, held in January 2016,

H.E. Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma, Chairperson of the African

Union Commission (AUC), urged women to be change agents to

transform, not to conform.

As the first woman in history to lead the organisation, Dr. Zuma is a

wonderful role model. Shes more than qualified to spur women on

to make a difference. Greater gender equity, we believe at The Series,

as does Dr. Zuma, has the single greatest potential to be the driver

of sustainable economic development on the African continent.

Hence our driving philosophy that Gender Equity Equals Economic

Development (GEED).

Indeed, a large study on gender parity conducted by the McKinsey

Global Institute (2015) actually quantifies this. It envisages a full-

potential scenario in which women take part in the global economy

identically to men. It finds that this would add up to $28 trillion,

or 26%, to annual global GDP in 2025 compared with a business-

as-usual scenario. This impact is roughly equal to the size of the

combined US and Chinese economies today. We also look at Sweden

as a case in point, and an inspiration where gender equality is one

of the cornerstones of Swedish society. The aim of Swedens gender

equity policies is to ensure that women and men enjoy the same

opportunities, rights and obligations in all areas of life.

Our current objective is to also build statistical capacity on

gender equity in Africa and introduce research and ranking to

our output. We aim to create the definitive Gender Index as the

core source of gender emergence data in Africa. This is crucial in

enabling, governments, policy makers, developmental agencies

13

both benchmark and plan for increased gender parity. This in turn can only result in greater

positive impact on the continents prosperity and social development.

But, and its a big but, theres a caveat here. We need to help women make this happen.

We also need to help the men understand they too play an important role in achieving this

paradigm shift. As our study shows, where there is a will, sometimes there is not always a

way unless decisive and coordinated steps are taken to ensure results.

The Series study has as its focus Nigerias clear progress with gender inclusion across the

political and governance landscape since 1999. However, its remit is far broader. It also

examines the degree of advancement made in gender representation in the public sphere in

other countries, including Norway, Rwanda, Uganda, Namibia, Ethiopia and South Africa.

What our findings show is that although a degree of advancement in womens representation

has undeniably been achieved in Nigeria, as elsewhere, barriers remain. Its clear to us that

while many national administrations proclaim their full commitment to enabling greater

gender equity, the practical realities of daily life often mean that women are just not able to

step up to the plate.

Conservative socio-cultural norms, political exclusion and economic disadvantages mean

they dont have equal access to education, employment, technology, healthcare, or finance.

So, if you are a politician, policy maker or legislator or a gender advocate about to study our

report, we would urge you to consider our five recommendations. Today, almost 21 years after

the Beijing Declaration, we have made tremendous strides. Yet despite the global unison of

voices in favour of greater gender equity, there is still much more we can do.

Lets look at the strategic mechanisms that really reinforce the participation of women at

national, regional and international levels. Research Projects such as this remain pivotal to

the strategic mechanisms that reinforce the participation of women in Government Politics

and Industry at both national, regional and international levels. We have all got so much

to gain.

Lets give all women a fair chance.

Mrs. Winihin JemideFounder, Winihin Jemide Series

Metho

dolog

y

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15

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Research GuidelinesA. Scope

At the Federal Level, information on women that occupied the following positions

was collected:

i. Presidentii. Vice Presidentiii. Senatorsiv. Members of the House of Representativesv. Ministersvi. Secretary to the Government of the Federation vii. Permanent Secretariesviii. Ambassadors and High Commissionersix. Chief Justice of the Federationx. Chief of Staff to the President

At the state level, information on women that occupied the following positions was collected:

i. Governorii. Deputy Governoriii. Members of the State House of Assembly iv. Secretary to the State Governmentv. Commissionersvi. Permanent Secretariesvii. Chief of Staff to the Governorviii. Chief Judge of the State

At the local government level, information on women that occupied the following positions

was collected:

i. Chairpersonii. Vice-Chairpersoniii. Secretary to the Local Government Council

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B. Data Sources

The following authorities and institutions were contacted to obtain the data and information

used in the preparation of this report:

Federal Leveli. Office of the Secretary to the Government of the Federationii. Office of the Head of Serviceiii. National Assemblyiv. Ministry of Foreign AffairsState Leveli. Office of the Secretary to State Governmentii. State House of Assembly Local Government Leveli. Ministry of Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairsii. Local Government Secretariat

C. Design for Data Collection

The data collection in each State was carried out by 1 team per state, consisting of 2

enumerators and 1 supervisor. 3 weeks was allocated for data collection and retrieval to the

NBS headquarters in Abuja. Delays in data returns necessitated an extension of the period

for data collection by a week.

D. Data Entry and Analysis

All questionnaires were compiled by local government and / or State, and batched to the

NBS headquarters in Abuja, where data processing was also carried out. Three datasets were

created namely:

i. Federal Government Datasetii. State Datasetiii. LGA Dataset

E. Data Coverage

While every effort was made to receive data in a timely manner from relevant authorities,

this was not entirely possible. As a result, a few States have missing records. All data used in

this study are those received as at 1 December 2015.

18

Data Control and Verification Spot CheckingConducted by the team of Dr. Nic Chesseman; Assistant Professor of African Politics, Hugh Price Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford University, Co-editor of African Affairs and founder of www .democracyinafrica .org

Dr. Sarah Jane Cooper-knock; Lecturer in International Development, Edinburgh University, co-editor of www .democracyinafrica .org

Claire Elder; PhD candidate, Department of Politics and International Relations, Oxford University

Task The team was asked to verify the data collected by the Winihin Jemide Series (WJS) in order

to confirm the following points:

1. That the data was collected by researchers connected to the WJS.

2. That consistent methods were used across the 36 states.

3. That the data is reliable and reflects the reality on ground.

MethodWe randomly selected researchers from the list used by the WJS and contacted them.

Standard practice is to back check at least 10% of data collection points. In this case, 10% of

the sample would have been around 4 people (one person per state, so 36 people in total). In

order to exceed best practice, and given the small nature of the sample, we decided to contact

10 people, around 25% of the total. The states contacted are listed in Table 1.

Each researcher was asked a set of questions relating to:

1. Their relationship with the WJS.

2. How they collected the data.

3. Any problems they had with the data.

4. To confirm the data that was provided to us by the WJS was correct.

Summary: the data has been collected in a serious and robust manner, with due care and attention paid to securing accurate and verifiable data. There are some missing data, and some inconsistencies in coding, but these are relatively small and unlikely to impact on the overall results. Most of the problems identified in the data were not the result of failures of the research team but rather reflected the absence of data and inconsistencies in data collection practices by government officials themselves. This project, and these reports on it, therefore highlights the need for the Nigerian government to adopt a more thorough, consistent and professional approach to the collection of data on female political representation in Uganda.

