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Rev. Med. Chir. Soc. Med. Nat., Ia şi – 2013 – vol. 117, no. 3
SURGERY ORIGINAL PAPERS
699
PLASTIC SURGERY IN 17TH
CENTURY EUROPE.
CASE STUDY: NICOLAE MILESCU, THE SNUB-NOSED1
Daniela Dumbravă, Ştefan Luchian
Romanian Academy
Institute for the History of Religions-Bucharest
CASE STUDY: NICOLAE MILESCU, THE SNUB-NOSED (Abstract). The rising and the
existence of plastic and aesthetic surgery in early modern Europe did not have a specific pat-
tern, but was completely different from one nation to another. Colleges of Physicians could
only be found in some places in Europe; different Parliaments of Europe’s nations did notalways elevate being a surgeon to the dignity of a profession, and being a surgeon did not
always come with corporate and municipal privileges, or with attractive stipends. Converse-
ly, corporal punishments for treacherous surgeons were ubiquitous. Rhinoplasty falls into the
category of what Ambroise Paré named “facial plastic surgery”. The technique is a medicalsource from which many histories derive, one more fascinating than the other: the history of
those whose nose was cut off (because of state betrayal, adultery, abjuration, or duelling
with swords), the history of those who invented the surgery of nose reconstruction ( e.g.
Suśruta-saṃhit or Tagliacozzi?), the history of surgeries kept secret in early modern Europe(e.g. Tropea, Calabria, Leiden, Padua, Paris, Berlin), and so on. Where does the history of
Nicolae Milescu the Snub-nosed fall in all of this? How much of this history do the Molda-vian Chronicles record? Is there any “scholarly gossip” in the aristocratic and diplomatic e n-
vironments at Constantinople? What exactly do the British ambassadors learn concerning
Rhinoplasty when they meet Milescu? How do we “walk” with in these histories, and why
should we be interested at all? What is their stake for modernity? Such are the interr ogations
that this article seeks to provoke; its purpose is to question (and eventually, synchronise) his-
tories, and not exclusively history, both in academic terms but also by reassessing the practi-
cal knowledge of the 17th century. Keywords: HISTORY OF PLASTIC SUGERY, NICO-
LAE MILESCU, RHINOPLASTY, NASAL SURGERY, PRACTICAL KNOWLEDGE.
1 Paper presented during the Meeting of the Society of Physicians and Naturalists (Lecture Hall of the
Pulmonology Unit) of February 25, 2011, Iasi. Research funded within the project Social and Human
Sciences in the Context of Global Development – as implementation of the program of studies andpostdoctoral research – Contract code: POSDRU/89/S/1.5/49944, project co-financed by the European
Social Fund, Sectoral Operational Project Human Resources Development 2007-2013, which takes place at ”Alexandru Ioan Cuza” University, Iasi, Romania.
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1. Nose fractures and nasal recon-
struction. Why are we interested in the
Antiquity in such cases?
We are interested in the Antiquity be-
cause history provides historians with ref-
erence documents enabling them to make
distinctions and construct a narrative.
There is historiographic consensus on the
fact that the oldest and most consistent
written source for the history of surgery is
the Edwin Smith Surgical Papyrus, dating
back to the Djoser period (c.3000-2500
BC) (1). This source provides us, among
others, with a first aetiology of the cases ofnose swelling or fracture. Consequently,
the novelty of the source resides in the fact
that it describes pathologies and provides
prescriptions. The papyrus, discovered in
Thebes and written in Hieratic, left Luxor
in 1862 with Edward Smith (1822-1906),
its discoverer, who had purchased it from
an anonymous Egyptian merchant (1, 2,
29). Smith donated the papyrus to the NewYork Historical Society before his death.
For a short period it was held by the Brook-
lin Museum, before being sent to the New
York Academy of Medicine, where it re-
mained permanently. The text of this pre-
cious papyrus was first translated in 1930
by the Orientalist James Henry Breasted,
Egyptologist and founder of the Institute of
Oriental Studies in Chicago (which is, tothis date, a sort of Mecca for Orientalists,
devoted mainly to the study of Near East-
ern civilisations). Breasted was aided by
Dr. Arno B. Lukhardt in the translation of
the papyrus, especially with regard to the
medical details (29). The Egyptologist
James P. Allen, Professor at Brown Uni-
versity, Head of the International Associa-
tion of Egyptologists and curator of the
Egyptian Art Section of the New York Met-
ropolitan Museum, provided a second criti-
cal edition in 2005, an initiative unequalled
so far (1). This source reveals the intense
medical activity of Imhòtep, a physicianand architect at the court of Pharaoh Net-
jerykhet or Djoser, the first king and
founder of the third Egyptian dynasty
(c.2760 BC). Imhòtep would be, at least intheory, the first physician to have indicated
the fact that a nasal fracture can be exam-
ined, diagnosed and cured. To exemplify,
we will quote two of the cases of nasal
fracture mentioned in the Edwin Smith
Surgical Papyrus:
Case 1. A fracture of the nasal cartilage
(5,10-15). Title. Practices for a fracture in
the pillar of his nose. Examination and
Prognosis. If you treat a man for a fracture
in the pillar of his nose, and his nose is
flattened and his face is flattened out, while
the swelling that is on it is high, and he has
bled from his nostrils, then you say about
him: “One who has a fracture in the pillarof his nose: an ailment I will handle”.Treatment. You have to wipe it for him
with two plugs of cloth. You have to push
tow plugs of cloth wet with oil inside his
nostrils. You have to put him on his bed in
order to reduce his swelling. You have to
set for him stiff rolls of cloth so that his
nose is restricted from moving, and treat
him afterward with oil and honey dressingevery day until he gets well. Explanations.
