Franz-Karl Ehrhard & Petra Maurer (Hrsg.)

NEPALICA-TIBETICA

FESTGABE FOR CHRISTOPH CÜPPERS

BAND 1

2013

IITBS International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH

Franz-Karl Ehrhard & Petra Maurer (Hrsg.) NEPALICA-TIBETICA

FESTGABE FOR CHRISTOPH CÜPPERS BAND 1

BEITRÄGE ZUR ZENTRALASIENFORSCHUNG

begründet von R. O. Meisezahl † und Dieter Schuh herausgegeben von Peter Schwieger

Band 28, 1

NEPALICA-TIBETICA

FESTGABE FOR CHRISTOPH CÜPPERS

BAND 1

Herausgegeben von

Franz-Karl Ehrhard & Petra Maurer

2013 IITBS

International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH

Abbildung Umschlag Band 1: Rolf A. Kluenter © ALI-Ranjana, 1998

Blackened, handmade Nepalese paper Pigment, binder 120x120 cm

Verso dated and signed by the artist

ISBN 978-3-03809-119-6 Alle Rechte vorbehalten. Ohne ausdrückliche Genehmigung des Verlages ist es nicht gestattet, das Buch oder Teile daraus fotomechanisch oder auf andere Weise zu vervielfältigen. © (IITBS) International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH, Andiast

Courtesy of Cristina Scherrer-Schaub

PREFACE A person’s 65th birthday is often considered as the occasion to reflect on his or her life and achievements and to express one’s thanks. This opportunity has arisen this year in the case of our friend and travelling companion Christoph Cüppers, who has dedicated his life to Tibetan and Nepalese Studies and assisted and supported many academic projects and careers in these fields. Christoph was born into a family of lawyers from the Rhineland. His academic background is unusual as he began by studying art from 1970 to 1975 at the “Staatliche Kunstakademie Düsseldorf”. He trained under artists such as Joseph Beuys and Gotthard Graubner. It was during that time that he first travelled to Asia and, on reaching Southern India, encountered Tibetan culture and its exile communities. On his return to Germany the decision was made: he changed to Oriental Studies and started to learn Tibetan, Sanskrit, Pali and Chinese at the University of Hamburg. At an Institute where the study of Tibet and its Buddhist traditions had attracted a small band of fellow students, his teachers were, to name a few, dGe-bshes dGe-’dun blo-gros, Lambert Schmithausen and Albrecht Wezler. Fascinated by Asia he returned frequently to Southern India and Himachal Pradesh. A scholarship of the “Studienstiftung des Deutschen Volkes” enabled him to continue his practice on the spot: at Sera Monastery in Bylakuppe he studied Tibetan language and philosophy. With the death in 1979 of his teacher dGe-bshes dGe-’dun blo-gros, who had been a formative influence on his students, it was planned to fill the recently established chair in Tibetan Studies at the University of Hamburg with a native scholar. It was Christoph who facilitated the stay of dGe-bshes Tshul-khrims phun-tshogs at the Institute, helped in practical matters and acted as translator. Soon afterwards, in 1983, Christoph finished his dissertation, a textual study of the ninth chapter of the Samādhirājasūtra. Immediately after taking his degree he was offered by Albrecht Wezler the position of Deputy Director of the Nepal-German Manuscript Project (NGMPP) and Nepal Research Centre (NRC) in Kathmandu. On his first arrival he fell in love with the country, and his feelings towards Nepal have remained constant for the last thirty years. During his time at the NGMPP and NRC, of which he later became Director, he worked in close cooperation with the National Archives and the Department of Archaeology, collecting Tibetan manuscripts and block prints in the Kathmandu valley, and conducting expeditions to photograph manuscripts in regions of the Nepalese Himalayas such as Helambu, Southern Mustang, Jumla and Solu Khumbu. Besides his duties as Director, he supported many individual scholars in their research and assisted larger projects sponsored by the German Research Council such as the Nepal Research Programme under Bernhard Kölver. These activities continued even after his term had finished and after the establishment under Willibald Haffner and Dieter Schuh of a new programme of the German Research Council called Tibet Himalaya. In 1989 Christoph returned together with his wife Savitri and their son Bikas to his hometown of Düsseldorf in order to work on a project at the University of Bonn. His interests had changed to politics and history: the new project was concerned with state formation in 17th-century Tibet and was based on a critical edition and annotated translation of the “Guidelines for Government officials” written by the regent Sangs-rgyas rgya-mtsho. During this time he also worked on the edition and translation of a manuscript containing a Tibetan-Newari Lexicon and on a compilation of Tibetan proverbs and sayings. He also undertook a longer field trip in 1992 to Dharmsala, where he studied and collected Tibetan documents, and in 1994 he assisted the Austrian-Italian research team in Tabo in the region of Spiti.

viii Preface

In 1995, with the establishment by the Reiyukai of the Lumbini International Research Institute (LIRI) at Buddha’s birthplace, Christoph and Savitri returned to Nepal. Their home in Sano Thimi has served since then—like the LIRI—as a centre for scholarly exchange and personal encounters between foreign researchers and native scholars. As Director, Christoph has initiated several series of publications with a growing number of titles; they are for the most part results of research projects in the fields of Buddhist, Tibetan and Nepalese Studies, supported by the LIRI and conducted on the spot. Successful seminars have also been held in Lumbini, the first of these in the year 2000 on the subject of the “Relationship between Religion and State (chos srid zung ’brel) in Traditional Tibet.” Although the administrative duties are heavy, Christoph continues to travel and to cooperate with researchers, working, for example, with the International Tibetan Archives Preservation Trust (ITAPT) and the Tibetan Autonomous Regional Archives (TARA) in Lhasa, and finds the time to continue his research work. It is therefore a great pleasure to present to Christoph this Festgabe with contributions from friends and colleagues covering the fields of his interest and documenting his influence and inspiration. We would like to thank Dieter Schuh und Nikolai Solmsdorf, who were of great help in producing this volume and bringing the individual articles into a coherent format. Special thanks go to all the authors for delivering their articles in time and making this collection a true offering. Munich, September 2013 Franz-Karl Ehrhard & Petra Maurer

TABULA GRATULATORIA

JOHN ARDUSSI

EBERHARD BERG

ROLAND BIELMEIER

HORST BRINKHAUS

KATIA BUFFETRILLE

GUDRUN BÜHNEMANN

VOLKER CAUMANNS

MICHELA CLEMENTE

OLAF CZAJA

HUBERT DECLEER

HILDEGARD DIEMBERGER

BRANDON DOTSON

FRANZ-KARL EHRHARD

HELMUT EIMER

FELIX ERB

FRANZ XAVER ERHARD

MARTIN GAENSZLE

REINHARD GREVE

NIELS GUTSCHOW

MICHAEL HAHN

PAUL HARRISON

JENS-UWE HARTMANN

JÖRG HEIMBEL

AMY HELLER

NATHAN HILL

TONI HUBER

ROLF A. KLUENTER

ANDREAS KRETSCHMAR

DAVID P. JACKSON

MATHEW KAPSTEIN

LEONARD VAN DER KUIJP

CHRISTIAN LUCZANITZ

KAMAL PRAKASH MALLA

DAN MARTIN

KLAUS-DIETER MATHES

PETRA MAURER

ADELHEID METTE

AXEL MICHAELS

MICHAEL PAHLKE

ULRICH PAGEL

FRANCOISE POMMARET

KARIN PREISENDANZ

BURKHARD QUESSEL

CHARLES RAMBLE

ALEXANDER VON ROSPATT

CRISTINA SCHERRER-

SCHAUB

LAMBERT SCHMITHAUSEN

DIETER SCHUH

MARTA SERNESI

PETER SCHWIEGER

DAVID SEYFORT RUEGG

WEIRONG SHEN

PETER SKILLING

PER K. SØRENSEN

ERNST STEINKELLNER

KIMIAKI TANAKA

TASHI Y. TASHIGANGPA

MANFRED TREU

HELGA UEBACH

ROBERTO VITALI

MICHAEL WALTER

ALBRECHT WEZLER

MICHAEL WITZEL

ALEXANDER WUNDER

KODO YOTSUYA

CONTENTS

Volume One

Publication List of Christoph Cüppers

xiii

EBERHARD BERG On the Current Revitalization of the rNying ma Tradition among the Sherpas of

Nepal

1

ROLAND BIELMEIER Das Land Marutse in den Biographien des Padmasambhava

27

KATIA BUFFETRILLE The rTsib ri Pilgrimage: Merit as Collective Duty?

37

VOLKER CAUMANNS Paṇ chen Shākya mchog ldan’s Monastic Seat Thub bstan gSer mdog can (Part I):

The History of its Foundation

65

OLAF CZAJA Tibetan Medicinal Plants and Their Healing Potentials

89

HILDEGARD DIEMBERGER & MICHELA CLEMENTE Royal Kinship, Patronage and the Introduction of Printing in Gung thang: From

Chos kyi sgron ma to lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal

119

FRANZ-KARL EHRHARD The Royal Print of the Maṇi bka' 'bum: Its Catalogue and Colophon

143

KARL-HEINZ EVERDING Introduction to a Research Project on Documents Issued During the Period of the

Great Mongolian Empire to Tibetan Recipients

173

JÖRG HEIMBEL The Jo gdan tshogs sde bzhi: An Investigation into the History of the Four

Monastic Communities in Śākyaśrībhadra’s Vinaya Tradition

187

AMY HELLER A Sculpture of Avalokiteśvara Donated by the Ruler of Ya tse (Ya rtse mnga’

bdag)

243

NATHAN W. HILL The Emergence of the Pluralis majestatis and the Relative Chronology of Old

Tibetan Texts

249

TONI HUBER The Iconography of gShen Priests in the Ethnographic Context of the Extended

Eastern Himalayas, and Reflections on the Development of Bon Religion

263

DAVID P. JACKSON Several Episodes in the Recent History of Lumbini

295

xii Contents

MATTHEW T. KAPSTEIN A Fragment from a Previously Unknown Edition of the Pramāṇavārttika

Commentary of Rgyal-tshab-rje Dar-ma-rin-chen (1364-1432)

315

LEONARD W.J. VAN DER KUIJP Gu ge Paṇ chen Grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1415-86) on the Nyi ma'i

rabs (*Sūryavaṃśa) and the Tibetan Royal Families

325

PUBLICATION LIST OF CHRISTOPH CÜPPERS

Monographs

1. The IXth Chapter of the Samādhirājasūtra: A Text-critical Study of Mahāyāna Sūtras (= Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien, 41). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1990.

2. (together with K. Tamot und P. Pierce) A Tibetan-Newari Lexicon Cum Phrase Book (=

Nepalica, 10). Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag, 1996. 3. (together with P.K. Sørensen) Collection of Tibetan Proverbs and Sayings: Gems of Tibetan

Wisdom and Wit (= Tibetan and Indo-Tibetan Studies, 7). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1998. 4. Die Verordnungen für das Abrechnungswesen tibetischer Amtsstellen der dGa’ ldan pho

brang-Regierung. Faksimile-Edition und Transliteration der Hs. Cod. Tibet 24 der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek (= Monumenta Tibetica Historica).Andrast: International Instiute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH (in press a).

5. Staatsdienst in Tibet: Die Richtlinien für die Beamten der dGa’ ldan pho brang-Regierung

nach dem Text Blang dor gsal bar ston pa’i drang thig dvangs shel gyi me long nyer gcig pa des Regenten Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (= Monumenta Tibetica Historica). Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH (in press b).

6. Materialien zur Erforschung des traditionellen tibetischen Rechts. Faksimile und

Transliteration der HS. Bell 50.31.113 b: The Tibetan Codes of Law (= Monumenta Tibetica Historica). Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH (in press c).

Articles

1. “On the Manufacture of Ink.” Ancient Nepal. Journal of the Department of Archaeology,

113, 1989, pp. 1-7. 2. “Some Remarks on a Tibetan-Newari Lexicon cum Phrase-Book.” In S. Ihara & Z.

Yamaguchi (eds.), Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the 5th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies. Narita 1989, Vol. 1 (= Monograph Series of Narita Institute for Buddhist Studies, Occasional Papers, 1). Narita: Narita Shinshoji, 1992, pp. 413-419.

3. “Zhabs-dkar bla-ma tshogs-drug rang-grol’s visits to Nepal and his Contribution to the

Decoration of the Bodhnāth Stūpa.” In G. Toffin (ed.), Nepal. Past and Present: Proceedings of the Franco-German Conference, Arc-et-Senans, June 1990. Paris: CNRS / Dehli: Sterling, 1993, pp. 151-158.

4. “Short Remarks on the Caves of Tabo in Spiti.” Ancient Nepal. Journal of the Department of

Archaeology, 138, 1995, pp. 131-134. 5. “A Ban on Animal Slaughter at Buddhist Shrines in Nepal.” In S. Karmay and P. Sagant

(eds.), Les Habitants du toit du Monde. Études recueillies en hommage à Alexander W. Macdonald (= Recherches sur la Haute-Asie, 12). Nanterre: Société d’Ethnologie, 1997, pp. 677-687.

xiv Publication List of Christoph Cüppers

6. “Some Aspects of Tibetan Administration under the dGa’-ldan pho-brang Government.” H. Krasser, M.T. Much, E. Steinkellner and H. Tauscher (eds.), Tibetan Studies I: Proceedings of the 7th Seminar of the International Asociatin for Tibetan Studies, Graz 1995, Vol. 1 (= Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-Hist. Klasse Denkschriften 256 / Beiträge zur Kultur- und Geistesgeschichte Asiens, 21). Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997, pp. 189-193.