19

ReportThe random sample of ten data collectors confirmed full regional participation in the

data collection process, although variance was reported in the ways in which the data

was collected. In the majority of cases (70%), the data collectors first consulted the local

government commission or general office (at the state level) to collect the available data on

gender representation in the local government, before proceeding to the local governments

for verification of data (although this was not always the case).

Certain data collectors, for instance in Imo state, reported going first to local governments

before being redirected back to the general office. Other data collectors went directly to the

local governments (reporting significant delays, lack of cooperation or lack of availability of

data at the general office), while others indicated high confidence in the data provided by the

federal state (reporting no reason to verify at the local level).

Those that reported inaccessible federal records demonstrated the highest commitment to

pursuing local government sources (only unable to visit certain local governments due to

high security concerns). The majority of others indicated going to most (more than 70%) of

the local governments for data verification, while two reported going to less than half (both

in cases of federal data availability), citing insecurity as well as inadequate remuneration for

high transport costs.

Table 1. Consulting Local Government

Federal State Only Commission Both Only Local Government

Abia X

Adamawa X

Bauchi X

Bayelsa X

Ekiti X

Imo X

Jigawa X

Kaduna X

Ondo X

Yobe X

20

All respondents indicated a high degree of confidence in the quality of the data collected and

the findings that there was low overall female representation in public sector positions,

especially in the Northern regions. Respondents indicated that the questionnaire was easily

understood by local government participants, and that local governments were willing and

eager to partake in the study. However, a few respondents noted difficulties accessing the

data through local governments namely that, in certain cases, local government officials

expected remuneration for their assistance/participation given delays in the payment of local

government salaries.

In most cases, data collectors hired local enumerators (students or statisticians) to spearhead

the data collection process, while the team lead supervised and reviewed the data collected. In

certain cases, where there was a deficit of information at the government office, enumerators

accompanied the local government commissioners to the survey sites to collect the data.

Significantly, there were some areas in which WJS researchers were not able to collect

data. Although the data covers the vast majority of the target positions, information was

not collected for around 5% of state data and around 8- 10% of local data. We were able to

work with WJS researchers to fill some of these gaps, for example for Sokoto, but not all.

In general, data is more complete for the historical period than it is for the most recent period,

which seems to be because effective records have not yet been created for these years,

and so data had to be collected by conducting interviews with those personally involved

in government.

The founder of the WJS, Mrs.Winihin Jemide, in the company of student delegates at the WIGP 2013 Conference.

21

In our analysis of the data, we have dealt with this issue by leaving out positions in which we

have no data from our calculations. The results are therefore unaffected, but it is important

to note that if the positions that are missing are very heavily male (or female) dominated,

their inclusion would likely result in slightly different outcomes. It is also important to note

that the same areas tend to have data gaps over time, suggesting that they may reflect a

broader pattern with regards to low state capacity and poor record keeping.

The difficulty in securing information on womens political representation at the local government level highlights the need for the Nigerian government to introduce guidelines ensuring that this information is recorded and made available to interested parties.

While there should be only one elected chairman per local government, respondents

described a process of local government formation that has been gradual and uneven, with

many governors appointing as many as five administrators to stand in during the transition

period for local governments. This is a potential source of inconsistency, which we have dealt

with in our analysis of the results by averaging the results in cases in which a particular

state has a number of chairmen, so that we generate one result for the position. Thus, a state

that had four chairmen, there men and one woman, would be given a rating of 0.25 for this

position overall. This method is essential for ensuring that the position of Chairman is not

over- weighted in states with a high number of chairmen during a single term.

Table 2 shows the number of states that reported only having one chairperson per local

government, while Table 3 lists the states in which there was more then one chairperson.

Table 2: States with Local Governments with One Chairperson

In many cases (66% of cases) states reported having had a number of chairpersons (more than

3) across the state. Larger numbers typically reflects a succession of administrators during

the transitional period (from 2011 to 2015) turnover that is generally higher than when a

chairman has been elected.

State No. of LocalGovernments

No. ofChairman

No. ofChairwoman

Total

Adamawa 21 20 1 21

Borno 26 26 0 26

Cross River 18 17 1 18

Delta 4 2 1 3

Ebonyi 13 12 1 13

Imo 27 24 3 27

Jigawa 27 27 0 27

Zamfara 14 14 0 14

22

Table 3: States with Local Governments with More than One Chairperson

State No. of LocalGovernments

No. ofChairman

No. ofChairwoman

Total

Abia 17 53 2 55

Akwaibom 27 29 6 35

Anambra 21 34 7 41

Bauchi 20 60 0 60

Bayelsa 7 17 0 17

Benue 11 36 4 40

Cross River 18 17 1 18

Delta 4 2 1 3

Edo 15 19 2 21

Ekiti 16 39 1 40

Enugu 17 21 1 22

Gombe 9 25 0 25

Kaduna 21 38 3 41

Kano 42 95 0 95

Katsina 33 35 0 35

Kebbi 21 22 0 22

Kogi 14 17 1 18

Kwara 10 9 3 12

Lagos 16 17 0 17

Nasaraw 8 14 1 15

Niger 22 42 3 45

Ogun 15 24 2 26

Ondo 15 24 1 25

Osun 22 24 1 25

Oyo 27 36 0 36

Plateau 16 52 2 54

Rivers 12 11 2 13

Taraba 15 29 0 29

Yobe 6 15 0 15

23

ConclusionOverall, it is clear that the data collectors made a serious effort to collect robust and reliable

data. Although there are gaps in the data, we have good quality information for the vast

majority of positions targeted. Moreover, the variation in the data collected reflects real

variation on the ground (i.e. the appointment of a succession of different chairpersons in

some areas, compared to the presence of one chairperson for a long period in others), rather

than the adoption of an inconsistent approach by WJS researchers. On this basis, we conclude

that the data is suitable for use in academic and policy research.

Resea

rch an

d

Rank

ing Re

port

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Research and Ranking ReportGender equality, which is one of the targets of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), is

both an essential development goal in its own right and also a driver of human development.

International law recognises that everyone has a right to participate in public life, but it

remains an ongoing challenge to achieve womens equal participation, especially in decision-

making roles. The importance of advancing womens leadership in politics has continued to

gain traction. Although much remains to be done, advances are being made slowly but surely.