As for “the pillar of his nose”, it is thebridge and his side of his nose, inside his
nose in the middle of his nostrils. As for
“his nostrils”, they are two sides of hisnose penetrating to his cheek, starting at
the end of his nose and exciting the top of
his nose” (1).
Case 2. A fracture of the nasal bone
(5,16-6,3). Title. Practices for a fracture in
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the chamber of his nose. Examination and
Prognosis. If you treat a man for a fracture
in the chamber of his nose and you find his
nose crooked and his face flattened, while
the swelling that is on it is high, then yousay about him: “One who has a fracture inthe chamber of his nose: an ailment I will
handle”. Treatment. Set it back in its proper
place. Wipe for him the inside of his nos-
trils with two strip of cloth until every eel
of blood that is knotted inside his nostrils
comes out. Afterward, you have to push
two plugs of cloth wet with oil into his
nostrils. You have to set for him two stiffrolls of cloth bandaged on it and treat
<him> with an oil and honey dressing eve-
ry day until he gets well. Explanations. As
for “a fracture in the chamber of his nose”,it is the middle part of his nose down to
where it ends between his eyebrows. As for
“his nose crooked and his face flattened”, itmeans that his nose is awry and very swol-
len all over, and his cheeks likewise, so hisface is flattened out from it and is not in its
right form, because every sinus is distorted
with swelling, so his face looks flattened
from it. As for “every eel of blood that isknotted inside his nostrils”, it is the coagu-
lated blood inside his nostril, similar to the
eel that exists in the water” (1). The structure of Imhòtep’s “medical
chart” is remarkable in terms of its accur a-
cy, synthesis and solutions: it specifies the
name of the disease, defines the pathology,
establishes the diagnosis, prescribes the
treatment and, finally, offers practical ex-
planations (17, 29, 32). Also remarkable is
the distinction between the upper fracture
of the nose and the conditions associated
with the nasal cavities, more precisely, the
deformations at cartilage level, as well as
the different treatment approaches. As a
common denominator, the concern for the
patient constitutes a priority, as evidenced
in the medical indications themselves, as
well as in the very fact of their systematic
recording. For a physician, as well as for
the patient, medical prescriptions were ofoutmost importance.
As far as historians and philologists are
concerned, the typology of the text, the
author and the event itself are major land-
marks. The source also provides an area of
interference between two completely dif-
ferent worlds, namely physicians and histo-
rians, retracing the ancient approaches to
pathology: types of treatment, medicalsupplies, position towards the patient, and
typology of medical chart. For instance,
among the instructions referring to the
upper nose fracture, the document mentions
the use of linen cloths, useful in performing
the haemostasis but also during the first
steps in stopping the bleeding. Moreover,
linen cloths, dressed in a good lubricant
such as oil, once introduced in the twonostrils and positioned as high as possible,
stop the haemorrhage. In the case of frac-
ture, the deformed nosed can be bandaged
with oil and honey. The two relatively stiff
rolls inside the nose will be supported with
the patient’s hand, while the physicianhandles nasal bleeding or removes the
blood coagulated inside the nostrils, re-
spectively in the ears, when necessary. This
operation is extremely painful and can
impede the patient from speaking(1). His-
torical exegesis appreciates positively this
type of details, since they are clearly dis-
tinct from the idea of medicine as assimi-
lated to magical incantations or religious
rites. Edwin Smith Surgical Papyrus brings
to the fore a “rational” medical treatise, aslong as the pathology has an etiology, a
diagnosis and a treatment. From this per-
spective, as mentioned above, this papyrus
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is the most important document of surgical
medicine in the ancient Near Est.
2. Suśruta-samhitā and effective nose
reconstruction as surgical procedure. As far as the tout court nasal recon-
struction techniques are concerned, the first
written source on nose reconstruction as a
surgical procedure is included in the Suśr u-
ta- samhitā source in chapter 16.27-31
Sūtrasthāna. According to this source,
Louis H. Gray explained that the divine
physician Dhanvantari (i.e.“well-famous”),
received the yur -Veda from Brahmtrough the successive meditation of
Prajpati and Indra, then taught it to Suśr u-
ta and other six colleagues (30). This is a
much earlier source than the Edwin Smith
Surgical Papyrus source, MS. Bower da-
ting back to the Gupta dynasty period (c.
