Rural and Urban Greece 1920-1930 The work of The Refugee Settlement Commission

Between 1924 and 1930, an international Refugee Settlement Commission (RSC) was established in Greece by the League of Nations to handle the loans that were given to the country in relation to the rural and urban settlement of about 1,5 million refugees as well as their actual settlement in Greece. The refugees were Greek Christians who had mainly come from Asia Minor (west Turkey) after the defeat of the Greek army. Apart from the final settlement of those refugees who were farmers in their home areas in Turkey, the Commission managed to settle or launch the settlement of a great number of urban refugees in the areas of Athens and Piraeus. The RSC was finally dissolved in 1930. My study of the settlement of the Asia Minor refugees began in 1983 and it first resulted in a Master’s Thesis (in English) which included a general view of the refugee settlement and its side effects. Later on and in three papers (in Greek) I touched the international diplomacy around the causes of the defeat of the Greek army as well as the rural and the urban settlement of the refugees by the RSC. The thesis is based on a three month very intensive archival and library research and the three papers on an additional eight year research in Greek, British, and US archives as well as extensive library research of published primary material of the period 1920-1930. Currently, the only pending research goal is a trip to Geneva and the archive of the League of Nations for the papers of those persons who were directly involved in the settlement of the Greek refugees and possibly some additional research to complement the published three-month reports of the RSC. Since 1983, there has been some scholarly research and publication activity regarding the rural and the urban settlement of the refugees in Greece. However, the researchers have mainly focused on the settlement of the refugees itself. My ambition is to give to the scholar and the general reader a broader perspective of the refugee settlement. The general non-specialist reader should be able to understand the political, social, economic, and international framework within which the settlement took place and how the RSC solved the land issue that had existed in Greece since its war of independence in the early 19th century. But, although the main pieces of this work do exist in the English and Greek languages in the studies that constitute this PDF file, the final version with the connected matter and its in depth analysis is pending. I hope that some time in the future I’ll be able to write in English the final version of the work of the international Refugee Settlement Commission in Greece within the framework of the local and international political, social, and economic history. Until then, the reader will find the published results of my research in this electronic file. Apart from a US Federal scholarship awarded through Kent State University, Ohio, USA, for the year 1983 for which I need to thank my thesis supervisor Prof. S. Victor Papacosma as well as the late Prof. Henry N. Whitney, the study depends wholly on personal funds that are used whenever they are available and whenever it is possible. Please be reminded that the text in this file is copyrighted by the author © Demetris I. Loizos, 1983-2014. This file may be freely distributed as a whole for scholarly and/or general educational purposes. No commercial use of the text and the file is allowed for whatever reason. This file was originally located at : http://www.anistor.gr/anistor/Asia_Minor_Refugees_RSC.pdf

Demetris I. Loizos 2014

LAND, PEASANTS, AND STATE POLICY IN INTERWAR GREECE (1924-1928)

LA.:mJ, PEASAUTS, AND STATE POLICY IN IliTERVlAR GREECE (1924-1928)

A thesis submitted to the Kent State University Graduate College

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts

by

Dimitrios Loizos

December, 1983

PREFACE

In 1922 the Greek army confronted an offensive by the

1urkish forces in Anatolia and was forced to retreat towards

the west coast of 1urkey, and eventually to Ureek soil. Along

with the retreating army more than a million Greeks who lived

in Turkey fled to Greece. In a country whose population at

that time was about five million people, a million refugees

presented a serious problem. Continuous wars since 1912 had

led to a financial blood-letting and Greece was in no position

to undertake the settlement of the refugees, almost half of

whom were peasants. A Refugee Settlement Commission under the

auspices of the ~eague of Nations was commissioned to

establish them on land.

In addition to the refugee~ a different group of peasants

was seeking land. They were former koligoi (metayer tenants)

who cultivated the land of the chifliks (large estates). The

chifliks were mainly situated in the new provinces of Thessaly,

Epirus, Macedonia, and Western Thrace, and they had been left

behind by the Turks. in some cases, especially in Thessaly,

large estates were owned by Greek or foreign proprietors. The

Greek state undertook the expropriation of these estates in

order to distribute the land to the former tenants.

The third issue that must be considered concerning rural

life, was the state policy towards both the landless peasants

iii

and the refugees. The agricultural policy of Greece in the

period after 1922 was formulated in response to the presence

of a new rural population. Agricultural credit, education,

reclamation and irrigation schemes were the major concerns

of the interwar Greek governments.

The interaction of these three issues changed the

character of Greek agriculture and the course of its develop­

ment. A historical examination of this transformation in the

early interwar period tl924-1928J will be the focal point

in the analysis. Since an authoritative study is lacking on

the subjects examined in this thesis for the 1920s, research

has been based on primary sources.

Inevitably, the study of such a topic makes the use of

some statistical data necessary for the understanding of

development~ in agriculture. However, reliable official Greek

statistical sources are lacking. The figures employed in

this thesis are usually derived from the publications of the

League of Na tiona, the .illa tio11:al Bank of. Greeoe, a11:d in

some cases, from contemporary works authored by individuals

either employed or affiliated with the Ministry of Agriculture

who had access to its unpublished statistics. ln some

instances there were slight differences in data from various

sources, and these cases are indicated in the text.

In many instances in this thesis two dates are used.

The first refers to the date in the Julian Calendar (old

style) and the second to that in the Gregorian Calendar (new

iv

style). Greece switched officially to the new style on 16

~ebruary/1 March 1923. However, the dates in the citations

of the primary sources have not been changed. Therefore,

dates in ureek primary sources before 16 ~ebruary 1923 are

cited according to the old style calendar while dates in

western sources are in the new style. Als~ transliteration

of Greek words has deviated from the standard rules adopted

by the ~ibrary of Congress. UenerallY; a letter to letter

transliteration is applied.

Many institutions provided both primary and secondary

material used in this study. I would like to thank the

personnel in the Historical Archive of the National Bank of

Greece; the Library of the Bank of Greece; the Academy of

Athens; the Greek Literary and Historical Archive; the Kent

State University Library; and the Gennadeion Library in

Athens.

The completion of this study would be impossible

without the help and encouragement of many individuals in

both Greece and the United States. I would like to express

my gratitude to Professors Theodore Tatsios, Lisa Keller,

and Cia Karayianni who guided and inspired my undergraduate

studies in History at Deree College in Greece. I am also

indebted to Professor Henry N. Whitney and the History

Department of Kent State University which facilitated through

an assistantship my studies in the United States.

Professor S. Victor Papacosma offered me his friendship;

v

scientific guidance, and irreplaceable help in the search

for primary sources. I owe him the stimulus for the study

of economic history of interwar Greece.

However, it was the affection of my parents that made

possible the completion of my studies. I owe them my achieve­

ments. The success of my studies would be impossible

without the love of my friend and companion Dimitras Kazakou.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES viii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ix

HTRODUCTIO,J 1

CHAPTER

I. THE GREAT HFLUX OF THE REFUGEES TO GREECE 13

II. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE REFUGEES IN GREECE 33

III. PROBLEMS AND EFFECTS OF THE REFUGEE SETTLEMEiJT 64

IV. AGRICULTURAL CREDIT A:{D THE liOLE OF THE NATIONAL BANK 76

V. PUBLIC AND PRIVATE EDUCATION IN AGRICULTURE 103

VI. SAlUTATION AND THE CQi:,STRUCTIOH OF PUBLIC WORKS 115

CONCLUSION

APPENDIX

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1924-1928: RU~~L GREECE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

MAP OF THE EXPANSIOn OF GREECE

vii

130

135

136

LIST OF TABLES

1. Chifliks and Free Villages in Thessaly •

2. Large Estates Considered for Expropriation 1931) . . 0 0 0 • 0 • 0 •

{1918-• •

3. Large Estates Definitely Expropriated by 1931 •

4, Land ueded to the Uommission by the end of 1925 •

•

•

•

•

10

41

42

46

5. Refugees settled by the RSC (1924-1925) 48

6. Distribution of riefugee Families in Rural Greece by 1926 0 •· • • • • • 0 • 0 • • • • 50

7. Population in Greek Macedonia in 1912 and 1926 65

8. Exchange Value of the Drachma in Relation to the Pound and the Dollar · • • • • • • •

9. Agricultural Cooperatives (1917-1933) •

10. Agricultural Loans Accordin~ to Province

11. Agricultural Loans According to Province

(1922-1923)

(1924-1925)

12. Agricultural Cr dit and Cost of Living (1915-1929)

13. Deaths Caused by Malaria in Greece (1924-1930) •

viii

•

•

68

82

86

89

93

120

AR

ATS

AOKE

DRS

docs

ETE

FO

f

GTNA

IAETE

Meet.

NA

OAD

RSC

RL

sv

YO

LIST OF ABBREVIATIOUS

Annual Report

Archive of Tsouderos

Archeion Oikonomikon kai Koinonikon E istimon Archive of Economics and Social Sciences

Drachmas

Documents

Ethniki Trapeza Ellados LUational Bank of Greec51./

Foreign Office

Folder

Georgiki Trapeza Nison Aigaiou LAgricultural Bank . of the Aegean Island~/

Istoriko Archeio tis Ethnikis Trapezis tis Ellados LHistorical Archive of the National Bank of Greec~/

liieeting on Ldat~/

!fational Archives, Washington

Economic Archive of Diomidis

Refugee Settlement Commission

Refugee Loan

Struma Valey Lplain/

Ypokatastima LBranch of the National Bank of Greec~)

ix

INTRODUCTION

When the Greek War of Independence broke out in 1821,

the land question became immediately an issue of major

importance and interest on the part of the Greeks. In an

area whose economy was' totally dominated by agriculture,

land ownership was a major source of wealth, local power,

and social position. The land question, therefore, created

disputes among the rebellious Greeks, jeopardizing the

future of their revolt and the economic capabilities of the

governments formed during the war. The lack of funds endangered

the existence of the national armed forces.

Those Greeks who organized uprisings in the Peloponnese

and Roumeli in the spring of 1821, attacked and forced the

Turkish minority to move from rural retreats to the few

garrisoned towns. The Turks lost their lands, and the

revolutionaries declared that their rivals had absolutely no

rights upon the estates found in the liberated areas.

Although Greeks took away the property of their enemies,

they did not disturb the large Christian landowners and their

estates.

It is impossible to calculate with precision how much

of the land the Greeks managed to control in this first

phase. Accurate contemporary records are lacking and only a

very rough estimate of the arable land and its allocation

·1

between Christians and Muslims is possible. It appears that

in 1821 only about 20 percent of the 45,000 sq. klm. of the

Peloponnese and Roumeli was arable. Half of it, which was

the property of the Turks, be.came Greek property ,1

2

In December 1821/ January 1822 the First !{a tional

Assembly met at Epidauros and declared that the former

Ottoman estates were ethnikai yaiai ("national estates") and

belonged to the nation, that is, to the Greeks as a whole. It

was also announced that the Provisional Government of Greece

formed by the Assembly had the right either to sell or use

the lands as security for loans. While Greeks fought and

demanded the redistribution of the land, the wartime

governments kept it as state property. In 1824 and 1825 the

Greek government concluded two foreign loans. The first loan

of £800,000 at an interest of 5 percent was agreed upon with

the English bankers Longman and O'Brien and secured by the

mortgaging of the national estates and the revenues produced

by salt-pits, customs, and fisheries. The second loan of

£2,000,000 at 5 percent was also secured by the nation~l

lands. 2

) . . 2McGrew, "The Land issue," pp. 118-119 ; Alivizatos,

3

ln 1828 loannis Kapodistrias was elected First Governor

of Greece. When he came to "Greece, he introduced a number of

measures for the benefit of agriculture and peasants. He

made land-grants to communities,and he invited a specialist

from Ireland to supervise the growing of potatoes. He also

imported :from Europe a large quantity of plows and :founded

the first Agricultural School of Tiryns at Nauplion (1829-

187U).

Apart :from all these efforts, however, agriculture

remained backward for the remainder of the nineteenth

century. Greece had emerged from the War of Independence

in a very bad economic position with a disorganized

administration. Methods of cultivation were primitive, and

many trees had been burned or destroyed along with roads

and bridges during the war. The typical lodging of the rural

population was a hay hut and as late as 1870 less than half

of the cultivable area was under cultivation. On the other

hand, the state, which owned in the form of the national

estates 35 percent of the cultivated land in the country,

did not proceed to the expected distribution until 1871.3

La reforme agraire, p. 103 ; Panagiotis Dertilis, Le nrobleme de la dette 0ubligue des etats Balkanigues (Athens: Flamma, 1936;, P• 11 . " " " "

3Kimon A. Doukas, "Agrarian Reform in Greece," American Journal of Economics and Sociology 5{0ctober-July 1945-1946): 80-81 ; A. A· Pepelasis, "The Legal System and ~conomic Development of Greece," Journal"of Economic History 19{June 1959 ;," p. 179 ; Vergopoulos, To agrotiko zi tima, p. 106.

Nevertheless, before the distribution of 1871, parts

of the state lands had been given away by the previous

governments. The administration of King Otto introduced on

4

20 May/1 June 1834 a law by which those officers, non­

commissioned officers', soldiers, and marines who had fought

during the War of Independence had the right to buy national

estates. Moreover, by a law of 25 May/6 June 1835 each head

of a family could acquire national land not exceeding the

total value of DRS 2,000. Therefore, those Greeks who could

afford to buy land acquired estates which they did not often

have the skill to cultivate,and they usually hired tenants

to work for them. It is estimated that before the distribution

of 1871 the governments had donated or sold 547,000 stremmas

(135,109 acres).4

Apart from the national estates and some chifliks

(large estates left by the Turks in AttikaJ the remainder

of the arable area consisted of small tracts of land. This

latter type of ownership was reinforced by the non-industrial

orientation of Greek government policy during the

nineteenth century. The majority of the population was

employed in agriculture and peasants were forced to cultivate

exportable goods (mainly currants). Moreover, the law of

10 June/22 June 1857 lifted duties ··.·for imported

agricultural implements in an attempt to increase production.

4Alivizatos, "Agrarian Reform,"

La reforme agraire, pp. 120-126 ; Doukas, PP• 82-83.

5

On the other hand, one .of the reasons for the distribution

of 1871 was an effort on the part of the state to keep

production high and to increase the cultivated land. It is

estimated that from 1871 to 1893 the area that had been

distributed bY. the state amounted to some 2,700,000.stremmas

(666,900 acres).5

In 1881, a few years after the distribution had started,

Greece annexed the large fertile area of Thessaly and Arta.

The Greek government, however, was obliged to recognize the

rights of the Turkish owners in the newly-acquired area.

According to the terms agrFed upon in Berlin and Constan­

tinople {1881), Greeks were not allowed to nationalize the

Ottoman estates. These estates were mainly chifliks .and

were finally sold to wealthy Greeks of the diaspora.

Although it appears that more fertile land was added to

Greece with new prospects for the development of agriculture,

exactly the opposite occurred. In the mountainous region of

Thessaly properties varied from 60 to 100 stremmas (about

15 to 25 acres). In the same region there were also

kefalochoria ("free villages"), the inhabitants of which

were self-sufficient cultivators. By contrast, in the plains

5vasilis Panagiotopoulos, "I biomichaniki epanastasis kai i Ellada, :1832-1871, 11 LGreece and--Industrial Revolution, 1832-1871/ in Eks chronismos kai biomichaniki e anastasi sta Balkania ton o aiona l'lloderniza ion and ndustria Revolution in the Balkans in the 19th Century . Athens: Theme1io, 1980), pp. 217-231 ; Vergopoulos, 'l'o agrotiko zitima, p. 117 ; B. Simonide, "La question agraire en Grece, 11 Revue d' Economie Politigue 37(1923): 773-774.

6

which constituted the largest area of cultivated land, large

ownership (chifliks) was dominant. The peasants of the

chifliks were koligoi, that is, they worked the land as

tenants. In this system the landowner furnished the land

(about 600 stremmas or 148 acres), shelter, and seed, and

the koligoi, in turn, their personal work, the necessary

animals for cultivation, and the cost of production ( salaries

for the agricultural workers and transportation expenses).

The above system was called missarikon (missos=half), because

the owner shared the crop with each one of his tenants. In

some cases the tritarikon (triton=one third) was in use,and

the owner provided the land while the cultivators paid for

all the expenses of cultivation. The owner took one third of

the production and the koligoi the rest. 6

Apart from this type of land tenure, peasants had to

face the threat of thieves and brigands and to secure credit

obtained from private lenders at exorbitant interest rates.

They were also isolated in their villages because of the

poor communications and transport networks. In 1880 the

kingdom of Greece had less than 400 miles of roads and in

1883 about 14 miles of rail.wa.y.

6vergopoulos, To a~otiko zitima, p. 120 ; Chrysos Evelpidid, Oikonomiki kal koinoniki istoria tis Ellados

An Economic and Social Risto of Greece Athens: Papa:;:;isis, ,_p. 54 .; Simonide, "La question ·agraire," PP• 778-779 ; Winthrop D. ~ane, "Greece's Drastic Agrarian Law and Capital Tax," Current History l8(April-September l923J, P• 447.

Greece in the nineteenth century did not exploit her

agricultural resources efficiently, although it is argued

that they were sufficient to support a population larger

than. that of the period. Moreover, capital originating

from foreign private investors or from foreign public

7

loans was not employed in the development of agriculture.

Between 1879 and 1893 Greece borrowed from foreign countries

about 750 million gold francs at unfavorable terms. These

loans were raised at 25 to 30 percent below par. The largest

part of this amount was used to counterbalance losses in

the public sector of the economy due to inefficient

administration.?

Capital shortages, however, did not prevent a change in

the agricultural economy of the country. In the latter part

of the nineteenth century the self-sufficient economic model

shifted to a more profit-oriented one with the increase in

the exportation of currants. In 1878 the phylloxera blight

had decreased drastically the production of French vineyards

and local producers increased enormously the importation of

grapes from Greece. However, by 1892 French growers managed

to restore local production and imposed a high tariff on

Greek currants. Consequently, the collapse of the market for

Greek currants and budgetary deficits led to the national

'ba,nkruptcy in 1893. 'fhe economic crisis that followed forced

7Pepelasis, "The ~egal System,• pp. 178-182 ; Doukas, "Agrarian Reform," p. 84 ; Douglas Dakin, ·rhe Unification of Greece (London: Benn, 1972J, p. 147.

large numbers of Greeks to emigrate to the United States. 8

In 1909 a group of non-commissioned officers of the

Greek armed forces organized the "Miiitary League" and

executed a coup d' etat. The next year the Military League

8

in a series of proposals asked for the establishment of a

Ministry of Uommerce and Agriculture as well as for the

distribution of the Thessalian estates to peasants. Meanwhile,

Eleutherios Venizelos had come to Greece and finally became

premier. During his first administration Venizelos formed a

Ministry of Agriculture, uommerce and Industry; provided

legislation for the creation of cooperatives, and granted

funds for the training of horticulturists and agronomists

both in Greece and abroad. However, his program was

interrupted by the wars of the period 1912-1922 and by the

subsequent dichasmos (split; in the Greek population

between the supporters of King Uonstantine and of Venizelos

after 1915.9

The Balkan Wars of 1912-1913 provided a temporary

step backward for the development of Greek agriculture. In

1913 a shortage of cereal crops was due to the lack of

spring rains, smaller area under cultivation, and, most

8Dakin, The Unification, p. 250.

9Alivizatos, La reforme agrair~, pp. 166-167 ; Doukas, "Agrarian Reform," p. 86 ; Gior~os Dertilis Koinoni~os metaschimatismos kai stratiotik~ euembasi 18so-r9o9 rsocial ransfarmation and Militar Intervention 1380-1909 (Athens:

Exan as, l , pp. 11 and 1 -197 ; S. Victor Pa~acosma, The Mili ta in Greek Politics: The 1909 Q.Ju d' Eta t (Kent,

State niv. Press, 7 , pp. 140-143 and 168.

importantly, the lack of draught animals which had been

requisitioned by the government for the war. Nevertheless,

the positive effects of the war included the acquisition of

the fertile areas of Macedonia, Epirus, Crete, and the

Aegean Islands which had been awarded to Greece by the

peace treaties. Moreover, Greece acquired in Macedonia 385

miles of railwa~ thereby increasing its length of railway

track to 1,371 miles by 1914.10

9

By 1912 a series of laws provided for the purchase and

distribution of 57 chifliks in Thessaly and by 1914 the

government had distributed 1,085,700 stremmas (259,523 acres)

to 4,398 families of Thessalian peasants and 2,624 refugee

families who had come to Greece from Bulgaria and Romania

due to the Balkan Iars. The redistributed area represented

only one sixth of the total area of chifliks in Thessaly,

and on the eve of World War I 238 large estates still remained

in the province.11

According to the statistics in Table 1,

provided by the Ministry of Agriculture, in 1919 the number

of free villages was greater than the number of chifliks in

Thessaly.