Unfortunately, less attention and support has been given to promoting womens leadership

in public administration.

Public administration is the foundation of government and the principal instrument through

which national policies and programmes are implemented. International norms require that

public administration be guided by principles of fairness, accountability, justice, equality and

non-discrimination, and that it serve as a model of governance for society, which includes

By Winihin Jemide Series in collaboration with the National Bureau of Statistics, Nigeria

Pictured are a number of delegates and participants representing various countries and continents at the Women in Government and

Politics 2013 Conference.

27

the promotion of gender equality and womens empowerment. However, globally, this is not

yet the reality. Instead of being a driving force behind the implementation of internationally-

agreed goals on gender equality and human rights standards and principles, in many developed

and developing countries, public administration often remains a patriarchal institution,

perpetuating gender-biased traditions, attitudes and practices. Women do not yet participate

equally in public administration, especially in leadership and decision-making roles.

A critical mass of women in public administration, in particular in senior decision-making

positions, is important for equality reasons and because it brings more womens perspectives

to policy and other discussions. Positions in public administration may also be among the few

available or acceptable employment opportunities for women, making it all the more important

that women have a fair chance of competing for them. Research based on qualitative case

studies examines the ways in which women in parliament are impacting political culture, law-

making, and social change. One study of Tanzania found that womens greater participation

in parliament improved the culture in parliaments, helped the formation of a womens

parliamentary caucus, improved training for women members, heightened invocation of

womens interests in parliament, increased womens contributions to parliamentary debates,

and led to modest increases in womens appointments to cabinet positions. In Rwanda, South

Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda, the increase in womens representation in parliaments has

resulted in the promulgation of new laws, in particular in the areas of gender-based violence,

family law, and land rights. There has also been an increase in the use of a gendered

perspective in the legislative process and the use of a gendered lens to analyse and monitor

national budgets. In some countries, the increased presence of women in parliament has had

a more subtle impact, with the alteration of peoples attitudes towards women, the creation of

a trans-generational effect, and the formation of a new political culture that accepts women

as political leaders.

Women in Public Service Leadership in NigeriaIn Nigeria today, just as in many African countries, conservative socio-cultural norms,

political exclusion and economic disadvantages have determined the strength of womens

voices in public life. The 2006 Nigerian population census figures indicate that women

constituted 49% of the total population, yet there remains a significant gender gap between

men and women, especially in political representation, economic management and leadership.

Although reasonable progress has been made over time, political equality is still a distant

goal in Nigeria. Men have control over assets and have relatively better education, hence

they have a dominant position in terms of political power. For instance, male councillors

may not necessarily be highly educated but such positions are not given to women who

have the same educational level as them. The lack of awareness leads to situations where

women often become dependent on male political positions or male-dominated political

parties. Mens participation in leadership will focus more on issues of mens interest than on

womens concerns. In some cases, women are elected into a leadership position in an arm of

28

government without actually participating in actual leadership. In Nigeria, a lot of women lack

effective power or influence, especially in the federal government structure. Many of them

do not have the necessary skills to present ideas effectively. Womens lack of participation in

politics, means inadequate contribution to public affairs and womens empowerment. When

women are given the opportunity of participation in leadership, they will recognise these

problems and address them to accommodate the full participation of women in leadership

at all levels of the arms of government. One of the important reasons why women have

not received adequate benefits from years of planning and development is their inadequate

representation, non-participation and non-involvement in the preparation and execution of

plans for their economic development and social justice through decentralised institutions.

Most political parties do not even maintain data on their female membership and few women

are granted tickets for elections (Shamim and Kumari, 2002). Since politics is traditionally a male

domain and most financial, economic, commercial and political negotiations are conducted

outside the home by males, Nigerian women have very limited access to decision-making

processes, and they have a severe lack of access to and control over financial resources. This

effectively reduces womens chances of contesting elections and thus occupying decision-

making positions. The factors and issues of womens marginalisation and low participation in

political leadership and decision-making have been attracting a lot of attention from scholars.

Although women and men have a different biological and physiological make-up, women

may share common features with men in terms of educational qualifications, socio-economic

status and occupation, among others. Yet, they are marginalised in virtually all spheres of

public life.

To adequately address these observed gender disparities in the public sector leadership

in Nigeria, it is necessary to take stock of the current situation. How many females are in

positions of leadership in the three tiers of government in Nigeria? How many have been

elected or appointed into public office since our return to democracy? To adequately address

these questions, the Winihin Jemide Series in consultation with the National Bureau of

Statistics (NBS) set out to collect this information at all levels of government, from 1999

to the current (2015) dispensation. The information to be collected covered the 3 arms of

government: Executive, Legislative and Judiciary.

The result of this exercise provides useful information for the furtherance of the womens

equality agenda in Nigeria.

29

30

Findings In this section, the key results obtained from the data collected are presented according to the

tiers of government: federal, state and local government. Furthermore, comparison is made

between the five 4-year democratic dispensations witnessed in Nigeria since 1999. These are

1999-2003, 2003-2007, 2007-2011, 2011-2015 and 2015-2019. 2

a. Federal levelElected Positions i. President: Since the return to civil rule in 1999, Nigeria has successfully had four

democratically-elected administrations at the federal level, and a fifth is currently under

way, having been sworn in on May 29, 2015. Although there have been five administrations

between 1999 and 2015, a total of four men occupied the position of president, with President

Olusegun Obasanjo completing two terms of office. During the 2007-2011 administration,

two men occupied the position of President: Alhaji Umau Musa Yaradua, who died in

office in 2010, was replaced by Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, the vice president. Thus, President

Obasanjo occupied the office of president between 1999 and 2007, and was followed by

President Umaru Musa Yaradua (2007-2010), President Goodluck Jonathan (2010-2011;

2011-2015) and President Muhammadu Buhari (2015-present). No woman held the position

of president during the period under review (see Figure 1).

Figure 1: Position of President by gender

2 For convenience, reference is made to a period by mentioning only the start year.

31

ii. Vice President: As is the case with the office of the president, the position of vice president has been held by four men since return to civilian rule. No woman has held the position of

vice president (see Figure 2).

Figure 2: Position of Vice President by gender

iii. Senator: Since 1999, the Senate has been largely dominated by members who are men. Only 3 out of the 109 members in the Senate in 1999 were women, representing less than

3% of the members of the Senate. Currently, the number of women in the Senate is more

than double what it was in 1999, at 7 members. However, this is a decrease from 9 women

members in the 2007 to 2011 period (see Figure 3).