IV-V AD). It describes a surgical technique
incorporated into one of the first treaties of
yurvedic medicine (3, 4, 8, 15, 19, 24).The British captain Hamilton Bower dis-
covered this manuscript in 1890 during one
of his travels to the Eastern Turkistan,
which accounts for the name MS. Bower.
The source is considered to date back to the
4th century, approximately a millennium
away from a possible original version.
Bower offered the voluminous manuscript
to the Asiatic Society of Bengal. During
one of the reunions of the above mentioned
Society in Calcutta, the manuscript was
exhibited to the public, drawing the atten-
tion of Orientalists, especially connoisseurs
of the Sanskrit language. A year later, the
manuscript was studied by Dr. Augustus
Rudolf F. Hoernle (1841-1918), a physician
and Indologist of Indo-British nationality
and one of the most educated persons in
Calcutta Madrasah (31). Calcutta Madrasah
is an institution founded primarily for the
study of Arab and Persian languages, aim-
ing to a comprehensive understanding of
the Koran texts, and which will later intro-
duce the study of exact sciences. Addition-
ally, Calcutta Madrasah is a place wheremedicine was studied and where medical
books and manuscripts were collected (16,
31).
The first studies and translations of the
Suśruta-saṃ hitā treaty were published in
the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
and, subsequently, in the Journal of the
Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland. At the same time, Dr. Hoernlestarted to work on the first translations
there. At the beginning of the 20th century,
a complete edition translated from Sanskrit
into English was prepared by Kunda Lal
Bhishagratna. One of the most obvious
problems of the translated version, as the
reviewers rigorously warn, was related to
the fact that the English medical terminol-
ogy did not always coincide with the ho-mologous Sanskrit vocabulary (29). Thus,
it can be noticed that Orientalist studies in
Calcutta develop in tune with medical stud-
ies at the end of the 19th century and the
beginning of the 20th century.
Suśruta and his medical techniqueswere also adopted in Ancient China and in
the Middle Ages his treatise was translated
from Sanskrit into Arab (13, 17, 18, 19).
During the Renaissance and the Pre-
Modern periods, it finally entered Europe
(5, 6, 11, 12, 13, 19, 20, 27, 32). The oral
tradition was the first channel for the
transmission of medical practice, followed
by the tradition of widespread manuscripts
and the critical editions of Suśruta-
saṃ hitā, which are no less important. As
regards the variety of plastic surgery prac-
tice, Suśruta provides remedies for condi-
tions associated with the ear lobes and the
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lips, in case of excessive swelling. Rhino-
plasty remains the most remarkable proce-
dure, considering its secular diffusion and
practice. Arion Roşu (1924-2007) an Indo-
logist of Romanian-French nationalityexplains the connexion between the name
of the technique and the technique itself:
„Connue sous le nom de ‘greffe indienneʼ,pour refaire un nez retranché, cettetehnique comporte une greffe pédiculée à
lambeau de joue (gaṇḍ a), alors que dans la
variante moderne de cette opération, révé-lée à l’Europe à la fin du XVIIIe siècle, le
lambeau est frontal” (19). In brief, the Indian nose reconstruction
technique consists primarily in measuring
the nose section to be reconstructed; then, a
live-tissue section of skin is treated so as to
cover the nose, keeping a small pedicle
connecting it to the cheek region. The nose
section, on which the skin is to be applied, is
previously excised (by removing the scar
tissue) with a knife. Subsequently, the sur-
geon carefully sutures the two parts, uplift-ing the skin and introducing two cylindrical
bandages coated in castor oil, directed on
the nostrils position, in order to support and
shape them. Once the skin is adapted, it has
to be powdered with sweet wood or liquo-
rice powder (Glycyrrhiza glabra), red san-
dalwood and barberry powder (Berberis
vulgaris). Finally, the nose has to be cov-
ered in linen and gently, although continu-ously, padded with sesame oil. When the
skin starts to turn uniform, in case the nose
is too long or too short, the supporting de-
vice (the flat) will be cut in half or modified,
as needed (5, 6, 13, 19, 21, 23, 32) (fig. 1).
Fig. 1: “Indian flap” for nasal reconstruction apud Sanjay S. (37)
At this point we can be sure that at least
the Antiquity provides the distinctions we
need in order to differentiate between thevirtues of nose treatment in Egypt and
those of nasal reconstruction in India. The
following conceptual link will refer to the
punishments or the various reasons leading
to nose mutilation, a link finally leading tothe episode featuring Nicolae Milescu, the
Snub-Nosed.
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3. Punishments and offences.
Why the care for nose integrity?