Land expropriation was still in progress in Thessaly

when Macedonia and Epirus were added to the Greek kingdom

lOsc:Ollsman to SE;!<;retQXY of Stat!:!, Athens, 30 May 1913, NA 868.bi/Lunnumbere£j ; Dakin, The Unification, p. ~46.

11Ali;izatos, La reforme ag~aire pp. 150-151 ; Vergopoulos, To agrotiko z~t~ma, p. IG9.

TABLE 1

CHIFLIKS AND FREE VILLAGES IN THESSALY

Year

1881 1919

Ke.fa1ochoria

198 400

Chi.fliks

460 228

Total

658 628

10

SOURCE: B. Simonide, "La reforme agraire en Grace," Revue d' Economie Po1itigue 37(1923), p. 780.

in 1913. Large estates could also be found in the new

provinces and,therefore, a new agrarian question emerged. By

June 1917 the political dichasmos between King Constantine,

who favored neutrality for Greece during World War I, and

Venizelos, who advocated an alliance with the Entente, had

resulted to the presence of two governments: one in Athens

and another in Thessaloniki. In the five decrees, 2466 to

2470,published in 1917 by the Provisional Government of

Venizelos in Thessaloniki the large estates of the new

provinces became subject to expropriation. Later, when

Venizelos came to Athens as Prime Minister and Constantine

went into exile, Law 1072 of 29 December 1917/11 January 1918

provided for the extension of the decrees to all regions of . 12

Greece. tor the first time a government was publishing

legislation which provided for the expropriation of chifliks

in all provinces of Greece.

Agriculture in Macedonia during the First World War

was in such a bad condition that allied troops which were

12Alivizatos, La reforme agraire, p. 205.

11

fighting in the area had difficulties acquiring foodstuffs.

Agricultural machinery was lacking and agricultural

implements used by the natives were primitive, resulting in

much arable land remaining idle. The magnitude of the problem

for the troops was great enough to force the French army to

use American machinery in order to cultivate tracts of land.

Seven farms of about 17,000 acres had already been laid out

near fhessaloniki and during 1918 6,424 acres had been

ploughed and seeded for the use of the troops. Along with

the Frenc~the British had about 5,000 acres under tillage

and cultivated them also with American machinery. They had

started in. early 1918 and the major crops were barley, wheat,

potatoes, oats a.nd vetoes •·13

Allied officials had already noted how fertile a land

Macedonia was and how much arable land was uncultivated. It

was believed that irrigation works in the Struma plain and

the control of the river Strymon during flood seasons could

increase fertility and the area of cultivable land. Living

conditions, however, seemed to be miserable. Both Macedonia

and Thrace were thinly populated. Official statistics for

1920 state that there were about 45 inhabitants per sq. klm

in Southern Greece, 33 in Thessaly and 29 in Macedonia.

l3Horton to Secretary of State, Salonika, 30 May 1918, NA 868.61/4 ; Horton to Secretary of State, Salonika, 9 January 1919, NA 868.61/6 ; Horton to Secretary of State, Salonika, 23 January 1919, NA 868.61/7.

12

Peasants had to walk long distances from their village

house to cultivate their tracts of land with primitive

agricultural implements. They also had to pay high taxes. 14

Lack of funds, the absence of an effective Ministry of

Agriculture with field specialists, the delay of agrarian

reforms in all provinces of Greece, continuous preoccupation

of the governments with national expansion, and lack of

sufficient:agricultural credit were the major reasons for

the backwardness· of Greek agriculture in the nineteenth and

early twentieth centuries. Moreover, the miserable life of

peasants accompanied by the lack of state guidance and

assistance, contributed collectively to the gloomy picture

of rural life until 1922.HO~~ seveDll years later in 1924

everything would start to change in the aftermath of a

political and military disaster. The coming of more than a

million refugees to Greece after the debacle in Asia Minor

marked a new era for the development of Greek agriculture.

14Horton to Secretary of State, Salonika, 23 January 1919, NA 868.61/7 ; Alivizatos, La reforme agraire, p. 199.

CHAPTER I

THE GREAT IliFLUX OF THE REI!'UGEES TO GREECE

In the ten years between 1912 and 1922 significant

~umbers of refugees poured into Greece from the north and

the easto ~ven earlier, from l906-f Bulgaro-Greek antagonism

forced some Greeks who lived in Eastern Rumelia to migrate.

In t~e 1910s Greeks from Eulgaria, ~erbia, Turkey, and the

Russian Caucasus came to Greece, while non-Greeks f.:-om r:ewly-

acquired ::lacedor:ia emigrated. ·The I3alk8.n 'iiars and ·r, orld ·::ar I

had accelera+.ed these movements and changed the demography of

Macedonia and Thrace. m· ....ne larcest population shif"c, however,

took place when more than one million Greeks were

forced to migrate from Turkey due to the defeat of the Greek

army in 1922. This movement along with the compulsory

exchange of populations between the two countries that

followed created the serious problem of a large refugee

population in Greece.

H.efugees during the Wars (1912-1918)

The wars that took place in the Balkan peninsula between

1912 and 1918 affected large numbers of civilians living

close to the battlefields. In 1912 after the armies of the

Balkan states moved in to 'J!urkish !;iacedonia and Thrace, it was

estimated that about 10,000 Turks left their homes and went

13

over to Turkey. During the Second Balkan War in 1913 about

15,000 Bulgarians migrated from Macedonia and about 5,000

Greeks who lived in Serbian Macedonia moved to Greece.

Moreover, an estimated 5,000 Greeks who worked as metayers

in Caucasian estates belonging to Russians came to Greece

because rumors had it that Athens was going to distribute

lands. During 1913 and 1914 Greeks of Western Thrace moved

to Macedonia because they found themselves under !ulgar-

14

ian rule at the end of the Balkan wars. In the same period

about 100,000 to 115,000 Turks left Central and Eastern

Macedonia and took refuge in Turkey. On the other hand, the

Turkish government expelled about 100,000 Greeks from Eastern

Thrace and the littoral of Asia Minor. However, between 1919

and 1922, when Greece was given Eastern Thrace and the

adminjstration of the Smyrna area, about 140,000 people

returned to their homes. Also in 1919 and 1920 about 55,000

people were forced to flee to Greece from Southern Russia

because of BolShevik agitation.1

Precise figures on the Greek refugees during the war

period are lacking because the 1920 census did not

distinguish between natives and refugees. The first official

lA, A. Fallis, "Racial Migration in the Balkans during the years 1912-1924," Geofraphical Journal 66lJuly-December 1925;, p. 317 ; A. A. Pal is, ~eri antalagis plythismon kai epoikismou en ti Balkaniki kata ta eti 1912-1920 'On the Exchan e of Po ulat~ons and Settlement in the Bal=ans durin

he 'I. ears u Gons an ~m~p e: , p. ; o n impson, The ~roblem (London : Oxford Univ. Press,

1939), p •. l3

15

census after the debacle took place in 1928 and the refugees

were divided into the two categories o·f those who

came before or after the September 1922 defeat by Turkey.

Uertainly, the number of people recorded by the census does

not present an accurate picture of the refugee influx. By the

time of the census many thousands had died of hardships and

epidemics while, on the other hand, many refugees had

emigrated to the United States, France, Egypt and other

countries. 2

According to the official census of 1928 there were

151,892 refugees who had arrived in Greece before 1922 and

1,069,957 who had come after. Of the total of 1,221,849

about 5U percent had come from Asia Minor, 25 percent from

Thrace, and the remaining 25 percent from Bulgaria, Cau.casus

Constantinople, Romania, Serbia, Russia, and Albania. 3 'fhe

Greek governments tried to settle on land some of these

refugees who came before 1922. The problems they

faced would determine the attitude of the state in the

settlement of the Asia Minor refugees in the 1920s.

Bulgaro-Greek antagonism after 1906 forced some

2stephen .P. Ladas, The Exchange of Minorities: Bulgaria Turkey!> and Greece (New York: NlacmHlan, 1932), pp. 440-441 ; A. A. allis, "The lireek Census of 1928," Geographical Journal 73tJanuary-June 1929), p. 543.

3Greece, Ministry of National Economy, General Statistical Service of Greece, A otelesmata tis a o rafis tou 1 thismou tis ~llados tis 15- esu s o4 the vensus o the Ponulation of lireece of 5 15-1 1928 , 4 vols Athens: National Prin ing Uffice, 1933), l:table 40.

16

of the Greeks in Bulgaria to come to Greece. The government

tried to settle them in Thessaly, building new villages such as

those of Almiros and Nea Agchialos. Most of these refugees

had come from towns and villages in the region of Btirgas,

Kawakli, and Ehillipopolis and were forced to live in rural

settlements. A special bureau of the Ministry of Agriculture,

Commerce, and industry took care of them until the separate

creation of the Ministry of Agriculture in 1917. 4

The government commission.ed the National Bank of Greece

to deal with the owners of the Thessalian estates subjected

to expropriation, and to provide loans for the refugees.

Moreover, timber was imported from Trieste for uses in the

construction of houses in the refugee villages.5

The refugees in Thessaly cultivated tobacco and the

National Bank provided loans of DRS 100 for each peasant.

However, most of the refugees were generally unable to meet

obligations on time andasked to pay their debts in installments

The dispute between the new inhabitants and the Bank continued

in the 1910s. The refugees were convinced that the state

was not going to ask them to pay back the new loans and

although in 1911 the crop was goo~ only 15 out of 600 paid.

Both the state and the Bank, therefore, were obliged in 1915

4Periklis A. Arg,yropoulos, A~omnimoneumata /Memoirs/, 2 vols (Athens:. 1970), 1:79-80 ; .adas, .clxchange of lhnori ties p. 121 ; Henry Morgen~hau, I Was Sent to Athens, Garden City, N.Y.: Doubladan Doran & Co, 1929), p. 268.

/5yo A1myros(to ETE~ Almyros, 28 July-29 December 1907,

IAETE X-A, f 56 9 dOCS).

17

to threaten or even to proceed with the confiscation of the . 6

debtor's crops.

During the World War I period about 500 refugee inhabitant:

of Thessaly were drafted, many of them owing money to the

National Bank. Moreover, about one fourth of the debtors

emigrated abroad or moved to other areas of Greece. According

to the statistics compiled by the National Ba~ by July 1918

former refugees had emigrated to Bulgaria, Romania, France,

the United Sta2s 7 and to other areas in Greece while 89 had

died. The Bank proceeded to confiscate a machine used by the

tobacco growers and refused to grant them any new loans.?

Under the political conditions of the era and by the end

of the First World War many refugees had the illusion that

they could go back to their houses in Bulgaria. They thus

refused to pay back any old debts. It also appears that the

refugees believed that they were not obliged to pay back their

debts since the Bank would give them new credit. 8

6yo Al.rcyros to ETE Almyros, 22 April-28 May 1911, IAETE/ X-KB, f 7 ~4 docs) ;_Letter Irom Agchialos to ETE, Agchialos, 30 December 1911, I~TE/X-KB, f 7 ; YO Almyros to ET~, Almyros, 21 January 1912, IAETE/X-KB, f 7 ; ~TE to YO Almyros Athens, 30 May 1915, IAETE/X-KB, f. 7 ; YO Almyros to .!!:TE, 22 June 1915, IAETE/X-KB, f 7.

1yo Almyros to ETE, Almyros, 19 September 1916-26 September 1918, IAETE/X-KB, f 7 (4 docs) ; ETE to YO A1myros, Athens, 23 June 1918-29 September 1918, IAETE/X-KB, f 7 ~2 docs). .

8ro Almyros to ETE Almyros 7 October 1918, IAETE/ X-KB, f 7 ; ETE to YO_Aimyros, Aihens, 19 October 1918, IAETE/ X-KB, f 7 ; YO Larissa to ETE, Larissa, 9 September 1917, IAETE/X-KB, f 11.

18

1n many instances bot~ the Greek governments and the

National Bank faced difficult. situations with these refugees.

Loans were not paid off and World War I complicated even more

the situation between creditor and debtors. However, although

the Bank had granted loans since 1911 , many of which were ffiin.

outstanding h 1918, it did not resort- to any legal measures

until the end of World War I. This experience with refugees

wW4 force the National Bank of Greece to secure better its

loans to peasants in the 192us.

The Refugees from Bul~aria

The Greek refugees who came from Bulgaria had left

behind friends and relatives. When Greece and Bulgaria

signed at Neuilly the Convention Concerning Reciprocal

Emigration in November 1919, there were still about 50,000

Greeks in Bulgaria and about 100,000 Bulgarians in Greece.

According to the convention signed in London on 12/25

August 192U the exchange of populations would be voluntary

and carried out under the auspices of a Mixed Commission. 9

However, by June 1923 only 197 Greek and 166 Bulgarian

families had registered to be exchanged. The beginning of

the settlement of the refugees from Asia Minor the following

year, finally forced the Bulgarians to emigrate to Bulgaria

~orne of the Bulgarian families had experienced suffering

when because of military reasons in the beginnning of 1923

about 1,500 to 2,000 families were deported to the Greek

islands and Thessaly. This action of the Greeks frightened

moot of 1he rest who managed to . flee to Bulgaria. When the

deported families came back by the end of 1923 they found

19

their houses and lands requisitioned for the settlement of

Greek refugee families and, therefore, their only hope was

to be allowed to emigrate to ~ulgaria. The Bulgarian

government, however, did not have an~ administrative agency

for the. settlement of their refugees. As a resul~they were

very hostile to the Greeks who still lived in Bulgaria and

finally forced them, one way or~eother, to emigrate to ureece.

After 1923, therefore, the number of those who were

registered to emigrate on both sides increased enormously.

Between 1923 and 1928, according to the statistics of the

Mixed Commission, 46,000 Greeks emigrated to Greece ( the

entire minority), and 92,000 Bulgarians to Bulgaria. 10

The National Bank of Greece was interested in the influx

of refugees f,r!,}m. Iiu.J.g;:ui~. ?.l+si c.ollllllis;lioned oae of its

inspectors to investigate the prospects for their settlement.

In his report in 1921 he claimed that those who had already

emigrated were able to support their families. However, 60

percent of those who still lived in Bulgaria were involved

with agriculture while the remainder were workers, petty-

10Ladas, Exchan~e of Minorities, pp. 105-122 · G~eat Britain, Naval Intel ~gence D~v~s~on, Greece, 3 vois tn.p.: NID, 1944-45), 1:346-348.

bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie. There would be an immediate

need for their settlement on land. They needed, therefore,

suitable lands, agricultural implements, houses, and

foodstuffs until the first crop.11

The Refugees from Asia Minor and Thrace

20

During the last stage of Greece's retreat before Turkish

forces in the late summer of 1922 large numbers of Asia

Minor Greeks gathered in Smyrna to wait for ships to rescue

them. About 250,000 people were transported and among them a

small number of Armenians. About 100,000 refugees also

gathered at Mersina and were eventually taken by Greek ships

to Aegean Islands opposite the Asia Minor littoral. Mytilini,

Chios, Thessaloniki, and Pi~s were eventual points of

disembarkation. By September 1922 about 150,000 refugees had

already arrived in Greece, many of them in a desperate state

suffering from deseases such as typhus, smallpox, and cholera.

By November another 350,000 had arrived via Constantinople,

having left their homes on the Black Sea coast. 12

arian •

1 2Louis P. Cassomatis, Greek-American Relations; 1917-1929, PhD. Dissertation, Kent State University, 1978 ; Lindley to Curzon, Athens, 10 February 1922, FO 371/7603, No. 80, "Greece, Annual Report 1921," p. 25 LHereafter cited as FO 371/7603, AR 1921/ ; Bentinck to Curzon, Athens, 20 March 1923, FO 371/8832, No. 112, "Greece, Annual Report 1922," p. 41

21

In January 1923 the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek

and Turkish Populations was agreed to at Lausa~~e and was to

come into force after the Treaty of Lausanne's signing in July

1923. According to the terms of the Convention a compulsory

exchange of Greek Orthodox in Turkey and of Moslems in Greece

would take place. 13 There are no statistics about the number of

refugees who poured into Greece because many of them did not pass

through the services of the Mixed Commissio~which was set up

for the exchange. It is eJtimated that about 1,400,000 people

entered Greece after 1920,including Greeks from Turkey, Bulgaria,

and Russia. The Armenians who were also expelled from Turkey were

believed to number about 40,000. A great number of the _Greek

refugees were old men, women, and children because the Turks

detained men of military age tbetween 18 and 45). These Greeks

were employed in the so-called "labor battalions" to clean ruins

and restore railroads. The number of these people was estimated at

25,000. However, the inhumane conditions of work had reduced their

number to less than 15~000 when they were transported to Greece

in 1923.14 The lack of young men created difficulties in the

/Hereafter cited as .1!'0 371/8832, AR 1922/; U.S., Department of State, Foreign Relations of the united ~tates, 1922, Vol 2 (Washington,IGPO, 1938), p. 434 LHereafter cited as U.S., Foreign Relations/ ; New York Times, 9 October 1922, p. 4 and 12 November 1922, p. 17 and 21 December 1922, p. 2.

13Psomiades, ~astern Question, p. 66; League of Nations, Treaty Series, 32(1925;, No. 807.

( 14Leagge)of Nations~ L' etablissement des refu~ies en Grece Geneve: 1926 , p. 12 ; .t:le!iCinck to MaCdonald, Atne s, %May 1924,

22

settlement of refugees. Those who died in Asia Minor

represent-ed a considerable number of working hands. Moreover,

those who came back were in no position to undertake their

responsibilities due to the hardships they had experienced.

The greatest number of refugees landed at the ports of

Pi~s and Thessaloniki where in late 1922 the refugees

exceeded 100,000 in each place In the beginning they were

left without shelter to gather on the quays and in public

squares. Later in the winter of 1922-1923 they were

temporarily moved to factories, schools, thea tre.s, churches,

railway stations, and generally in every available large

building. Foreign organizations offered their services to

help them, providing widespread relief. The American Red

Cross tARC) received an appeal by the Greek Red Gross and

immediately after the debacle organized relief work among

the refugees. From the Fall of 1922 until 30 June 1923 when

it closed down, the ARC fed between 500,000 and 870,000

refugees assembled in camps throughout Greece, spending

approximately ~3,U00,000. 15

FO 371!9896, J{o 555, ••Greece, Annual Report 1923," p. 48 LHereafter cited as ~·o 371/9896, AR 1923/ ; FO 371/8832, AR 1922, p. 9 ; U.S., Forei~n Relations, 1922, Vol 2, p. 437 ; William Miller, Greece (?ew York: c. Scribners' Sons, 1928, 1928), P• 281 ; charles P. Howland, "Greece and her Refugees," Foreifn Affairs 4 (October-July 1925~1926), p. 615 ; League of Na ions, Fourth Quartely Report, Athens, 23 December 1924, C.767.M269.l924.II.

15cassimatis Greek-American Relations, pp. 197-198 ; U.S., Foreign Reiat~ons, 1922, Vol 2, pp. 432-433 ; C. A. ~a~artney, Refu ees: The Work of the Lea e~London_/: LON Um.on, Ll931? , p. 84 ; Ladas, Exchange of Minorities, p .622;

23

Apart from the refugees who came from Asia Mino~ there

were also refugees from Eastern Thrace. According to the

Mudania Convention of 28 September/11 October 1922 the

Greeks of Eastern Thrace had to evacuate this area. They

were allowed to take all their movable possessions and thus

were able to bring livestock, vehicles, and some of their

property to Greece. According to the reporter of the

Hew York Times, it was a two-hundred-and-fifty-mile procession

of men, women, and children moving westward to the lands of

Macedonia. However, they, as well as other refugees, did

not escape serious epidemics (smallpox, exanthematic typhus,

pneumonia, and typhoid fever) in the winter of 1923.16

The Refugee Settlement Commission

Dr. Fritzof Nansen, the High Commissioner of the League

of Nations for Russian Refugees at Constantinople was the

first prominent official to make an appeal for international he

to the Greek refugees. In his report of 5/18 November 1922

to the League , Nansen presented the gloomy picture of the

refugees in Greece. He stated that among the 900,000 refugees

Hughes to Jusserand, Washington, 31 March 1923, NA 868.51/RSC/ 16 ; FO 371/8832, AR 1922, PP• 39-42 ; FO 371/9896, AR 1923, p. 48 ; New York Times, 15 September 1923, p. 3.