Figure 3: Distribution of members of the Senate (1999-2015)

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iv. Members of the House of Representatives: Similar to the pattern observed in the Senate, the number of female members of the House of Representatives stood at 12 out of 360 in

1999, representing 3.3% of the total members. The number of women rose to 26 in 2007

however, but currently stands at 14 out of 360, which is only about 4% (see Figure 4).

Figure 4: Distribution of members of the House of Representatives (1999-2015)

Appointed Positionsv. Secretary to the Government of the Federation: Since 1999, the position of the secretary to

the government of the federation has been held by men. No woman has held this position

since the return to civilian rule (see Figure 5).

Figure 5: Occupants of the position of Secretary to the Government by gender

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vi. Ministers/Ministers of State: In 1999, only 2 women held the position of minister/minister of state, out of a total of 43. The number of women however rose gradually over the years.

In 2007, 10 out of 57 (or 17.5%) ministers/ministers of state were women, and the figure

reached 11 out of 46 (or 23.9%) in 2011. Currently, the number of women ministers stands

at 6 out of 37 (or 16.2%).

Figure 6: Distribution of Ministers and Ministers of State, by gender

vii. Ambassadors and High Commissioners: 5 (or 8.5%) of the 59 ambassadors and high commissioners in 1999 were women. The number of women rose to 9 out of 86 (or 10.5%)

in 2007 and 11 out of 90 (or 12.2%) in 2011. No appointments have been made since a new

administration commenced in 2015.

Figure 7: Distribution of ambassadorial positions (1999-2015)

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viii. Permanent secretaries: In 2011, 9 out of 38 (or 23.7%) federal permanent secretary positions were held by women. Currently, 11 out of 36 positions (30.6%) are held

by women.

Figure 8: Gender distribution of federal Permanent Secretaries (2011 and 2015)

ix. Chief of Staff to the President: Since 1999, no woman has held the position of chief of staff to the president. Between 2007 and 2011, two men held the position of chief of staff to the

president. Similarly, between 2011 and 2015, two men held this position.

Figure 9: Position of Chief of Staff to the President (1999-2015)

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x. Chief Justice of the Federation: Since 1999, only one woman has held the position of chief justice of the federation, during the 2011-2015 era. However, during the period 2003 to

2007, two men held the post of chief justice of the federation, and this was also the case

between 2007 and 2011.

Figure 10: Gender distribution of Chief Justices of the Federation

b. State level Elected Positions i. Governor: Since 1999, all elected state governors have been men. The only exception was

in Anambra State during the 2007-2011 era when the female deputy governor was briefly

installed as governor of the state but later reverted to the position of deputy governor. While

some states have had more than one person as governor during the same administration,

no woman has ever been elected governor since the return to civilian rule in 1999 (see

Figures 11a-c).

Figure 11a: Occupants of the position of State Governor, 1999

Note: figures include replacements due to impeachments, resignations, death etc.

36

Figure 11b: Occupants of the position of State Governor, 2007

Figure 11c: Occupants of the position of State Governor, 2015

Note: figures include replacements due to impeachments, resignations, death etc.

Note: figures include replacements due to impeachments, resignations, death etc.

37

3 Administration tenure overlap occurs due to the fact that some state government administrations do not coincide exactly with the

four-year cycle, as a result of nullified and re-scheduled elections.

Note: figures include replacements due to impeachments, resignations, death etc

It is useful to mention that since 1999, a number of states have had more than one person

occupy the position of deputy governor and, as such, the number of deputy governors (as

indicated in Figure 12) exceeds the number of states (36). Furthermore, due to administration

tenure overlaps, the number of individuals indicated in Fig. 12 during any particular era does

not necessarily equal the number of states3.

iii. State Houses of Assembly: A total of 990 members of State Houses of Assembly were recorded between 1999 and 2003, out of which 29 (or 2.9%) were women (see Figure 13).

On average, each state had 28 members with an average of 1 woman in each House of

Assembly. Nineteen states did not have any women members in their state legislature.

Enugu and Niger States had the highest numbers of women members, at 4 each. Between

2003 and 2007, 48 (or 4.85%) of the 990 members of the state legislative houses were

women. Anambra and Enugu States recorded the highest number of women legislators,

with 5 each. The number of states without women legislators declined to 13 compared

to 1999. In 2015, 51 (or 5.42%) of the 941 members of the state legislative houses were

women. The number of states without women legislators stood at 16. Bayelsa State had

the highest number of women legislators of any state (6), as well as the highest share of

women legislators (25%).

ii. Deputy Governor: In 1999, there was only 1 woman deputy governor, in Lagos State. In 2003, this number increased to 3, in different states: Anambra, Ekiti and Ogun states. The

number of women deputy governors rose to 4 in the 2007 dispensation: Anambra, Imo,

Ogun and Lagos States. Currently, there are 5 states with women deputy governors in

Nigeria: Enugu, Lagos, Ogun, Osun and Rivers. Since 1999, Lagos State has recorded the

highest number of women deputy governors, a total of 4 different women.

Figure 12: Number of individuals who serve(d) as Deputy Governors

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Figure 13: Members of State Houses of Assembly

Appointed Positionsiv. Secretary to the State Government: In 1999, 3 states had women as secretaries to the

state government (Akwa-Ibom, Ekiti and Imo). This number remained the same in 2007

although Imo State was replaced by Taraba State. In 2007, Lagos and Plateau States were the

only states with women secretaries to the state government. In the current dispensation,

only 2 states now have women secretaries to the state government: Cross River and Ekiti

(see Figure 14). Since 1999, 3 states have had at least 2 women occupy this position: Akwa-

Ibom, Ekiti and Lagos States.

Figure 14: Position of Secretary to the State Government by gender, 2015

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v. Commissioners4: In 1999, a total of 633 individuals held positions as commissioners in the 36 states of the federation. Out of this number, 68 (or about 11%) were women5 Taraba and

Ebonyi States had the highest number of commissioners, at 46 and 44 respectively, with 1

woman in Taraba and 2 women in Ebonyi occupying the position.

4 Records were not available for 7 states: Bauchi, Imo, Kebbi, Niger, Plateau, Yobe and Zamfara5 Excluding Federal Capital Territory (FCT). See Appendix table 2.

40

Plateau State had the highest number of women commissioners of any state: out of 21

commissioners, 6 (or 28.5%) were women. A total of 4 states did not have any women

commissioners. On average, about 12% of commissioners in a state were likely to be women.