In Suśruta's India (18), as well as lateron, the nose was associated with respect
and dignity; this was probably due to theassimilation of body integrity per se with
the moral norms. Nose mutilation involves
dishonour, the stigma of an undesirable
sign at the very centre of the face, and
automatically means marginalisation and
seclusion from the others. Any deviation
from the norms of a sexuality controlled by
the Brahmin caste and the Vedic/Hindu
principles involves a punishment equiva-lent to the dishonour caused. Similarly, the
historian is likely to be familiarised with
the punitive measures derived from the
Justinian law code, fully functional from
late Antiquity to the definitive fall of Con-
stantinople. Crimes related to treason, con-
spiracy, adultery were not always punished
by death, but, just like in India, they could
be identified with the image of disgrace.Nose cutting or seclusion in a monastic
environment particularly signified political
treason or adultery. Mutatis mutandis, from
pseudo-Aristotle‘s Physiognomonikà or
that by Giovanni Battista Della Porta, from
Salvadore De Renzi’s Collectio Salernitana
to the screening of the play Cyrano de
Bergerac by Edmond Rostand or the come-
dy Roxanne (1987) and the famous line:
“with that nose you can satisfy two women
at the same time”, one cannot help distin-
guishing between nobilissimus nasorum
and nasus correspondet praeputio or virile
noses. This is a “detail” that the imagina-
tion (scholarly or otherwise) has not ceased
to make use of, consolidating the correla-
tion between anatomic characteristics and
character or moral features (20). In the 16th
century, much more solemnly, the French
scientist Laurent Joubert – cited by the
historian Luigi Monga (20) – argued that
there was not necessarily a correspondence
between the proportions of certain anatom-
ical parts: “la portion des membres n’est
observée en tous, plusieurs ont une belletrompe de nez qui sont camus du reste et
plusieurs camus du nez sont bien ap pointésdu membre principal” (20). We need to
remember that, ultimately, most cases of
nose mutilation derive from the behaviour
of cheated husbands, hence the duel or the
nose mutilation punishment. Therefore, a
severely punished masculine virility is
preferred over a dishonoured femininitykilled with stones. But the case of Nicolae
Milescu is completely different, though no
less exciting.
We will next follow the narrative thread
of the chronicler relating the adventure of
Nicolae, the Snub-Nosed, stories of Molda-
vian rulers, then Ottoman chronicles, ru-
mours on unusual subjects from the corre-
spondence of British diplomats at Constan-tinople, all building, little by little, the
story of nose recovery and the luxury of the
aesthetic surgery Milescu benefited from in
the 17th century at the Prussian court of the
Great Elector Frederick William of Bran-
denburg, most probably under the close
supervision of the physician Christian
Mentzel.
Power struggle, exile, treason, conspir-
acy make up, then just like now, the histo-
ries of opportunism and of the reigns medi-
ated by the Ottoman Empire, materialising
scenarios of political interests. Since histo-
riography does not specify the exact date
when Milescu’s nose was cut, ever ything
tends to be uncertain. However, after hav-
ing read exhaustively the polemics between
historians, we started looking for the germs
of the story in completely different sources
than those previously mentioned. For many
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scholars in our field, Ion Neculce’s chron i-
cle was not a reliable source, which in-
trigued us even more. Finally, the story of
Milescu’s nose mutilation could not be
sought only in the Romanian Chronicles,which led us to a Turkish chronicle dating
back to the 18th century (9, 10). Thus,
Naima Targhi briefly gives the following
account of: first, the efforts made by Prince
Vasile Lupu to redeem his daughter taken
hostage by the Ottoman Empire – which
revealed his anti-Ottoman views – by
promising the damsel’s hand to Timush,
son of a famous Ukrainian Cossack, Bog-dan Zynovii Mykhailovych Khmel’nyts’ki;then, the intention of Eflak bey, the Otto-
man nickname of Vasile Lupu, to strength-
en his army, strong enough reasons to de-
termine the Ottoman Empire to ask for a
fabulous sum in return. Finally, Naima
Targhi bitterly speaks of a Turkish leader,
Bektash aga, who facilitated the exchange.
In this context, Naima Targhi mentions theinitiative of a devil logothete, none other
than Gheorghe Ştefan (?-1668), one of
Vasile Lupu’s logothetes, the same who, inthe second half of 1653, became involved
in the rivalry between the Moldavian
Prince and Matei Basarab (1623-1654),
which would later undermine his authority.
Why does Naima Targhi consider the
logothete (i.e. Gheorghe Ştefan) an un-
grateful character? Precisely because it was
aga Matei Basarab who mediated his as-
cension to the Moldavian throne. George
Ştefan is known to be the ruler who em-
ployed the copyist Milescu, but the moment
of the plot causing the Moldavian scholar
to lose his nose was yet to arrive. The 1653
plot against the Moldavian ruler Vasile
Lupu fully succeeded, despite the intercep-
tion of some messages between Matei
Basarab and Gheorghe Ştefan or the
logothete Costin Ciogolea. Vasile Lupu
was aware of conjure, but had to leave the
throne. Oddly enough, in 1653, Milescu
was in Moldova, supporting Gheorghe
Ştefan, despite his links with the Lupuroyal family. The whim for power never
left Gheorghe Ştefan, not even after he lost,a few years later, the royal seat again; thus,
around the years 1659-1660, in similar
conditions but with different actors, he
tried again to reconfigure the same type of
plot, by the same means and for the same
purpose: regaining the royal seat of Moldo-
va. This is when Milescu became a part ofGheorghe Ştefan’s plan. Neculce wroteabout the interception of infamous corre-
spondence, which uncovered the plot, this
time with Milescu as a victim, i.e. one of
the participants in the plot. As chronicler
Neculce mentions, Prince Ştefanită Lupu, agood friend of Milescu’s, did not sentencehim to death, but handed the executioner
his own knife to cut Milescu’s nose:There was a certain boyar, Neculai
Milescul, the spatharios (Nicolae the Snub-
Nosed Spatharios, by the name of Milescul
from Vaslui) from his estate of Vaslui, a
learned man and a scholar, who knew many
languages: Old Greek, Slavonic, Greek and
Turkish. And he was proud and rich, and he
would ride in front of the prince, with mac-
es and swords, with harness on the horses.