7. “The ’Phags-pa Script.” In A. Kretschmar (ed.), The Fifth Seal: Calligraphic Icons /

Kalligraphikons. Paintings by Rolf A. Kluenther. Kathmandu 1998, pp. 49-50. 8. “Eine Merkliste mit den Aufgaben der Distriktbeauftragten (rdzong dpon) aus dem 17.

Jahrhundert.” In H. Eimer, M. Hahn, M. Schetelich & P. Wyzlic (eds.), Studia Tibetica et Mongolica: Festschrift für Manfred Taube (= Indica et Tibetica, 34). Swisttal-Odendorf: Indica et Tibetica, 1999, pp. 51-70.

9. “A Letter Written by the Fifth Dalai Lama to the King of Bhaktapur.” Journal of the Nepal

Research Centre, 12, 2001, pp. 39-42. 10. “Some Remarks on the Tibetan Language used in Former Government Decrees.” In Srong

btsan spyi’i tshogs ’dus thengs dang po / bod kyi brda sprod skad yig gi skor. Dehradun: Songtsen Library, 2003, pp. 222-229.

11. “Ein Glossar zur Terminologie der tibetischen Urkundensprache.” Zentralasiatische

Studien, 33, 2004, pp. 25-98. 12. “Newar Craftsmen Employed by the Early dGa’-ldan pho-brang Rulers.” In C. Jest, T.R.

Kansakar and M. Turin (eds.), Kesar Lall: a Homage on the Occasion of his Buraa Kanko. Kathmandu: Marina Paper, 2004, pp. 30-33.

13. “Brag-dkar-ba Chos-kyi dbang-phyug’s reminder notes for the duties of a dkon-gnyer.” In

S. Hino and T. Wada (eds.), Three Mountains and Seven Rivers: Prof. Musashi Tachikawa’s felicitation volume. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 2004, pp. 601-606.

14. “The classification of people: romanized text edition and English translation of the sKyes

bu rnam ’byed bshad pa gzhon nu’i mgul rgyan attributed to Sa-skya Paṇḍita Kun-dga’ rgyal-mtshan.” Journal of the International College for Advanced Buddhist Studies, 7, 2004, pp. 107-160.

15. (together with Dieter Schuh, Roland Bielmeier und Burghart Schmidt) “Forschungsbericht

über die Exploration der Höhlen des Muktinath-Tales (1986-1987).” Zentralasiatische Studien, 35, 2006, pp. 107-172.

16. “bsTan ’dzin Chos rgyal’s Bhutan Legal Code of 1729 in Comparison with sDe srid Sangs

rgyas rgya mtsho’s Guidelines for Government Officials.” In J.A. Ardussi and F. Pommaret (eds.), Bhutan: Tradition and Changes (= Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library, 10/5). Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2007, 45-52.

17. “Registers and Account Books of the dGa’-ldan pho-brang Government.” In R. Prats

(ed.), The Pandita and the Siddha: Tibetan Studies in Honour of E. Gene Smith. Dharamsala: Amnye Machen Institute, 2007, pp. 12-15.

18. “Die Reise- und Zeltlagerordnung des Fünften Dalai Lama.” In B. Kellner, H. Krasser, H.

Lasic, W.T. Much and H. Tauscher (eds.), Pramāṇkīrtiḥ: Papers Dedicated to Ernst Steinkellner on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, Part 1 (= Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie

Publication List of Christoph Cüppers xv

und Buddhismuskunde, 70.1). Wien: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien der Universität Wien, 2007, pp. 37-51.

19. (together with Franz-Karl Ehrhard) “Die Kupferplatten der Könige Ādityamalla und

Puṇyamalla von Ya-tshe.” In P. Maurer und P. Schwieger (eds.), Tibetstudien: Festschrift für Dieter Schuh zum 65. Geburtstag. Bonn: Bier’sche Verlagsanstalt, 2007, pp. 37-42.

20. “Some Remarks on the Entries and Quotations Taken from the rtsis gzhi phyogs

bsgrigs (Rtsii) in S.C. Das’ Tibetan-English Dictionary.” In B. Huber, M. Volkart and P. Widmer (eds.), Chomolangma, Demawend and Kasbek: Festschrift für Roland Bielmeier zu seinem 65. Geburtstag, Vol. 1: Chomolangma(= Beiträge zur Zentralasienforschung, 12.1). Halle: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH, 2008, pp. 15-28.

21. “Some Remarks on Bka’ ’gyur Production in 17th-Century Tibet.” In A. Chayet, C.

Scherrer-Schaub, F. Robin & J.-L. Achard (eds.), Edition, éditions: l’écrit au Tibet, évolution et devenir (= Collectanea Himalayica, 3). München: Indus Verlag, 2010, pp. 115-128.

22. “Ein Erlaß des Königs Gushri Khan aus dem Jahr 1643.” Zentralasiatische Studien, 40,

2011, pp. 165-177. 23. “Gtsang khrims yig chen mo — A Tibetan legal code kept in the National Archives of

Nepal.” Abhilekh, 30, V.S. 2069 (2013), pp. 87-106.

Edited Volumes

1. (together with Franz-Karl Ehrhard and Philip Pierce) Views of the Bodhnath Stupa (= Bauddha Books, 1). Kathmandu: Vajra Publications, 1991.

2. (together with Franz-Karl Ehrhard and Ulrike Roesler) Ulrike & Hans-Ulrich

Roesler: Kadampa Sites of Phenpo: A Guide to some early Buddhist Monasteries in Central Tibet (= Bauddha Books, 2). Kathmandu: Vajra Publications, 2004.

3. The Relationship Between Religion and State (chos srid zung ’brel) in Traditional Tibe:

Proceedings of a Seminar Held in Lumbini, Nepal, March 2000 (= LIRI Seminar Proceedings Series, 1). Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2004.

4. (together with Max Deeg and Hubert Durt) The Birth of the Buddha: Proceedings of the

Seminar Held in Lumbini, Nepal, October 2004 (= LIRI Seminar Proceeding Series, 3). Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2010.

5. (together with Leonard van der Kuijp, Ulrich Pagel. With a Chinese Introduction by Dobis

Tsering Gyal) Handbook of Tibetan Iconometry. A Guide to the Arts of the 17th Century (= Tibetan Studies Library, 16:4). Leiden / Boston, 2012.

Reviews

1. Tachikawa, Musashi & Yasuhiko Nagano: A Catalogue of te United Staes Library of Congress Collection of Tibetan Literature on Microfiche. Part II (= Bibliographica Buddhica, Series Maior, 3 b). Tokyo: The International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 1988. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 142, 1992, pp. 208-210.

xvi Publication List of Christoph Cüppers

2. Ehrhard, Franz-Karl: “Flügelschläge des Garuḍa.” Literar- und ideengeschichtliche Bemerkungen zu einer Liedersammlung des rDzogs-chen (= Tibetan- and Indo-Tibetan Studies, 3). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1990. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 145, 1995, pp. 450-452.

3. Eimer, Helmut: Der Tantra-Katalog des Bu-ston im Vergleich mit der Abteilung Tantra des

tibetischen Kanjur (= Indica et Tibetica, 17). Bonn: Indica et Tibetica, 1989. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 145, 1995, pp. 201-202.

4. Harrison, Paul: The Samādhi of Direct Encounter with the Buddhas of the Present (= Studia

Philologica Buddhica, Monograph Series, 9). Tokyo: The International Institute for Buddhist Studies, 1990. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 145, 1995, pp. 199-201.

Lexicographical Contributions

1. “Religionen des Himalaya.” In Bertelsmann Handbuch Religionen der Welt: Grundlagen,

Entwicklung und Bedeutung in der Gegenwart. Gütersloh / München: Bertelsmann Lexikon Verlag GmbH, 1992, pp. 419-421.

2. http://www.tibet-encyclopaedia.de/kompensationsrecht.html 3. http://www.tibet-encyclopedia.de/gesetzbuecher.html 4. http://www.tibet-encyclopedia.de/regierungsverordnung.html

CONTENTS

Volume Two

CHRISTIAN LUCZANITS The Buddha Beyond: Figuration in Gandharan Cult Imagery

1

DAN MARTIN Pavements Like the Sea and the Name of the Jokhang: King Solomon and the

Queen of Sheba in Lhasa?

23

KLAUS-DIETER MATHES Clouds of Offerings to Lady g.Yang ri—A Protector Practice by the First Yol mo

sprul sku Shākya bzang po (15th/16th Cent.)

37

PETRA MAURER Pferderennen und ihre Bedeutung in Tibet

57

CHARLES RAMBLE Both Fish and Fowl? Preliminary Reflections on Some Representations of a

Tibetan Mirror-World

75

ALEXANDER VON ROSPATT Altering the Immutable: Textual Evidence in Support of an Architectural History

of the Svayambhū Caitya of Kathmandu

91

CRISTINA SCHERRER-SCHAUB A Frontier Tale: Fragmented Historical Notes on Spiti Monasteries Documents

Kept in the Museum of Lahore. Part I.

117

DIETER SCHUH Tibetischen Inschriften ins Maul geschaut: Beobachtungen zu Stein- und

Felsinschriften sowie den Schriften des 7. bis 9. Jahrhunderts in Tibet

143

PETER SCHWIEGER A Forbidden Nepalese-Tibetan Love Affair

185

MARTA SERNESI Rare Prints of bKa’ brgyud Texts: A Preliminary Report

191

WEIRONG SHEN Revitalizing Sino-Tibetan Buddhist Studies: Some Old and New Thoughts

211

PETER SKILLING The Samādhirāja-Sūtra and its Mahāsāṃghika Connections

227

PER K. SØRENSEN & FRANZ XAVER ERHARD Tibetan Proverbial Literature: Semantics and Metaphoricity in Context

237

MANFRED G. TREU Lakṣmīprasāda Devakoṭās Essay "Auf der Sitzmatte"

253

Contents

vi

HELGA UEBACH The lHo-brag Cliff Inscription: An Attempt to Read it with the Help of Katia

Buffetrille’s Photographs of 1988

261

ROBERTO VITALI From Sum ru to the Great Central Asian “Sea of Sand”: Hints on the Role of the

mThong khyab in the State Organisation of Dynastic Tibet

269

MICHAEL WALTER ‘All that Glitters Is Gold’: The Place of the Yellow Metal in the Brahmanic,

Scythian, and Early Buddhist Traditions

283

ZUHIŌ YAMAGUCHI The Connection Between Tu-fan (吐蕃) in the First Half of the Seventh Century

and Nepal

299

KODO YOTSUYA dGe lugs pa Interpretation of Bhāvaviveka’s Critique of Buddhapālita’s

Argumentation of Non-Origination from Self

323

ROYAL KINSHIP, PATRONAGE AND THE INTRODUCTION OF PRINTING IN GUNG

THANG: FROM CHOS KYI SGRON MA TO LHA BTSUN RIN CHEN RNAM RGYAL

Hildegard Diemberger & Michela Clemente

Introduction This article was prompted by a conversation about Chos kyi sgron ma (1422–1455/6) and lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal (1473–1557) in which the authors compared their experiences of working on their biographies and discussed the network of kinship relations that connected them as members of the same royal family. By comparing their life stories, it became clear that they had a lot in common, starting from their relationship to the royal family of Mang yul Gung thang. Chos kyi sgron ma1 was the daughter of King lHa dbang rgyal mtshan (1404–1464) and one of the sisters or half-sisters of King rNam rgyal lde (1426-/7–1502),2 who succeeded his father as the 18th Gung thang ruler. lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal’s father was probably Shes rab dpal bzang, one of King rNam rgyal lde’s sons.3 Both figures were excluded from the list of successors to the throne. Chos kyi sgron ma, as a woman, was forced to marry the son of the ruler of La stod lHo in order to make an alliance with this neighboring polity and eventually became a nun, whereas Rin chen rnam rgyal became a monk as a young boy. Despite their exclusion from the throne, both had prominent roles in society and shaped the religious history of their country. They not only became highly influential religious masters, but also acted as dharmarājas, promoting the spread of Buddha’s teachings as Buddhist kings used to do. Eventually, they were able to reach their spiritual aspirations, by overcoming many obstacles including those created by their own family.