In 2015, a total of 544 individuals hold the position of commissioners in the 36 states of the

federation. Out of this number, 82 (or about 15%) are women. Lagos and Delta States have the

highest number of commissioners, at 37 and 30 respectively, with 5 women in Lagos and 7

women in Delta occupying the position. Delta State also has the highest number of women

commissioners of any state. All 36 states have at least one woman as a commissioner. By

share of total number of commissioners, Ogun State ranks highest with 6 women (or 20%)

among the 30 commissioners (see Figure 15). On average, about 15% of commissioners in a

state were likely to be women.

vi. Permanent Secretaries: In 2003, a total of 901 persons held the position of permanent secretary across the states, out of which 145 (or 16.1%) were women. Twenty-seven states

had at least 1 woman occupying the position of permanent secretary. Ebonyi State had the

largest number of permanent secretaries (65), all of which were men.

41

Figure 16: Women Permanent Secretaries in States of the Federation

42

Lagos State had the highest ratio of men to women occupying this position, with nearly half

(48.9%) of occupants being women. In 2015, out of 996 permanent secretaries at the state level

across the country, 195 (about 20%) were women. Only 4 states do not have at least 1 woman

as permanent secretary. Ondo State has the highest number of permanent secretaries (53),

of which 28% are women. Cross River State has the highest share of women permanent

secretaries (50%) among the states (see Figure 16). On average, less than 20% of permanent

secretaries in the states are likely to be women.

vii. Chief of Staff to the Governor: In 1999, only Yobe State had a woman occupying the position of chief of staff to the governor. In 2003, Enugu was the only state in this position.

In 2007, Enugu and Anambra had women occupying this position, but only Enugu had a

woman in this position till 2011. In 2015, Ekiti and Kaduna States are the only states with

women occupying the position of chief of staff to the governor (Figure 17).

Figure 17: Gender distribution of Chiefs of Staff to the Governor, 2015

viii. Chief Judge of the State: Between 1999 and 2003, 41 persons held office as chief judges in the states, out of which 7 (or 17.1%) were women6. Between 2003 and 2007,

this number declined to 4 states, while between 2007 and 2011, it doubled to 8 states.

Between 2011 and 2015, 10 states had women chief justices but this has dropped to 8 in

2015 (see Figure 18).

6 Excluding the Federal Capital Territory; see Appendix Table 2.

43

Figure 18: Gender distribution of states Chief Judges, 2015

c. Local Government level 7 Elected Positions i. Chairman: Between 1999 and 2003, a total of 972 people held positions as chairman/

person of local governments across the nations 774 local governments. Out of this total, 28

women (or 2.9%) held office as local government chairpersons. Abia and Enugu States had

the highest number of women in this position, with 6 and 5 women respectively. Twenty-

one states had no woman in this position in any of their local governments. In the current

2015 dispensation, there are 35 women (or 5.6%) among the 627 individuals in this position,

indicating an increase compared to 1999. Cross River State (5 women) and Lagos State (4

women) have the highest number of women in this position, while 15 states have no woman

in this position (see Figure 19).

7 Data for Imo and Sokoto States are not included in 1999 while Adamawa, Imo, Oyo and Sokoto are not included in 2015.

44

Figure 19: Women as local government chairpersons

45

ii. Vice-chairman: Between 1999 and 2003, 781 individuals held the position of vice-chairman of local governments across the country. Nineteen (or 2.4%) were women. In

Lagos, 3 women held this position, which was the most for any state. Twenty-three states

did not have any woman holding such a position in any of their local governments. In

2015, 77 (or 16.9%) of the 455 individuals occupying the position of vice-chairman were

women, a considerable increase compared to 1999. Twelve states did not have any woman

in this position, which is about half the number in 1999. In the 2015-2019 dispensation,

Cross River State has the highest number of women occupying this position, at 15 women

(see Figure 20).

Figure 20: Women as local government vice-chairpersons

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Appointed Positioniii. Secretary: In the 1999-2003 dispensation, 824 people held position as secretaries to the

local government, of which 22 (or 2.7%) were women. In 25 states there was no woman in

this position during this period. Enugu State had 6 women in this position, while Ebonyi

and Lagos States had 4 each. In the 2015-2019 dispensation, 43 (8.2%) of the 523 people in

this position are women. Ebonyi State has 13 women occupying this position, the highest of

any state. Fifteen states do not have any woman in this position in the current democratic

dispensation, a significant decrease from 1999 (see Figure 21).

Figure 21: Women in the position of Secretary to the Local Government

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ConclusionThe findings of this report indicate that considerable progress has been made regarding

the election and appointment of women to key political positions at the different levels of

government in Nigeria, when comparing the current profile of womens representation with

the situation in 1999. More women occupy positions within the local government system

compared to previous years while an increasing number of states have women who are in

the top leadership positions of the local government system. At the state level, the number

of women deputy governors has doubled compared to 1999. More women are also seen in

positions of commissioners and permanent secretaries at the state level. The number of state

legislatures without women dropped from one-half to about one-third of all the states in the

country. Women have also retained a relatively constant share of judicial leadership in the

states. At the federal level, more women have occupied the positions of ambassadors / high

commissioners, as well as permanent secretaries.

In spite of this progress since 1999, there still appears to be strong dominance of key governance

positions by men. For example, at the federal level, no women have occupied the position

of president, vice-president or secretary to the government. The ratio of women ministers

also appeared to have dropped in the current dispensation. Only one women has ever been

appointed as chief justice and no woman has ever been elected as governor. Furthermore,

data suggests that even when an official is being replaced due to resignation, impeachment

or death, there is often a high chance that the replacement will not be a woman. As a result,

even during one dispensation, it is not uncommon to observe multiple individuals holding

the same position but usually not a woman.

Although this report does not reflect on or consider the cause(s) for the prevailing challenges

facing the advancement of womens election and appointments, possible reasons include

social, economic, political, familial, religious and choice factors.

Acad

emic P

aper

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49

50

Academic Paper Camilla Quental, PhD Audencia Business School, France

Gender Equality and Sustainable Economic Growth:

The Case of Women in Public Leadership Positions in Nigeria

Executive SummaryResearch in various countries shows that greater gender diversity and equality has a positive

impact on business. For instance, companies with a higher representation of women at the

most senior levels deliver stronger organisational and financial performance, as well as better

corporate governance than those run only or mostly by men. At the same time, governments

are realising that gender equality plays a significant part in both economic growth and

sustainable development. However, as many as 860 million women do not partake in the

global economy , indicating that the challenge remains. Many countries still fail to engage

half of their resources in the formal workforce. Moreover, even when women are engaged

in the workforce, few make it to the top.