FO L' P·

16u~s., Foreign Relati~ns, 1922, Vol 2, p. 444 ; 371/8832, AR 1922, pp. 30, 32, and 42 · League of Nations, etablissement, P• 4 ; New York Times, ~ November 19~2, 16 and 17 January 1923, p. 21. ·

approximately 300,000 were from Eastern Thrace and in

comparatively good condition since they were allowed to

bring movable p.oasess.ioJlS with tb.em, How.ever,

24

the refugees from Asia Minor ••• have no other posses­sion of any kind than the light summer clothes which they wear. They urgently require not only shelter but also winter clothing and blankets to enable them to face the severity of the coming winter ••• 17

In February 1923 Nansen once more talked about the

miserable condition of the Greek refugees and stressed the

fact that their condition was becoming steadily worse. At

the same time the Greek government applied to the League

Council for technical and financial help in the settlement

of the refugees. It was very difficult for the Greek

government to deal with the influx of refugees,which

increased Greece's population by almost 25 percent, when

only 15 percent of the refugees were able-bodied men, the

land for distribution to the agricultural refugees was

limited, and the general economic condition of the country

was gloomy due to the years of war. The League formed and

sent a special sub-committee to Athens. During its session

of July 1923 the League approved the general lines of the

project for the settlement of the refugees which included

a refugee loan and the formation of a settlement commission. 18

17 .League of tfa tions, Monthly Summary, November 1924, supp., p. 7.

18Ladas, Exchange of Minorities, pn. 621-622 ; Tsamados to Dulles, Wash1.ngton, 12 Apr1.1 1923, NA 368.51/RSC/32 ; League of Nations, L' etablissement , p. 7 ; Stelios Seferiades,

25

Un 29 September 1923 the League Council approved the

Hrotocol and the Organic Statutes for the refugee settlement.

The Greek government agreed to assign to the Refugee Settlement

Commission (RSC) 500,000 hectares tl,235,500 acres) of land

for the settlement and to raise a loan between £3,000,000

and £6,000,000. 19 However, about a year later both the

Hrotocol and the Organic Statutes were revised to include

special provisions. It was agreed that metayers were not

allowed to settle on the 5UO,OOO hectares and that the

Commission was not responsible for the expenses of such

settlers. The RSC had the right to establish refugees on

land of the ~urks who had left due to the exchange of

populations before that land was officially transferred to

its possession. Also, on lands subject to expropriation the

RSC had the right of settling refugees before the "formalities

have been complied" with. The Commission was to be

independent of any Greek authority and, therefore, entirely

autonomous in the exercise of its functions. It was also

agreed that its funds would not be used for charitable

purpose~ but "all assistance given shall be given on terms

"L·' echange des population," Academie de Droit International, Recueil des Cours 24(1928):415-416.

l9uassimatis, Greek-American Relations, pp. 248-249 , For the official text of both the Protocol and the Organic Statutes see: League of jJations, Treaty Series, · 20(1923), No. 503. . .

26

involving ultimate repayment.n20

The RSC would be directed by four members: two

appointed by Greece with the approval of the Council of the

League of Nations, one appointed by the Council, and the

fourth member, the chairman, was to be a national of the

United States and a person representing relief organizations.

The first appointed members were Henry Morgenthau as chairman

(a lilembe:r: o.f the executi1'e ·· boa:Pd of the American Red Cross,

the Near East Relief Societies and former Ambassaaor of

the United States at l<onstantinopleJ; Colonel Campbell (of

the Indian Civil Service); Etienne Delta (adviser to the

National ~ank of Greece); and Periklis Argyropoulos (former

Greek Minister at NorwayJ. 21 Argyropoulos had previous

experience with refugees in Thessaly and Thessaloniki before

1922. When he resigned on 9 July 19241 he was replaced by

A. A. Fallis who had also served as relief officer in

Macedonia in 1913, as Hellenic Commissioner for the

resettlement of Eastern 'fhrace tl919-1920), and as a delegate

on the Commission for the Exchange of Populations (1923-1924)3,2

20_ueague of Uations, Monthlt Summar~1 November 1924, supp., pp. 23-29 ; .ueague O! ,Jac ons,rre "Y ::;eries, 30 (1924), No. 776 ; lAETE/III-A, Meet. 25 August 1923.

22Argyropoulos, Apomnimoneumata, pp. 334-335 , Fallis, "Racial Migration," p. 316.

27

Morgenthau sailed to Greece in late October 1923 in

order to undertake the chairmanship of the RSC. Under his

direction the Commissiun was organized into three central

departments: financial, urban, and agricultural. The

Financial Department consisted of employees of the National

Bank of Greece; the Agricultural Department dealt with the

refugee settlement and its personnel were appointed partly

by the Commission and partly by the Ministry of Agriculture.

This department was divided into the following services:

the Settlement Section at the Ministry of Agriculture

(Dieuthynsis Epoikismou); the Directorate General of Refugee

Settlement in Macedonia (Geniki Dieuthinsis Epoikismou

Makedonias); and the Refugee Settlement Bureaus (Grafeia

Epoikismou) of Epirus, Attika and Boeotia, A~olia and

Acarnania, and Crete. The purpose of all these services was

not to provide temporary relief but to establish permanently

on land those refugees who lived in tents and camps. The

effort to engage the refugees in productive work was the

primary aim of the Commission. 23

The Refugee Loan of 1924

After the return of King Constantine to Greece in December

23New York Times, 23 October 1923, p. 20 ; League of Nations, L' etablissement, PP• 9-10; League of Uations, Monthly Summary, 3(1~23), p. 90 ; Ladas, Exchange of Minorities, PP• 629-630 ; League of Nations, Twenty-Seventh guartely .rteport, Athens, 21 August 1930, p. 4. 0.444.M2o2. 1930.II.

28

1920 the Powers had decided to stop all credits to that

country and imposed a financial blockade. Greece's economic

position naturally worsened. All efforts of both Dimitrios

Maximos, the governor-general of the lifational Bank, and

Dimitrios Gounaris, the prime-minister, had no effect in

raising a loan in England. British statesmen and their French

colleagues had declared that no help would be given to

Greece in its war against Turkey as long as Constantine,

their nemesis during World War I, was on the throne. 24 In

1922, a few months before the abdication of the Greek King,

the correspondeAt of The Times of London commented: "Greece

already owes to the British Exchequer a sum of £23,000,000 •••

Not a penny of British money ought to be lent to Greece •••

until peace is concluded between Greece and Turkey."25 At

the same time approaches of the Greek government to bankers

in the United States failed.26

1n mid-1924 Alexandros Diomidis, governor-general of

the National Bank,went to Earis for the conclusion of the

refugee loan. lfleanwhile, the Greek Minister to the United

States urged the American government to respond favorably.

It appears that in late Iifovember 1924 there was no objection

24Fo 371/7603, AR 1921, PP• 30-31 , FO 371/9896, AR 1923, P• 3.

25The Times(London), 27 February 1922, p. 11 LHereafter cited as The Times/

26Bauer to State Department, New York, 17 August 1923, NA 868.51/741.

29

on the part of the Americans to the flotation of a loan. 27

Although the initial amount of the refugee loan was fixed

at £6,000,000, in September 1924 the League of Nations

authorized the raising of it to £10,000,000 plus $11,000,000.

Greek financiers had agreed to subscribe £2,500,00 while

the financial Houses of Speyer and Co (U3A) and Hambro and

Son (England; would contribute · t.he amount of $11,.000,000

and £7,500,000 respectively. The loan was issued at 7

percent in December 1924 and the Greeks placed as special

security 1,250,000 acres of land suitable for the

cultivation of tobacco and cereals, the value of which was 28 then estimated at £13,000,000.

The delay in the issuance of the loan would have

created many problems in the work of the RS8 which had

started in early 1924, if the Bank of England had not

proceeded with two advances of £1,000,000 each. In

September 1923 the Bank of ~ngland provided the first

£1,000, uoo and in April 1924 the National Bank of Greece

disposed £160,000 as an installment to the second million

pounds which had not yet arrived. This latter amount was

to be used for the purchase of timber, building materidl,

27IAETE/III-A, Meet. 17 June 1924 ; Xanthopoulos to Hughes, Washington, 6 J!lovember 1924, NA 868.51/RL 1924/40 "memorandum of Conversation with the Greek Charge," State Department, 17 November 1924, NA 868.51/RL 1924/44.

28nertlis, La dette publigue, p. 120 ; The Times, 12 November 1924, p. 14 ; Cheetham to Chamberlain, Athens, 15 May 1925, FO 371/10771, No 135, "Greece, Annual Report 1924," P• 35 LHereafter cited as FO 371/10771, AR 192±/.

agricultural implements, animals, and seed to be given to

the refugees along with agricultural loans for their

subsistence until the sale of the first crops. A small

amount of £40,000 would be used for the urban refugees. In

30

May 1924 the tlank of England advanced the second million

pounds and the work of the HSC was not interrupted. In July

1324 the National Bank of Greece was able to place at the

disposal of the ~ommission another million pounds to be used

for the establishment of refugees on lands which had not

yet bevome the property of the RSC. 29

The League of Nations stated from the beginning that

the Refugee Loan of 1924 was to be used for the agricultural

settlement of refugees, while very small portions of it

cruld be ~nd were finally used for urbl;l.n ~ettlement .cftepayment

by the settlers would be in semiannual installments witL

interest for a period not exceeding fifteen years.3°

The 1924 Hefugee Loan brought to an end, on the part

of the Greeks, the anxiety created by the continuous influx

of refugees for almost ten years. In the early l92Us,

therefore, the majority of the Greeks who lived in the

29Ladas, l!:xchange of Minorities, pp. 634 and 64U-64l ; Lowrie to ;:>ecr~tary of .:.itatei Athens, 24 April 1924.;. IrA 868. 51/795 ; IAETE;III-A, Meet. 8 April 1924 ; IAETE/IJ.I-A, Meet. 21 July 1924 ; New York Times, 2 October 1923.

3°League of !Ta tions, ~lonthly ::>umma;x, November 1924, supp., p. 4i· Speyer to Secretary of ::>t~it"e, New York, 12 December 924, ifA 868.51/RL 1924/54 ; New York Times, ~0 December 1924, p. 14 ; The Times, 12 November 1924, p. 15.

neighboring Balkan countries, Turkey, and Caucasus had

found refuge within the borders of the new Greek state.

New Greece included Macedonia, Epirus, and Western Thrace,

those provinces where the new rural population would be

settled.

31

The Greek governments with the help of the National

Bank were able to deal with the influx of the refugees from

1912 until 1922. Land and loans were provided for these

early refugees. Despite the good intentions of their

creuitors, these peasants did not succeed in creating

financially healthy communities. Their hopes to go back to

their homes and the anomalous situation because of the

Balkan Wars and World War I became obstacles to their

adjustment in the new environment. However, this experience

of establishing refugees on.land was irreplaceable for the

Greek governments. The trained and experienced personnel was

available in 1922 when the refugees from Turkey came and

would be us,ed. by b.ot.h the RSC all.d Greek gove.r:n.ments.

The great influx of refugees from Asia Minor and Thrace

found Greece in a desperate economic position. The formation

of the Refugee Settlement Commission and the flotation of

a loan in 1924 were necessary prerequisites for the success

of the refugee settlement. Thus, it. was hoped, Greece would

achieve a three!old target: the productive settlement of

a great number of refugees; the development of agriculture

which was the primary sector of the economy; and the

32

colonization of the vast and rich soil of Northern Greece.

The advances of considerable sums of money by the

National Bank of Greece and the Bank of England in 1923 and

1924 prevented the delay of the refugee settlement. The

Refugee Loan was necessary for the function of the various

services of the RSC. The Commission provided the refugees

with animals, house~ am seed which had to be purchased from

private enterprises and were paid ~or from the product of the

loan.

CHAPTER II

THE .ESTABLISH!~NT OF THE REFUGEES IN GREECE

The establishment of the refugees changed the course

of Gre"lk a.:;!:'icul ture. ~1ore than half a million new peasants

we!:'e settled on fertile soi:! .• The coming of the refuGees

accelerated the exprop!:'iation of large estates that were

situated in the new provinces of Macedonia, Epirus, and

'.'/estern Thrace as well as in' Thessaly. Although Thessaly

was annexed in 1881 and r.lacedonia along with 8pirus in 1913,

political complications prevented the expropriation of

Turkish chifliks on a large scale in these areas until

the 1920s. Land shortages.forced and justified the action

of the Greek governments

expropriation.

The Expropriation of Large Estates

ess o

The land issue became a central issue during and after

the First World ',far. The first real attempts at the

expropriation of large domains in the whole area of Greece

began Ull:r Venizelos. The five decrees of the Provisional

Government of Thessaloniki, codified by Law 1072

of December 1917/January 191~ were based on the constitutional

provisions of article 17. This article of the· revised 1911

33

34

Gonstitition was the same as that of the original 1864

Constitution, according to which the state could expropriate

land in a case of need by paying the appropriate

compensation. The 1911 revised Constitution de:fined the legal

procedures for the compensation of landowners.1

Law lU72, however, had many defects and was never applied

on a large scale. Too many rules and a complex scheme of

legal procedures for the expropriation of estates made its

application difficult. Moreover, the officials charged with

the procedures were few in number, badly organized, and

lacked the necessary apparatus for decentralization. On the

basis of that law only one estate at the area of Charvati in

Attika was expropriated. 2

The need, therefore, for new agrarian legislation was

urgent • .l:ly the end of World 'liar I the refugee problem and

peasant complaints combined to pave the way for a new law.

In October/November 1920 Venizelos, addressing a gathering

of Liberals in Volos, paid special attention to the agrarian

lEllinika 3 ntaR'!llata 1822-1952 /Greek Constitutions 1822-19"2 Athens: Stochastis, 1972), pp. 130 and 149 ;

B. lv. ;;,~monide, "1' economie rural greque eta la crise de la guerre mondial," in Andre Andreades, ed., Les effects economigues et sociaux de la guerre en Grece (Paris & New Haven: Les Presses Univ. de France & Yale Jniv. Press, Ll9281f), PP• 169-170.

2"Greece: The Agrarian-Reforms," International Review of A ricultural Economic a l3ll921), p •. 4 71 ; Babis A-t 1. ~,L,J;,

metano emiki exe ixis is Ellinikis ueor ikis oikonomias Post-war Develo menta in Greek A ricultural Econom Athens:

1935;, p. 41 n. 19.

35

issue and declared that in a short while 650 villages in

Greece would be liberated from their servitude to the large

landowners. Venizelos' confidence was based on the new law

2052 which had passed the ~hamber in 28 February/13 March

1920 and replaced Law 1072. 3

The new law did not last long. ~he political

transformation brought by the elections of November 1920

discontinued the application of Law 2052. Most of the decrees

published were suspended in favor of the introduction of a

new agrarian law proposed by the new royalist government.

However, seventy-five deputies belonging to the party of

D. Gounaris, the new J:'rime Minister, declared that he had to

drop the new law or they would desert him. Also, three

Ministers of the new government were very much concerned

because they themselves were owners of large estates. The

withdrawal of the new law produced dissatisfaction among

peasants,and the government was finally obliged to send

1,500 troops to Thessaly to restore order.4

A new agrarian law was introduced in mid-1922 along

with an agreement between the government and the National

Bank for the payment of compensations. However, Law 2922

did not have wide application at first because of the military

3Morgenthau, I Was Sent to Athens, p. 269 ; •rhe Times, 19 J<'ebruary 1920, p. 13 and lU November 1920, p. 11.

41<'0 371/7603, AR 1921, p. 7 ; Alivizatos, Metapolemiki exelixis, p. 41.

revolt in September 192; executed by Colonels Gonatas and

Plastiras, and the impact of the Greek disaster in Asia

Minor. Despite these delays a series of decrees published

after 1923 accelerated the expropriation of large estates

and the application of the agrarian law. Many owners tried

to claim that they themselves cultivated their land because

36

according to the provisions of the law these estates as well

as model plots were exempted from expropriation. In most of

these cases the agronomists were able to prove the opposite.

According to the Agrarian Law of 1924 which modified the

previous legislation, the owner was allowed to retain 30

hectares (about 74 acres) and the remainder was to be

distributed to tenants and refugees. Als~ the compensation

given to the proprietor was not allowed to be greater than

the average price of land in the area for the five years

preceding the First World War, with a maximum increase of

40 percent.5

The abundance of decrees and agrarian laws forced the

Greek government in 1926 to consider a Codified Agrarian Law

which would include all provisions found in existing

legislation. According to the Codified Agrarian Law of

1':!26 no land was allowed to "absentee" landowners; no one

5Alivizatos, filetanolemiki exelixis, p. 41 ; Basilis Simonidis 1 "To agrotiko problima, "LThe Agrarian Question/, in AOKE 4~1924), p. 89 ; Ladas, Exchange of Minorities,­P• b48; Angelos Hadzopoulos, "Die fliichtlingsfrage in Griechenland," in Text und Forschungen zur Byzantinish­Neugriechishen Philologie No 6 (1927), p. 44 ; IAETE/III-A, Meet. 3 June 1922.

37

could hold an area of more than 25 acres of cultivated land

in Thessaly, Macedonia, Epirus, and Western Thrace, or 75

acres ·in the remainder 'of Greece. However, plantations,

land owned by large industrial establishments, and model

plots were exempted. Apart from the Codified Agrarian Law

of 1926, article 119 of the 1927 Constitution defined land . 6

ownership, expropriation, and legal procedures.

Some of the large estates in Greece belonged to foreign

subjects. These domains could be also considered for

expropriation according to the 1923 decrees,and since then

a long debate started between landowners and Greek

governments in which diplomats played a major role. The 1923

decre0s provided that the compensation of owners of large

estates would be calculated on the average price per stremma

(1 stremma•l/10 hectare=o.247 acres) prior to the war and

would be paid in a thirty year period in drachma bonds at

6 percent. The British owners were very much concerned about

this legislation which was considered a "vote-catching

measure," as the British Minister characterized it. However,

no measures for the enforcement of the decrees were taken

during the year 1923. 7

In the process of relocating refugees many peasants

were settled in el!ltates'belonging to British subjects

6Great Britain, NID, Greece, 2:52 , Ellinika Syntagmata, pp. 172-173.

7FO 371/9896, AR 1923, pg. 65-66.

38

The Greek governments did nothing, according to the British,

to prevent the incursion of peasants. Also the legislative

measures taken in 1925 were disandv.antageous to the ~nglish

who owned "tens of thousands of acres." Although in January

1925 a decree was published :1lr cash payment~ to the

owners, lan~ belonging to more than twelve British subjects

wre handed over to landless peasants and refugees without

any compensation. The British Minister commented that "it

is probably true that the Greek Government are in fact unable

to give any substantial compensation in cash to British

owners," since the value of all the holdings amounted to 8 about half a million pounds sterling •

The same situation continued in 1926 in spite of British

protests. However, in .h'ebruary 1927 the Greek government

undertook to purchase the already expropr.j,ated

estates at a price equivalent to the market price in 1914

multiplied by a coefficient of eight or ten or to return

these estates back to the owners. In the same year Greece

settled the claims of the .h'rench owners by a secret Briand­

Garapanos agreement. The British were very dissatisfied that

English owners had still not been paid any compensation by

uctober 1926.9 The Greek government finally agreed to pay

Fo 37~tfr3$~~mN5~ i§~~b~a~~~ge,Al~~fr~1 ~e~3}~hl9~5~~ and 59 LHereafter cited as .B'O 371/11357 • AR 1925_/ •.

9~oraine to ~hamberlain, Athens, 14 April 1927 .1!'0 371/12178, ;ro. 155, "Greece, Annual Report 1926,~

pp. 5

PP• 47-

39

them no later than 1 April 1930 and "to pay the owners a

rent_of 4 percent on the assessed value from the moment of

expropriation or renunciation to the date or repurchase or

restitution." The British Minister commented that the terms

were most favorable and that both the Italians and Belgians

had concluded the same agreement. 1° Foreign landowners were

paid in exorbitant prices compared to thse paid to Greek

landowners. The latter were paid in prewar prices with an

increase of only 4U percent and no rent.·

In 192U there were 2,259 large estates in Greece with one

tbirdoftbemin Macedonia, one fifth in Thessaly, and the others

in the remainder of Greece. 'fhese areas varied in area from

200 to 2,000 hectares {about 500 to 5,000 acres). In absolute

numbers 818 were in Macedonia, 584 in Thessaly, 410 in

Epirus, 84 in W. Thrace, and 363 in_ the remainder of Greece •11

Although there are no official statistics published

concerning the number of the expropriated estates, there

48 ; Loarin to Chamberlain, Athens, 17 January 1928, FO 371/12924, No. 18, "Greece, Annual Report 1927, 11 p. 8 LHereafter cited as .1!'0 371/12924, AR 192'Jj.

lOFo 371/12924, AR 1927, P• 9.

11simonide. "L I economie rural," p. 168 ; c. Evelpide. Les etats Balkanigues (Paris: Rousseau, 1930), p. 89 ; . czeorge ::>ervakis and 0. Pertountzi, "The Agricultural Policy of Greece," in 0. S. Morgan, ed., Agricultural .S~stems of M . .iddle J!:urope (1933; rpt. New York: AM;;l press, 1 69J, p. 148 ; U. S., Department of Agriculture, Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations, "The Agriculture of Greece," Foreign A ricul ture: Review of Forei n :E'arm .«olio Production And

4J,p.8.