This article will briefly present the common aspects of their lives and show how their position was highly instrumental in the realisation of these aspirations which were wideranging and included promoting the Dharma through printing. Born some fifty years apart, they experienced and contributed to the spread of printing in Central Tibet relying on their royal status and kinship and their spiritual networks of patronage that reached far beyond the élites of their time. Chos kyi sgron ma and Her Relationship with the Royal Family of Mang yul Gung thang The life of Chos kyi sgron ma is narrated in a biography probably written by one of her followers.4 She was the eldest daughter of Khri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan, a descendant of the ancient Tibetan royal house, who ruled over an area known as Mang yul Gung thang or mNga’ ris smad (Lower Ngari). Over the centuries, Mang yul Gung thang had developed into an important gateway between the north and the south of the Himalayas, traversed by the main route between Tibet and Nepal, which passed through the sKyid grong valley and led to Kathmandu. In the thirteenth century, under Sa skya rule, the kingdom of Mang yul Gung thang was founded by ’Bum lde mgon (1253–1280),5 who, like the kings who had founded Gu ge and sPu rang in western Tibet some two hundred years earlier,6 was a descendant of the ancient Tibetan royal house. The name mNga’ ris smad or “Lower Ngari”, which is used in Chos kyi sgron ma’s biography, relates this polity closely to the western Tibetan kingdoms, emphasizing their shared ancestral links and ancient royal connections. Despite this celebrated genealogical connection, the kingdom was more closely associated with central Tibetan politics. Under the Sa skya rule and for some time afterward, it became part of a complex network of local political domains that included Sa skya, northern and southern La stod, and various nomadic groups. The relationships among these powers alternated between collaboration and hostility with marriage alliances and

                                                                                                                         1 On Chos kyi sgron ma, see Diemberger 2007; Diemberger 2009. 2 For Khri rNam rgyal lde’s birth date, see Diemberger 2007: 53, 121-22, 326. 3 On lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal, see Clemente 2009; Clemente (in press); Clemente (forthcoming a). On his family relationship, see Clemente (in press). 4 See Diemberger 2007: 77-83. 5 See Everding 2000: 391. 6 See Petech 1988: 369-94.

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religious patronage playing an important part as integrating factors (this continued until the Gung thang kingdom was destroyed in 1620 by the King of gTsang). An eighteenth-century source, the “Royal Genealogy of Gung thang” (Gung thang rgyal rabs), casts some light on the situation of the Mang yul Gung thang kingdom at the time of Chos kyi sgron ma. The collapse of the Sa skya rule had left the kingdom somewhat independent but also at greater risk of involvement in local conflicts. Partly building on the Sa skya legacy, the region had experienced a period of relative prosperity through enhanced communications, an increase in cultivated areas, and promotion of trade. The new capital, rDzong dkar/kha, a fortified citadel at the centre of a large fertile area, had become important within the network of trans-Himalayan trading routes. Like the Gung thang rgyal rabs, the biography of Chos kyi sgron ma highlights this prosperity. It mentions goods such as silk and tea that came through long-distance trade with China as well as other goods and tools that came from trade with Nepal.

Despite the general affluence, Chos kyi sgron ma’s father, Khri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan, had ascended the throne as the 17th king of Gung thang at a difficult time. Mang yul Gung thang was torn by succession disputes, the murder of some of its kings, divided loyalties between Sa skya and other allegiances, and some local aspirations toward independence that had emerged in the Phag mo gru pa period.7 In addition, the two sons of Chos kyi sgron ma’s grandfather Khri rgyal bSod nams lde (1371–1404) by his wife Gu ge ma Chos skyong rgyal mo had died prematurely, leaving him without a legitimate heir. However, just before his own death at the age of thirty-three, he had an affair with a woman called ’Jam dbyangs who became pregnant. Her son was later enthroned as Khri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan and became Chos kyi sgron ma’s father. After the death of the king, his widow ruled as a regent for several years. Since the young Khri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan was the only heir apparent, fearing intrigues and hostilities, his mother took him to her homeland, Nub ris, an area only loosely integrated into the kingdom. She became a nun at her uncle’s monastery, Nub ris lha mdun, which followed the Sa skya tradition. When she was ordained, she was given the name Byang sems sangs rgyas dbang mo. She is mentioned as Byang sems in the biography of Chos kyi sgron ma: she is the grandmother described as having supported the 1452 reproduction of the collected works of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal (1376–1451) initiated by her granddaughter8 and as having lamented her departure for the east a few months later.9 From 1404 to 1418 ’Jam dbyangs/Byang sems and her son lived in Nub ris, sheltered by the monastery and by the relative distance from Gung thang proper. Under the regency of the widowed queen, there were no major crises in the kingdom even though it lost control over part of its territory. At the age of fifteen, Khri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan was invited to the capital of Gung thang as the legitimate successor to the throne; he was crowned there in 1418/19. This could not have happened without substantial support from within the kingdom, including the regent (who we presume was still alive), and it is likely that his being seen as descended from the imperial line was decisive. He remained however in vulnerable position, highly dependent on the support of royal kin and ministers.

Shortly after his enthronement Khri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan married Chos kyi sgron ma’s mother, mDo sde rgyal mo. This woman might have been close to the former regent, the wife of Chos kyi sgron ma’s grandfather: Chos kyi sgron ma is said to have expressed as a child very positive views about Gu ge, the homeland of the regent and this is likely to reflect the dominant attitude in her household. Perhaps Khri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan’s marriage was a strategic move to help him secure his own claim to the throne as this could have been disputed by rival factions given the informal relationship between his father and his mother. The delicate question of succession had troubled the kingdom since the untimely death of Chos kyi sgron ma’s grandfather and the regency of his widow.

Tensions surrounding Gung thang governance and claim to the throne remained a recurring factor during Khri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan’s life. According to the Gung thang rgyal rabs (f. 125), Khri rNam rgyal lde, the brother of Chos kyi sgron ma, seems to have been enthroned when

                                                                                                                         7 See Vitali 1997: 1029. 8 Cf. CGMNT: f. 95a. 9 Cf. CGMNT: f. 107b.

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he was fifteen, although this is not directly confirmed in his sister’s biography. Apparently power shifted back and forth between father and son several times; their relationship was difficult and probably reflected different supporting factions within the kingdom. The biography of bTsun pa Chos legs (1437–1521), a spiritual master from Gung thang who was a few years younger than Chos kyi sgron ma, describes how Khri rNam rgyal lde became blind in 1461 as a consequence of the conflict with his father.10 This may have been due to an actual punishment inflicted by the king after he discovered a conspiracy, as suggested by Everding (2002: 537), but it is also possible that his blindness was seen as karmic retribution for his wrongdoing, a metaphorical punishment. In any case, the conflicts were certainly serious and had an important bearing on Chos kyi sgron ma’s life, as she often had to mediate between her father and her brother and their relevant supporters.

Before exercising her mediating influence as a spiritual leader, Chos kyi sgron ma fulfilled a parallel task as royal bride. After the birth of her brother, it became clear that Chos kyi sgron ma’s duty was that of playing her part within the delicate system of marriage alliances that helped to keep peace among the various polities. During the regency and the reign of her father, Khri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan, the kingdom of Gung thang lost control over many peripheral areas, and this affected its revenues from trade levies.11 In order to compensate for the territorial losses and the vacuum left by the end of Sa skya overlordship in terms of mediation of local conflicts, the kingdom had to rely more on a system of marriage alliances with the other regional rulers—including those of areas like Mustang that formerly had been under its control. Chos kyi sgron ma became part of one of these marriage alliances. It is not certain whether Chos kyi sgron ma could have been considered as a potential heir to the throne until the birth of her brother. There are remarkable precedents of female governance in Gung thang history, from lHa rin chen mtsho12 to the regent Gu ge ma Chos skyong rgyal mo,13 which indicate that this was at least a possibility. Although the Gung thang rgyal rabs mentions the same mother lHa rgyal mo for Chos kyi sgron ma and Khri rNam rgyal lde (and a younger brother),14 Chos kyi sgron ma’s biography gives a different and more complex description of the events:15 mDo sde rgyal mo was the main consort of the king and gave birth to two daughters, Chos kyi sgron ma and rDzam gling rgyal mo, and no sons. When Chos kyi sgron ma was still very young (and there was no reason to doubt the possibility that mDo sde rgyal mo could still give birth) the king had a son from a ‘junior queen’ (btsun mo gzhon pa) from Bong rdzog following the views of the local community (yul gyi dgongs par)16—which may have reflected some local interest group that took advantage of the senior queen’s lack of sons. The junior queen was presumably the lHa rgyal mo mentioned in the Gung thang rgyal rabs and the son was Khri rNam rgyal lde, who became heir to the throne. This turn of events jeopardised mDo sde rgyal mo’s position and caused her to be side-lined in the genealogy. The originally junior position of lHa rgyal mo may also explain some of the tensions around Khri rNam rgyal lde’s claim to the throne (and the conflation of Chos kyi sgron ma and Khri rNam rgyal lde’s birthdates in later records: according to Chos kyi sgron ma’s biography she was born in 1422 whereas her brother was born around 1426). Trying to soothe her mother’s distress at the news of the birth of her half-brother, Chos kyi sgron ma reportedly called on her to

                                                                                                                         10 Everding 2002: 536. 11 The domain was reduced to its core regions, Mang yul, Gung thang, and, more loosely, Nub ris. Mustang in particular managed to detach itself completely under the rule of A ma dPal (1388–1440?), a descendant of the dynasty established there in 1375, with the support of some of the local nomadic groups (see Everding 2002: 525; Vitali 1996: 1031). 12 See Everding 2000: 57. 13 See Everding 2000: 125. 14 See Everding 2000: 131. 15 This is supported also by the biography of the Gung thang court chaplain Chos dpal bzang po (CPZPNT: f. 4b). The name of Chos kyi sgron ma’s mother as mDo sde rgyal mo appears in Thang stong rgyal po’s biography by rGyur med bde chen in a passage reporting her encounter with the great Siddha (cf. TGNT: ff. 281-83, 308-09) whereas the Bo dong chos ’byung (BDCB: f. 20a) gives mDo sde lha rgyal mo, which could be a conflation of the names of the two queens. 16 CGMNT: f. 7b.

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rely on the Dharma and appreciate the excellence of her daughters rather than cursing them for being female. Also, by stating at this time her choice of a religious life, Chos kyi sgron ma was placing herself outside of the factional fights that were marring the stability of the kingdom. By trading-off an unlikely but remotely possible claim to the throne, both Chos kyi sgron ma and, later, lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal eventually developed their leadership in the spiritual sphere, acting often as mediators rather than divisive elements in the delicate social and political fabric of their kingdoms.

The kingdom into which Chos kyi sgron ma married, southern La stod (La stod lHo), was located directly east of Gung thang and was ruled by a family that had risen to power under Sa skya protection and had produced three Sa skya governors.17 This polity was tightly connected to Gung thang through marriage alliances and spiritual links. In Chos kyi sgron ma’s time, the ruler’s seat was located in Shel dkar, where Situ Chos kyi rin chen (d. 1402), the grandfather of Chos kyi sgron ma’s husband, had established the new capital of the domain. In 1385 he founded the Shel dkar monastery just after the construction of a spectacular fortress that can still be seen there today. The “History of Shekar” (Shel dkar chos ’byung), a work compiled in 1732 on the basis of pre-existing sources, recounts how he also built new irrigation systems, expanded the cultivated areas, increased livestock among nomads, encouraged pastoral productivity by reducing the tributes owed by subjects who had a large number of animals, reduced trade levies, and opened new passes to promote commercial relations. The Shel dkar chos ’byung also describes Situ Chos kyi rin chen and his son lHa btsan skyabs as great supporters of Buddhism; lists a great number of monasteries, nunneries, and collective rituals established under their rule; and celebrates Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal (1376–1451) and his predecessors, who were born in the area and became leading spiritual masters with their support. It is thanks to this spiritual lineage that the earliest extant xylograph from Central Tibet, a print edition of Haribadra’s commentary of the Abhisamayālaṃkāra, was completed in 1407 (see below).18 Although genealogical records link the ruling family of La stod lHo to the ancient dBa’ clan,19 this ruling house represented an emerging political leadership, committed to asserting its profile but liable to be considered of a lesser rank, as Chos kyi sgron ma reportedly often declared them to be. The perceived difference in status, made marriage alliances with Gung thang particularly attractive to La stod lHo and these were often repeated: both the biography of bTsun pa Chos legs20 and that of gTsang smyon Heruka21 refer to Gung thang princesses marrying out to La stod lHo. These tight kinship connections between Gung thang and La stod shaped also the life of lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal half a century later.

lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal and His Relationship with the Royal Family of Mang yul Gung thang lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal (1473–1557), a famous but still understudied bKa’ brgyud pa master, was born, like Chos kyi sgron ma, within the Gung thang royal family. The most significant sources about his life are two biographies, namely his rnam mgur (HTNG) and rnam thar (HTMC). Two original 16th century Brag dkar rta so xylographs of these texts are kept in the Tucci Tibetan Collection at the IsIAO Library in Rome.22 The former bears the title of “The Self-Brightness of the Inconceivable Dharmakāya: The Biography and Songs of the Holy Glorious Master, Scholar and Siddha lHa btsun, the king of Dharma” (vol. 657/5, ff. 1a-54a);23 the latter is

                                                                                                                         17 See Petech 1990: 53. 18 On this text, see Diemberger 2012:18-39. 19 Cf. SKCB: f. 4a. 20 Cf. TCLNT: ff. 45-46. 21 Cf. TMGTNT: pp. 86-87. 22 For the cataloguing of the Collection, see De Rossi Filibeck 1994; De Rossi Filibeck 2003. 23 dPal ldan bla ma dam pa mkhas grub lha btsun chos kyi rgyal po’i rnam mgur blo ’das chos sku’i rang gdangs (Cf. HTNG: f. 1a). For the cataloguing of this work, see De Rossi Filibeck 2003: 331.