The gendering of climate change should also be addressed. Indeed, the impacts of climate

change are different for women and men , and women are more likely to bear the greater

burden in situations of poverty. In order to ensure climate justice, womens participation in

decision-making processes is required.

In this paper, we expose the results of a study conducted by the Winihin Jemide Series,

in consultation with the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) of Nigeria, which set out to

determine how many women are in positions of leadership in the three tiers of government

(Executive, Legislative and Judiciary), and indicate how these numbers have evolved since

Nigerias return to democracy. The study covers the years 1999 to 2015.

Based on the study conducted in Nigeria, we make comparisons with other countries and

discuss implications for countries on the African continent and around the world. Finally, we

draw some recommendations for increasing gender equality and the participation of women

in decision-making, in order to promote sustainable economic growth and social justice.

IntroductionSustainable economic growth can only be achieved through long-term investments in

economic, human and environmental capital. Currently, half of the worlds human capital

51

is undervalued and underutilised the female human capital. As a group, women have

been marginalised, as well as their potential contributions to economic advances, social

progress and environmental protection. We argue that better use of the worlds female

population could increase economic growth, reduce poverty, enhance societal well-being,

and help ensure sustainable development in all countries. Closing the gender gap depends on

enlightened government policies which take gender dimensions into account (OECD, 2008).

In the present paper, we will first review the literature on gender equality and global growth,

focusing on the economic aspects. We will then discuss the issue of gender and sustainability,

calling attention to the fact that the impacts of climate change are different for women and

men, with women being more likely to bear the greater burden in situations of poverty

(the Mary Robinson Foundation, 2015). Moreover, gender equality has been shown to be

a prerequisite for sustainable development, given that women live more sustainably than

men, leave a smaller ecological footprint and cause less climate change (Johnsson-Latham,

2007).

Furthermore, we expose, in this paper, the results of a study conducted by the Winihin

Jemide Series, in consultation with the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) of Nigeria, which

set out to determine how many women are in positions of leadership in the three tiers of

government (Executive, Legislative and Judiciary), and indicate how these numbers have

evolved since Nigerias return to democracy. The study covers the years 1999 to 2015. Based

on the study conducted in Nigeria, we discuss implications for some countries on the African

continent and around the world. We also make some recommendations to increase gender

equality and the participation of women in decision-making, in order to promote sustainable

economic growth and social justice.

Gender Equality and Economic GrowthResearch shows that gender equality strengthens long-term economic development. This

assertion is based on many pieces of analysis, including an analysis of the relationship

between birth rates and attitudes toward gender equality in a range of countries (OECD,

2005). The study conducted by the OECD concluded that trends in gender equality should be

incorporated more firmly into economic models for long-term growth. Such models would

then show two things. First, that the gap in performance between OECD economies has a

compelling gender-related dimension. And second, that without a change in attitudes, the

growth prospects of many OECD countries will remain severely compromised (OECD, 2005).

More recently, a large study on gender parity conducted by the McKinsey Global Institute

(2015) showed that gender inequality is not only a pressing moral and social issue but also

a critical economic challenge. In this study it is stated that if women who account for half

the worlds population do not achieve their full economic potential, the global economy will

52

suffer. Indeed, they argue that narrowing the global gender gap in work would not only be

equitable in the broadest sense but could double the contribution of women to global GDP

growth between 2014 and 2025.

The authors of this important study by McKinsey Global Institute consider a full-potential

scenario in which women participate in the economy identically to men, and find that it

would add up to $28 trillion, or 26%, to annual global GDP in 2025 compared with a business-

as-usual scenario. This impact is roughly equivalent to the size of the combined US and

Chinese economies today. They also analysed an alternative best-in-region scenario in

which all countries match the rate of improvement of the best-performing country in their

region. This would add as much as $12 trillion in annual 2025 GDP, equivalent in size to

the current GDP of Japan, Germany, and the United Kingdom combined, or twice the likely

growth in global GDP contributed by female workers between 2014 and 2025 in a business-

as-usual scenario (McKinsey Global Institute, 2015).

Gender, Climate Justice and SustainabilityIn 2007, a study (Report to the Environment Advisory Council, Sweden 2007) brought out

often-neglected facts concerning dissimilarities in the lifestyles and consumption patterns of

women and men, and thus in th eir environmental impact, by describing how men, primarily

through their greater mobility and more extensive travel, accounted for more carbon dioxide

(COB2B) emissions than women, in both rich and poor countries. The study pointed to how

changed behaviour among men notably rich men who are decision-makers can be crucial

in addressing climate change and in enhancing the opportunities of all human beings to

enjoy sustainable development (Johnsson-Latham, 2007).

The study also looked at how women live less sustainable lives in terms of their own health

and welfare, due to a lack of rights, to stress and to time poverty. Indeed, while women are

producers/providers of care services, men by consuming such services are in a position to

live more sustainably as individuals although men as a group take more risks and are more

inclined to use violence, not only to their own detriment and the detriment of others but also

to the detriment of the environment and the climate (Johnsson-Latham, 2007).

More recently, a report by the Mary Robinson Foundation (2015), calls attention to the fact that

climate change exacerbates existing social inequalities, leaving women disproportionately

vulnerable to climate impacts. Indeed, women constitute 50% of the worlds population and

the majority of the worlds poor. Over 60% of the people living on less than one US dollar a

day in Sub-Saharan Africa are women, and poverty increases vulnerability to the impacts

of climate change. Some examples of how climate change exacerbates social inequalities,

leaving women in particular vulnerable, are listed below:

Women are more dependent for their livelihood on natural resources that are threatened

by climate change;

53

Women are often constrained in their response to sudden onset disasters such as floods

and cyclones. During natural disasters, women and children are 14 times more likely to die

than men;

Women farmers are disproportionately affected by climate change because of their limited

access to natural resources and limited access to information and services about climate-

resilient and adaptive agricultural strategies and technologies;

Women face additional social, economic and political barriers that limit their participation

and coping capacity.

Acknowledging that men and women are impacted differently by climate change and

enabling equal participation in the design, planning and implementation of climate policy

can contribute to the development of gender-responsive climate policies which are ultimately

better for people and the planet. However, the evidence base on the benefits of womens

participation in the design and implementation of gender-responsive climate policy and

climate action is limited. While the importance of womens participation at multiple levels of

decision-making, and of integrating gender into climate actions is well documented, there is a

dearth of documented follow-up on the impact of such participation. This is in part due to the

fact that womens participation remains limited in many aspects of life but in addition there

is a need to document the impact of womens meaningful participation on the effectiveness

of climate actions (Mary Robinson Foundation, 2015).