And Prince Ştefăniă treasured and hon-
oured him, placing him at his table and
playing cards with him, asking for his ad-
vice, for he was a copyist. And then once,
for too much good and being too much
honoured by Prince Ştefăniă, he set out towrite false letters, and sent them in a
drilled stick to Prince Constantin “the Old”Băsărabă in ara Leşească (Poland), urging
him to come with the army and remove
Prince Ştefăniă from his throne. But Prince
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Constantin refused to listen to what was
written, and sent the drilled stick and the
letters back to Prince Ştefăniă. And PrinceŞtefăniă, as soon as he saw the stick and
the letters, got angry and asked for NicolaiMilescu to be brought to him, in the small
house and had an executioner cut his nose.
And Prince Ştefăniă, hastily taking theknife of his belt, he gave it to the execu-
tioner to cut his nose. And they did not
want to cut his nose with the executioner’sknife; they cut it instead with the knife of
Prince Ştefăniă himself. Later, Nicolai the
Snub- Nosed fled to ara Nemească (Ger-many) and found a doctor, for blood flowed
from his cheek and his nose wrinkled, and
day after day his blood thickened, and his
nose grew back, heeling. And when he
returned in the country, under the reign of
Prince Iliaş, it could barely be noticed hisnose had been cut (11).
Milescu’s mutilation presumably took
place sometime between 1659 and 1600.This can be deduced from the fact that, in
1659, the chair of Moldavia belonged to
Prince Ştefăniă Lupul, and, given the un-
timely death of the prince, more precisely
on the 17th
of January 1661, this appears to
be the only plausible timeline.
Historical dates, throne succession, in-
trigues and plots all abound in the history
of the Romanian Principalities, but, as
regards Gheorghe Ştefan alone, he had thefate of a perpetual wandering prince, ask-
ing for support and subsidies from most
European countries – a story we will not
dwell on here. Milescu left Moldavia in
1660, oscillating between the two Romani-
an principalities; he was later appointed
kapukahya at Constantinople (1661-1664),
in the service of Prince Grigorie Ghica, the
latter being very familiar to the Constanti-
nople environment and a good friend of the
princely family Cantacuzino, which also
explains the connection between Constan-
tinople and the translation of the Septuagint
by the Moldavian humanist.
In 1665, Milescu was appointed secre-tary of the same prince, Grigorie Ghica,
and headed in 1666 to Berlin, where he
resorted to rhinoplasty. Historical sources
do not provide further details on this as-
pect, but due to the correspondence be-
tween two British ambassadors, one in
Constantinople, and the other in Tuscany – correspondence published by the British
historian Eric D. Tappe and taken over bylocal historians (34) – it can be inferred
that Milescu’s snub nose was not over-
looked. Why would that be so? The British
ambassador, Lord Heneage Winchelsea
(1621-1682) wrote a letter dated January 13
- 23, 1667, to his brother in law Sir John
Finch, ambassador at the court of the Grand
Duke of Tuscany. In this letter, he de-
scribed in detail Prince Gheorghe Ghica’scomplaints about an impostor who had
betrayed his own master – Grigorie Ghica,
none other than his son – and who was
using the royal seal in his various esca-
pades in the European courts, taking ad-
vantage of the benefits arising from such a
recommendation. Finally, as historiography
clarifies, Lord Winchelsea mistook the
impostor for Constantin Nacul, sent to
London in 1666 by Gheorghe Ştefan, acharacter sharing the same destiny with
Milescu: nose mutilation. Despite this con-
fusion, Lord Winchelsea also mentions the
mutilation of Milescu’s nose and the lat-
ter’s vast knowledge, recording the episodeof the surgery he was subject to in Germa-
ny: “He hath a little mark upon the tip ofhis nose which was cut off by justice for
his former knaveries, but in Germany they
have so well recovered that deformity that
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it is little visible. The name of that person
is Nicolai. This you will do well to ac-
quaint the Secretary of State, and cause
secret enquiry whether such a person be not
at Venice or in Italy”(27).Sir John Finch (1626-1682) was no
common addressee, considering the fact
that his main profession was that of physi-
cian, Doctor of Medicine, a degree ob-
tained at the University of Padua in 1656.