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entitled “Second Part of the Biography of the Lord of yogins, lHa btsun, the king of Dharma” (vol. 657/6, ff. 1-32a).24

Until lately, most scholars tended to think that lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal was the son of lha sras Khri rNam rgyal lde.25 The respectful title lha btsun (lit. ‘divine venerable one’) is, indeed, applied only to ordained monk descendants of the old Royal Dynasty of Tibet.26 His royal status is also locally underlined by the title mnga’ bdag, often still added to the epithet lha btsun, when people in Brag dkar rta so monastery refer to him in the 21st century. It is therefore surprising that the Gung thang rgyal rabs, compiled by Rig ’dzin Tshe dbang nor bu (1698–1755), does not mention him. This must already have been an uncomfortable puzzle for Brag dkar rta so sprul sku Chos kyi dbang phyug (1775–1837), who gives an ambiguous statement about the paternity of the founder of his monastery (as being either Khri rNam rgyal lde or Shes rab dpal bzang, see below). In recent years, several tibetologists have studied in depth the history of the Mang yul Gung thang area, thereby providing us with a clearer picture of the situation.27 This evidence questions lHa btsun’s relationship with rNam rgyal lde and highlights a more intricate connection. The exact dating of this latter’s rulership is not known due to the constant shift of power between his father lHa dbang rgyal mtshan and him.28According to Everding (2004: 290), rNam rgyal lde had two wives, who were sisters, lHa mtshams rgyal mo and Sangs rgyas rgyal mo (?–1495). The king’s main wife was the elder sister lHa mtshams rgyal mo who resided in Gung thang, while Sangs rgyas rgyal mo lived in sKyid grong. rNam rgyal lde had two sons from his first wife, chos rgyal Nor bu lde (1450–1484) and Khri rgyal bSam grub lde as well as a daughter, Don grub rgyal mo. In addition, he had two sons from his other wife, gong ma Shes rab dpal bzang and gong ma Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde (?–1524)29 and also a daughter, mKha’ ’gro rgyal mo. lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal does not appear in Everding’s table on Khri rNam rgyal lde’s genealogy, but according to the scholar the line of descent of both sisters is not clear.30 The reason of lHa btsun’s absence might be imputed to the fact that, as a monk, he did not get involved in the power struggles that occurred during and after rNam rgyal lde’s reign. As suggested by Everding (2000: 548-49, n. 1412), another explanation could be the similarity between Rin chen rnam rgyal and Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde’s names, and also the fact that they both bore the same title, lha btsun. The actual reason however might be another. We know that during this period the ruling family split into two main branches due to the internal conflicts between the two different lines of descent. The descendants of these branches repeatedly vied for the throne. The 19th Gung thang ruler was Nor bu lde, while the position of the 20th king was taken collectively by bSam grub lde, Shes rab dpal bzang and Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde ruling together. After rNam rgyal lde’s death, the kingdom seemingly became a federation of the two main areas. The two sons he had with Sangs rgyas rgyal mo, who were born and raised in sKyid grong, governed the southern part of the kingdom, the Mang yul area, whereas bSam grub lde, who was born and brought up at rDzong dkar, governed the northern part of the territory, namely Gung thang. At some point, a loyal supporter of bSam grub lde and his wife’s family murdered

                                                                                                                         24 rNal ’byor dbang phyug lha btsun chos kyi rgyal po’i rnam thar gyi smad cha bzhugs s.ho || e baṃ || (Cf. HTMC: f. 1a). For the catalogue entry of this work, see De Rossi Filibeck 2003: 331. Both xylographs have been already described in Clemente 2007: 124, 130-35; Clemente (in press). Michela Clemente would like to thank the former President of IsIAO, the late Professor Gherardo Gnoli, and the former Director of the Library, Dr. Francesco D’Arelli, for having given her the permission to study both sources and for having eased her work there. She also wishes to heartily thank Professor Elena De Rossi Filibeck for having helped and supported her over the years. 25 See Roberts 2007: 37; Smith 2001: 75; TBRC (P7172). On the title lha sras (lit. “sons of the Gods”), see Diemberger 2007: 41. 26 On this title, see Petech 1980: 94; Roberts 2007: 37; Smith 2001: 288, n. 181. 27 See Diemberger 2007; Ehrhard 2000a; Ehrhard 2004a; Everding 2000; Everding 2004. 28 On this period, see Everding 2000: 538-50. 29 For this dating, see Ehrhard 2008: 70-71, n. 10. 30 See Everding 2000: 539-40; Everding 2004: 290.

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Shes rab dpal bzang.31 This was part of a series of conflicts between rNam rgyal lde’s numerous sons that had begun during his lifetime.32 Although it cannot be excluded that the elderly rNam rgyal lde fathered lHa btsun, it is more probable that lHa btsun’s father was one of rNam rgyal lde’s sons, as we shall see below.

In Rin chen rnam rgyal’s biographies, his parents’ names are not mentioned: the biological father is completely absent and the only paternal role he refers to is gTsang smyon’s spiritual one; the mother appears on several occasions but only referred to with the generic term yum. This suprising silence might reflect the intricate situation that surrounded Rin chen rnam rgyal’s birth and childhood.

bSam grub lde was married to a lady from the bKan family, named Shes rab rgyal mo and her brother was nang blon dPon btsun Grub pa. They belonged to one of the powerful families based in sKyid grong. The followers of these latter, known as sku zhangs, were directly implicated in the murder of Shes rab dpal bzang—an episode that so far cannot be dated with precision and that according to Everding’s reconstruction of the events took place some time after 1484.33 An extremely difficult passage of lHa btsun’s rnam mgur seems to shed light on Rin chen rnam rgyal’s family relationship and on the way in which his life may have been shaped by the conflict-ridden life at the Gung thang court. It refers to Khri rNam rgyal lde’s second wife, Sangs rgyas rgyal mo, and her anxiety about the dangerous situation in which her sons found themselves some time after lHa btsun had reached the age of ten, i.e. 1482. From this passage we can understand that Sangs rgyas rgyal mo was extremely concerned about the threat that was coming from nang blon dPon btsun Grub pa, Shes rab rgyal mo and their followers: worried that they could be poisoned by food, she told lHa btsun’s mother that she should go to La stod lHo with her son.34 La stod lHo was the birthplace of Rin chen rnam rgyal’s mother, where she would be out of the reach of their enemies and be protected by her kin (and perhaps Sangs rgyal rgyal mo’s own kin, too, as she is likely to have been from La stod lHo as well).35 According to his biography, lHa btsun left for his mother’s place when he was thirteen, i.e. 1485. Shes rab dpal bzang, who was eventually murdered by the supporters of his half-brother, was still alive in 1484 when his brother rNor bu lde died and he was enthroned as part of a triumviratre together with his half brother Bsam grub lde and his full brother Khri Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde—which must have been a very difficult and tense deal, possibly brokered by the old king Khri rnam rgyal lde who was still alive. The timing of lHa btsun’s departure suggests that this was linked to the tensions around the succession to the throne in the wake of Nor bu lde’s death and was possibly connected to the murder of Shes rab dpal bzang, his presumed father—which would also justify the anxiety of Sangs rgyal rgyal mo as his presumed grandmother.

As mentioned above, both lHa btsun’s biographies do not mention his father at all. The reason for the absence of any reference to Rin chen rnam rgyal’s father might be imputed to the fact that his presumed father died before his son had any memorable experience of him, but given the importance that is usually attributed to genealogical links this seems insufficient as a reason for the omission. As mentioned above, Rin chen rnam rgyal does not appear in the royal genealogy of the Gung thang rgyal rabs, which probably reflects the silence in the sources used by Rig ’dzin Tshe dbang nor bu. A hypothesis might be that lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal was the son of Shes rab dpal bzang with an illegitimate consort. This could also explain why lHa btsun was not involved in the struggle for the throne and why he became a monk. Since Khri rNam rgyal lde had numerous sons, an illegitimate offspring could have hardly competed against legitimate heirs

                                                                                                                         31 See Everding 2000: 540, 550-53; Everding 2004: 270, 290. bSam grub lde died during the great earthquake which devastated large areas of Western Tibet. See Ehrhard 2000a: 25, n. 7. On this earthquake, see Jackson 2002. 32 See Everding 2000: 543. 33 See Ehrhard 2004a: 259; Everding 2000: 553. 34 Cf. HTNG: f. 9a3-7. For the translation of this passage, see Clemente (in press). I would like to heartily thank Professor Franz-Karl Ehrhard: without his help it would not have been possible to translate this difficult passage. 35 Everding 2000: 539.

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but was not completed ruled out (as the case of Chos kyi sgron ma’s father shows). This could have led lHa btsun’s mother to decide the future of her son as a monk, trying to avoid an unlucky destiny for him as it was well known that royal family members often died by poisoning. Rin chen rnam rgyal’s illegitimacy would explain also the absence of any explicit reference to his parents’ names in his biography (at a time in which such a connection could be both a blessing and a course). In the Brag dkar rta so sprul sku’s gDan rabs there is a brief biography of lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal36 which mentions his father referring to two names: chos rgyal Shes rab dpal bzang or Khri rNam rgyal lde.37 Ehrhard (2004a: 370, n. 96), suggests that the mention of Khri rnam rgyal lde should be interpreted as Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde and that lHa btsun’s mother could have had a polyandrous relationship with both brothers. However, the two names could also simply indicate Brag dkar rta so sprul sku’s own uncertainty when he was needing to connect the founder of his monastery to the Gung thang genealogy. The strongest evidence for a real connection of lHa btsun with the Gung thang royal kinship remains the palpable anxiety expressed by his presumed grandmother Sang rgyas rgyal mo that may have distanced him from potential royal claims but probably saved his life.

In the rnam mgur lHa btsun’s mother is simply mentioned as yum in three passages, namely at the time of Rin chen rnam rgyal’s birth, when she died and when lHa btsun erected a hut in her place of origin. According to Everding’s table (2004: 290), Sangs rgyas rgyal mo died in 1495 whereas Rin chen rnam rgyal’s mother died much later (around 1509), therefore the woman mentioned as yum in his rnam mgur was connected to her but was apparently not her. The fact that both Sangs rgyal rgyal mo as ‘queen mother’ and Rin chen rnam rgyal’s mother are referred to with the same generic term renders translating the relevant passages particularly challenging. It is clear however that there were two different women who cared about the young Rin chen rnam rgyal and who took a decision that shaped his life.

According to this text, lHa btsun’s mother was renowned as Vajravārāhī.38 This is relevant because it reverberates with Chos kyi sgron ma’s role in the establishment of the line of female reincarnations of this deity called bSam sdings rDo rje phag mo.39 She did not belong to such a line, but this epithet was probably used to underline her importance. In the text she is, indeed, described as a woman with all the characteristics of a ḍākinī. The same occurs in the gDan rabs, where she is mentioned as “one possessing the name of mKha’ ’gro” or “having the characteristics of ḍākinīs” (mkha’ ’gro’i mtshan ldan).40 Her death occurred two years after that of lHa btsun’s spiritual father, the great siddha gTsang smyon Heruka Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan (1452–1507),41 therefore it can be dated around 1509.42 Both in the case of Chos kyi sgron ma and that of lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal, their exclusion from political power did not prevent them from relying heavily on their royal status and kinship to achieve their spiritual aims and mobilise wider networks of patronage.

Chos kyi sgron ma as Princess, Nun and Divine Emanation Leading Networks of Patronage Chos kyi sgron ma appears in the biography with different identities, reflected in the different names with which she became known: as a princess she was dKon mchog rgyal mo, as an ordained nun she was Chos kyi sgron ma and as a divine emanation she was rDo rje Phag mo. In addition she is called with a range of epithets such as dpal gyi dbang mo that underline her spiritual glory and her ability of bringing prosperity. These different facets of her life are intertwined so that even when she became a nun she retained some aspects of her royalty. The                                                                                                                          36 For the biography of lHa btsun within this work, see BKDR: ff. 25a1-28a5. I wish to warmly thank Professor Franz-Karl Ehrhard and Dr. Marta Sernesi for kindly providing me with this text. 37 […] yab chos rgyal shes rab dpal bzang ’am | khri rnam rgyal lde […] Cf. BKDR: f. 25a2. 38 Cf. HTNG: f. 6b5-7. 39 On this subject, see Diemberger 2007. 40 Cf. BKDR: f. 25a2. 41 On this figure and his work, see Larsson 2009; Larsson 2011; Larsson 2012; Larsson (forthcoming); Quintman 2006: chapt. 5-6; Sernesi 2007: introduction, 100-18; Sernesi 2010: 406-08, 419-20, 422; Sernesi 2011a: 191-98, 201-02; Sernesi 2011b; Sernesi (forthcoming); Smith 2001: 59-74; I. M. Stearns 1985. 42 Cf. HTNG: f. 26a2-3.

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biography essentially describes her as what we would today call a formidable ‘fund raiser’. The biography highlights this aspect of her activity and describes how herdsmen and farmers, surprised at seeing their princess arriving at their houses and tents as a begging nun, heaped her with donations. Bringing good fortune and a spiritual message to local chieftains, she was showered with gifts that she used to support both the activities of her masters and those that she initiated. Looking at several episodes mentioned in her biography, it seems that it is the closest and loyal set of relationships around her that enabled her to set out with her enterprises. On the basis of her successes and her status, she could then take things forward in a grander way. She was even able to relate to the political leaders of her time such as the Rin spungs pa despite being a woman. She was, however, weary of dealing with political leaders that could condition and take advantage of her and she often tried to avoid such encounters. She sought support much more among the medium and lower levels of society.