Increasing womens participation in the design, planning and implementation of climate

actions can lead to improved environmental and development outcomes for all. At a

political level, womens participation results in greater responsiveness to citizen needs, often

increasing cooperation across party and ethnic lines and delivering more sustainable peace

(Markham, 2013). Female parliamentarians tend to prioritise social issues such as childcare,

equal pay, parental leave and pensions, physical concerns such as reproductive rights, physical

safety and gender-based violence; and development matters such as poverty alleviation and

service delivery (Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2008). In fact countries with higher female

parliamentary representation are more likely to ratify international environmental treaties

(UNDP, 2011).

The Case of Women in Public Leadership Positions in Nigeria

Social Norms and How they Affect Gender Equality in NigeriaThe 1999 Constitution of Nigeria prohibits discrimination on the grounds of gender, but

customary and religious laws continue to restrict womens rights. As Nigeria is a federal

republic, each state has the authority to draft its own legislation. The combination of

federation and a tripartite system of civil, customary and religious law makes it very difficult

to harmonise legislation and remove discriminatory measures. Moreover, certain states in the

north follow Islamic law, which is unfavourable to women. The government has established

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a National Committee on the Reform of Discriminatory Laws against Women, which has

drafted a decree for the abolition of all forms of discrimination against women (OECD, 2010).

Nigerian women have very limited ownership rights. Civil law entitles women to have

access to land, but certain customary laws stipulate that only men have the right to own

land. In practice, women can obtain access to land solely through marriage or family. Under

civil and Islamic law, married women have the right to have access to property other than

land. By contrast, customary law denies them any entitlement to household property or to

assets acquired by their husbands. In daily life in Nigeria, men generally make all decisions

regarding property. Womens access to bank loans is restricted by their limited financial

resources and the difficulties in obtaining the necessary guarantees. National programmes

and other microcredit schemes have been established to assist women, but access is still

low. Statistics show that less than one-third of loans in Nigeria are awarded to women

(OECD, 2010).

Women in Public Service Leadership in NigeriaAs in many African countries, in Nigeria currently, conservative socio-cultural norms,

political exclusion and economic disadvantages have determined the strength of womens

voices in public life. The 2006 Nigerian population census figures indicate that women

constituted 49% of the total population. Nevertheless, there remains a significant gender gap

between men and women, especially in political representation, economic management and

leadership. Although reasonable progress has been made over time, political equality is still a

far cry[ in Nigeria. Men have control over assets and have relatively better education, hence

they have a dominant position in terms of political power.

Men councillors, for instance, may not necessarily be highly educated but such positions are

not given to women who have the same educational level as them. The lack of awareness leads

to situations where women often become dependent on male-dominated political positions or

political parties. Mens participation in leadership will focus more on issues of mens interest

than on womens concerns. In some cases, women are elected into a leadership position in

an arm of government without actually participating in actual leadership. In Nigeria, a lot

of women lack effective power or influence, especially in the federal government structure.

Many of them do not have the necessary skills to present ideas effectively. Lack of awareness

of political participation means inadequate contribution to public affairs and womens

empowerment. When women are given the opportunity of participation in leadership, they

will recognise these problems and address them to accommodate full participation of women

in leadership at all levels of the arms of government.

To adequately address these observed gender disparities observed in the public sector

leadership in Nigeria, it is necessary to take stock of the current situation. How many females

are in positions of leadership in the three tiers of government in Nigeria? How many have

been elected or appointed into public office in the period since our return to democracy?

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To adequately address these questions, the Winihin Jemide Series in consultation with the

National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) set out to collect this information at all levels of government,

from 1999 to the current (2015) dispensation. The information to be collected covered the 3

arms of government: Executive, Legislative and Judiciary. The result of this exercise provides

useful information for the furtherance of the womens equality agenda in Nigeria.

Main FindingsAccording to Professor Nic Cheeseman from the African Studies Centre at the University of

Oxford, overall, it is clear that the data collectors made a serious effort to collect robust and

reliable data. He concluded that the data is suitable for use in academic and policy research.

The findings of this report provide some encouragement. They indicate that considerable

progress has been made regarding the election and appointment of women to key political

positions at the different levels of government in Nigeria, when comparing the current profile

of womens representation with the situation in 1999. Indeed, among other statistics, women

now represent an average of 15% of state commissioners and almost 20% of permanent

secretaries at the state level; both represent significant gains on earlier years. A higher number

of women occupy positions within the local government system compared to previous years

even as an increasing number of states have women who are in the top leadership positions

of the local government system. At the state level, the number of women deputy governors

has doubled compared to 1999. More women are also seen in commissioner and permanent

secretary positions at the state level. The number of state legislatures without women

dropped from one-half to about one-third of all the states in the country. Women have also

retained a relatively constant share of judicial leadership in the states. At the federal level,

more women have occupied the positions of ambassadors / high commissioners, as well as

permanent secretaries.

Despite the progress that has been made since 1999, key governance positions remain

overwhelmingly dominated by men, particularly at the national and state level. There

is also a worrisome suggestion that some ground may have been lost since 2014, notably

in the Senate and House of Representatives at the national level, and the State Houses of

Assembly. Indeed, there still appears to be strong dominance of key governance positions by

men. For instance, at the federal level, no women have occupied the positions of president,

vice-president or secretary to the government. The ratio of women ministers also appears to

have dropped in the current dispensation. Only one woman has ever been appointed as chief

justice and no woman has ever been elected as governor. Furthermore, data suggests that

even when an official is being replaced due to resignation, impeachment or death, there is

often a higher chance that the replacement will not be a woman. As a result, even during one

dispensation, it is not uncommon to observe multiple individuals holding the same position

but usually not a woman.

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Implications of the Study for Countries in the African Continent and Around the World

The Case of Post-Genocide RwandaThe first important point to note as a pertinent implication of the study made in Nigeria is the

fact that increasing the number of women in the public sphere may not increase womens

ability to influence policy making, at least not in the short term. The exact opposite effect

has taken place in Rwanda, for instance. In this country, only nine years after a genocide

in which at least 500,000 Rwandans lost their lives, Rwandans went to the polls to elect a

national Parliament. In September 2003, the population elected 39 women to the 80-member

Chamber of Deputies through a tiered electoral system. Rwanda replaced Sweden as the

country with the highest percentage of females in its national legislature (Bauer & Evelyn

Britton, 2006). Many observers, including journalists, the Rwandan President, the Minister

of Gender and Women in Development, representatives of international NGOs and the

United Nations, heralded the representation of women in the Rwandan Parliament as the

dawn of a new, more peaceful, and equitable age in Rwandan politics.