40

are books or articles written during and immediately after

the period under review by individuals either employed or

affiliated with the Ministry of Agriculture. They claim that

their figures were provided by the services of the Ministry.

Until January 1924, therefore, 189 chifliks were expropri­

ated in Thessaly, while 52 more were requisitioned by a

special committee. Moreover, 15 estates were requisitioned

for the settlement of refugees. 12 Also from 1917 until the

end of 1925, 1,496 estates were considered for expropriation

in all Greek provinces. At the end of 1925, however, there

were only 264 large estates definitely expropriated, mainly

in Thessaly. They covered an area of 2,325,812 stremmas

(572,476 acres) on which 20,821 peasant families and 923

rural artisan families were settled.l3

The Ministry of Agriculture had collected data about

the number of large estates all over Greece. All these

domains were considered for expropriation. However, legal

complications and the frequent changes in the legislation

prevented or postponed the expropriation of about one third

of them. Therefore there are numerical differences between

the estates considered for expropriation and those actually

expropriated.

Until 1931, 1,623 large domains had been considered for

12simonidis, "Agrotiko problima," p. 87.

l3simonide, "L' economie rurale," p. 173.

41

TABLE 2

LARGE ESTATES COlfSIDERED FOR EXPROPRIATION (1918-1931)

Year Estates Provinces Estates

1918-1919 1 Thessaly & Arta 536

1920 63 Macedonia 422

1921-1922 12

1923 642 Epirus 391

1924 271 Thrace 9

1925 290

1926 46 Sterea E1las &: Euboea 234

1927 100 Peloponnese 22

1928 47

1929 26 Aegean Islands 8

1930 23 Crete 1

1931 10

National Estates 92

TOTAL 1.623 TOTAL 1,623

42

expropriation. Most of them were situated in the new

provinces. There were 536 estates under consideration in

Thessaly, 422 in Macedonia, and 391 in Epirus. The statistical

data in Table 2 show the trend of state policy towards the

large estates. It appears that the Greek governments were

willing to proceed with expropriation. Table 3, however,

presents the real achievements of the governments by 1931.

There are no figures available for the definitely

expropriated estates before that year.

TABLE 3

LARGE ESTATES DEFINITELY EXPROPRIATED BY 1931

Province Estates Area(stremmas)

Thessaly & Arta 481 3,078,029 Macedonia 190 1,595,640 Epirus 242 1,354,044 Thrace 2 2,957 Rest of Greece 120 484,712

'.CO TAL 1,035 6,515,382

SOURCE: Babis Aliviza.tos, La reforme agraire en Grece au point de vue economigue et social (paris: Les Presses ~odernes, 1932;, p. 241

A comparison between Table 2 and 3 will show that 64

percent of the considered estates were finally expropriated

by 1931. They covered an area of more than 6.5 million

stremmas \1.6 million acres} while there were still about

600 estates of a total area of about 5 million stremmas

(1.3 million acres) in the process of expropriation.14 The

major part of the estates was considered for expropriation

between 1923 and 1925: in 1923 42.1 percent, in 1924 17.8

percent, and in 1925 18.9 percent. In other words about 80

percent of the estates were considered in these years.

Concerning the region, the greatest number was under

consideration in Thessaly, Macedonia and Epirus, the new

43

provinces where large ownership was much more prominent than

in the remainder of Greece.

Land Assigned to the Uommission

The statistics for the lands that passed under the

control of the state after expropriation are scattered and

official figures are lacking. However, in the case of the

lands ceded to the Refugee Settlement Commission there are

relatively precise and official figures. 15

Immediately after the formation of the Commission in

late 1923, the Greek state found itself unable to transfer

the 500,000 hectares it had promised. However, in early 1924

Greece became a republic and the crown lands passed under

state control. The only land available, therefore, was

former crown land in Macedonia and land provided by the

14Alivizatos, La reforme agraire, pp. 238 and 241-242.

l5A. I. Aigidis 1 I Ellas choris tous prosfvgas /Greece W·ithout Refugees ( (Athens: 1934J, p. /4.

44

process of expropriation. By mid-1924, 252,200 stremmas

~62,244 acres) had been ceded to the RSC with a clear title.

No land belonging to the Moslems who had left was available

yet. Much of the Turkish chiflik land, as soon as the owners

departed with the population exchange, was inhabited by

indigenous population that used to cultivate it as koligoi

(tenants). Thus it was difficult to hand this land over to

refugees. un the other hand there was not much land available

in Western Thrace because, according to the terms of the

treaty of Lausanne, Moslems of that area were allowed to

stay.16

The need for land was so urgent that the Greek government

agreed with the National Bank upon a loan of DRS 50 million

to be used for the purchase of the small number of

available lands in w. Thrace that belonged to private owners.

The loan was to be paid offin ten years at an interest of

6 percent. It was also agreed between the government and the

RSC that these lands would be transferred to the Commission

at once along with some 100,000 stremmas (24,7UO acres) of

former crown land.17

16~eague of Nations, Second uartel Re ort, Athens, 25 May 1924, p. 4, G.274.M87.1924.II ; FO 371 11357, AR 1925, p. 29 ; Charles H. Eddy, Greece and.the Greek Refugees (London: Allen & Unwin, 1931), p. S8.

17~eague of Nations, Third Ouartely Report. Athens, 3 August 1924, p. 4, C.43<:3.!H67.1J24.II; IAETE/III-A, Meet. 21 June 1924 ; .l!'or the revision. of the agreement between. the Greek state and the National .!:lank see: IAETE/III-A, Meet. 10 October 1925.

45

In August 1924, however, the Minister of Agriculture

by means of a letter assigned to the Commission all the

cultivable land abandoned by Moslems. At the same time the

government prohibited the establishment of refugees in areas

..mere "cultivable -land" included olive groves and vineyards,

for the protection of these crops. Therefore refugee

settlement on the islands was not to take place on a large

scale since there was little land for cereal cultivation on

them. Some expropriated land from monasteries was also ceded

to the Commission,although the Mt. Athos peninsula was not

touched. Up to 30 September 1925, therefore, the total

area of land handed over to the RSC was 6,676,499 stremmas

(1,649,095 acres). 18

In 1926 it was reported that the Greek government had

ceded to the Commission 7,356,735 stremmas (1,817,113 acres)

of which more than 4.7 million stremmas (1.15 million acres)

were cultivable. This increase was made possible by the

decree law of 22 May 1926 according to which the government

transferred to the RSC all the rights to the domains for the

refugee settlement. Most of this land formely belonged to

chifliks (1bout 72 percent) left by the Turks ,and the remainder

came from state land or expropriated estates.l9

18tea~e of Nations, Monthly Summary 5(1925) p. 315 • FO 371/10771 1 AR 1924, p. 25 ; .qorman Bentwich, tiThe New ' Ionian Migra"tion," Contemporary Review_l30(July-December 1926), p. 323 ; FO 371/121'78, AR 192o, p. 23.

19League of Nations, L' etablissement, pp. 33 and 35 ;

46

TABLE 4

LAND CEDED TO THE CO!.iMI3SIOU BY THE END OF 1925

Category of Land Stremmas Acres

Left by exchanged peasnts 5,274,181 1,302,723

Expropriated & Requisitioned 802,470 198,210

State Land 746,646 184,421 Taken on Bail 141,410 34,928 Miscellaneous 392,028 96,831

TOTAL 7.356,735 1,817,113

SOURCE: League of Nations, L' etablissement des refugies en Grece (Geneva: 1926), p. 86.

In 1927 a further 100,000 hectares (247,000 acres) were

transerred to the Commission and by August 1929 the RSC

possessed about 861,000 hectares (2,126,670 acres). In other

words the Greek state finally ceded 361,000 hectares more than

had been originally agreed upon in 1924 when the Protocol was

signed. It was estimated that 525,741 hectares ll,298,580

acres) were arable ·..m:Je the remainder offered pasture land and

forests. It must be noted, however, that because of the lack

of land records in Greece, these figures may not be completely

accurate. Commission officials believed that the deviation

from reality was not that great as to distort the picture

presented above. 20

Miller, Greece, P• 287 ; Jacques Ancel, La Macedoine: etude de colonisa'bon contemporaine (Paris: Libraf"rie Delagrave, 1930), pp. 116 and 118.

20League of Hations, L' etablissement, p. 33 ; FO 371/12921 AR 1927, p. 36 ; Ladas, Exchange of Minorities, p. 648 ;MacartnE Refugees, P• 93 ; Simpson, Refugee .Proble!!!!• p. 18 n. 2.

47

The arrival of the refugees in Greece and their settlement

definitely accelerated the progress of land expropriation

that had been started in 1917 by Venizelos. Many koligoi

became owners of property that they could now cultivate for

their own benefit. Landowners were generally paid low

prices per stremma and in many installments. On the other

hand, new proprietors had also to pay for the land they

acquired in many installments to the state services. 21

Statistics in Table 4 reveal that the new owners of the

majority of the expropriated land were landless peruants and

not refugees. The area of expropriated land ceded to the

RSC amounted t> c:n]¥ a small portion of the total land used for

the settlement. Therefore, the coming of the refugees and

the need for land was used as a justification by the state

in order to proceed with the application of the agrarian laws

and to' expropriate the large estates.

Refugee Settlement

Refugees from Asia Minor had begun entering

Greece before the formation of the liSC in late 1923. A plan

on the part of the Greek government for the settlement of some o

these refugees had been carried out with 652 families establishe

in Thessaly, 66,920 families in Macedonia, and 3,053 in other

regions of Greece. Also, in 1S23, the "Revolutionary Govern-

21League of Nations, L' etablissement, p. 40

"Ionian Migration," p. 323. Bentwich,

ment" dist:::ibuted to these refur;ees more than 125,000

animals, 75,000 carts from the army and various agricul-

t 1 . 1 t 22 ura 1.mp emen s.

48

'rhe resettlement of the refugees by the RS0 followed a

slow pattern in the beginninc and until !;larch 1925 only

66,938 families were placed. However, by the end of the

following year 147,249 refugee families had been settled on

land.

TABLE 5

REFUGEES SETTLED BY THE RSC (1924-1926)

Date l!'amilies *

30 April 1924 13,000 31 July 1924 23,000

End of 1924 65,583 March 1925 66,938 31 Dec. 1925 147,333L1/ 30 June 1926 147,249

Persons*

550,635 551,936

SOURCES : League of i~a tions, Second Quarte ly Renort, Athens, 25 May 1924, p. 2 ; LON, Third fuartely tteport, Athens, 3 August, 1924, p. 2 ; LON, l'ltonth y c>ummary, ':><.1925), p. 72 ; J...Oilf, Monthly Summary, 6(1'.126), p. 59 ; LON, Ninth Quartely Report,Athens, I March 1926, p. 3 ; .LON, L' etabl1.ssement, p. s:

*cumulative figures

~2Argyronoulos, A:pomnimoneumata, p. 333 · League of ITatiom Fourt.n :Juartely Reporct n.Cilert.:;, 2:1 JJecember 1924, p. 2, C.767.M 2o:::~.I~24.11 ; .uON, l':u' h Quartely Re~, Athens, 4 March 1925, p. 3, C.ll2.M53.1925.II ; C:ddy, Greek aefugH!c' p. 154 ; Allen 'J:. Burns, "The Homeless in Greece," ::>urvel October-March 1922-l::J23J, p. 492 ; Alexander]!;. Deveaji, 1' echange · obligatoire des minorites Grecgues et Turgues (Paris: E&P Cont., 1:::!29), p. 161 ; .LON, L' Etablissement, p. 37 n. 2.

49

By 1926 almost all rural refugees had been established

on land. '.Chere were only 8, 700 families unsettled by the

end of that year,and the work of the Uommission in this

respect .slowed down in 1927 and was actually discontinued

in 1928. 23

~ mid-1926 there were established a total of 1,993

agricultural settlements \villages), of which 1,378 were in

Macedonia. The villages in that area were increased by 10

in 1928. The construction of new villages, therefore, was

completed by 1926 with some minor additions until 1928.

Although numbers from various sources have slight differences,

it was estimated in 1928 that two thirds of these communities

would not need any further assistance by the RSC. Moreover,

close to 24 percent of these villages were new; the rest

were former Turkish or Bulgarian populated villages whose

inhabitants had emigrated. 24

About 80 percent of the refugee settlementswere established

in Macedonia wrere land was available. Table 6 illustrates

the distribution of families settled all over Greece.

Although the table is not complete,it shows clearly the

magnitude of settlement in Macedonia and Western Thrace.

23po 371/12178, AR 1926, p. 25 ; Ladas, Exchange of Minorities, p. 656.

24League of Nations, L' etablissement, p. 85 Ancel, l'llacedoine, p. 151 ; Lorain to Chamberlain, Athens, 1 March 1929, FO 371/13659, No. 87, "Greece, Annual Re:tJort 1928," P· 33 LHereafter cited as FO 371/13659, AR 192~_/ ; Pallis, "Greek Census," p. 548.

50

TABLE 6

DISTRIBUTION OF REFUGEE FAMILIES IN RURAL GREECE BY 1926

Province Families Province or Region Families

Macedonia 116,403 Attika &: Boeotia 1,179 Thrace 16,596 Lemnos 1,117 Crete 4, 773 Acarnania

Euboea 2,399 Achaia &: Elia

Thessaly 2,251 Region of Lamia Epirus 1,350 Region of Sparte

SOURCE: League of Nations, L' etablissement, p. 129.

Later, about 40,000 families were settled in the

island of Mytilini, 17,000 in the island of Chios, and

4,924 in Crete. Refugees in Euboea and Lemnos were

455 432 250

44

established either on expropriated lands belonging to

foreign subjects or in former Turkish chifliks. The most

important agricultural settlement in Peloponnese was that of

Nea Kios near Nauplion. The construction of the village

started in May 1926 and it was projected that about 550

silk production specialists could be established there.25

Titles and Land Record

The agricultural settlement of about 150,000 refugee

families could not become final until each one of them had

a legal title for possession of the assigned land. However,

25League of Nations, Monthly Summary 8(1928, p. 173 ; Eddy, Greek Refugees, pp. 157,166 and 168 ; FO 371/12178, AR, 1926, p. 24 ; FO 371/12924, AR 1927, p. 38.

51

there was no land record and, especially in Iviacedonia,

neither village boundaries nor boundaries for individQal

properties existed. Until 1926 Greek governments had not

officially granted titles to lands ceded to the Commission.

Although a title could be obtained for the Turkish properties

and those expropriated, whose approximate boundaries were

known, for the remainder a cadastral survey was required.

Also, the services of the RSC had problems in evaluating the

lands in order to debit each refugee family when the area

and the quality of the assigned land was unknown. By the

decree law of 1926 a title for lands was finally transferred

to the Commission. However, because peasants did not know

the boundaries of their property, q~arrels arose between

refugees, landless peasants (koligoi), and owners, when the

land for distribution belonged to the category of e'~t'ate8,

The members of the RSC realized the complicated problems that

the actual distribution would face without a land record. 26

Yet, bef<>,:re the land record was c,Ollipiled, a st~rvey of the

land was required.

During 1924 the RSC began plans for the formation of a

cadastral service which would first define the measurments

for the limits of rural agglomerations lvillage and its lands)

26Fo 371/10771, AR 1924 p. 23 ; FO 371/11357 AR 1925, p. 28 ; League of jations, £ 1 etablissement, pp. 105-106 ; The Times, 3 November 1926, p. 15; Hadzopoulos, "Die fluchtingsfrage in Griechenland," p. 45.

52

and, second, determine the boundaries of each property

within the agglomeration. In this way the value of the land

distributedrould be easily established. Until 1926 the lack

of·professional personnel prevented any wide survey of lands.

In that year, however, an arrangement was concluded between

the RSC and the Greek government by which the latter would

provide an airplane for the expansion of the survey work.

By 1926 only 3U,OOO hectares (74,100 acres) had been

measured by the Direction of Refugee Settlement in Macedonia.

The Ministry of Agriculture also had measured another 56,000

hectares (138,320 acres). 27

The work actually began in 1927 and reached its height

in 1929 and 193U. In 1927 there were 54 survey teams with 40

belonging to the Commission, 10 to the Ministry of Agricul-

ture, and 4 to the army. These teams measured an area of

24U,OOO stret.1mas \.59,280 acres). By the end of 1928 the

teams totalled lll,and they had measured 7,500,000 stremmas

(1,875,000 acres) and actually distributed 1 million

stremmas (247,000 acres) to refugees. ln 1929 almost 12

million stremmas \.3 million acres) had been measured and

more than 2.5 million stremmas \.about 65U,OOO acres) had

been distributed. By the end of 1929 the work was almost

271eague of Nations, First ~uartelt Re~ort~ Athens, 6 March 1924, p. 3, C.9l.M30.192 .II ;ON, L' etablissement, p. 106 ; 10N, Tenth Quartely Report, Athens, 1 June 1926, P• 3 ; LON, Eleventh Quartely Report, Athens, 31 August 1926, PP• 2-3 ; General Bank of Greece, Geniki oikonomiki anasko~isi tis choras tou etous 1926 General conomic Rev· w country in the year 192f/ Athens: 1927), p. 155.

53

completed and the following August, a few months before the

liquidation of the Gommission in December 1930, 12,611,260

stremmas t3,114,981 acres) had been surveyed and 4,113,430

stremmas (1.016 9 016 acres) had been distributed. 28

Upon completion of land distribution, the RSC originally

planned to compile books in which the name of the owner, the

shape, the dimensions, and the location of the lot would

be recorded. However, the decision to liquidate the Commission

discontinued the distribution of land to refugees and postponed

the compilation of the land record. 29

Refugee Housing

In the summer of 1924 the RSC concluded an agreement

with the German construction company of D.H.T.G.-Sommerfield

for the purchase of 10,000 frames for agricultural houses.

The Commission was to provide the house frames and· roof tiles

while the re·fugees would build the walls. Although the

German contractor was going to deliver the houses in six to

28Eddy, 9reek Refugees, p. Y9 ; League of Nations, ::;ixteenth Quartell Report, Athens, 21 November 1927 Pf• 6-7, C. 5/4 .M204 .192 I .1 1- .LJDlq, Nineteenth ~uartelt Report, athens, 22 August 1928, p. 2, G .406.Ml2o.I92 .11 ; ON, Twenty­Seventh Quartely Re~ort, Athens, 21 August 1930, p. 19 ; FO 371/13659, AR 19 8, pp.32-33 ; Ramsay to Henderson, Athens, 10 July 193.0, FO 371/14391, No. 77, "Greece, Annual R~J?Ort 1929," p. 41 /Herea.fter cited as FO 371/14391, AR 192.21 ; Macartney, Re1ugees, p. 93. .

29Michail I. Notaras, I agrotiki apokatastasis ton prosfygon The A ricultural Settlement of the Refu ees/ (Athens: 1934 , pp. 232-234.

54

eight months, the actual delivery was delayed for two years.3°

By 1926, 40,557 houses had been purchased from Greek

and German companies and 9,839 were under construction. Apart

from the houses that were bought,there were dwellings vacated

by the Turks and Bulgarians who emigrated. The Commission

acquired 65,484 .of these houses, of which 15,848 needed

repairs. The RSC repaired some of them and resettled the

Greek refugees. The Greek government also purchased o.r

repaired 4,188 houses. By 1928, therefore, the RSC had

provided some kind of residence for all agricultural refugees,

while only one or two villages were still under construction.31

Harold Allen, an official of the Near East Relief, who

travelled through Macedonia in June 1928, described in the

following way the refugee villages:

LFrom Salonica to Serre~ the houses were always the same. Small in size, shed roof of red tile, completely standardized, row on row, each with its stremna ••• of yard ••• I was told that these were German-built refugee houses imported as frames, cut to size, and then

2quickly

assembled to provide urgently needed shelter ••• 5 .

The refugee houses were usually two-room buildings sometime

with a stable added. When there was no stable, the family

lived in one room and used the other for the aaimals. In most

30Hadzopoulos 1 "Die fliichtlingsfrage in Griechenland," p. 108 ; Notaras, "grotiki apokatastasis, p. 65.

3lLeague of Nations, L' etablissement, pp. 86 and 89 ; FO 371/13659, AR 1928, p. 31.

32Harold Allen, Come over into Macedonia (New Brunswick: Rudgers Univ. Yress, 1943), p. 7.-

55

cases the refugees were supplied with the material and some

money for the wages of the carpenter and the mason, while

they themselves supplied the rough labor and transport. It

appears, however, that the peasant houses all over Greece

were not entirely different. The houses of the indigenous

population usually consisted of two rooms: one was used

as both a kitchen and a dining room and the other as a bed­

room.33

Nevertheless, housing continued to be a major problem

in rural Greece. About 10,000 houses of those ceded to the

Commission by 1929. had deteriorated to such an extent that

they were almost inhabitable. Moreov~r, it was found that

these houses were overcrowded and in order for each refugee

family to have its own house, 12,000 additional ones were

required. Problems were also encountered in the houses of

the tobacco growers. It was estimated that about 63,000

refugee families were engaged in the tobacco fields and

that their houses lwhich were constructed by the RSC) were

lacking the necessary room for the working out of tobacco.