Moreover, Finch was an extraordinary
fellow of the College of Physicians of Lon-
don and of the Royal Society. Undoubtedly,
Finch was highly interested in the varioustypes of special surgery, such as, for in-
stance, rhinoplasty. Several sources of
medical history indicate the 18th century as
the period when the practice of rhinoplasty
in Europe becomes known to the British.
This may seems rather unrealistic, since the
very fact that a British doctor completed
his medical studies at a university such as
the one in Padua automatically sugests thatrhinoplasty was already known in the 17th
century and that, in fact, information on
nasal reconstruction arrived sometime ear-
lier in England.
In fact, the historian might be tempted
to return to the history of the secret medical
practices and the European Academies
where the study and the practice of surgery
was common. In Cambridge, Paris, Leiden,
Padua there were the so-called anatomy
lecture halls, places designed for carrying
out dissections, where the first steps in the
study of surgery were made. Together with
Italy and England, Germany was part of the
barber-surgeon avant-garde; the best-
known German surgeon of the time was
Wilhelm Fabry von Hilden (1560-1634).
However, given the chronological gap, he
could not have operated Milescu, nor could
have Johannes Schultheiss (1595-1645), the
author of a popular treatise on surgery,
Armamentarium Chirurgicum (1653). An-
other famous surgeon of Polish origins with
comprehensive experience acquired in
Germany was Matthaeus Gottfried Pur-mann (1649-1711), professor of the Ger-
man doctor Michael Ettmuller (1644-1683).
Identifying the surgery practice where
Milescu was subject to the nasal recon-
struction operation will definitely not be an
easy task; we only know that the Medical
Academy at the Prussian court in Berlin
was represented by Friedrich Hoffmann
(1660-1742) and Georg Ernst Stahl (1660-1734). Only Stahl was permanently at the
Prussian court in Berlin, elected President
of the College of Physicians (Collegium
medicum), but at the time Milescu resorted
to this intervention, Stahl was only 7 years
old. Two clues could lead us to believe that
the Indian technique of rhinoplasty was
known at the court of the Great Elector
Frederick William: (i) the fact that he hadalready been favourable to the idea of or-
ganizing trade missions to India, (ii) the
presence at the court of the great elector of
Andreas Müller (1630?-1694) and his per-
sonal doctor Christian Mentzel (1622-
1701), both residing in Brandenburg, both
familiar with the Asian world and the Chi-
nese language, and both in contact with
Jesuit missionaries in the Far East such as,
for example, Father Philippe Couplet
(1623-1693) (35). Clues of such contacts
with the Far East are even traceable in the
library of the Great Elector Frederick Wil-
liam, namely in the manuscripts and books
briefly described by the Orientalist Julius
Klaproth in his Verzeichniss der
Chinesischen und Mandschuischen Bücher
und Handschriften der Königlichen Biblio-
thek zu Berlin, published in Paris in 1822.
The volumes dedicated to Chinese medi-
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Daniela Dumbravă, Ştefan Luchian
708
cine include: Clavis Medica ad Chinarum
doctrinam de pulsibus and Medicamenta
Simplicia quae à Chinensibus ad usum
medicum adhibentur, both edited with
modified titles by Andreas Cleyer andChristian Mentze, but signed by “R. P.Michaelis Boymi Poloni, è Societate Jesu, èRegno Siam, Anno 1658”, more precisely,by the Polish Jesuit Michael Boym (1612-
1659). (36) The issue of the knowledge of
rhinoplasty in mid-seventeenth century
Berlin could be summarised as follows:
either the Prussian doctor Heinrich von
Pfolsprundt spread the method of nasalreconstruction specific to the Branca fami-
ly, or this information was brought by the
Jesuit missioners in China, who provided
the Sinologists at the Prussian court with
medical information. We tend to believe
that the first hypothesis is more accurate,
and that the doctor who performed surgery
on Milescu in Berlin knew the secrets of
nose reconstruction techniques from anautochthonous source. This point of view
could give rise to future research, which is
likely to map even more precisely the tem-
poral coordinates of the practice of this
technique in 17th century Berlin and its
influence in other European countries.
4. We do know that Milescu had tochoose between the nasal reconstruction
of Indian origin and the Tropaean one ,
practised by the Vianeo brothers in the
early 15th century (32). This brings back
into discussion the secret surgery practices,
more precisely those where nasal recon-
struction was assiduously performed. Such
practices could be found in central Italy,
near Naples and even in some regions of anethnically composite Sicily, considering the
Arab domination and the flow of Sephardic
Jews, genius loci. We will begin by men-
tioning the Branca family, since this in-
volves the Prussian doctor Heinrich von
Pfolfprundt, the closest to both the secrets
of the surgical profession and to Antonio
Branca. Pfolfprundt wrote a book in 1460,
Buch der Bündth-Ertznei, published nosooner than 1868 (5, 32), a volume detail-
ing the technique of nasal reconstruction
(fig. 2).