Indeed, in the past 15 years, womens participation in governance across the continent has

increased dramatically. Several countries, including Rwanda, Uganda, Namibia, and South

Africa, have instituted reserved seats for women or quota systems to ensure the representation

of women. A growing literature on women in governance has begun to assess the impact of

womens increased representation (Bauer & Evelyn Britton, 2006).

Discussions about female political participation in post-genocide Rwanda tended to assume

that increased participation by women would lead to greater gender equality and a better,

more peaceful society. However, these changes have not necessarily increased the political

power of women or led to more egalitarian notions of citizenship. The second phenomenon

explored in Burnets study (2008) is the ways in which the Rwandan state has become

increasingly authoritarian under the guise of democratisation. As a result of this increasing

authoritarianism, female political participation represented a paradox in the short-term: as

their participation has increased, womens ability to influence policy making has decreased.

In the long term, however, the increased participation of women could prepare the path

for their meaningful participation in a genuine democracy because of a transformation in

political subjectivity (Burnet, 2008).

This case of an authoritarian, single-party state pushing for greater gender equality highlights

a few key points relevant to political theory and democratisation studies as well as the

increasingly female political representation across Africa. First of all, even in an authoritarian

state, policy can be influenced by interest groups (such as women) who have access to decision

makers and who have the political savvy to operate the hidden levers of power. Second,

the emphasis on elections in lieu of other aspects of democratic governance may reduce

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rather than increase the capacity of interest groups to shape policy. Third, top-down gender

initiatives, even when implemented by authoritarian regimes, can lead to transformations

in political identities, subjectivities, and agencies. Finally, these transformations in political

subjectivity may pave the way for effective engagement in democratic governance should it

emerge (Burnet, 2008).

Gender Equality and Economic Growth in BrazilA second very important study is the one conducted in Brazil to investigate the long-run

impact of policies aimed at fostering gender equality on economic growth in this country. The

analysis of this study showed that fostering gender equality, which may partly depend on the

externalities that infrastructure creates in terms of womens time allocation and bargaining

power, may have a substantial impact on long-run growth, as well as educational and health

outcomes in Brazil (Agnor & Canuto, 2014).

The results of this study have broader implications. Indeed, the role of women in promoting

growth remains a critical issue on the agenda of a number of countries. Studies have shown

that in many cases there has been slow progress, if not setbacks, in reducing the barriers

that women face in access to education, formal sector employment, production technology,

healthcare, or the financial system. What this study suggests, beyond its specific results for

Brazil, is that promoting gender equality is not only desirable from a social equity point of

view it is also good economics. At the same time, to achieve that goal policymakers should

not think only in terms of microeconomic, gender-focused interventions; macroeconomic

factors also do matter. In particular, improving womens access to infrastructure may be

essential to promote gender equality in the long run. This perspective should not be lost in

the current debate about the need to promote public infrastructure investment in developing

countries; this is not only about creating jobs in the short run, or increasing the efficiency

of private inputs in production, but also about alleviating structural constraints on womens

ability to engage in market work and strengthen their contribution to economic growth

(Agnor & Canuto, 2014).

Meanings of Gender Equality in Development: Perspectives from Norway and EthiopiaThis study is also very insightful regarding the implications of the study in Nigeria for

countries on the continent and around the world. It explores how differently situated actors

in Norway and Ethiopia relate to global gender and development policies and interpret the

concept of gender equality. The study shows that a universalising gender language influenced

by both United Nations policies and the World Banks gender discourse have made strong

imprints on how gender equality is conceptualised at policy and grassroots levels in Ethiopia

and in Norwegian gender and aid policies. However, diverging meanings of gender equality

also emerged in this research, showing how an apparently dominant terminology may be

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transformed by actors whose conceptualisations are contextually embedded, selective and

strategic (Ostebo & Haukanes, 2016).

In addition, the Brazillian study shows that the rhetoric of the World Banks policy Gender

Equality as Smart Economics appears to have considerable influence in both countries,

Norway and Ethiopia. What the authors have identified as a bending of gender equality

towards economic growth is evident to some extent in Norwegian aid policies and very clear

in Ethiopias ambitious Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP). This rhetoric also emerged in

the translations of gender equality at grassroots level in Oromia, where gender equality had,

to a significant extent, been shrunk to a focus on work and where reference to economic

growth and poverty reduction also surfaced as a major rationale for gender equality (Ostebo

& Haukanes, 2016).

While the research revealed, on the one hand, that the universalising language of the

Beijing Declaration and World Bank gender policies has made relatively strong imprints on

how gender equality is conceptualised by many of the actors in the development aid chain,

alternative meanings of gender equality that emerged through this study suggest that a

one-sided focus on the power of global policies is flawed. As ideas travel, through time and

geographical space, new meanings emerge, meanings that are shaped by historical, political

and socio-cultural factors. These multiple and shifting meanings reflect the contested and

situated nature of gender equality and gender-related policies, the presence of competing

discursive processes and logics at a particular time and place and the multi-directional

Delegates stand for a group photo at the WIGP 2013 Conference against the backdrop of the House of Commons.

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nature of development discourse and practice. Despite an apparent unison and strong global

gender and development discourse, what emerged through this research was a rather rugged

landscape where actors position themselves selectively and make their own sense of what is

descending upon them (Ostebo & Haukanes, 2016).

RecommendationsBased on the study conducted by the Winihin Jemide Series in consultation with the National

Bureau of Statistics (NBS) of Nigeria, and after having discussed the implications of increased

gender equality for certain countries around the world, we can make some recommendations:

Increase gender parity in decision-making at all levels: Involving women in the design, planning and implementation of strategic decision-making and actions has positive

benefits for men and women. While the evidence base is low, the examples presented here

demonstrate the positive benefits for people and the planet when women are enabled to

participate more intensely.

Understand the context in relation to womens ability to participate: Womens ability to meaningfully participate in decisions that affect their lives hinges on a multitude of factors:

structural inequality, political marginalisation, restrictive cultural norms and informal

discriminatory practices.

Shift the emphasis from womens representation to meaningful participation in public administration: There is evidence that the barriers do not disappear once women reach the decision-making table. There is a need to avoid just counting numbers of women and

ensure the meaningful participation of women in public administration.

Invest in training and capacity building to enable meaningful participa