Her kinship network remained important throughout her life. Especially the women of her family appear again and again as crucial supporters of her enterprises. For example, after the completion of the artwork and reproduction of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal’s collected works that she had instigated after his demise, the biography states that:

“The Great Lady was able to achieve all this also thanks to her sister, rDzam gling rgyal mo, and her mother, mDo sde rgyal mo, who had followed her instructions without hesitation or laziness. The Magnificent Lady, satisfied with the results and particularly grateful to them, said: ‘The sun of merit shone in my mind, but my mother and sister carried out the actual work’.” (CGMNT: f. 95b).

It is thanks to this network that statues, embroided images, volumes and ritual performances could be produced in his honour. Chos kyi sgron ma’s biography describes the activation of a wide religious and kinship network within which she played a leading role as a true visionary. Before setting out on this enterprise, she did not have the funding that was needed. She therefore requested a monk of her entourage to pray every day to Vaiśrāvaṇa; eventually the god of wealth appeared to him in a vision asking him to give the key of his treasury to the princess dKon mchog rgyal mo, i.e. Chos kyi sgron ma; after the successful completion of the work, this was attributed to the auspicious intervention of the god. Visions and rituals certainly played an important part in mobilizing people and resources. Chos kyi sgron ma’s commitment, her network and the blessing of the deity, made it possible for her to bring together all that was needed, which she managed carefully. Unsurprisingly, the Gung thang rgyal rabs, as a later chronicle, remembers her father, rather than her, for the royal patronage in honour of the great Bo dong pa master. In a similar way, it is well known that Chos kyi sgron ma’s brother supported gTsang smyon Heruka, but it is much less conspicuous that some women of the family became his followers, for example Chos kyi sgron ma’s younger sister, rDzam gling rgyal mo, is reported as visiting him together with her niece, mKha ’gro rgyal mo, daughter of the Gung thang king Khri rnam rgyal lde, in the 1470s.43 As sister of Shes rab dpal bzang and Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde, this latter was lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal’s paternal aunt. Having had an unsuccessful marriage to the ruler of La stod lHo, she returned to Gung thang where she found spiritual consolation with gTsang smyon Heruka, who is described as prophesying her tragic death (she committed suicide after her lover had been assassinated).44

                                                                                                                         43 This meeting took place in Mi la ras pa’s cave in upper Ron, which is close to Mi la ras pa’s birthplace and is also not far from Shag, a locality further to the south at the boundary between Mang yul and Gung thang where Chos kyi sgron ma spent part of her childhood with her sister. In-between are Slong rtse where lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal had a monastery (which used to house the statue that is currently kept in Brag dkar rta so monastery) and Brag dkar rta so where lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal later established his famous printing house. gTsang smyon Heruka dedicated a song to rDzam gling rgyal mo, which is reported in gTsang smyon’s biography. Cf. GTTMNT: p. 88. See also Diemberger 2007: 342. 44 See Everding 2000: 540.

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Chos kyi sgron ma’s ability of initiating enterprises and mobilizing resources towards spiritual aims was highly influential not only within her actual kinship but also within her spiritual kinship, and she became an important referent especially, but not only, for women. There are at least two of them who followed immediately in her footsteps: Byang chub bzang mo, a chief disciple of the Bo dong pa master bTsun pa Chos legs, and Kun tu bzang mo, the consort of gTsang smyon Heruka. The first is recorded as belonging to Chos kyi sgron ma’s entourage and is mentioned in the biography of bTsun pa Chos legs as the person who requested him to write his biography.45 The second is not directly mentioned in Chos kyi sgron ma’s biography but belonged to the network of religious women based in sPo rong dpal mo chos sdings, the main seat of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal, where Chos kyi sgron ma resided and where she had established her nunnery. Kun tu bzang mo played an important part in supporting gTsang smyon Heruka’s printing activities and instigated the print of his works after his demise.46 A main centre of these operations was the monastery of bSam gling (bSam gtan gling), which had been established either by Chos kyi sgron ma’s husband, rTse dbang bkra shis or, more likely,47 his grandfather Si tu Chos kyi rin chen. This was the lord of La stod lHo in honour of whom her father-in law, lHa btsan skyabs, had sponsored the 1407 print mentioned above.

These kinship and patronage networks cut across different religious traditions and it is only by looking at the recurrence of those names that hagiographic narratives often mention just in passing that we understand the social and cultural fabric within which great religious and artistic deeds were achieved. Chos kyi sgron ma and lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal were operating within the same milieu, an environment shaped by a system of patronage and devotion that was much more extensive than the kings and the greatest spiritual masters that became famous in the later tradition. The Outstanding Scholar lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal and His Search for Patrons According to his biographies, lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal started to exhibit his extraordinary abilities since his birth, which was accompanied by miraculous events.48 Even his mother’s pregnancy was filled with astonishing occurrences. While pregnant, she became a Dharma follower, thanks to some bKa’ brgyud bla mas, gTsang smyon Heruka in particular.49 This is noteworthy in view of the future relationship between her son and the great siddha. Her meeting with gTsang smyon could have taken place at court since he was the chief spiritual master of King rNam rgyal lde as well.

lHa btsun was born at Thang po che, in Gung thang. He started his studies when he was four years old and completed them at five. At six he was ordained as Buddhist monk at the monastic school of gSar sngags theg pa, where he was provided with the name Rin chen rnam rgyal.50 At the age of eight, he started to explain important works of his tradition in debates at several monasteries.51 During his academic tour, he also received many teachings from different relevant masters.52 When he was thirteen years old (1486), he met gTsang smyon Heruka for the first time at the sacred place of the “Crystal Cave” (shel phug), in La stod lHo. The great siddha became his spiritual father and Rin chen rnam rgyal became one of his closest heart-sons.53 We know that lHa btsun had just been sent to La stod lHo by his grandmother, probably after his father’s death. From this viewpoint, the relationship with gTsang smyon Heruka assumes a more significant role in Rin chen rnam rgyal’s life. Furthermore, according to lHa btsun’s rnam mgur, ’brug pa lHa                                                                                                                          45 See Everding 2000: 223. 46 See Ehrhard 2010b: 154-55. 47 The issue of exactly which of the rulers of southern La stod was the founder of the monastery is discussed by the author of the Shel dkar chos ’byung, which provides a brief history of this monastery located in the Tsib ri (rGyal kyi śrī ri) mountain range (cf. SKCB: f. 52). 48 Cf. HTNG: f. 7a4-7. 49 Cf. HTNG: ff. 6b5-7a4. 50 Cf. HTNG: f. 8b6-7. 51 Cf. HTNG: ff. 8b7-9a1. 52 Cf. HTNG: f. 9a1-3. 53 Cf. HTNG: ff. 9a7-9b4.

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btsun pa of Shangs sTag lung, one of Rin chen rnam rgyal’s numerous gurus, revealed that gTsang smyon was lHa btsun’s master in many of his previous lives.54 Since their first encounter at Shel phug, they met each other several times and every time gTsang smyon gave some teachings to Rin chen rnam rgyal. The relationship between them continued over the years. It was so strong that did not stop even when the great siddha passed away. This latter continued to appear in visions and dreams to his spiritual son, guiding and exhorting him until lHa btsun’s death.55

Rin chen rnam rgyal’s reputation as an outstanding master soon spread and he started to have many disciples and receive continual invitations from different monasteries as well as from rulers of the neighbouring territories.56 According to his rnam mgur, he was also able to appear to people in a dream in order to help them understand the experience of vivid clearness of perception.57

The great siddha asked his heart-son to accompany him during his fund raising tours, which benefitted both, since gTsang smyon had a wide range of followers that lHa btsun eventually inherited and Rin chen rnam rgyal had the royal kinship connections. gTsang smyon, indeed, had initiated an important and ambitious cultural project which had the aim of spreading the works of bKa’ brgyud pa masters, especially biographies, in order to provide lay people with a holy life style to emulate and glorify his lineage. The project consisted in the compilation, editing, writing and printing of these works. Earlier texts had mostly remained in manuscript form until that time. gTsang smyon Heruka with the help of his disciples organized the carving of woodblocks in order to guarantee a wide distribution of the works and reduce the risk of their loss.58 Such an ambitious enterprise required extensive support and had to rely on a wide network of patronage. gTsang smyon’s success was due to the fact that he developed close, personal ties with numerous political leaders of Western Tibet, including the royal family of Mang yul Gung thang, the rulers of Mustang (Glo bo), Don yod rdo rje (1463–1512) of Rin spungs pa,59 the rulers of La stod lHo and La stod Byang and also some outstanding masters, including the Seventh Karma pa Chos grags rgya mtsho (1454–1506). All these figures became benefactors.60 By accompanying his spiritual father, Rin chen rnam rgyal met several political and religious figures who were impressed by his abilities.61 This enabled lHa btsun to establish relationships with these patrons as well. Some of gTsang smyon Heruka’s sponsors continued to support Rin chen rnam rgyal’s work after his master’s death. He was, indeed, one of the key disciples who carried on gTsang smyon’s project. lHa btsun established his editorial activity at Brag dkar rta so, the place where, according to the gDan rabs, he founded the small homonymous monastery that quickly became a famous printing house (par khang).62 Brag dkar rta so is one of the outer fortresses of Mi la ras pa, where he obtained his siddhis. According to lHa btsun’s rnam mgur, the establishment of Brag dkar rta so was predicted by the Seventh Karma pa.63 According to HTNG, Rin chen rnam rgyal arrived for the first time at Brag dkar rta so just after gTsang smyon Heruka’s death,64 but

                                                                                                                         54 Cf. HTNG: ff. 12a5-12b2. 55 On lHa btsun’s relationship with gTsang smyon Heruka, see Clemente (in press). 56 For some examples, cf. HTNG: ff. 10a2-7, 12b5-7, 57 Cf. HTNG: ff. 23a6-23b1. 58 On gTsang smyon Heruka’s project and the works of his school, see Clemente 2009: chapt. 1.2, 3.6, 3.7; Clemente (forthcoming a); Clemente (forthcoming b); Clemente (forthcoming c); Schaeffer 2009: 58-63; Schaeffer 2011; Sernesi 2011b; Sernesi (forthcoming); Smith 2001: 73-79 59 On Don yod rdo rje and his sponsorships, see in particular Ehrhard 2010a: 230-33. For his encounter with gTsang smyon and lHa btsun, cf. HTNG: ff. 10a7-10b7. 60 See Ehrhard 2000a: 13-14; Quintman 2006: 194; I. M. Stearns 1985: 41. 61 For some examples of these tours, see HTNG: ff. 15b6-16a1, 19b2-5, 20a2-21a2. 62 Cf. BKDR: f. 29b2. On lHa btsun’s printing activity, see Clemente 2009: par. 3.6-3.7; Clemente (forthcoming a); Clemente (forthcoming c); Schaeffer 2009: 58-63; Schaeffer 2011; Sernesi 2011b: 197-202; Sernesi (forthcoming); Smith 2001: 75-77. 63 Cf. HTNG: f. 20b4. See also Ehrhard 2000a: 55, n. 8; Ehrhard 2004a: 426, n. 203. 64 Cf. HTNG: ff. 28a4-28b1.

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he established his seat there only in the autumn of the Bird Year, at the age of fifty-three (1525).65 lHa btsun’s choice of Brag dkar rta so as his seat was probably due not only to the sacredness of the place but also to its strategic position, at the border between the Mang yul and Gung thang areas. This could have facilitated lHa btsun’s mediation between the ruling factions of these territories and, at the same time, offered him a way to remain relatively autonomous, receiving sponsorship from both parties. Furthermore, Brag dkar rta so is perched on a cliff just above the main route to Nepal and is not distant from the densely wooded areas of sKyid grong, from which lHa btsun presumably imported the paper and the wood for his activity. Although a specific reference to the Gung thang kings in relation to the foundation of the Brag dkar rta so monastery hasn’t yet surfaced, it is almost unthinkable that they were not involved in the process. In fact the date of the foundation of Brag dkar rta so, just after the death of Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde is highly suggestive. Rin chen rnam rgyal established his seat there in 1525, just one year after King Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa (1514–1560, reign. 1524–?) had succeeded his father Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde in one form or another (perhaps with a sort of regency by his mother, the widow of the decesead king). By supporting the monastery and its activities he would have made merits for himself while strengthening his position against his rivals, bKra shis dpal ’bar and Kun dga’ blo gros. According to Everding (2004: 281-82), Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa was the 21st Gung thang ruler and ascended the throne at a very young age. Only ten years old in 1524 and fifteen in 1529 (date of a ritual enthronement), he would have needed a strong support to hold his position as he had to deal with the challenge represented by his two cousins, bKra shis dpal ’bar and Kun dga’ blo gros who also had a claim to the throne as sons of King bSam grub lde, who had died in 1506. In addition, their maternal uncle was involved in the death of lHa btsun’s presumed father. As a further complication, Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa’s mother, Gu ge ma dKon mchog bzang mo (?–1554), had married these cousins (according to a kinship practice that is common in the Himalaya).66 This could have been a difficult arrangement for the young Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa, but may have provisionally settled the situation as in that capacity his mother could have protected him.