Fig. 2: Heinrich von Pfolfprundt, Buch der Bündth-Ertznei (1460; 1868)
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Plastic surgery in 17th century Europe. Case study: Nicolae Milescu, the snub-nosed
709
The Vianeo family also contributed to
the creation of a most abundant literature in
the history of the practice of nasal recon-
struction, not only due to their outstanding
skills, but also especially due to a revolu-
tion in the technique per se (clearly differ-
ent from the Indian technique), a technique
they did not describe themselves, but which
was stolen and disseminated by Gaspare
Tagliacozzi (1545-1599) from Bologna by
means of his popular treatise: De curtorum
chirurgia per insitionem (7, 32).
In the summer of 1947, in Tropaea, a
large number of surgery professors from
the Università del Mezzogiorno celebrated
the activity and memory of the Vianeo
brothers, within the very precincts of the
public hospital Ignazio Toraldo, putting
Calabria on the map of the history of the
nasal reconstruction technique. Ironically
or not, this is a somehow misleading histo-
ry, considering the posterity of their dis-
covery. The secret of the reconstructive
technique in the Vianeo manner was dis
closed, as mentioned above, in a luxurious
Italian Seicento, in medical publications
and in illustrations that reveal, step by step,
both the technique and the necessary
equipment. We mention to this purpose the
study De curtorum chirurgia per insitionem
by Tagliacozzi, a treatise that is fully and
freely available in a Frankfurt edition da-
ting back to 1654 (7). We also need to
point out that the interest in rhinoplasty
manifested in this period was due particu-
larly to syphilis, an incurable disease, inev-
itably related to the destruction of nose
integrity. Tagliacozzi was a surgeon who
dealt with the reconstruction of the nose,
the ears and the lips, which ensured hisnotoriety despite the revolution in the rhi-
noplasty technique made by the Vianeo
brothers, Vincenzo, Paolo and Pietro, as a
result of a much slower accumulation. A
detailed description of the rhinoplasty
technique of Tropaean origin was provided
by the French doctor Ambroise Paré, simi-
lar to the one made by Tagliacozzi in De
curtorum chirurgia per insitionem: “Il s’est
trouvé en Italie un chirurgien qui par son
artifice refaisoit des nez de chair en ceste
maniere. C’est qu’il coupoit entierement
les bords calleux ou cicatrisez du nez perdu
comme l’on fait aux becs de lievre : puisfaisoit une incision tant grande et profonde
qu’il estoit necessaire au milieu de muscle
dit biceps, qui est l’un de ceux qui flechist
le bras; puis subit faisoit poser le nez en
ladite incision et bandoit si bien la teste
avec le bras qu’il ne pouvoit vaciller çà ne
là; et certains jours après, qui est ordina i-
rement sur le quarantiesme jour, cognois-
sant l’agglutination du nez avec la chair
duduit muscle, en coupoit tant qu’il enfalloit pour la portion du nez qui manquoit:
en après la façonnoit de sorte qu’il rendoit
le nez en figure, grandeur et grosseur qu’il
estoit requis, et traittoit ce pendant la playe
du bras comme les autres, lors qu’il a
d[é]perdition de substance. Et durant les
dits quarante jours faisoit user à son maladedes panades, pressis et autres viandes fa-
ciles à transgloutir, et quant aux rem[è]desdesquels il usoit, estoyet de quelques
baumes aglutinatifs” (6).
Then, which technique was applied to
Milescu during the nasal reconstruction
performed in Berlin? Calling back into
discussion the description made by Neculce
- and found a doctor, for blood flowed
from his cheek and his nose wrinkled, and
day after day his blood thickened, and hisnose grew back, heeling – we can infer that
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710
the Suśruta technique was the techniquepreferred by the anonymous doctor treating
Milescu. From the account made in the
chronicle, we can infer that the source of
the tissue used in the reconstruction of the
nose was the cheek (the genian region),
that the transfer of live-tissue indicates a
surgical strategy, and that the transfer from
the genian region to the nasal region was
produced successively. In this case, the
resemblance between the source provided
by chronicler Neculce and the Indian tech-
nique, the one according to the Suśruta-
saṃ hitā, seems more plausible: there is apreliminary period, that of manufacturing
the pattern of the defect by means of a leaf,
followed by drawing and incising the pedi-
cled flap, which is then transferred into the
nasal defect to be reconstructed at various
successive stages. This delay technique
could be what Neculce describes as: and
found a doctor, for blood flowed from his
cheek and his nose wrinkled, and day afterday his blood thickened, and his nose grew
back, heeling (6).
However, we should further comment
that, based on this description, we cannot
distinguish whether the genian flap used
involved a random movement – thus ex-
plaining the delay – or was an axial (na-
sogenian) flap. In reconstructing the nasal
defect, the hypothesis of a nasogenian flap isdifficult to support, since two such flaps
would be actually needed, bilaterally rotat-
ed. A single ampler genian flap would have
produced a noticeable deformation of the
cheek and, consequently, a visible deformity
of the patient’s face. The Indian method
consists, grosso modo, in harvesting the flap
from the genian region, as well as alterna-
tively, designing a pedicled frontal flap. TheSicilian method (Branca, Tagliacozzi) pre-
pares the brachial pedicled flap in the medial
part of the arm. The technique of the brachi-
al pedicled flap, as it results from European
Medieval and Pre-Modern sources, was
diffuse and the ways of accessing the infor-
mation cannot always be known when pub-
lications on the topic are missing.