This deficiency had resulted in a fall in prices, because

tobacco was not stored in the right way and was becoming of

inferior quality in the market.34

33tiiacartney, Refugees, p. 102 ; c. Evelpidi,"L' agriculure en Grece," Les :3alkans 51'1934), p. 48.

34Fo 371/14391, E!l.Sl. isis eO'kri th1sa

56

Services of the RSC to Refugees

Those who seemed to be needing the least help by the

rtSC were the refugees from Eastern Thrace. Many of them had

their cattle, agricultural implements, and some personal

possessions but needed housing and, for many, seed. They

were estimated at 17,500 families, and most of them were

settled immediately in order to start working the land.35

.!!'or the remaining rural refugees the Macedonian Section

of the RSC distributed during the first six months of its

work 17,000 ploughs, 2,000 carts, l million okas of seed

(l oka=2.8 lb.), ll ~illion okas of flour, 2 million okas

of fodder for livestock, and 1.5 million okas of maize.

However, bad weather destroyed the crop in 1924 and those

refugees who were considered to be self-supporting immediately

needed large quantities of wheat for consumption and sowing,

and food for their animals. Since the Commission was not

able at that time to undertake the financial responsibilities

for such a task, the Greek government placed the necessary

funds at the disposal of the RSC through the National Bank

of Greece. 36

Apart from the destru·otion of the cereal crop in that

35.League of Nations, Second Quartely Report, Athens 25 lvlay 1924, p. 2, U.274.M37.1924.II ; Eddy, Greek Refugees, p. 86 ; Burns, "The Homeless in Greece," p. 492.

36.t..eague of Nations, Fourth Quartely Report, Athens 23 December 1924, p. l, C.767.M269.1924.II ; Sofoulis to RSG, Athens, l September 1924, ATS/f 17/63 ; The Times, 21 August 1924, p. 9.

57

year, the Greek government little by little realized that

the kind of seed peasants used did not provide maximum

production. At the end of 1927, therefore, the Greek

government signed an agreement with the National Bank by

which the latter purchased on behalf of the former 3,500

tons of wheat seed ("·cambers!' and "wara tah" ) and 100 tons of

barley seed from Australia. ~he seed was given both to

refugees and indigenous peasants by the RSC, the agricultural

cooperatives, and the Agricultural Chambers. Experiments

had shown that the ;, cambera" seed ripened three weeks

earlier that the local wheat and also yielded a larger

return. This seed was distributed to the cereal growers of

Thessaly and Macedonia. In the case of the refugee farmers,

the 0ommission retained the whole production in order to

redistribute seed the following year •. Although 400

tons were distributed to re~ugees only 300 tons of seed came

back to the KSC. lt was believed that the remainder,which was

still in the hands of the farmers, would be used by them as

seed next year. 37

Apart from the need for better seed, animals and

agricultural implements were the first concern of the Commis­

sion. By 1926 the majority of the families had received one

working animal because the finances of the RSC did not allow

37FO 371/12659, AR 1928, P• 32 ; FO 371/14391, AR 1929, p. 40 ; IAETE/ III-A, Meet. 17 October 1927 ; IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1927, pp. xv-xvi ; IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1928, p. ix.

58

for more. When a' refugee family was ,composed of ma:q.,y

members, two animals were given. In 1926 the RSC! had

distributed 74,593 working animals, 45,162 sheep and goats,

and 224,130 carts and agricultural, ,implements .38 Moreover,

the Commission imported 5 million American vine-trees and

organized five nurseries which were 39 control.

added to join the one

that existed under state

The Stabilization Loan of 1928

By the end of 1926 the various Commission services had

absorbed most of the 1924 Refugee Loan. The RSC had informed

its officials since December 1925 that no more loans would

be granted to refugee farmers because of the shortage in

capital. In March 1927, therefore, the Commission reported

that additional funds were needed for the completion of

refugee settlement. In June of the same year the Greek

government requested the issuance of a new loan by the League

of i'ia tions. 40

38League of Nations, L' etablissement, pp. 61 and 87 ; Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Grece Actuelle, p. 241 Bentwich "Ionian Migration," p. 322 ; Mille,;:.·, Greece, p. 289 Seferiades, "L'echange des populations," p. 420.

39Fo 371/12924, AR 1927, p. 39 ; General Bank of Anasko~isis 1926, p. 156 ; M. I. Maurogordatos and A. Chamou opoulos, I Makedonia/lilacedonia/ (Thessaloniki:

Greece, Ch. 1931) :))\.,

4°Fernald to Secretary of State, Salonika, 8 December 1925, NA 868.50/47; The Times, 27 January 1928, p. 15.

The negotiations for the new loan lasted about a year

and were complicated by the request of the Powers that

Greece settle her war debts. During the negotiations,

GrE!ek :representatives "displayed their financial position

59

regarding expenses incurred since 1922. They had undertaken

major share of the burden for the settlement of the urban

refugee~ and they had spent about DRS 285 million between

1922 and 1926 for the agricultural settlement of former

tenants. Moreover, they had to pay interest on the 1924 loan.

On the other hand, the Greek gover~~ent had distributed to

peasants implements which were debited from DRS 200 to 500.

The Greek state had spent a considerable amount of money

for the purchase of machines too. Refugees, however, would

pay back in depreciated prices which meant a loss for the

state. The Graek government also proposed to use the funds

that were kept by the RSC for the 1m Registry Office for the

refugee settlement until the issuance of the new loan. 41

On 13 Septemebr 1927 the Financial Committee of the

~eague issued a report in which it recommended the flotation

of a new loan for an amount not exceeding £9,000,000. On 15

September the Greek government representative signed a Pl::-otoool

for the Stabilization Loan of 1928. 'rhe new loan would be

41Diomidis to British Treasury, ~ondon, 24 February 1926, ATS/f 98/3 ; Aigidis to Tsouderos, Geneva, 9 June 1926, ATS/f 98/54 ; Gerakaris to Tsouderos, Athens, 4 November 1926, OAD/ f 2 ; Tsouderos to Salter [League of Nations' official/, London, 6 July 1926, ATS/f 98/g3. -

60

divided into three portions of £3 million each. The first

portion would be used for the completion of the RSC's work,

the second to balance the budget, and the third to stabilize

the currency by repaying the debt owned by the state to the

National Bank and by creating the Hank of Greece. The new

loan, which is also known in Greece as the First .l:'roductive

Loan, was negotiated with Hambro's Bank, ~rlanger Ltd of

Londo~and Speyer and u~, National uity C~, and National

City Bank of New York, at an interest fixed at 6 percent. 42

'.t:he Liquidation of the liSC

From late 1929 there were plans for the liquidation of

the RSC which was considered to have completed its task. On

24 January 193U an agreement was concluded between the

Greek government and the uommission for the discontinuation

of the work of the latter by the end of the year. The last

year was spent in preparation for the transfer of the

H.SC's services to the Greek state. The Settlement Bureaus,

the improvement stations, nurseries, and model plots, the

Department of Motor Gultivation, and the fifty-nine

dispensaries of the uommission were handed over to the Greek

42The Times, 14 September 1927, p. 10 and 27 January 1928, p. 15 and 28 September 1927, p. 21 ; Tuck to Secretary of State, Geneva, 23 December 1927, NA 868.51/RL 1928/29 ; IAETE/III-A, Meet. 17 October 1927, "Protocol of 1927" ; Dertilis, ~a probleme de la dette, p. 121 ; Ladas, Exchange of Minori tres, pp. 642-643 ; dew York Times, 12 January 1928, p. 37 ; For the official text of the Protocol see: League of ~ations, Treaty ~eries, 7U(l929J, No. 1622.

state. 43

During 1930, Morgenthau and Prime-Minister Venizelos

toured Macedonia and W. Thrace and they found the refugees

prosperin& although affected by the world economic

depression. 44 In an interview in 1931 Venizelos commented:

61

At home our refugee problem is so far settled that the Kefugee Uommission was able six months ago to hand over its work to the Department of Agriculture, so this question is now merged in the larger problem of increasing our production. Our tarrifs are low. Our policy never has been to build up industries ••• 45

Agriculture was the dominant sector of Greek economy

in the interwar period. Two factors influenced its development

in that era: availability of new land suitable for

cultivation and a new peasant population. The expropriation

of large estates which was accelerated after the coming of

the refugees provided land for the settlement of former

tenants. The need for land to be used in the refugee

settlement, however, was a justification for the wide

application of agrarian laws in the early 192us. Despite

political changes and war conditions,all Greek governments

after 1917 favored the abolition of large estates in order

to increase agricultural production. Their target is revealed

43Ramsey to Henderson, Athens, 27 January 1931, FO 371/ 15237, No. 49, "Greece, Annual Report 1930," p. 42 /Hereafter cited as FO 371/15237, AR 1930/ ; FO 371/14391, AR !929, p. 41 ; League of Nations, MonthTy Summary 10(1930), p. 100.

44New York Times, 15 1\lay 1930, p. 8.

45New York Times, 21 June 1931, sect. 3 p. 3.

in a series of agrarian laws and decrees which resulted in

the expropriation of the majority of chifliks by 193-1.

From an agricultural point of view the expropriation

62

of large estates is closely related to the refugee settlement.

In 1he 19aJB -tY.o parallel schemes of agricultural settlement

were caried out: th.e establishment of former tenants on

expropriated land and the refugee settlement. The latter was

carried out by the RSC which undertook to establish on lana

a large new peasant population. Its skilled personnel and

efficient organization resulted in the successful completion

of its work in seven years. The RSC undertook to provide

refugee peaaa~s with all the prerequisites for a successful

start in a new life in a new home: land, houses, implements,

machines, loans, and seed. The two loans in 1924 and 1928

were the necessary means by which the settlement was

generally speaking successful. The decision of the League of

Nations to place under its auspices both the RSC and the

conclusion of the loans appeared as an international

contribution to the development of Greek agriculture.

The RSC developed and handed over to the Greek state in

1930 a highly decentralized and efficient network of

agricultural bureaus, stations, nurseries, and dispensaries

No doubt, the Commission was an autonomous organization and

operated like a second Ministry of Agriculture. However, it

was this very fact that led to the success of it work: the

productive and permanent settlement of refugee peasants on

Greek soil. Nevertheless, the refugee settlement was not

without side-effects which influenced both positively and

negatively developments in Greek agriculture.

63

CHAPTER III

PROBLEMS AND EFl!,ECTS OF THE REFUGEE SETTLEMENT

The influx of the refugees in some cases created l:B'I1 pvbJems ru:

solved problems that existed before 1922 in

Greece. The refugees filled in the population vacuum created

in Northern Greece after the departure of the former Turkish

and Bulgarian inhabitants. The newcomers were given tracts of

land from the chifliks that formedy belonged to the Turks.

Although the difference in the number of inhabitants before

and after 1922 is not that great. a shortage of land was '

observed in the 1920s b·ecause of the change in the legal

ownership of the land. In other words. it was the

transformation from a large ownership agricultural model to

the small holdings model which increased enormously the

number of landholders. Consequently. the lack of sufficient

land would lead to new methods of cultivation and crop

rotation.

The establishment of refugees in Northern Greece, and

especially in Macedonia, significantly changed the

demography of the region. Table 7 shows that before 1922

about 40 percent of the people who lived in the area were

Moslems while 43 percent were Greeks. By 1926 the situation

had changed drastically: about 90 percent were Greeks and

only 0.1 percent Moslems. This region, therefore, finally

64

65

Hellenized. However, although Greek Macedonia was over-

whelmirg:(y inhabited by Greeks, there was still a

Turkish minority in Western Thrace because of provisions in

the Treaty of Lausanne (1923).

TABLE 7

POPULATION IN GRSEK t~CEDONIA IN L912 AND 1926

Populations 1912 1926

Greeks 513,000 1,341,00U Moslems· 475,000 2,000 Slavophones 119,000 77 ,uoo Miscellaneous 98,000 91,000

TOTAL 1,205,000 1,5ll,UOO

SOURCE: Ministry of Foreign Affairs, La Grece actuelle (Athens: 1933), graph LV.

The Greek refugees established in agricultural settlements

were supposed to be former peasants. In some cases, however,

deviations were observed to the extent that refugee families

which were not exclusively farmers were assigned a tract of

land. The government and later the RSC settled in some

villages, among other peasant~ refugees who were not cultivators.

It appears that although these refugees had lived in villages

in their homeland, they had not cultivated the land. They

were probably shoe-makers, smiths, or butchers. However, it

seems to be clear that the number of these peasants was so

small that it was not going to affect agricultural develop-

66

ments in Greece. 1

The same situation was apparent in the distribution of

the chiflik land among the former tenants. An inspector of

the Ministry of Agriculture identified the problem when he

traveled throughout the provinces where land redistribution

took place. He reported that in some cases the peasants who

were given land were former cultivators but during the period

of the 1912-1922 wars they had changed their profession

becoming butchers, cart-drivers, grocers, or ranr oad 2 employees. By 1926 many of these settlers had left the

villages to find better work opportunities in the towns.

The tracts of land were not given free of charge to

peasants. Both refugees and former tenants were charged low

prices and permitted repayment in many installments. However,

the worldwide depression in the 1930s and the fall of

agricultural prices made repayment difficult for them.

Furthermore, the former owners complained that the fall of

the drachma's value in the interwar period annihilated the

sums they had received for compensation. 3

lpo 371/13659, AR 1928, p. 33 ; Eliot Toda : The Aftermath of the Univ. ~ress, 1929 , p. 54.

G. lVlears, Greece (n.p.: Stanford

2simonidis, "Agrotiko problima," pp. 87-88 ; General Hank of Greece, Anaskopisis 1926, P·-156.

3Morgenthau, I Was Sent to Athens,_ p. 280 ; Simonide, "Agrotiko problima," p. 90 ; U.S., Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agriculture, pp. 79-80.

67

At this point it would be helpful to examine the

devaluation of the drachma compared to both the English

pound sterling and the American dollar. Table 8 indicates that

the continuous fall in the drachma's value was interrupted

by short periods of stabilization. The wars since 1912 and

the Greek expedition to Asia M~nor led to the depreciation

of the Greek currency until 1923. The 1924 Refugee Loan and

the reinstitution of foreign credit stabilized the exchange

value of the drachma. But, in 1925 the drachma's devaluation

resumed until the issuance of the dtabilization Loan in 1928.

The provision for a Bank of ~reece in the terms of this loan

was an attempt to reinforce state fiscal policy.

The devaluation of the drachma alo.1g with internal

economic problems influenced prices in the domestic market and

induced inflation. In 1914 an aka of bread (1 oka=2.8 lbs)

cost DRS 0.55, in December 1922 DRS 3, and in October 1927

DRS 9.70 ; an oka of potatoes cost DRS 0.34 in 1914, DRS

5.50 in 1922, and DRS 7.15 in 1927 ; an aka of meat 2.10

in 1914 and 34.50 in 1927 ; and an oka of olive oil 1.50

and 41.50 respectively.4

Apart from the financial difficulties, the innefficiency

of the state apparatus complicated further the work of the

Refugee Settlement Commission. Although the R3C did not face

4FO 371/8832, AR 1922, p. 53 ; FO 371/12924, AR 1927, p. 57 ; Thanos M. Veremis, Oikonomia kai Dictatoria: 1925-1926 LEconomy and Didatorship: 1925-192§/ (Athens: MIETE, 1982), p. 43.

68

TABLE 8

EXCHANGE VALUE OF THE DRACHMA IN RELATION TO THE POUND AND THE DOLLAR

Date To the Pound Year To the Dollar

January 1921 47.80 1921 18.17 Sept. 1921 65.25 1922 36.38 July-Aug 1922 140.00 1923 64.00

Nov. 1922 400.00 1924 64.00 Dec. 1923 247.00 1925 64.67 Aver.of 1924 247 .oo 1926 79.56 Aver.of 1925 312.00 1928 76.61 Aver.of 1927 376.00 1929 77.08 May 1928 375.00 1930 77.08

SOURCES: FO 371/7603, AR 1921, P• 33 ; FO 371/8832, AR 1922, p. 48 ; FO 371/10771, AR 1924, p. 41 ; FO 371/11357, AR 1925, p. 47 ; FO 371/12924, AR 1927, P• 74 ; FO 371/13659, AR 1928, p. 39 ; D. N. Afentakis, I a otiki istis en Tourkia, Giougkoslabia kai Ellada A cultural Credit in Turkey, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, and Greece 1 Athens: A fa, n .d. ) , p. 113.

the hostility of various politicians in the Greek governments

and remained a non-political organization, the inevitable.

affiliation with various Departments of the state mechanism

hampered its work. The Commission was obliged to rely on

governmental services whose personnel did not always possess

the skills for resettlement work. The absence of an

experienced civil service combined with a highly centralized

administrative system to endanger the success of the RSC in

many instances. Decisions of major importance and some of

minor interest to the RSC were usually taken either by the

Minister of Agriculture or the Prime Minister. Moreover,

69

each successive Minister rarely had knowledge of what

happened before his appointment and did not consider himself

bound by the decisions of his predecessors. Therefore, the

Commission had to educate each one of them in the work

executed up to his appointment. Between January 1924 and

July 1928 the position of the Minister of A,sriculture was

occupied by twenty-one different individuals.5

The Commission tried to find suitable land for the

refugees to fit their previous expertise. Wheat growers

were to be settled on soil suitable for the growing of

cereals, and the same pattern was to be followed for yine­

growers and tobacco-growers. In this way adaptation to Greece

would be smoother and they would be assured greater success

as producers too. The lack of geographic and geological

studies for the soil of tne Northern provinces, however,

did not guarantee success in the establishment of refugees

on land. Refugee settlement north east of the river Nestos

towards the Bulgarian border failed· because plain-dwellers

who settled in that region had no experience in mountainous

soil. On the other hand, peasants from the Caucasus Mountains

were settled in the plains of Thrace. In the region

of the river Nestos poor communications made even more

5League of lia tions, Third Quart ely Report, p. 6 ; FO 371/11357, AR 1925, pp. 28-29 ; ::>. Ktenabeas, Ai Ellinikai kyberniseis, ai ~thnikai Syneleuseis kai the dimopsifismata apo to 1821 mechri simera Greek Governments National ssemblies, and Plebiscites since 1821 Athens: 1947), pp.

49-59.

difficult the adjustment of the refugees. There was only

one railroad bridge over the river, and the peasants used

rafts to get to the other bank. 6

The transformation from large ownership to small

70

holdings was almost completed in Greece by 1929. The

magnitude of this change is clearly revealed in the statistics

compiled in that year farthe FiBst International Agricultural

Census. By that time there were in Greece 593,367 cultivators.

Those peasants who cultivated land that measured leas than

5 hectares tl2.4 acres) constituted 87 percent of the total.

Furthermore, only 8.9 percent of the cultivators owned

land between 5 and 10 hectares {12.4 and 24.8 acres). In

other words 97.9 percent of them cultivated land less than

10 hectares ~24.8 acres).?

The small holdings system of cultivation characterized

the remainder of the interwar period in Greece and would be

an obstacle to the financial prosperity of peasants. During

the same period the final distribution of lands had not been

completed ·and peasants did not have titles for their

6Argyropoulos, Apomnimoneumata, p. 336 ; Laiki Trapeza LPopular Ba~/, Geniki Anaskopisis tis charas tau etous 1927 LGeneral Report on the country for the year 1927/ (Athens: 1928), p. 105 ; Raoul Blanchard, "The .Exchange of Populations between Greece and Turkeytn Geogaphical Review 15{1925), p. 454 ; Joachim H. Schul10ze, " ee!C Frcmc1er Colon~zation in Thrace and Iviacedonia," Scottish Geographical Magazine 53tMarch 1937), p. 88.

?International Institute of Agriculture, The .l!'irst World Agricultural uensus (1930), 5 vols (Rome: 1939J, 3:151.

7l

possessions. When the KSC was liquidated in 193U the work

of surveying the land slowed down and, therefore, the

distribution stopped on the part of the Ministry of Agricul-8 ture.

Small holdings and, consequently, the lack of

sufficient land for cultivation changed farming methods.

Before the coming of the refugees, Greek peasants allowed

one third of the land to lie fallow each year. Property

was divided into three parts: one for crops, one for short,

and one for long fallow. The influx of the refugees and the

scarcity of land· forced peasants to abandon this system and

to adopt the rotation of crops. Two methods of rotation were

used: the two-year rotation of maize and wheat and the three­

year rotation in which corn was interplanted with vegetables,

maize with wheat or barley and a fallow period. In some

cases fertilizers were used, too. In 1929 there was a Greek

factory producing about 60,000 tons per year. 9 Most of this

production was sold in the Greek market but it waa

inadequate for agricultural needs.