However as his position was still vulnerable, he sought outside support through a marriage alliance with the Yar ’brog rulers and spiritual support within Gung thang. As he was Rin chen rnam rgyal’s cousin, he—or whoever supported him—could have sponsored the Brag dkar rta so monastery to facilitate his endorsement and he certainly appears as the sponsor of many of his activities (see below). By that time, lHa btsun was a well-renowned religious master, the spiritual heir of gTsang smyon Heruka, of whom his father was a great follower and sponsor. The arrangement that enabled Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa to ascend the throne was however unstable and he was eventually overthrown by his cousins. According to the Gung thang rgyal rabs, bKra shis dpal ’bar reigned together with his brother as the 22nd Gung thang rulers.

Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa, once dethroned, was ordained according to the tradition of the West Tibetan kingdom’s rulers. His dethronement was conveniently depicted as a spontaneous abdication and he was formally enthroned as the head ritual master (chos dpon) of Gung thang chos sde, the royal monastery of Gung thang.67 All these members of the royal house appear as

                                                                                                                         65 Cf. HTNG: f. 31a2-5. See also Clemente (in press); Ehrhard 2004a: 426, n. 203. 66 When a man dies, the widow is often pressured into marrying his real or classificatory brother(s), who retain control over the property and take over paternal functions in relation to the children. She retains thereby her authority as the mother of the house, which she would lose if she re-married outside the family. Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa took over the throne despite his young age and must have had the relevant backing, possibly through his mother. 67 We don’t know when Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa was overthrown. He is still mentioned in 1535, at the consecration of Padma bka’ thang’s woodblocks. In 1538 he encountered Nam mkha’ rdo rje (1486–1553) at the royal palace of dGa’ ldan rnam rgyal. This master gave the king some precepts and the empowerment of the Long Life practice according to Ma gcig Grub pa’i rgyal mo (see Ehrhard 2000a: 60. For information about Nam mkha’ rdo rje, see Ehrhard 2000a: 51-66). In 1539 Nyi zla grags pa sponsored the printing of a bKa’ gdams glegs bam’s edition, the consecration of which he attended with a certain yongs ’dzin Shes rab rgya mtsho in the ri khrod named Kun gsal sGang po che, bo dong Chos dbang rgyal mtshan (1484–1549)’s residence (see Ehrhard 2000a: 16, 23, 43, n. 36. On this edition of the bKa’ gdams glegs

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sponsor of lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal’s works at Brag dkar rta so, which highlights the religious and political importance of this master and of what was happening in this sacred site.

According to his rnam mgur, before founding the Brag dkar rta so Monastery, lHa btsun had established a hut (spyil po) in La stod lHo thanks to gong ma Chos rgyal chen po, who had sponsored it. According to Ehrhard (2000a: 16), this should refer to King Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde, Rin chen rnam rgyal’s uncle and Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa’s father. The hut had been built in one of the places where Mi la ras pa dwelled, but also where lHa btsun’s mother was born. Rin chen rnam rgyal had resided there four years. The place had also been blessed by gTsang smyon Heruka who had remained there for about three months. Unfortunately, we are not aware of the actual location of this hut because the text does not mention the place name. The hut was established around 1504, after the completion of the renovation works of the Svayaṃbhūnāth Stūpa supervised by gTsang smyon.68 According to HTNG, lHa btsun and his spiritual father went together to rDzong dkar to the king’s palace, probably to ask for donations, and from there Rin chen rnam rgyal went to his mother birthplace. These episodes show that when he founded Brag dkar rta so he was acting in continuity with an established set of patronge relations that tied him to the royal family.69

lHa btsun’s wide patronage network relied on many factors: his relationship with the royal family of Mang yul Gung thang, his strong bond with the great siddha, his brilliant work on texts of the bKa’ brgyud pa school, his reputation as excellent master, which continued to increase and spread. Beside his works and teachings, he started to be renowned for his miracles as well.70 As mentioned before, the royal family of Mang yul Gung thang was lHa btsun’s main sponsor. He often went to the royal court to ask for donations. In return, he used to give teachings and perform rituals for the royal family on special occasions. According to HTNG, at Ri bo dpal ’bar he performed a protective ritual ceremony for the ruler who was poisoned by food.71 According to Ehrhard (2008: 70-71, n. 10), the ruler was Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde. Another time, lHa btsun performed a ritual for the king’s long-life.72 Apparently, lHa btsun also used to offer some of his paintings to his patrons, the royal family of Mang yul Gung thang in particular,73 as his master did.74 According to HTMC, the Gung thang king also asked Rin chen rnam rgyal to restore the wall paintings of the ’Phags pa lha khang, after having received a request from sKyid grong’s elderly people.75 The text refers to King Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa and his cousin, bKra shis dpal ’bar, by mentioning them also as the main sponsors of the restoration among many others.76 As spiritual master and member of the royalty, he was able to rely on his prominent kin to support his spiritual deeds; at the same time the Gung thang rulers could rely on his Buddhist                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                            bam, see Eimer 1979, 1: 22. An original xylograph of this edition is kept in the Tucci Tibetan Collection of the IsIAO Library in Rome [cf. KDGB 1-2]. For a study of this text, see Clemente [forthcoming b]. On Chos dbang rgyal mtshan, a renowned master responsible of many printing activities in the Mang yul Gung thang area, see Ehrhard 2000a: 23-50; Ehrhard 2000b: 206). In 1541 he invited Nam mkha’ rdo rje to Gung thang and received the reading authorization of the new ’Ba’ ra ba rGyal mtshan dpal bzang po’s Collected Writings xylograph in addition to other teachings (See Ehrhard 2000a: 62). In 1555 he was one of the donors of materials for the reprinting of Mi la ras pa’s rnam thar and mgur ’bum edited by gTsang smyon Heruka. The reprinting was made by Rin chen rnam rgyal at Brag dkar rta so (see Ehrhard 2000a: 17-18, n. 15; Schaeffer 2009: 62; Sernesi 2011b: 200, 225-26). For information on other sponsorships by Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa before 1555, see Ehrhard 2000a: 45. 68 On gTsang smyon’s renovation, cf. HTNG: ff. 20a7-21a2. See also Larsson 2009: 163-66; Lewis&Jamspal 1988: 192-94; I. M. Stearns 1985: 38; Von Rospatt 2001: 197, 203-05. 69 Cf. HTNG: ff. 21a5-21b2. 70 For some examples of lHa btsun’s miracles, cf. HTNG: ff. 7b5-8a1, f. 26a5-6, f. 27a6-7. 71 Cf. HTNG: ff. 29a5-29b1. 72 Cf. HTNG: f. 45b1-2. 73 For example, cf. HTNG: ff. 35b1, 44b4. 74 gTsang smyon, indeed, sent one of his heart-sons, bSod nams grub pa, on a tour to dBus, gTsang and Tsāri to spread xylographs as well as paintings. See Schaeffer 2009: 57-58. 75 Cf. HTMC: f. 4a4-4b4. On the renovation works of the ’Phags pa lha khang supervised by Rin chen rnam rgyal, cf. HTMC: ff. 4a1-5a2, 5a6-8a3, 8a3-9b2. See also Ehrhard 2000a: 49-50; Ehrhard 2004a: 82-85. 76 Cf. HTMC: ff. 5a2-4, 5b6-8a3.

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renown to enhance their reputation and legitimacy through patronage. Apart from King Kun dga’ rnam rgyal lde, Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa and bKra shis dpal ’bar, we also find King Kun dga’ blo gros among his sponsors. This latter was involved in the consecration of Slong/Klong rtse, the monastery located in Klong mda’ (sKyid grong valley)77 as well as in the offering and rituals in front of lHa btsun’s gdung khang at Brag dkar rta so after this latter’s death.78

Rin chen rnam rgyal received donations from the king of Nepal as well. According to his rnam mgur, when lHa btsun was going to repair the parasol of the Svayambhūnāth Stūpa, which had been demolished by the Magar troops, the Nepalese king offered the salaries for the craftsmen and the paint for the wooden parasol.79 When the king was sick, lHa btsun was invited at court. He treated the king deploying his medical skills. After the king’s recovery, Rin chen rnam rgyal received from him gold and copper for the decoration of pillars, parasol and steps of the Svayambhūnāth Stūpa.80

Some time after 1544, lHa btsun started to have significant dreams. One night, while he was experiencing the ’od gsal practice, he saw a manifestation of gTsang smyon Heruka. His spiritual father made a prophecy that Rin chen rnam rgyal would increase the welfare of sentient beings until the age of eighty. After this prophecy, lHa btsun received many donations such as gold, silver and copper from several sponsors, chos rje ’Gro mgon pa from Mon in particular.81

Rin chen rnam rgyal’s activities were mainly sponsored by the Gung thang royal family, but his patronage network also involved a wide range of people of different social standing. For example, some of the famous craftsmen who used to work with him are also mentioned as sponsors of prints and renovation works. The same occurred for many of the minor patrons of his several printing projects mentioned in long colophons with their very small donations ranging from butter to tea, cups, ritual items, boots etc. His disciples used to offer gifts, too.82 Rin chen rnam rgyal’s enterprises therefore show that they were not merely driven by the élites of the time but involved a wider popular support.83

Both the biography of Chos kyi sgron ma and of Rin chen rnam rgyal show that patronage networks were crucial for the achievement of the many artistic and religious enterprises of the time, including the introduction and development of printing in Tibet. The particular political and economic setting of the fifteenth century seems to have promoted the rapid expansion of this technology. Mang yul Gung thang was one of the places in which early printing flourished and its royalty was heavily involved in it. While Chos kyi sgron ma experienced the early days of this technological innovation, by the time of lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal printing houses were mushrooming everywhere.

                                                                                                                         77 Cf. HTMC: ff. 3b6-3a4. Brag dkar rta so was a “branch” (bu dgon) of Slong/Klong rtse before the foundation of the latter monastery. On this monastery, see Diemberger 2007: 191; Ehrhard 2004a: 287, 427, n. 205. 78 Cf. HTMC: ff. 29b1-30a5. We also know from different sources that other Gung thang royal members were involved as sponsors in some printing projects carried on by other masters. Among them, there were at least two women, Gu ge ma dKon mchog bzang rgyal mo and Shes rab rgyal mo. The former sponsored the printing of Yang dgon pa’s spiritual songs in 1523–24 (Cf. YGPMB: f. 162b1. On dKon mchog bzang rgyal mo, see Everding 2000: 557; Everding 2004: 281, 290). Shes rab rgyal mo, King bSam grub lde's wife, sponsored both the printing of Yang dgon pa’s spiritual songs and that of the text entitled sKyes mchog gi zhus lan thugs kyi snying po zab mo’i gter mdzod in 1540–41. Cf. BRBZL: f. 391b5; YGPMB: f. 162b1-2; Sernesi 2011b: 193. 79 Cf. HTNG: f. 34a5-6. On the renovation works of the Svayaṃbhūnāth Stūpa supervised by lHa btsun, cf. HTNG: ff. 32b7-34a6, 37b4-5, 38a6-38b6, 40b5-42b5; cf. HTMC: 8a3-9a1. See also Decleer 2000: 39; Von Rospatt 2001: 206-07. 80 Cf. HTNG: ff. 40b1-5. 81 Cf. HTNG: ff. 40a4-40b1. 82 We know that this also occurred with gTsang smyon Heruka’s prints. See Sernesi 2011b: 184-85. 83 On this subject, see Clemente (forthcoming b); Clemente (forthcoming d).

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How Chos kyi sgron ma Took Part in the Early Spread of Printing According to the Gung thang rgyal rabs, Chos kyi sgron ma’s father sponsored among other things the print of the collected works of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal: “He had the De nyid ’dus pa in its extensive, medium and short form printed…”.84 In the genealogical sequence of the Gung thang rulers he was the first to sponsor a printing operation, but unfortunately no extant copies of this enterprise has turned up so far.85 With the few exceptions that we are going to address below, the volumes of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal that have survived are in manuscript form. Given the challenge that printing a collection of that size represented (with the extensive version counting in its original form 110 volumes) in the early days of printing, it is possible that the description in the Gung thang rgyal rabs conflates several different operations that happened around the same time, some of which included the involvement of Chos kyi sgron ma.

From the above mentioned 1407 extant print produced at Shel dkar under the aegis of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal, it is clear that printing was available in the region. In addition to this canonical scripture, recent discoveries suggest that particular volumes of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal’s works were produced at Shel dkar as early as 1410.86 Printing is explicitly referred to in Chos kyi sgron ma’s biography in a passage in which she is described as preparing the texts of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal’s teachings for printing along with blessing images to be distributed to a large assembly that had gathered in sKyid grong. Chos kyi sgron ma’s biography reports this event that took place in the late 1440s87 (this translation is more detailed than my recent one):

“The Sahaja yoga (lhan cig skyes sbyor) according to the Mahāmudrā tradition, and the teachings of [the collection] Clarification of the Hidden Meanings (sbas gdon gsal ba)88 were learnt and rehearsed. The teachings for the attending followers were supervised, the texts were written down, every textbooks was edited for printing (yig cha so so’i spar zhu dag), images of the lord’s tutelary deity were printed (rje’i thugs dam lha sku spar) and every ritual item was looked after. [She] looked after all the activities that were performed to please the lama, providing everything that the people assembled around the Omniscient needed for the celebration” (CGMNT: f. 62b).