5. Homage to the Society of Physi-
cians and Naturalists in Iaşi.
We may all be familiar with the novella
Secretul doctorului Honigberger (The Se-
cret of Doctor Honigberger), by Mircea
Eliade, published in 1940, in RevistaFundaț iilor Regale. In the magazine Cu-
vîntul of 30 July 1928, Eliade praised the
scientific activity and the contributions
made to the history of medicine by Dr.
Vasile Gomoiu and Valeriu Bologa, having
kept a close correspondence with the latter
during his stay in Calcutta (1929-1931)
(33). In fact, Eliade uses this eulogy on the
occasion of the establishment of the firstAcademic Society in the Romanian Princi-
palities in order to establish a link between
the impressive editorial and scientific ac-
tivity of George Sarton – founder of the
journal Isis, the first journal devoted to the
history of sciences in the United States –
and the assiduous activity of the two physi-
cians, Gomoiu and Bologa, members of the
International Society for the History ofMedicine and founders of the studies in the
history of medicine in Cluj during the first
decades of the 20th century (33). Returning
to Eliade’s period in Calcutta, the Indolo-
gist and historian of religions Eugen Ci-
urtin argues that Eliade first found out
about Johann Martin Honigberger (1795-
1869), the Transylvanian Saxon physician
from Braşov, by reading the English ed i-tion of his autobiography, published in
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Plastic surgery in 17th century Europe. Case study: Nicolae Milescu, the snub-nosed
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1852, Thirty-Five Years in the East, which
was translated and edited in Romanian in
2004 by Polirom publishing house, with an
impressive critical apparatus and an intro-
ductory study (9).
Eliade-Honigberger or Honigberger-
Eliade? In this case, reality precedes fic-
tion; based on clear and convincing histori-
ographical findings, it has become common
knowledge that Johann Martin Honigberger
existed indeed, that he had an absolutely
impressive biography, of which we will
briefly mention no more than two details:
first, Thirty-Five Years in the East, a vol-ume offering a generous description of
rhinoplasty in India (8); second, Ho-
nigberger, the anonymous contributor to
the politico-literary publication Albina
Românea scă, a newspaper founded in 1829
in Iaşi by Gheorghe Asachi, shortly before
the establishment of the distinguished So-
ciety of Physicians and Naturalists.
This is how Honigberger describes therhinoplasty procedure in the volume Thirty-
Five Years in the East: “I introduced to ourdistinguished guests, Col. Wade and Dr.
Murray an Akalee or Nahung, whose nose,
ears and hands had been cut off by order of
Runjeet Sing (he had even deserved the
gallows), and whose nose had been so well
restored in the mountains that we were all
surprised, and confessed it could not havebeen better done in Europe. As we know,
from history, this operation was even in the
remotest antiquity, practised by Hindoos;
and they formed the nose out of the cuticle
of the forehead, which proceeding is now,
and always will be the same. In Europe,
where cutting off of noses is only in use, in
exceptional cases – as when ulceration or
other circumstances make it requisite – thisoperation is usually performed with the
cuticle of the arm, and judiciously too, as,
according to our custom, the head mostly is
uncovered, and a scar on one’s forehead,
with a new nose on the face, makes rather an
ugly appearance; whilst, in the East, the scar
remains hidden beneath the turban” (8). The contribution of the Transylvanian
Saxon physician to the knowledge about
Asian medicine, flora, fauna and antiquity
studies, together with his political and mili-
tary contributions were often presented in
the pages of the Albina Românească news-
paper, which determined, most probably,
the visit of Honigberger in Iaşi, during one
of the reunions of the Society of Phhysi-cians and Naturalists, an event also sig-
nalled by the Albina Românească, no. IX,
15 May 1838. Returning from Constantino-
ple – he had no knowledge of Nicolae the
Snub-Nosed – Honigberger was received
with some ceremony, considering the title
(prince of Aracan Aureg-Seib of India) as
the Calendarul pentru poporul românesc, a
magazine from Iaşi, chose to announcehim, recalling him (with a slight delay)
between 1838 and 1861.
As regards Johann Martin Ho-
nigberger’s visit at the Society of Physi-
cians and Naturalists, besides other highly
interesting details, the historian would have
more to say.
This is where the circle somehow closes:
we argue that the history of Asian studiesand the study of Oriental languages contrib-
ute to strengthening the epistemological
space of the history of medicine, offering
adventure and erudition as the ingredients of
a huge intellectual horizon, encapsulating
the memory of alterities and of the history of
practical knowledge.
If the mutilation and reconstruction of
Milescu’s nose stir such a historiographicalinterest in the analysis of an extremely
unusual excerpt from Neculce’s chronicle,
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which then leads to a partial explanation of
an unclear episode in the adventurous life
of the Moldavian scholar, then the effort
was worthwhile.
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