The shortage of land also forced peasants to undertake

8FO 371/15237, AR 1930, p. 44 ; Notaras, Agrotiki apokatastasis, pp. 221-239 ; Maurogordatos and Chamoudopoulos Makedonia pp. 44-48 ; C:hrysos Evelpidis, "I georgiki krisis J.dla en Eiladi" LAgricultural Crisis Especially in Greec~, AOKE 11(1931), p. 178 ; Babis B. Alivizatos, I georgiki E!Ias kai i exelixis tis /Agricultural Greece and her Development.-/(Athens: 1939), P9• 37-38. -

9Great Britain, NID,_ Greece, 2:49 ; Servakis and Petrou­nzti, "Agricultural Policy of Greece," pp. 152 and 154-155 ;

72

a change in the character of cultivation. Extensive

cultivation was replaced by intensive cultivation after 1922

in the more· valuable crops of vines, tobacco, cotj;on, hemp,

mulberry, vegetables, and fruit trees. Refugees received

American vines immune to phylloxera and selected seed for

other crops from nurseries. In Macedonia the cultivated area

increased from 2,749,129 stremmas (679,035 acres) in 1922

to 5,504,622 stremmas (1,359,642 acres) in 1931 and in

Western Thrace from 721,959 stremmas (178,333 acres) to

1,478,956 stremmas (365,302 acres). It was estimated that

by 1925 the increase in the cultivation of wheat was 30

percent in W. Thrace and 70 percent in Macedonia while that

of maize was about 45 percent. The production of currants,

especially of the "sul tanina," nearly tripled, from 2 million

kilos (4,409,240 lbs) in 1922 to 5.5 million (12,105,410 lbs)

in 1925. The refugees improved the quality of the Cretan

"sultanina." However, one should bear in mind the problem of

overproduction in the case of currants. In 1925 an

arganization for the support of the <;urrant-:-growerl'! was

created. The Autonomous Currant Organization (ASO) consisting

of representatives of the National Bank of Greece undertook

to buy till February 1926 23.5 million lbs of carrants, to be

10 sold to local factories mainly for the production of alcohol.

Mears, Greece Today, pp. 54-55 ; IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1926, p. xiii.

1°FO 371/12178, AR 1926, p. 24 League of Nations,

73

Another major problem for the development of Greek

agriculture was the availability and use of agricultural

implements. The RSC along with the Ministry of Agriculture

provided modern machinery to refugees and indigenous

peasants. However, the wooden plough, the brush harrow, the

hand sickle for harvesting grain, and the threshing floor 11 with animal power were still in use by the end of the 1920s.

In 1929 half of the peasants still used wooden ploughs to

cultivate their land (the Agricultural Gensus recorded

286,534). Also the number of harvesting machines (3,509) and

threshers'l606) was minimal for a developing agricultural 12

economy.

Apart from the figures usually supplied from international

organizations, Greece did not have reliable official

statistics. ~ven when figures from official Greek sources

are available, one can not rely on them because Greeks, in

many instances, manipulated them in order to influence

particular situations. Sometimes the lack of statistics

Twenty-Seventh Quartely .H.eport, p. 10 ; Joseph s. Roucek, "Economic Geography of Greece," Economic Geos;raphi 11 (January-October 1935), p. 94 ; IAETE/IV-A, "euor of 1926, P• xii ; IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1925, p. xi ; Aigidis, Ellas choris prosfyges, p. 93 ; LON, L' etablissement, pp. 141 and 148 ; Veremis, Uikonomia kai Dictatoria, p. 69.

11u.s., Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agriculture, p. 86 ; Babis B. Alivizatos, "To ~roblima tis agrotikis pisteos apo Balkanikis apopseos" LThe Question of Agricul­tural Credit from a Balkan ~oint of View/ AOKE 14ll934), p. 194. - -

12Al" . t •p ~ v:cza os, ' roblima agrotikis pisteos," p. 201 ;

created problems for the government too. Greek negotiators

for the Stabilization Loan of 1928 could not find exact

numbers for the non-settled refugees. On the other hand,

in many cases it was the Greek peasant who did not offer

his help in the compilation of agricultural statistics.

Many peasants thought that a census was used for tax

purposes and, therefore, were not willing to reveal their

property. In many instances they were not able to help

74

because they did not know, for example, the borders of their

tracts of land. The problem with statistics was so great

by the end of the interwar period that no reliable statistics

existed for the agricultural population according to

categories of cultivation.13

ln spite of the success of the Refugee Settlement

~ommission in the settlement of refugees in Greec~ a close

look at the various aspects of the -jlrojeot rev~als trre

weak points of the Uommission's work. A small number of

refugees who had ceased to be cultivators were assigned

a tract of land. Some refugees in Macedonia and w. Thrace

were not settled on suitable soil to fit tneir expertisem

crops develq;el. before they come to Greece. 'Nhen the RSC was

International Institute of Agriculture, Agricultural Census (1930), 3:161.

l3Mears, Greece Today, p. viii ; ·rsouderos to Pan(!;alos, London, 4 July 1926, OAD/f l ; Alivizatos, Metapolemikl exelixis, pp. 21-22 ; U.S., Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agriculture, p. 75 ; Eddy, Greek Refugees, p. 7.

75

liquidated in 1930 many refugees did not have legal

titlesfor the assigned land. Moreover, the inefficiency and

disorganization of the Greek state mechanis~ justified by a

ten-year period of war and an unstable political milieu,

contributed to these failures. From an economic point of

view the unstable Greek economy plagued by inflation and

based on backward agricultural methods, slowed down the boom

that was expected in agriculture after the transformation

from the 1910s to the 192us.

Nevertheless, the positive elements in this period of

transition included changes in the methods of farming and

crop-rotation. These changes were a result of the increase

in the number of peasant landholders and of the expansion

of the area under cultivation in the Northern provinces

after the settlement of the new peasant population. Lack

of reliable statistics along with population and territorial

changes, however, do not permit an appropriate comparison

between prewar and post World War I agricultural production.

CHAPTER IV

AGRICULTURAL CREDIT AND THE ROLE OF THE NATIOifAL BAHX:

Greek state policy had been inadequate in the area of

agricultural credit during the nineteenth century. The

absence of an Agricultural Bank or of any other state agency

to provide loans to peasants contributed to the backwardness

of Greek agriculture._

However, in the latter part of the century private

credit institutions were allowed to grant loans. In 1861

the National Bank of Greece was given the right to provide

loans to landowners at an interest of 8 percent. Also after

1881 the Priviliged Bank of Epirus and Thessaly provided

limited credit to owners of large estates only and, therefore,

it was not of any use to peasants. It was finally dissolved

in 1898. Moreover, an attempt by Prime Minister A. Koumou­

ndouros to create an Agricultural Bank in 1875 failed. The Chur'

reacted to tbeproposed expropriation of its estates which would

have provide the revenues for the foundation of the new 1 bank.

In the early twentieth century the National Bank

extended agricultural credit to the currant growers of the

1IAETE/XXXIII, f 1 ; D. N. Afentakis, I a rotiki istis en Tourkia, Boulgaria, Giougkoslabia, kai Ellada A ricul­tural Credit in Turkel~ Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and Greece Athens: Alfa, n.d.), pp. 119- 0.

76

77

Peloponnese. However, the amount of money provided by the

Bank was not sufficient in order to be distributed to all

those peasants who had applied for a loan. In many instances,

therefore, peasants were denied loans because the amount of

money for that year had already been exhausted. 2

Peasants of Thessaly faced the same problems when the

Bank extended credit to the cereal growers of that region in

the late 1920s. Although the involvement of Greece in World

War I had increased the cost of production (the lack of

working hands had raised agricultural wages enormously), the

Bank refused to increase the amount of money for the

cultivators of Thessaly. Moreover, this institution granted

only short-term loans for the period of harvesting and forced

peasants to place as security their expected crop yield. 3

The National Bank did not provide loans to individual

cultivators unless they were well secured. Its method of

investigating the fin:anc!eJ. position of its future

debtors is illustrated in the following case of Macedonian

villagers who asked for a loan in 1915. The Bank used the

same method until 1930 when the newly founded Agricultural

Ban:c of Greece undertook the disposition of loans.

In Au~~st 1915 the mayor of the town of Doxato (Eastern

Macedonia) asked for a loan of DRS 40,000 in order for the

inhabitants to purchase 100 animals to replace those that

2IAETE/X-KB, f 5· JIA.ETE/X-KB, f 11.

78

were taken by the Bulgarians. The National Hank requested

from its Branch in Kavala to. investigate the financial

condition of the inhabitants of Doxato. According to the

report from Kavala, 25U Christian families, 2 Turkish

families, and 750 refugee families from Thrace and Asia Minor

lived there in 1915. The refugees were allowed to cultivate

7,000 stremmas (1,729 acres) of former Ottoman chifliks

and were also given oxen for the ploughing. However, the

250 Christian families had no animals. Most of them owned

one or more houses and from 5 to 50 stremmas ~about 1.3 to

13 acres) for the cultivation of tobacco and 7 to 15U

stremmas tabout 1.7 to 37 acres) for cereals. Thus, the

Hank was satisfied and finally approved the loan in October

1915, two months after the letter of the mayor. 4

Apart from the National Bank three more credit

institutions operated from 1914 to 1928 in Greece: the

Agricultural Bank of .h:pirus and Macedonia, the Agricultural

Bank of the Aegean Islands, and the General Utility Ha~~ of

Crete tKoinofeles Tameion Kritis). These institutions had

been organized by the Ottoman administration in the nine­

teenth century in an attempt to free peasants from usury.

After Greece annexed the Northern provinces, Law 603 of

1914 determined their new role in providing agricultural

credit which lasted until their incorporation into the

4IAETE/X-KB, f 9.

79

Agricultural .l::lank of Greece in 1928. These institutions

were to grant loans at a maximum interest of 5 to 6 percent

which sometimes could be raised to 7 percent by decree. The

ueneral Utility .l::la~~ was reorganized in 19Ul by the

Autonomous State of Crete and in 1914 it was granted a

capital of DRS 2 million by the Greek government. 5 On the

other hand, the Agricultural Bank of the Aegean Islands

tG!NA)seemed to operate on a very limited scale in 1919. In . '

192U the National Bank granted a loan of DRS 500,000 to that

institution to be used for agricultural purposes, since

the capital of the GTNA was not sufficient. 6

liy ire eany 192Us, therefore, although the Greek state

tried to organize and control part of the agricultural

credit through these Agricultural Hanks, the National Bank

of Greece remained the major source of funds for cultivators.

The Formation of Agricultural Cooperatives

Law 602 of 1915 provided for the first time the legal

framework for the establishment of cooperatives in Greece.

The government reserved the right to approve their by-laws

and to inspect and audit their books. The objectives of the

5 Afentakis, Agrotiki pis tis, p. 123 ; "Greece: The Agricultural Reforms," p. 466 ; Alivizatos, .La reforme agraire, pp. 273-274 ; D. N. Afentakis, "La.Banque Agricole de Turquie," Les Balkans 1Hl98-199. r~--~~-

~~-uiAETE/XXII-lB, "GTNA," f l (3 docs).

80

new law were to facilitate credit for peasants and to

provide collective security for loans granted by the National

Bank. The latter supported the new law by urging peasants

to unite in agricultural cooperatives and by incorporating

the objectives in its credit policy. 7

A hunger for capital among peasants after the First

World War led many of them to join or form associations

in order to get loans at low rates. The introduction of

intensive cultivation had created new needs in fertilizers

and agricultural implements but farmers were short of

capital. !t was observed in 1927 that peasants did not

join the agricultural cooperative because they realized

the benefits only but in order to solve their urgent

financial problems. Thus, in many ways the associations were

not efficient and well organized. Moreover, the great

majority of them consisted of credit cooperatives, while

production and supply cooperatives were very small in number.

Most peasants did not join an association in order to share

new or better methods of cultivation with others .or to

have the advantage of using common mechines or to sell

their products in common. Their sole purpose was to get the

money they needed for their crops. 8

?u.s., Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agriculture, P• 81 ; IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1924, p. xxvi.

8A. Agathos, Oi georgikoi synetairismoi tis Ellados /Greek Agricultural Cooperatives/ (Athens: 1926, p. 6

81

During the period of refugee settlement, the

inhabitants of new villages were obliged to form agricultural

cooperatives in order to have collective responsibility in

the final payment of their debts to the Commission. The RSC

had ·.also established in June 1925 a School of Cooperative

Economics in Thessaloniki. In 1926 90 peasants and 60 school

teachers attended the school. The students, all of them

refugees, attended classes for forty days and had courses in

accounting and the administration of cooperatives. By 1926

there were 571 agricultural cooperatives of refugees

operating in Greece. There were 404 in Macedonia and 119 in

Thrace while 34 were Unions of Agricultural Associations

which included both refugee and indigenous cooperatives.

There were many imperfections in these cooperatives, mainly

with respect to organization, although progress in accounting

matters had been observed by 1926. These refugee cooperatives

were not allowed to be dissolved pefore payment was made. 9

/includes lists of cooperatives/ ; Agricultural Bank of ITreece, Statistiki ton georgikon synetairismon tis Ellados, 1933 Statistics of the A ricultural Coo eratives in Greece rg;)~ ens: , p. iy ; Papageorge o Secretary o State, Athens, 1 March 1927, ;1A cl68.5032, "Cooperative Association in Greece," p. 4 ; General Bank of Greece, Anaskouisis 1926, p. 15 ; Evelpidis, "Georgi~i kris is," p. 180.

9:aentwich, ":iew Ionian Mi.'~ration," p. 323 ; l'viacartney, ci.efugees, p. 99 ; League of Nations, L' etablissement, pp. 113 and 116 ; General Ban~ of Greece, Anaskopisis 1926, p. 155 ; FO 371/12924, AR 1927, p. 56 ; U.J., ~epartment of Agriculture, Foreign Avriculture, p. 81.

82

The number of new agricultural cooperatives increased

slowly every year from 1915 to 1922. By 1922 there were 752

agricultural associations formed. However, from 1922 on,

partly because of the compulsory formation of refugee

cooperatives, the number of new associations increased

tremendously. It reached its ~eak in 1925 when 644 new

cooperatives were formed in that year, the largest number

in the whole interwar period. After 1925 and until 1933 the

number of new cooperatives formed per year fluctuated

between two and three hundred associations. Most of them were

credit cooperatives while there were some for supply and

TABLE 9

AGRICULTURAL COOPERATIVES (1917-1933)

Cooperatives 1917 1921 1925** 1927 1933*

Credit 439 1,287 2,472 3,392 3,220

Supply 43 lll 194 203 19 Sales 73 132 210 301 286 .Production 46 27 147 205 223 Sundry 108 274 308 177

TOTAL 601 1,710 3,297 4,481 3,925

SOURCES: Simonide, "L' economie rural," p. 181 ; Pa:pageorge to Secretary of 3 tate, Athens, l March 1927, NA 368.:>032, "Coolilerative Association in Greece," Table 4 ; Evelpidi, Les etats Balkaniaues, p. 336 n. l ; Agricultural Bank of Greece, Georgikoi synetairismoi, p. ia".

*The numbers for 1933 do not include all agricultural associations. Figures refer Qnly to those in operation. Inert cooperatives are excluded although they have not been dissolved.

**June 1925

83

production.lO

In June 1925 the agricultural cooperatives had reached

the number of 3,297 and by the end of that year had increased

to 3,796. In 1927 they were 4,481 and in 1933 5,779. However,

not all of them were in operation. In 1933 more than 32

percent of the associations were inert.11 Therefore, there

are no figures regarding how many of the agricultural

associations were actually in operation every year before

1933. It appears that many of them ceased to be in regular

operation sometime after their formation, although they

were not dissolved.

In 1933 most of the associations in regular operation

were located in Macedonia and the Peloponnese. There were

860 in Central and Western Macedonia; 368 in Eastern

Macedonia; and 758 in the Peloponnese. The concentration

of cooperatives in these areas of Greece was due to the kind

of crops the farmers grew. In these provinces the growing

of tobacco, currants, and olive-trees was expensive and

peasants formed associations in order to get loans. 12

lOAgricultural Bank of Greece, Geor6ikoi synetairismoi 1222, p. iJ"; Evelpidi, Les etats Balkan~gues, pp. 335-336.

11Papageorge to Secretary of State, Athens, 1 !~arch 1927, liA 868.5032, "Cooperative Association in Greece," Table 4 LHereafter cited as NA 868.5032/ ; Agathos, Georgikoi svnetairismoi, p. 7 ; Evelpidi, Les etats Balkaniaues, p. 336 n. 1 ; Ag~igul.tural Bank of Greece, Georp:ikoi synetairismoi 1933, p. ~a •

12Agricultural Bank of Greece, Georgikoi synetairismoi 1933, p. if'; ~A 868.5032, p. 4.

84

Agricultural Uredit ll922-1930)

From 1922 to 1928 the National Bank of Greece continued

to dispose capital for the agricultural credit section. In

1928 the Greek government proceeded to the foundation of an

Agricultural Bank under the auspices and control of the state.

However, this institution did not start regular operation

until 193U. During this period the National Bank granted

loans to both individual farmers and associations of peasants.

After 1921 the National Bank of Greece reinforced its

efforts to encourage peasants to form associations. Without

stopping the influx of loans to individual peasants it tried

to give more support to the agricultural cooperatives. However,

it was observed by the Governor-ueneral that agricultural

credit was inadequate for the development of agriculture.

Moreover, some provinces of Greece were provided with larger

amounts of money than others. In 1922 more than DRS 150

million in loans were distributed, of which about DRS 70

million were given to the currant-growers in the Pelaponnese,

DRS 52 million to peasants in Eastern Macedonia and Western

Thrace, and only DRS 28 million to cultivators in the

remainder of Greece. The National Bank of Greece was not a

state bank. It was a private institution and, of course,

the major concern of its direction was profit and security.

The Bank could not risk money on crops that were not that

profitable and particularly in those areas where no

cooperatives existed, Thus, in 1922 loans secured by tobacco

85

were granted to associations of tobacco-growers in Northern

Greece and to 2,954 currant-growers in Crete secured by the

currant production. 13

In 1922 one half of the allocated DRS 150 million were

offered to individual peasants while the other half went to

agricultural associations. Next year, 1923, about DRS 220

million were granted of which DRS 114 million went to

cooperatives. It was mentioned in the annual report of the

Governor-General that it was the principle of the National

Bank to exercise agricultural credit through associations.

Also _the policy of the Bank towards specific crops did not

change. Most of the money was given to farmers in Eastern

Macedonia, Western Thrace and the Peloponnese where tobacco

and currants were produced. In the case of the Peloponnese

the producers were able to sell the currants of the previous

year and, therefore, in 1923 they were not facing the

urgent need of loans as is shown in Table 10.14

The extension of business in Northern Greece forced the

Bank to consider the opening of new branches. The Bank

official who investigated the prospect of a new branch in

Veroia l Western i.lacedonia) reported that although much of the

land lay fallow, the settlement of the refugees and the

existence of many new owners of small holdings created a

13IAETE/III-A, Meet. 25 January 1922 ; IAET3/IV-A, Report of 1922, P,• xxii ; IAETE/III-B, sB'"Ekthesis" LRepor~/ Meet. 12 March 1922.

14IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1922, p. xxiii ; IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1923, pp. XXl-XXll.

TABLE 10

AGRICULTURAL LOANS ACCORDI~fG TO PROVIIWES (1922-1923)

Province

.Sterea Ellada Thessaly Jentr. & Wst. Macedonia East. Macedonia West. Thrace Crete Ionian Islands Peloponnese Rest of Greece

* 1922

4.6 7.2 4.3

34.9 17.8

2.3 3.5

70.5 6.2**

7.5 13.3 12.3 88.7

37.1 4.2

12.7 42.6 1.8

86

SOURCE: IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1923, p. xxi. *lfumbers in million drachmas rounded to the nearest

hundred thousand.

**Includes Eastern Thrace.

need for agricultural credit in the area. 15

By early 1924 the General Assembly of the Bond-holders

had approved the foundation of three new branches in the

towns of Katerini, Veroia, and Grevena, all in Western and

Jentral lvtacedonia. These new branches were a result of a

series of agreements between the National Bank and the Greek

state for the provision of credit to the newly established

refugees. The Bank had investigated the prospectr for

agricultural loans to refugees and had concluded that they

were trustworthy and law-abiding, worked hard and had the

knowledge and ability to introduce new methods in the

15IAETE/III-A, Meet. 9 October 1923.

cultivation of several crops. In 1924, therefore, the Bank

had granted close to DRS 106 million to 44,099 refugee

f "1" 16 am~ ~es.

87

The expropriation of large estates in Thessaly and the

distribution of tracts of land to former tenants required

more loans. In 1923 the National Bank lent to 1,713 new

owners the amount of more than DRS 13 million while in 1924

about DRS 39 million were given to 10,392 former tenants.