All these activities seem to have involved a crowd of people of different social standing and seem consistent with a popularization of Buddhist practices, something pointed out by Franz-Karl Ehrhard in relation to the cult of Avalokiteśvara and the ’Phags pa lha khang (Ehrhard 2004a: 127, 461)—the first ‘biography’ of this holy site was compiled by the Bo dong pa scholar dPal ldan dar (1424–1510) and printed shortly afterwards (the 16th century prints are extant).89 The increasingly popular participation in Buddhist practices, for which printing was instrumental, is also reflected in Chos kyi sgron ma’s explicit commitment to teach reading skills to nuns (who would have diverse social backgrounds). This was consistent with her desire of transcending worldly conventions about status and gender.

After Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal’s demise, Chos kyi sgron ma instigated the edition and reproduction of his collected works. The workshop she set up included scribes but there is no mention of carvers in connection to a printing operation. The whole process took about four months which is more consistent with the reproduction of one or more manuscript copies rather                                                                                                                          84 See Everding 2000: 129. 85 See Ehrhard 2000a: 12-13. 86 The Paltsek Research Institute is about to publish a collection of early prints that include a 1410 extant copy of a Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal’s print. 87 According to the biography this took place some time before the death of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal in 1451 and after she had been with him for a number of years and had received full ordination. 88 sBas don gsal ba can be either a generic indication of the teaching content or, more likely, the reference to a specific collection of texts; in this case it may well indicate the Haribadra’s commentary printed at Shel dkar in 1407 or a text related to it. 89 See Ehrhard 2004a: 127, 306.

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than the preparation of a large set of blocks. It cannot be excluded that the production of a print edition was also involved but one would expect it to be mentioned in more detail given the size of the operation. Perhaps it took place later on the basis of the manuscript version, or perhaps only the more concise forms of the collected works were actually printed. The extant copy of the most concise version of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal’s collected works, the dPal de kho na nyid ’dus pa snying po, sponsored by the rulers of Yar ’brog, seems to indicate that at least this form of his collection was printed during the 15th century, possibly 1410.90

Certainly Chos kyi sgron ma’s first spiritual master, Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal, had a significant role in the expansion of printing. This is something that may be connected to his own spiritual and genealogical descent: his uncle Lo chen Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1352–1403), founder of both Shel dkar and Gung thang chos sde monasteries, was the spiritual master who initiated the 1407 print of a Haribadra’s commentary to the Abhisamayālaṃkāra91 just after the demise of Si tu Chos kyi rin chen (died in 1402) with the patronage of his son Si tu lHa btsan skyabs (Chos kyi sgron ma’s father-in-law). This was explicitly mentioned in the Shel dkar chos ’byung (f. 43b) as something new (’grel pa don gsal par gsar bzheng). In his turn Lo chen Grags pa rgyal mtshan’s maternal uncle and main teacher was Lo chen Byang chub rtse mo (1315?–1392) who prophetically announced the foundation of the Shel dkar monastery. The maternal uncle of Lo chen Byang chub rtse mo was dPang lo tsā ba Blo gros brtan pa (1276–1342). All of these masters were born in Zur tsho, an area that together with the neighbouring sMan khab appears again and again in relation to the availability of carving and printing skills and editorial work (including those linked to gTsang smyon Heruka and Kun tu bzang mo),92 and is located on the main route between Shel dkar and rDzong dkar/kha (as well as in the proximity of sPo rong dPal mo chos sding, Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal’s main seat). Furthermore, Zur tsho was also the area within which U rgyan pa (1230–1309), teacher of dPang lo tsā ba, was born, lived over significant stretches of his life, especially in his sBud skra monastic residence, and produced some of his works.93 During his peripatetic life U rgyan pa, who had been trained and ordained at Bo dong E, had supervised printing operations at the Yuan court, including that of a Kālacakra text produced at the end of the 13th century.94 It is perhaps not a coincidence that precisely this text is included, as print, in the collected works of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal (vol. 116 of the modern facsimile edition).95

Whether acquired through U rgyan pa and the Bo dong pa masters or the Sa skya political and religious networks, printing skills spread in South-Western Tibet involving increasingly not only the ruling élite but also larger sections of the population thanks to the action of charismatic spiritual masters.

As a royal bride first and as a disciple of Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal later, Chos kyi sgron ma participated in a wider range of connections that linked La stod lHo and Gung thang and created an important hub for the development and rapid expansion of printing technologies in 15th century Tibet.

                                                                                                                         90 This was produced by the rulers of Yar ’brog, Nam mkha’ bzang po and his nephew Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan, closely connected to Bo dong Phyogs las rnam rgyal (see Erhard 2000a: 13). The Bo dong pa tradition was thriving in both places and religious and technical cross-fertilization was likely. This included the fact that Chos kyi sgron ma’s reincarnation line was eventually established in bSam sdings monastery in Yar ’brog with the support of the Yar ’brog rulers (see Diemberger 2007: 253-54). The connection between these two areas was further enhanced through marriage alliances between the ruling élites of the two places (see Everding 2000: 558). 91 Details are mentioned not only in the colophon of the print but also in the text Ta si tu lha btsan skyabs kyi ’grel cung don gsal par du bsgrubs pa’i dkar chag tshigs bcad la published in a collection of newly retrieved Bodongpa texts. Cf. TSHTK: vol. 4, 3-1/303. 92 See Ehrhard 2010b: 154-55; Sernesi 2011b: 179-237. 93 See Li 2011: passim; Van der Kujip 1996: 43-51. 94 This is part of a variety of 13th/early 14th century prints produced at the Yuan court that made it to Central Tibet and are currently surfacing in an increasing number. See Sherab Sangpo 2009: 41-42. 95 I am indebted to the late Gene Smith for drawing my attention to this peculiar occurrence and to the potential link between U rgyan pa and the Bo dong pa masters in relation to printing.

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lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal and His Editorial Activity96 lHa btsun produced many important works at the sacred place of Brag dkar rta so, most of them sponsored by the royal family of Mang yul Gung thang. For example, Rin chen rnam rgyal’s rnam thar, one of the main sources of this article, was printed on the Gung thang king’s order.97 I counted 48 works compiled, edited, written or printed by this master. As far as I know, 13 of these works have not surfaced yet; therefore it is impossible to verify the attribution to Rin chen rnam rgyal. 18 of them are listed in lHa btsun’s rnam mgur and rnam thar. According to both works, most of the unavailable texts were written by Rin chen rnam rgyal after having experienced some visions, while two of them should be the dkar chags of the renovation works of the Svayaṃbhūnāth Stūpa and the ’Phags pa lha khang supervised by lHa btsun.98

The first reference provides information about the drafting of gTsang smyon’s rnam thar. After the great siddha had taught lHa btsun to draw maṇḍalas and had recounted the attainment of his Complete Liberation at sTag tshang, Rin chen rnam rgyal started to draft his master’s biography, probably by using the basic material written by another heart-son of gTsang smyon, namely Nor bu dpal ldan. lHa btsun wrote the rnam thar in a scroll at bSam gtan spyil po.99 This biography was then printed at Brag dkar rta so in 1543 by lHa btsun.100

The second reference to his rnam mgur mentions that Rin chen rnam rgyal spent seven years in several secluded sites on the way to sKyid grong, where he sponsored the realization of many ritual objects, providing instructions and composing a textbook on ‘The Four-lettered Mahāmudrā’ (Yi ge bzhi pa’i khrid yig).101 This happened around 1525, before the establishment of his seat at Brag dkar rta so. The text could refer to the work entitled “The Treasury of the View: The textbook of the Four-lettered Mahāmudrā” (Phyag rgya chen po yi ge bzhi pa'i khrid yig lta ba'i gter mdzod) listed in the ’Bras spungs Catalog (p. 1019).102 According to the same catalog (p. 1637), a further text entitled “Elucidation [of] Wisdom: Notes on the Instruction for the Four-lettered Mahāmudrā” (Phyag rgya chen po'i yi ge bzhi pa'i khrid kyi zin bris ye shes gsal byed) could be ascribed to Rin chen rnam rgyal.103

Another reference to lHa btsun’s activity mentions his encounter with the king of Kathmandu. It refers to the renovation works of the Svayaṃbhūnāth stūpa, the consecration ceremony and the request of the composition of a dkar chag.104

                                                                                                                         96 A part of this paragraph was presented by me at the 12th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan studies (IATS) which was held in Vancouver in 2010. 97 Cf. HTMC: f. 32a1-2. The ruler who sponsored lHa btsun’s rnam thar might be Kun bzang nyi zla grags pa or his two cousins, bKra shis dpal ’bar and Kun dga’ blo gros. 98 For a list of these works, see Clemente (forthcoming a). 99 Cf. HTNG: ff. 16a6-16b5. 100 It bears the title of “The Hair Bristling Biography of grub thob gTsang smyon” (Grub thob gtsang pa smyon pa’i rnam thar dad pa’i spu long g.yo ba). An original xylograph of this work is kept in the Tucci Tibetan Collection of the IsIAO Library in Rome (vol. 706, ff. 1-65a). Cf. HTTMNT. For its cataloguing, see De Rossi Filibeck 2003: 341. For its description and the translation of the colophon, see Clemente 2007: 124, 135-37. For a presentation of the text, see Larsson 2009: 50-52. This biography has been published together with gTsang smyon’s bDe mchog mkha’ ’gro snyan brgyud yig cha at the beginning of the first volume, but it comes from a separate manuscript and it is not part of the collection (see Sernesi 2007: Ch. 2). Two microfilms of this work are also obtainable from the NGMPP (reel n. E 2518/10, reel n. L 12/2). 101 Cf. HTNG: ff. 30b5-31a5. Phyag chen yi ge bzhi pa is a teaching transmitted by Sha ra Rab ’byams pa Sangs rgyas seng ge (1427–1470) to gTsang smyon. Sha ra Rab ’byams pa, who was the great siddha’s main master, had received it from his rtsa ba’i bla ma Ngag dbang grags pa (1418-1496), the 12th abbot of the sTag lung monastery. Among the lineages of the phyag chen yi ge bzhi pa which he conferred upon Sha ra Rab ’byams pa, two had passed through sGam po pa’s disciple Phag mo gru pa (1110–1170). See Ehrhard 2004b: 587-88; Sernesi 2007: 197-98; I. M. Stearns 1985: 23, 49, n. 14. On Sha ra Rab ’byams pa, see Ehrhard 2004b: 587-88, 593, n. 6; Ehrhard 2012: 162, n.12 & 173; Larsson 2009: 240-42; Larsson 2011: 432-37; I. M. Stearns 1985: 23. 102 I took this information from Martin&Cherniak’s database. See Martin&Cherniak 2011. 103 I took this information from Martin&Cherniak’s database. See Martin&Cherniak 2011. 104 Cf. HTNG: f. 40b1-5.

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At the end of lHa btsun’s rnam mgur, we find a reference to the printing of 120 woodblocks of Mi la ras pa’s mgur ’bum,105 Ras chung pa’s rnam mgur,106 Gling ras pa’s rnam mgur,107 rGod tshang pa mGon po rdo rje’s rnam mgur,108 gTsang smyon’s rnam mgur, the Outline of the Four-Lettered Mahāmudrā109 and a textbook on this teaching, the Outline of the Three Cycles of Dohās, the “Six Treasures of Dohās” (Do ha mdzod drug).110 Some of these works are mentioned again in Rin chen rnam rgyal’s rnam thar together with “The Three Cycles of Dohās” (Do ha skor gsum) and the dkar chag of the ’Phags pa lha khang restoration.111

Visions played an important part in the realization of lHa btsun’s works. In this paragraph I am going to detail how these visions acted as a powerful source of inspiration for him as it had been for his spiritual father. We know that gTsang smyon’s cultural project originated from a vision of Nāropa, who told him to compose Mi la ras pa’s rnam thar and also to edit the collection of his spiritual songs (mgur ’bum). According to the biography of gTsang smyon Heruka written by lHa btsun, Nāropa also directed him towards the patrons who would sponsor the work.112 In the course of time a number of visions kept on contributing to the great siddha’s                                                                                                                          105 It referes to rJe btsun mi la ras pa rnam thar rgyas par phye pa mgur ’bum, edited by gTsang smyon Heruka and printed by lHa btsun at Brag dkar rta so in 1555. A xylograph of this edition is kept at the British Library in London (BL 19999a3). This is the one used by Jäschke to work on his dictionary. It has many hand-written notes on it. Cf. MNTGB. A microfilm of this work is also available at the NGMPP (L 250/8-251/1, 250 folios). On this text, see Eimer&Tsering 1990: 71-72; Roesler 2000: 227-29; Schaeffer 2009: 62; Sernesi 2011b: 200, 225-26. 106 It refers to Tshe gcig la ’ja’ lus brnyes pa rje ras chung pa’i rnam thar rags bsdus mgur rnam rgyas pa, written by Rin chen rnam rgyal, completed and printed in 1563 (Male Water Pig Year) at Brag dkar rta so. The date of printing of this text arises some problems. According to lHa btsun’s rnam thar, indeed, he died in 1557 (Cf. HTMC: f. 28a2-7). There is also another source that confirms lHa btsun’s death. In the colophon of Sha ra Rab byams pa’s biography printed in 1559 by Byams pa phun tshogs (1503–1581), this latter wrote that the work was done in order to fulfill lHa btsun’s last wishes. See Schaeffer 2011: 473. The xylograph of Ras chung pa’s rnam mgur could have been written by lHa btsun before his death, but printed by one of his disciples in 1563. The Male Water Pig Year could also refer to 1503, but we know that Rin chen rnam rgyal arrived for the first time at Brag dkar rta so some time after gTsang smyon’s death, therefore after 1507 and that he established his seat there in 1525. A xylograph of this work is kept in the Tucci Tibetan Collection of the IsIAO Library in Rome (vol. 657/3, ff. 1-93a). 107 It refers to the biography with songs of Gling ras pa Pad ma rdo rje (1128–1188) entitled Grub thob gling ras kyi rnam mgur mthong ba don ldan, which was edited and printed at Brag dkar rta so by lHa btsun. This xylograph was sponsored by Kun bzang Nyi zla grags pa. Cf. GRPNG: f. 57/61a6-61b1. For other copies of this microfilm, see NGMPP reel no. E 2518/6, L 12/1, L 581/5 (incomplete). On this work see also Schaeffer 2011: 472; Smith 2001: 76. 108 It refers to the biography with songs of rGod tshang pa (1189–1258) entitled rJe rgod tshang pa’i rnam thar rgyal thang pa bde chen rdo rjes mdzad pa la mgur chen ’gas rgyan pa. This work was written by rGyal thang pa bDe chen rdo rje, but edited and expanded with songs of rGod tshang pa by lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal, compiled, committed to blocks and printed in 1563 at Brag dkar rta so. Cf. GTPNT: f. 42a2-7. For other microfilms of the same work, see also NGMPP reel no. E 2518/8, L 969/5 (incomplete), L 970/1. See also Schaeffer 2011: 472; Smith 2001: 75-76, 289, n. 183. 109 It should refer to the work entitled Phyag rgya chen po yi ge bzhi pa’i sa bcad sbas don gsal ba’i nyi ma. This was written by lHa btsun at Brag dkar rta so and printed at the same place. For microfilms of this work, see NGMPP reel no. L 569/10, E 2517/6. See also Schaeffer 2011: 476. 110 Both texts should refer to Bram ze chen pos mdzad pa’i dho ha bskor gsum | mdzod drug | ka kha dho ha | sa spyad rnams, a miscellanea of different authors such as Saraha, Nāgārjuna, Śavaripa, Virūpa, Tilopa, Nāropa, Maitrīpa, Kṛṣṇācārya, compiled and edited by lHa btsun and printed at Brag dkar rta so in 1543. An original xylograph of this work from Brag dkar rta so is kept in the Tucci Tibetan Collection at the IsIAO Library in Rome (vol. 1102, ff. 1a-35b). For its cataloguing, see De Rossi Filibeck 2003: 397. For its description and a partial translation of some colophons, see Clemente 2007: 125, 138-40. The whole text was reproduced from the original Brag dkar rta so woodblocks. See U rgyan rDo rje 1976: 107-79. Cf. HTNG: ff. 52a7-53a4. 111 Cf. HTMC: ff. 8a3-9a1, 10a6-12a5. 112 The story of the inspirational vision of Nāropa is narrated by lHa btsun in his biography of gTsang smyon Heruka. Cf. HTTMNT: ff. 46b3-47a6. A translation of this episode is provided in I. M. Stearns 1985: 66-68; Quintman 2006: 198-99.

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project. According to lHa btsun’s rnam thar, he experienced a vision in a dream before establishing his seat at Brag dkar rta so. He saw Ras chung pa together with two women adorned with bones. Ras chung pa predicted that he would not encounter any obstacles in his life.113 Also lHa btsun’s editorial activity at Brag dkar rta so began with a vision. During the first one, lHa btsun saw gTsang smyon Heruka in the form of the great brahmin Saraha. He experienced such vision while coming back from the Nepal Valley, where he had got the renovation works of the Svayaṃbhūnāth Stūpa underway (1530). Saraha granted him the introduction to the ‘Three Cycles of Dohās’, the Ka kha do ha and “The Thirteenth Chapter of the Sign Lineage” (brDa rgyud le’u bcu gsum pa), after which he dissolved into the top of lHa btsun’s head. Rin chen rnam rgyal woke up, offered a praise to Saraha and drew his vision in a wall painting. Later on, he composed the “The Outline of the Three Cycles of Dohās” (Do ha skor gsum gyi sa bcad).114

Following this, lHa btsun experienced other visions as well. The narrative pattern of these visions in lHa btsun’s rnam mgur is usually the same. The master appears and grants instructions, then Rin chen rnam rgyal wakes up and sings a praise for his master. He draws his vision and finally composes one or more works on the received teachings.

lHa btsun’s second vision occurred again after his return from the Nepal Valley (1531). He saw the Indian mahāsiddha Virūpa who bestowed ‘The eighteen oral instructions of the Path with the Result’ (Lam ’bras bu dang bcas pa’i man ngag bcwa brgyad) upon him. Virūpa then turned into the letter dhi and dissolved into Rin chen rnam rgyal’s heart centre. When lHa btsun woke up, he painted his vision in a thang kha which was offered to the king of Mang yul Gung thang. Later on, he drew the same vision on a wall painting and wrote down some notes on lam ’bras oral tradition (Lam ’bras kyi gsung rgyun man ngag rnams zin bris).115 Unfortunately, it seems that this latter painting and also others made by lHa btsun in various parts of the monastery got lost due to the reconstruction of the building in the course of time. Nevertheless, the wall painting of the eight mahāsiddhas that lHa btsun and his disciples created in the summertime of 1529 (glang lo’i dbyar) near Mi la ras pa’s cave might still be there. Traces of them might be among the few lines and pale figures visible around the cave.116

lHa btsun then experienced a vision of gTsang smyon in the form of Nāgārjuna who taught him the [text] gTum mo gtsor ston pa’i sgyu lus, ‘The Five Stages of the Profound Path’ (Zab lam rim pa lnga), ‘The Explanation of the Five Stages’ (Rim lnga’i bshad pa), and ‘The View of Profound Madhyamaka’ (Zab mo dbu ma’i lta ba). After his awakening, lHa btsun drew his vision and composed ‘The Essential Meaning of the Five Pacifications’ (Zhi lnga’i bsdus don).117

After this came the vision of gTsang smyon in the form of Tilopa who explained to him the rDo rje gzhung chung. This time lHa btsun painted his vision on a cotton piece of cloth. Then, he composed ‘The Outline of the rDo rje gzhung chung’ (rDo rje gzhung chung gi sa bcad) and other works on its teachings.118

Then gTsang smyon appeared to him in the form of Nāropa. He spoke about the supplementary words of the rDo rje tshig rkang and the instructions on the twelve major trials submitted to him by his master Tilopa. After this vision, lHa btsun once more painted it on a cotton piece of cloth and wrote ‘The Instructions on the Twelve Major Trials’ (dKa’ chen bcu gnyis kyi gdams pa rnams).119

Again, lHa btsun saw the Indian mahāsiddha Śavaripa. The master explained to him the “SeventhChapter of the Sign Lineage” (brDa rgyud le’u bdun pa) and the oral instructions on the Six Dharmas. lHa btsun portrayed Śavaripa on a cotton piece of cloth. Then, he authored ‘The

                                                                                                                         113 Cf. HTMC: f. 11b2-5. 114 Cf. HTMC: ff. 34a6-34b3. 115 Cf. HTNG: ff. 35a5-35b2. 116 Personal observation by Dr. Hildegard Diemberger (2011). 117 Cf. HTNG: ff. 39b6-40a4. 118 Cf. HTNG: f. 44b1-5. 119 Cf. HTNG: f. 45a3-7.

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Oral Instructions on the Six Dharmas’ (Chos drug gi man ngag rnams) as well as ‘The Outline of the Seventh Chapter of the Sign Lineage” (brDa rtsa le’u bdun pa’i sa bcad).120

The visions of Rin chen rnam rgyal appear repeatedly until the end of the rnam mgur. He saw gTsang smyon in the form of different masters: Mar pa,121 Mi la ras pa122 and Padmasambhava,123 in that order.

lHa btsun’s last vision consists of another apparition of Saraha. After his awakening, Rin chen rnam rgyal wrote ‘The Root Text and Commentary of the Sign Lineage’ (brDa rgyud kyi rtsa ’grel) and also ‘The Oral Instructions of Ye shes stong mthun124 (Ye shes stong mthun gyi man ngag).125

It is remarkable that lHa btsun experienced visions of masters belonging to different religious traditions such as Nāgārjuna, Virūpa and Padmasambhava. Unfortunately, all the texts written by him after these visions—according to the rnam mgur—are unavailable.

According to Rin chen rnam rgyal’s rnam thar, one night, toward the end of his life, lHa btsun dreamt of a woman who ordered him to print books. Following this vision, he prepared an anthology of Mi la ras pa’s songs that had not been included in the mgur ’bum compiled by his master.126 This was presumably the so-called rDo rje’i mgur drug (‘The Six Adamantine Songs’), a separate collection of songs attributed to Mi la ras pa, but entirely compiled and edited by Rin chen rnam rgyal, printed at Brag dkar rta so on the 1st April 1550.127 Originally, the songs, often with title and final dedication, existed as independent short texts.128

These visions probably helped lHa btsun make his works more authoritative, giving him the blessing of previous important masters. At the same time, they attracted sponsors for his printing projects, in other words, visions had the same relevance of prophecies in being powerful agents for the mobilization of popular support.

Conclusion As we mentioned in the introduction of this article, both Chos kyi sgron ma and lHa btsun Rin chen rnam rgyal belonged to the royal family of Mang yul Gung thang but they were both excluded from the competition for the throne, the former being a woman, the latter probably because of his illegitimacy or because of his decision to embrace a spiritual role rather than a hazarduous political one. However, they did not disappear from historical memory as marginal figures. They engaged with their predicament and gained a prominent role in the society of their time. Both were indeed able to become leaders in a way that transcended the ordinary separation of temporal and religious powers. Both used their influence to unify the opposite sides of the Gung thang royal family as well as the rulers of the neighboring territories. Both became                                                                                                                          120 Cf. HTNG: f. 46a2-7. 121 After this vision lHa btsun wrote ‘The Oral Instructions of the Essential Meaning of rGya gar gsang spyod (rGya gar gsang spyod kyi don bsdu’i man ngag rnams). Cf. HTNG: ff. 46b3-47a3. 122 When lHa btsun woke up, he composed ‘The Notes on the Oral Instructions of the Three Cycles of Sre ’pho’ (Sre ’pho skor gsum gyi zhal gdams zin bris). Cf. HTNG: ff. 48a5-48b1. 123 Padmasambhava gave Rin chen rnam rgyal some rnying ma pa teachings. Then, lHa btsun wrote ‘The Profound Instructions of the Inner Essence of the Master’ (Bla ma yang tig gi zab don rnams). Cf. HTNG: ff. 49a4-49b3. According to Ehrhard, Bla ma yang tig refers to Klong chen Rab ’byams pa’s new codification of the Bi ma snying thig and is part of his sNying thig ya bzhi collection. On this subject, see Ehrhard 1990: 20-27. 124 See Sernesi 2007: 70. 125 Cf. HTNG: ff. 51a4-51b6. Some of these visions have been mentioned by Quintman in a note appeared in his PhD dissertation. See Quintman 2006: 238, n. 123. 126 Cf. HTMC: f. 22b4. See Schaeffer 2011: 470. 127 The complete title is rJe btsun mi la ras pa’i rdo rje mgur drug sogs gsung rgyun thor bu ’ga’. An original Brag dkar rta so xylograph of this work is kept in the Tucci Tibetan Collection of the IsIAO Library in Rome (vol. 1089/2, ff. 1-109a). For its cataloguing, see De Rossi Filibeck 2003: 394. For its description, see Clemente 2007: 124-25, 138. Another copy of the same edition is kept in the Cambridge University Library (UL Tibetan 155.2). 128 On this work, see Sernesi 2004; Sernesi 2011b: 198-200; Roberts 2007: 37-38. For a translation of the whole text, see Cutillo&Kunga Rinpoche 1978; Cutillo&Kunga Rinpoche 1986.

Hildegard Diemberger & Michela Clemente 138

prominent spiritual masters who, while ‘renouncing the world’, were also able to undertake significant projects by mobilizing a huge quantity of resources thanks to their royal kinship as well as to their popularity. Their patronage networks included not only members of their family, but also local rulers, noblemen, craftsmen and common people such as shepherds, farmers, monks, and so on. By relying on their charisma, religious authoritativeness as well as prophecies and visions, both Chos kyi sgron ma and Rin chen rnam rgyal successfully built a relatively popular basis for their Buddhist enterprises. Their story shows how printing was promoted and spread throughout Tibet thanks to the synergy between higher and lower classes which was skilfully and cleverly created by masters who operated at different levels of society. One of the big questions that remain still to be explored concerns the extent and the long term impact of the technological, religious and social innovation of this period

The Introduction of Printing in Gung thang 139  

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