The total amount of agricultural loans increased for the

year 1924 to about DRS 680 million. Apart from the sums lent

to growers of currants and tobacco, the producers of cereals

and olive oil were supported also that year. The Bank lent,

along with refugee loans, about D~~ 295 million to 1,035

agricultural associations and DRS 277 million to individual 17 farmers.

ln 1925 the National Hank decided to differentiate

among the rates of interest imposed on agricultural loans.

The rate of interest for individual cultivators was fixed at

lU percent ; that for associatio11s at 8 percent; and that

for the Unions of Associations at 7 percent. Thus, the Bank

encouraged peasants either to form or to join an association.

Moreover, in 1925 the sum of close to DRS 950 million was

divided so that about DRS 400 million went to individuals

l6Ll.ET2::/III-B, sB; Meet. 3 !;larch 1924 , lAETE/IV-A, Reuort of 1924, pp. xxiv-xxv.

l7IAcm;;' !J.-;r ,; l!! ..... ......,, \i -.n. ' Report of 1924, pp. xxi-xxv.

and about DRS 55U million to associations. iart of the

amount granted to associations was to be used for the

purchase of threshers and harvesting machines. 18

ln both 1924 and 1925 loans seem to have been divided

88

more equally among the provinces of Greece. Table 11 shows

that Sterea Ellada, the south central part of Greece, which

incorporated Attika, Heotia, Acarnania and Aitolia, was

supported more and more from an agricultural point of view.

Furthermore, a significant portion was allocated to

cultivators in Grete, the islands of the Aegean Sea, and the

lonian Islands.

The loans granted by the National Bank to Agricultural

Credit Associations \ACA) of the Gyclade Islands were

increased in 1925 and 1926. The list of borrower shows,

for example, that the AGA of the village of Sagkrio on the

island of Naxos got in these two years the sum of DRS 84,000

in eleven portions varying from DRS 2,000 to DRS 25,UOO.

There is no account of how this money was l.Sed. However, it

shows how easily the associations could borrow money. On the

other hand, it was reported that by 1J25 tobacco, cereals,

currants, and olive oil absorbed the largest portion of the

capital invested in agriculture by the National Bank of

Greece. 19

18IAETE/III-A, Meet. 16 December 1925 , IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1925, pp. xii-xiii and xv.

191AETE/£{-B, f 107 ; lAETE/IV-A, Report of 1925, p. xv.

89

TABLE ll

AGRICULTURAL LOANS ACCORDING TO PROVINCES (1924-1925)

Province

Sterea Ellada .t'eloponnese Thessaly Epirus Centr. & East. Macedonia East. Macedonia West. Thrace

Urete Ionian Islands Aegean lsls & Euboea

53.7 90.6

39.1 4.3

81.7 212.8 144.5

15.0 31.0

5.2

1925*

106.7

148.6 91.8 9.7

158.4 213.4 86.2

37.0 75.1

15.6

~OURCE: IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1924, p. xxi , IAETE/IV-A, Report of 192$, p. xi.

*Numbers in million drachmas rounded to the nearest hundred thousand.

The year 1926 was a very difficult one for peasants.

The Bank was only able to dispose about DRS 752 million

instead of the nearly DRS 943 million of the previous year.

A shortage of capital forced the largest credit institution

in Greece to cut funds for agriculture. The Bank demanded

that the government fill in the gaps in credit legislation.

It also excluded a number of associations, which were not

trustworthy anymore, from the list of borrowers, in order

to secure better its capital. An official of the National

Bank was placed as inspector or accountant in many a Union

of Associations. Thus, the creditor could inspect the internal

90

organization of the cooperative as well as its works. 20

During the Bond-holders meeting in 1926 one of the

members observed that agricultural credit was insufficient.

Although the National Bank was opposed to the foundation of

a state Agricultural Bank, it did not pay the appropriate

attention to the needs of peasants. He claimed that it was

not the shortage of capital that forced the institution to

cut agricultural credit but that the Bank used part of the

funds for other investments. 21

Next year, in 1926, the National Bank increased

enormously its loans to associations and limited those to

individual cultivators. The corresponding percentages were

75.5 for cooperatives and 24.5 for individuals while in 1925

they were 57,7 and 42.3 respectively. However, the emphasis

of agricultural investments continued to be placed on

cereals (35 percent) and tobacco (37 percent) while those on

currants (6 percent) and olive oil (7.5 percent) were not

emphasized that year. 22

Apart from the regular credit in 1926, the National

Bank agreed with the Greek government to provide funds in

compensation to those cultivators whose crops were destroyed

due to bad weather. The institution lent DRS 15 million to

20IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1926, pp. xii-xiv ; The Times, 27 August 1926, p. 16.

21IAETE/III-B, sA', 1\ieet. 24 April 1926, pp. 590-591. 22IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1926, pp. xiv and xvi.

91

the government. It was estimated that the damaged crops

constituted between 15 and 20 percent, and in some cases

25 to 30 percent, of the production of currants in Northern

Peloponnese. Immediately after the destruction of the crop

in early April 1926, the local branches of the Bank stopped

the disposition of loans for cultivation. In order to resume

this operation to either associations or cultivators, the

Bank requested that a certificate be signed by the President

of the village, the President of the Association, and the

priest of the village. All damages in crops were reported

in this certificate by which, after it was turned in, the

Bank determined the amount of money that would be given as

a loan. The local Branch Directors in the Peloponnese reported

to Athens that the loans that had already been granted were

secured because damages were on a limited scale.23 The

Bank was not going to offer credit to cultivators whose crops

were damaged benuse ~~be unable to pay back their loans.

In 1927 the sum of close to DRS 1.1 billion was

distributed between agricultural cooperatives which got

70.7 percent and individuals who took 29.3 percent. Next year

23IAETE/III-A, Meet. 20 October 1926 ; YO Amaliada to ETE 1 Amaliada, 6 April 1926, Tel. 123 , I~ETE/XXVIII-B~ f 21; YO amaliada to ETE~ Amaliada, 9 April and 19 April 192o, IAETE/XXVIII-B, f ~1 l2 docs) ; YO Kyparissia to ETE, Kyparissia, 20 April and 7 May 1926, IAETE/XXVIII-B, f 21 ; YO Patra to ETE, Patra, 20 April 1926, IAETE/XXVIII-B, f 21 ; YO Pyrgos to ETE, Pyrgos, 6 April and 19 April 1926, IAETE/ XXVIII-B, f 21 (2 docs).

92

the amount increased to DRS 1.3 billion but the distribution

remained more or less the same. That year, 1928, the major

pa~t of the fund was invested in tobacco, while lesser

amounts were given to currant and cereal growers. In 1929

the National Bank disposed about DRS 1.6 billion for

agricultural credit, although the newly founded Agricultural

Bank of Greece should have already undertaken full

responsibility for loans to peasants.24

Since 1915, with the exception of 1921 and 1926, the

National Bank had been continuously increasing the sums

available for agricultural credit. However, the figures in

Table 12 do not really represent annual increases by the

amount which is recorded for every successive year. The

index numbers for the cost of living in 106 Greek towns in

the same ·rable reveal the magnitude of inf.lation that

plagued Greece in the first part of the interwar period.

Therefore, although the amount for loans seems to be greater

and greater every yea~ it did not actually cover the growing

needs of peasants.

The Agricultural Bank of Greece \ATE)

In 1928 the Greek government and tr:e National Hank signed

an agreement for the foundation of an Agricultural Bank of

Greece which would be under state control. ·controversy

24!AETE/IV-A, Report of 1925, p. xvi ; IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1928, pp. V11-v111 ; lAETE/ IV-A, Report of 1929, PP• V11-V111·

93

~A.BLE 12-

AGRIOUL~U.RlJ.o CREDI~ aND COST OF LIVIilG (1915-1929)

Year A.fiicul tural ( million

.Cred.it DRS)

Cost of living* :Index Numbers

1915 4.7 117

1916 7.9 159

1917 a.; 256

1918 20.6 366

1919 27.3 323

1920 79.5 '351

1921 72.'3 39a

1922 151.3 639

1923 220.0 1,181

1924. 678.0 1,235

1925 942.5 1,414

1926 724·0 1,633

1927 1.144.5 1,790

1928 1.345.5 1,868

1929 1.613.3 1,923

*Base Year 1914•100

94

ln late 1927 the National Hank of Greece commissioned

its officials at the Branches of Northern Greece, Crete,

and the Aegean Islands to provide feedback on the works of

the local Agricultural Banks wnich had been reorganized and

placed under state control when Greece was awa~ded Northern

J:'rovinces, t.:rete, and the Aegean Islands. The Agricultural

.:>ank in ivlacedonia had many difficulties in providing loans

due to the g,r;e<J,t lack of capi"':3.l. 'fJl~. Q.e}lO$'itl'$ of its;

customers amounted to about DRS 1 million of which only

D'tS 400,000 belonged to peasants. The :h tional Bank Branch

of tpirus reported that the local At;riculr;ural Hank was

operating since 1917. Since 1925 it provided loans to

agricultural cooperatives but peasants did not trust the

institution. After all, the amounts that were granted were

far less than the needs of the cooperatives. In the

Agricul·:..~ral Bank of ':he Aegean Islands there were no deposits

by the peasants of the islands. T~e Gen:~ral Utili t~r 3ank of

~Jre te ·.vas rro t ab:e to p:ov ida loans to associations due to

a lack ~n cap~tal. granted l~mited credit to individual

ca::.:ivators up to the amount of DRJ 4,000.26

This amo:1nt

25mh ~- 23 + lQ?~ ...... .:. e ll:nes, Augas;., ..1.....;<- r, p. 9 and 25 February l ;.122, ~· ll and 28 October 1927, p. 19.

26r~rnT.' +-o vr.. 1"'1~es~alo,;•.; &:·· '{0 .uJ.. . .J u .~v ._.,.:. ;:; _ t ... ..__-(...... _

95

was very small compared to those provided by the National

Bank of Greece.

In late November 1927 a representative of the government

delivered a speech at the Third Macedonian Conference of

Tobacco Growers in the town of Xanthi and announced the

intention of the government to proceed with the foundation

of an Agricultural Bank. The Conference, in turn, declared

that it was in favor of such a bank and requested the

beginning of its operations the next year. The National

Bank, however, tried to influence public opinion. The

Director of the Thessaloniki Branch reported in December 1927

that the owner of the local newspaper Tachydromos (Courier)

was willing to publish articles about the foundation of the

Agricultural Bank and to support by every means the positions

of the National Bank. 27

In January 1928 fliers were distributed in Epirus agair~t

the creation of the bank. It was stated that such a Bank

would not be able to lend more than l'R3 500 million while

Athens, 1 November 1927, IAETE/XXII-~ f 2 ; YO Thessaloniki to ETE, Thessaloniki, 13 Uovember 1927, IAETE/XXII-h., f 2 ; YO Mytilini to ETE, lvlytilini, 12 November 1927i IA.ETE/XXIJ;-t., f 2 ; YO Iraklio.to ETE, Iraklio, 22 november 927, IAETE/ XXII-A, f 2; YO Ioannina.to ETE, Ioannina, 28.liovember 1927, IAETE/XXII-[1, f 2, . . .

27Lspeech of Bakalbasi at the Third Macedonian Conference

of Tooa9co Growers ( TMCTG )/, ;~anthi, . 27-30 November 1927, IAETE/ XXII-Ll, f 1 ; /Rests"!.ut~on of the TMCTG on Agricultural Credi1f, Xanthi, 30 November 1927, IAETE/XXII-~ f 1 ; YO Thessaloniki to ETE, Thessaloniki, 29 December 1927, IAETE/XXII-A, f 2.

96

at that time the ~ational Ba~~ granted loans. to a total

amount of over 1 billion draehmaa,Since the former borrowed

money from the latter at an interest of 8 percent, the

Agricultural Bank would have to grant loans to cultivators

at 12 percent in order to cover its expenses. The National

Bank lent at 7 percent to indigenous cultivators and at 8

percent to refugees. It was also mentioned that new taxation

was going to be imposed on cultivators for the operation of

the new Bank. Furthermore, since the Agricultural Bank was

going to be under state control,loans would be granted

according to political favoritism. The fliers were signed

AGROTIKOS (Agricultural) with no reference to any political

party or institution. 2a

On the other hand, the supporters of the Agricultural

Bank printed their views and distributed fliers among the

peasants of Macedonia. The Agricultural Bank would free

peasants from usury; it would not be owned and operated by

"capitalist usurers" ; and it would provide for long-term

loans up to five years while the Natiorcal Bank e;ranted only

short-term loans of five to nine months. The proclamation

concluded that the "capitalist usurers" could afford to pay

"pseudo-peasants" who in turn appeared to be against the

Agricultural Bank and tried to present the picture that the

majority of cultivators was against. The proclamation was

28LProclamation to reasant~/, Edessa, 10 January 1928, IAETE/XXII-6, f 1.

signed by the Macedonia section of the Democratic Union

Party which claimed to represent the interest of Greek 29 peasants.

97

In spite of the struggle against the Agricultural Bank

(ATE), the National Bank signed finally in 1928 an agreement

with the Greek government. According to this convention the

ATE: would provide agricultural credit to both associations

and individual cultivators; would purchase and distribute,

especially through supply cooperatives, various articles

necessary for agriculture; would provide guidance to cultivator:

for new methods of cultivation; would reinforce the

cooperative spirit among peasants; and would control

agricultural cooperatives of any type. The Greek government

provided a capital of DRS 450 million without interest or

amortization. Part of the funds ~ 25U million) would be

transferred by the National Bank in four annual installments.

The remainder (DRS 200 million) would be provided by the

Gre8k state in ten annual installments. Moreover, the ATE

could receive up to DRS 500 million from the Stabilization

Loan of 1928, according to its needs, at an interest of 5

percent. Also the Agricultural Banks of Macedonia and Epirus,

Thrace, Aegean Islands, and the General Utility Bank of

Urete were merged to the ATE and their funds were added to

the capital of the new Bank. The Agricultural Bank of Greece

29LProclamation to .Peasants of Macedonia and the Rest of Greece_/, IAETE/XXII-~, f 1.

98

would offer to cultivators three options for loans: (a) short-

term loans for cultivation against agricultural products;

lb) loans up to five years for the purchase of agricultural

implements; (c) long-term loans up to twenty years for

improvements in buildings and installations.3°

The new bank, however, was not going to begin operation

before March 1930. In 1929 the National Hank provided

personnel and its Sub-Governor for the operation of the ATE

along with its branches all over Greece. ln the balance-sheet

of December 193U it was recorded that the ATE had assets

amounting to DRS 1,082 million and was in regular operation.31

Agricultural Taxation

There was no standard system of agricultural taxation

prevailing in Greece during the period under consideration.

There were many fluctuations and changes and sometimes the

net revenues of peasants was taxed while other times the

gross. After 1919, however, uniformity in tam:es was a concern

of the various Greek governments.

ln 1919 taxation on selected products varied according

to the kind of crop and was based on local traditions.

30 L<::onvention for the Foundation of the AT~/, lAETE/ III-A, Nieet. 24 July 1929.

31IAETE/IV-A, Report of 1929, p. ix ; The Times, 14 January.l929, p. 21 ; G. Severine, "Les conditions de l' agriculture en 1930-1331," Les Balkans 2~0ctober 1931-September 1932;, p. 524.

99

Cultivators of tobacco had to pay the d!me (tenth) of their

crop to the state; cultivators of Epirus, lilacedonia,and

~rete the dime on cereal crop; peasants in the remainder

of Greece the dime on olive oil where it was produced.

Moreover, fa~mers had to pay a tax on the working animals

they owned along with a tax land. However, by Law 1640 of

3/16 January 1919 taxes of the dime and animals were abolished

excluding that on tobacco. Revenues from land were now taxed

at 10 percent while those from agricultural ent~rprises at

6 percent. A great innovation of the new system was that it was

based on the net income of peasants.32

Two years later, in 1921, it was replaced by an annual

tax of 3 percent on the total value of agricultural production.

Moreover, in 1923 a progressive tax was imposed on all

immovable and movable property greater than DRS 50,000. In

1925 Law 3338 replaced the previous taxation on cultivated

land. An annual tax of DRS 3.50 per stremma was imposed

along with a 10 percent tax on the net revenues of agricul­

tural enterprises. However, the tax on the net income of

each cultivator was not calculated according to his real

income but according to the income he should have earned.

32A. D. Sideris, "I istoriki exelixis tis georgikis mas pforologias" /Historical Development of our Agricultural Taxation/ AOKE 11(1931): 397-398 and 402-403 ; A_ • .D. Sideris, I georgiki politiki tis Ellados kata tin lixasa ekatontaetia (1833-1933) [Agricultural Policy in Greece During the Hundred ~ears 1833-1933/ (Athens: Papadogiannis, 19-'4), pp. 197-198 ; FO 371/6096, AR 1920, p. 17.

100

His supposedly earned income was culculated by multiplying

his production by the prices which were determined for each

product by a state committee.33

Nevertheless, all these changes did not produce the

desirable revenues for the state,and the Greek government

was obliged in 1926 to impose a new system according to which

5 or 7 percent of the gross production of the cultivator was

taken as tax. The RSC protested against the tax which when

it was finally applied yielded to the government far less

amount of money than expected. Finally in 1927 a new tax of

5 percent was imposed not on the production of each

individual cultivator but on the produce of each village.

Later the tax was reduced to 2i percent.34

Between 1919 and 1927, a period of .eig]J.t years,

agricultural taxa ·tion changed five times. Fl1;tctua tions in

the system of taxation influenced the financial position of

peasants. The combination of an unpredictable level of

taxation with unpredictable Bank loans made life in rural

Greece insecure. Peasants did not know year after year how

much they would pay in the form of taxes and how much they

would get in the form of loans. The disposition of agrarian

33 The Times, 16 February 1923, p. 16 ; iiew York Times, 29 April 1923, sect. 7, p. 15 ; Sideris, Georgiki poli tiki, p. 200 ; Sideris, "Istoriki exelixis," pp. 40b-40'/ ; FO 371/11357, AR 1925, p. 38.

34~eague of Nations, Geneva 7 June 1926, F, 265, ATS/ 98/49 ; FO 371/12178, AK 1926, pp. 23-24 ; Sideris, Georgiki oolitiki, p. 200.

loans by the National Bank was insu££icient. The Bank, as

a private institution, refused to grant any loans without

sufficient security.

101

'fhe development of agricultural l.!OOperatives was a device

introduced by the state in order to offer to the Bank

collective security in the form of many peasants-debtors

rather than just one and to facilitate the allocation of

credit. un the other hand, the fact that peasants did not

consider cooperatives as a means of developing agriculture

but merely as a means of getting credit easily_ is determined

by the great number of credit associations. These

cooperatives vere formed at the expense of those more vi tal

for agricul.ture: production, sales, and supply coopec:.-ative~

N.ot all of them were in operation because when peasants were

able to get money they did not care about the association

any more.

'rhe belief that loans were better' secured through an

agricultural cooperative is also shown by the fact that

refugee peasants were forced to form associations which were

not allowed to be dissolved before final payment was made.

Moreover, in 1926 the National Bank was allowed to have

complete control over agricultural associations. The Greek

state relied on this institution for its financial survival.

One more aspect of the Bank's credit policy was that during

the 1920s loans were granted primarily to cultivators of

tobacco, currants, and oliv~rees. ~hese exportable crops

yielded the highest profit and the National Bank could

secure its loans better.

102

The greatest problem for the peasant population in terms

of agricultural credit was the short duration of loans. 'fhe

National Bank usually granted short-term loans for specific

purposes such as harvesting. This policy prevented expansion

in agriculture since peasants needed long-term loans for

improvements in buildings and for the purchase of new

machines and implements. However, the general picture of

backwardness in Greek agriculture justifies the position of

the ~a~~ until the early 192Us.

Although the National tlank tried to influence public

opinion and to prevent the foundation of a state Agricultural

Bank, it actually controlled the new institution in the

first years of its operation. Its personnel and its Director

were formerly employed by the National Bank. Moreover, the

Agricultural ~ank reached peasants throughout Greece via the

branches of the National Bank. It was this latter

institution that had complete control over agricultural

credit in Greece, especially in the first quarter of the

twentieth century.

.CHAPTER V

PUBLIC AND PRIVATE EDUCATION IH AGRI0ULTURE

Primary and Secondary ~ducation

Until the end of the second decade of the twentieth

century Greece had no organized state agricultural education.

Apart from the American ~·arm SC:hool, there were no schools .,

to teach peasants modern methods of cultivation, and a college

level school of agricultural sciences did not exist.

In 1920 the Ureek government attempted to organize state

agricultural education at the elementary, secondary, and

higher levels. At the primary level pupils would study for

two years beyond the sixth grade and would be boarded by the

state. At this level emphasis was placed on the practical

aspects of agriculture. At the secondary level pupils would

study for three years partly at the expense of the state.

However, they had to complete the eighth grade and pass an

entrance examination. The primary task of secondary

agricultural education would be to train pupils in both the

theoretical and practical aspects of agriculture. Graduates

would be able to undertake the administration of agricultural

enterprises or be employed as civil servants in the Ministry

of Agriculture. 1

1Sideris, "Geor·giki politiki, 11 p. 170.

103

104

The Greek state did not try to incorporate courses in

agriculture into the existing educational system but

attempted to form a new,parallel system of agricultural

education. By 1929 there were nine elementary agricultural

schools operating,most of them located in major towns

throughout Greece. In 1932 the number of these schools

increased to fifteen: four in Crete; four in Western !Viacedonia;_

two in Epirus; one in W. Thrace; two in the Peloponnese; one

on Leukada (Ionian Islands); and one on Chios. However, not

all of the above schools were in operation because of

financial difficulties. 2

Apart from the public schools there were three private

schools operating in 1932: the American Farm School (operating

since 1904) was located in Thessaloniki; the Anagnostopouleios

Farm School in Epirus; and the Practical Farm School of the

Greek Agricultural Society in Attika. The Ministry of

Agriculture did not impose tariffs on agricultural implements

and machines imported by the private agricultural schools

for use by pupils in their practical training.3

Public agricultural education was not very popular

among peasants. There were few children sent by their parents

2Lowrie to Secretary of State, Athens, 11 July 1921, NA 868.42/2 ; Ministry of Agriculure, Theodosios B. Melas, I georgiki ekpaideusis en Elladi /Agricultural Education in Greece / (Athens; "I a tional Printing Office, 1932), pp. 6-7 ; Allen, Macedonia, p. 59

3Ministry of Agriculture, Georgiki ekpaideusis, p. 11.

105

to study at the primary level. Their parents knew that

graduates of those schools could not be employed by the

state mechanism and they refused to send their children to

study for two years only for them to come back to the fields.

Although pupils did not have to pay tuition and the state

provided room and board, ·peasant-parents. dreamed of a better

life for their children away from the hard field work they expe

rienced. Moreover, the schools were not very well organized

and in some of them dormitories were lacking.4

The Greek government intended to teach these twelve

and thirteen year old students farming and agricultural

methods emphasizing practical training in the fields. However,

although the instructors were well trained, they were

extremely theoretical in teaching. They themselves did not have

the skills to teach applied farm practices and, therefore,

the primary task of the elementary agricultural education

was not achieved. It was anticipated that these boys would

return to their villages and introduce better agricultural

methods. However, many of them, coming from poor families

and spending a couple of years in a town, were not ready to

return to the miserable environment of their villages,5

Apart from primary schools there were two public

secondary schools of agriculture in Greece: the Averofeios

Agricultural School at Larissa; and the School of Arboriculture

4Ibid., p. 7. 5Allen, Macedonia, pp. 58-59.

106

and Viniculture at Patras. Both schools owned sufficient

tracts of land for the practical training of their pupils.

Students had to pay in 1932 an annual amount of DRS 3,000

as tuition. However, it was estimated that the Ministry of

Agriculture, which subsidized them,spent between DRS 7,500

to 8,000 for each student every year. Therefore, they paid

only part of their educational expenses. After three years

of study they were granted a degree in Horticulture and by

passing the state examinations they could be appointed as

Assistant tlorticulturists in the services of the Ministry of

Agriculture. 6

Although individual peasants were against agricultural

education at the primary level, the speakers at the '.Chird

Macedonian Conference of Tobacco Growers in 1927 believed that

if agriculcural training was improved and new positions were

available, peasants would change their views on agriculture as

profession. They suggested, therefore, adjustments in the

curriculum according to the needs of each province. Some

regions needed Horticulturists trained in farming, others in

husbandry, and still others in agricultural industry. They

requested the fou:'ldation of a School of Farmiag Machinery

and for improvements in buildings and instruction in the

6Ministry of Agriculture, Mears, Greece Today, p. 236 ; Grece," p. 243•

Georgiki ekpaideusis, pp. 5-6; Evelpidi, "L' agriculture en

107

existing agricultural schools.?

~he teaching method in these two agricultural secondary

schools was highly theoretical and pupils had little contact

with typical farm practices. Thus the graduate rarely dreamed

of returning to a farm. His ambition was to become a civil

servant and to work for the Ministry of Agriculture. However,

since there was an Agricultural Uollege in Greece, founded

in 192U, he had to compete with the college graduates for

~hese positions. During the period of the refugee settlement

most of the secondary school graduates were temporarily

employed by the Settlement Department of the Ministry of

Agriculture. In the future they would have to face stiff

competition from college students and more likely lose 8

the contest.

There were some attempts to organize ::iunday Agricultural

Schools in villages throughout Greece in which school teachers

would teach adult farmers. The Refugee ::iettlement Commission

provided short courses in agriculture for about 400 teachers

in Macedonia. The !Viinistry of Agriculture had founded six

Agricultural Schools tGeorgika ~hrontistiria) for the post­

graduate training of school teachers. These institutions

were located in Athens, 'fhessaloniki, loarmina, Larissa,

7"pempton Psyfisma: Ekpaideutikon," LFifth Resolution: On Education_!, Third Macedonian Conference of Tobacco Growers, 27-3U ~ovember 1927, IAETE/XXII-~, f 1 •

. 8Allen, Macedonia, pp. 14 and 59-60.

108

Patras, and Urete and offered a 9 one year course of study.

Harold Allen, an official of the Near East Relief in

Greece, observed in the late 1920s some of these teachers in

their work during the year of their special training and

reported that "these pedagogues were quite incapable of

organizing intelligent discussion of fundamental problems

and the wise old pea~ seldom returaed for a second meeting.nl'

The American Farm School

The American Farm School (still located just outside of

the city of Thessaloniki) was the most important of the three

private agricultural schools in operation during

the 1920s. It was founded in 1904 by John Henry House, an

American Protestant Missionary. At the turn of the century

there were no vocational or agricultural schools to educate

the Christian peasants in Turkish Macedonia. After its

establishment the school undertook its first major project

in cooperation with the United States Department of Agricul­

ture, when Washington sent several types of Californian

vines in 1907. The School conducted experiments in order to

determine their value for the climate of the Balkan Peninsula,

since the indigenous vines were not resistant to phylloxera,

9Ministry of Agricul1ure, Georgiki ekpaideusis, pp. 13-14; Popular Bank, Anaskopis is of 1927, p. 9 ; George E. Vi hi te, "Macedonia: Old and New," Review of Reviews 80(August 1929),p.~

1°Allen, Macedonia, pp. 58-59.

109

a destructive insect. 11

The American Farm School was recognized by the Greek

government in 1918 and was placed under the jurisdiction of

the Ministry of Agriculture. Enrollment increased from 73

young boys in 1924-1925 to about 85 in 1928-1929. In 1932

148 boys attended classes and the following year the number

increased to 170. 12

In the late 1920s the American Farm School owned a model

farm of about 150 acres for the practical training of pupils.

In 1933 the School had about 300 acres of orchards, vineyards

and grainfields. The training period was five years and

consisted of both theoretical and practical teaching in

agricultural methods. The majority of the students were

Greeks and many courses were taught in the Greek languag~

but English was offered and mathematics and sciences were

taught in English.13

Many of the AFS graduates were employed by the Greek

government during the refugee settlement period either as

11Brenda L. Marder, Stewards of the Land: The American Farm School and Modern Greece (~ew York: 8olumbia Univ. Press, 1979), PP• 3-9 and 57.

12Ibid., pp. 73, llO and 125 ; Ferna~d to Secretary of

.:>tate, Salonika, 21 November 1927, NA 868.42/9 ; Mears, Greece Today, J;l• 242 ; Funny .1\.lliger, "A Farm School in Greece, Rural America 11 (December 1933): 8-9.

13Fernald to Secretary of State, Salonica, 21 November 1927

NA 868.42/9 ; Mears, Greece 'foday, p. 242 ; Roucek, "Economic Geography of Greece," p. 100.

110

instructors of peasants or as personnel in the settlement

services. The favorable attitude of the government towards

the School was expressed in 1927 when it provided

scholarships for a hundred boys to be trained there in the

next eight years. 14

By 1927, 338 pupils had been enrmlled at the AFS although

only 69 had attended the full course of study and graduated.

Some of them eventually became teachers in agricultural or

secondary schools; others were engaged in some sort of

agricultural activity; and still others pursued further

studies either in Greece or in the United States. Although

figures are incomplete, they do indicate that only 29

individuals had an occupation related to agriculture while

8 pursued further studies in agriculture. 15

Even in the case of the American Farm School, therefore,

the majority of its graduates were not returning to the fields.

Most of them, speaking English rather well, would be

employed in agricultural professions but other than farming.

Higher 3ducation in Agriculture

The first College of Agriculture was founded in 1920 in

Athens and incorporated an area of about 100 stremmas (24.7

l4Marder, Stewards of the Land, p. 127 ; Alliger," Farm School," p. 8 ; New York Times, 11 July 1926, sect. 3 p. 18 Ministry of Agriculture, Georg~ki ekpa~deusis, p. 12.

l5Fernald to Secretary of State, Salonika, 21 November 1927, NA 868.42/9.

111

acres) of model farm lBotanikos Kipos). The Athens College

of Agriculture tAnotera Geoponiki Scholi) was to educate

young Greeks in the science of agriculture in such a way that

they would be able to occupy high positions in the Ministry

of Agriculture; to carry out projects for the development

of agriculuure; to promote by their research agricultural

sciences in Greece; and to undertake the mana~ms$ of

enterprises related to agriculture.16

From 1920 to 1932, 4UO students attended classes in the

Athens College of Agriculture, of which only 142 were

granted a degree. In 1932 the ~allege had 178 students.

However, until ttelate 1920s the college had many financial

problems which prevented the enrichment of its laboratories

for the better practical training of students.17

University level agricultural studies in Greece were

in their infancy during the 1920s. Funds seemed to be the

major problem while a reasonable educational policy on the

part of the Greek state was lacking. There was no raison

d' etre for an Agricultural ~allege in Athens in the 1920s

while the need ·for such an institution seemed to be more urgent

in florthern Greece, in the appropriate agricultural milieu.

16~ostas ~apapanos, Ghroniko-Istoria tis anotatis mas ekpaideuseos Chronicle-History of our H~ her .t:!ducail.on/(Athens Pierce College, 1970 , pp. 191-192; Allen, Macedonia, p. 61.

17J:Iinistry of Agriculture, Georgiki ekpaideusis, p. 3 ; Allen, Macedonia, p. 61.

112

'fhe University of Thessaloniki founded in .Northern

Greece in 1926 incorporated a Facult'1 of Mathematics and

Natural ~ciences which granted a degree in Agricultural

Sciences and b'orestry. However, a separate School of Agricul-

tural ~ciences was not founded until 1937. In that year the

School in Athens was transferred to ~hessaloniki. Between

1926 and 1931 three institutes for the development of

selected crops were established: the Plant Breeding Institute;

the Cotton Institute; and the Tobacco Institute.18

Other Institutions of Agricultural Education

Formal education was not the only means of agricultural

training in Greece. Peasants needed some kind of guidance

and training in modern methods as well as a means for

receiving information on developments in agriculture. Two

institutiomprovided such services in interwar Greece: the

Chambers of Agriculture and the model plots.

Agricultural Chambers were introduced by Law 280 in

1914 and the first ones were founded in 1919. However, due

to poor financing they did not function till 1926. By 1928

there were 18 Chambers operating all over Greece and by 1933

they had increased to 32. These Chambers were responsible

for the organization of conferences and exhibitions, for the

publication of pamphlets, and for the popularization of

18Papapanos, Chroniko-Istoria, pp. 235-243 and 295 ; Servakis and Petrountzi, "Agricultiral Policy of Greece," p. 14'

113

agricultural sciences.~9

Model plots, on the other hand, were introduced by the

Refugee Settlement Commission. Under the supervision of its

agronomes intensive cultivation, artificial manure, and

improved methods of cultivation were shown to refugees. By

the late 1920s there were about seventy model plots in

Macedonia established by the Commission which were popular

and successful among the refugees. After the liquidation of

the Commission in 1930 these model plots were handed over

to the Ministry of Agriculture. 20 Agricultural Chambers

provided a more theoretical framework for agricultural

knowledge while model plots were opportunities for peasants

(mainly for refugees in the 1920s) to acquire practical

agricultural knowledge.

Greek governments tried to form a second educational

system devoted. entirely to agriculture along with a system

for the further training of elder peasants. However, lack of

students in the elementary schools and financial difficulties

at all levels prevented the success of agricultural education

in the 1920s. Moreover, harsh working conditions in

agriculture and the idealization of positions in the civil

19servakis and Petrountzi, "Agricultural Policy of Greece," pp. 183-184 ; FO 371/13659, AR 1928, p. 61.

20 FO 371/12178, AR 1926, p. 24 ; Devedji, L' echange

obligatoire, p. 165 ; !Viacartney, Refugees,_ p. 99 ; Eddy, Greek Refugees, p. 102.

114

service did not encourage students to return to the fields.

~he secured salary of tne civil servant was very attractive

compared to the farmer's unpredictable income. It was a

system that produced civil servants armed with theoretical

knowledge instead of producing farmers with practical

training.

CHAPTER VI

SANITATION A~ID THE CONSTRUCTION OF PUBLIC <VOR.T(S

·The marshy areas of Northern Greece constituted a

favorable ground for malaria and the majority of the

population was infected throughout the 1920s. Malaria attacks

prevented many peasants from working in the fields while

swamps precluded the potential cultivation of a considerable

area of land. The drainage of these collections of stagnant

water was a necessity for both sanitary and agricultural

reasons.

Sanitation in Rural Greece

The Asia Minor refugees were settled in Macedonia ancf

W. Thrace which happened to be very malarious. The regions

around the Aliakmon, Axios (VardarJ, Strymon, Nestos, and

Evros rivers as well as the great number of marshes, swamps,

and innumerable small collections of stagnant water created

favorable conditions for the spread of the infection. Stagnant

water covered an area of about 6.8 million stremmas (1.7 millioJ

acres) in Northern Greece.l

Refugees were infected in great numbers during the first

couple of years of their residence in the region. In 1922 in

1Jean P. Uardamatis and Uonstantine Savas, Ligue Anti­malarienne Hellenigue: Compte-~endu 19U5-l928 (Athens: 1929), p. 100 ; Great Britain, NID, Greece, 1:273.

115

the district of Kilkis alone about 40,000 refugees were

infected by malaria, a number which constituted between

116

80 and 95 percent of the population in the area. The epidemic

reached its climax during the last months of 1923 and all

of 1924 when the rate of illness among the refugees climbed

to 45 percent in the whole of Greece. During the same period

70 percent of the sick had malaria, 25 percent typhus,

paratyphus, and dysentery, and the remaining 5 percent various

other diseases. In 1923 the ratio between deaths and births was

three to one. The same situation continued in 1924 when

some refugee villages lost half of their population to . 2 dJ.seases.

The indigenous population was also infected with

malaria which consequently influenced everyday life in

rural Greece. Although there are slight differences in

statistics,about 3U to 36 percent of the total Greek

population was infected in 1923 and 1924. In Northern

provinces the number of sick people was even higher. The

rate of illness was about 60 percent in the area of Kavala,

55 percent in the 'area of Thessaloniki, and 40 in Drama in

the year 1924. 3

2uardamatis and Savas, Ligue Antimalarienne, p. 104 , League of Nations, L' etablissement, p. 97.

3League of .Lfations, Second Quartely Report, 25 fiay 1924, p. 3 ; ~ardamatis and Savas, Ligue Antimalarienne, p. 172 ; Ioannis P. Kardamatis, l machJ. exakolouthei (Syllogos Peri­stolis Elodon Hoson: Ta pepragmena, 1914-1928 /The Struggle

'£he breakdown of cultivation, the lack of simple

necessities, the general disorganization, and the hard

conditions of living facilitated the spread of malaria.

However, after 1925 intensive cultivation, the settlement

117

of the refugees, and the reorganization of sanitary services

improved living conditions. 4

In July 1922 a project for the creation of a Ministry

of Social welfare and Hygiene, in which all services of

sanitation under various Ministries would be united, did not

materializ·e. The Ministry of Hygiene, which was created a

few months later, was not a success because none of the

Minist·ers.~ u.ntil 1928 was a specialist in sanitation questions.

Moreover, frequent changes of Ministers and the final reduction

of the office to a Sub-Direction in 1926 hampered its work.

A good start in the reorganization of sanitary services

took place in 1928 when the Ministry of Public Health was

formed. 5 The disorganization and the frequent changes in

the state service did not allow its proper function in the

1920s.

"ievertheless, during this period the existing state

Goes 1928

Antimalarian League: ~e ort for 1914-1923 / (Athens: 3 ; Ance , Uacedoine, p~ 112.

4cardamatis and Savas, Ligue Antimalarienne, p. 109 ; Great Britain, iUD, Greece, 1:273.

5Aristotle P. Kousis, "L' ivolution de la Midecine en Grece," Les Balkans 3(1932-1933): 347-348.

hygienic services were preoccupied with the sanitary

situation among urban refugees and, therefore, rural

sanitation was left to the RSC. The Commission, however,

118

did not have the necessary funds to respond immediately to

the urgent needs of rural refugees. The Commission organized

in June 1925 a Service of Hygiene in l!iacedonia consisting of

17 Hygienic Bureaus which included 59 rural dispensaries.

The service operated from 1925 to 1929 when it was placed

under the Ministry of Public Health. 6

In February 1925 the RS~ requested five tons of quinine

to be sent immediately from the American Red Cross. Charles

Howland, Chairman of the Commission, commented that it would

be a "life-saving contribution." The quantity of quinine

along with ten more tons of quinine and medications purchased

by the Commission were distributed to the rural dispensaries.

Thus, the RSC was able to take care of about 85,000 people

between July 1925 and March 1926. 7 Refugee condition of·

sanitation improved the following years in Macedonia after

the efforts of the Commission. In the first nine months of

1925 the average rate of illness had dropped to 15 percent.

6League of Nations, Monthly Summary 10(1930), p. 178 ; League of lfations, .L' etablissement, p. 98 ; Ancel, Mac·:fdoine :P· 137.

7Howland to ARC, Athens, 14 February 1925, JA 868.51/ RSC/223; Payne to RSC, Washington, 16 February 1925, NA 868.51/RSC/225 ; League of Nations, Sixth Ouartely Renort, Athens, 5 July 1925, p. 6 ; League of Aations, L' etablis­sement, pp. 100-101.

119

Furthermore, in 1924 the birth rate was 10 per thousand, 29

in 1925 and 35 in 1926. In contrast, the death rate dropped

from 33 per thousand in 1924 to 12 in 1926.8

The problem of malaria in Epirus, however, had not

diminished by 1927. 'fhis province was under the exclusive

jurisdiction of the Greek state. Sanitation services were

not organized and antimalarian efforts were at a minimum.

The inhabitants of the area were inadequately informed

and they used quinine in such a way that it became useless.

Moreover, since the doctors engaged by the state in that

province were in the· majority refugees, they preferred· to

administer the inadequate quantity of the quinine to refugee

compatriots. A large part of the province was covered by

stagnant water and there was a great need for drainage

works. Thus, more land would be available for cultivation

which in turn would improve the financial position of the

inhabitants. In t~e area of Preveza the rate of illness

from malaria was 35 percent while it was 52 percent of the

population in the area of Parga and 65 in Arta in 1927. 9

·rhe great outbreak of malaria in 1924 was followed by

a decrease in the number of deaths the next six years lindi-

8Fo 371/12178, AR 1926, p. 25 ; League of Nations, Eighth Quartely Report, Athens, 7 December 1925, p. 7, U.730.M276.1925.II.

9Kardamatis, I machi exako1outhei, pp. 50-53 and Savas, Ligue Antima1arienne, p. 134.

Cardamatis

TABLE 13

DEATHS CAUSED BY MALARIA IN GREECE (1924-1930)

Year Number of Deaths

1924 7,822 1925 4,619 1926 4.024 1927 4,851 1928 5,841 1929 6,424 1930 5,642

SOURCE: Aristotle P. Kousis, "L' evolution de la Medecine en Grece," Les Balkans 3~1932-1933). p. 362.

cated in Table 13J. A hospital that was acquired by the

120

RSC in 1927 helped to improve treatment of the sick. Despite

improvements in sanitation the number of deaths was still

high in the late 1920s.10 Drainage in Macedonia was not

completed before the end of the interwar period and, therefore,

the source of the disease still existed by 1930.

Public Works in Rural Greece

Immediately after the coming of the refugees projects

of land reclamation were proposed by American corporations

to. the Greek government. It was emphasized that these

projects would result in an increase of land cultivation

sufficient to feed about 1.75 million persons. Funds were

10Eddy, Greek Refugees, p. 101 en Grece," p. 362.

Kousis, "Medecine

121

to be raised either by the League of Nations or by

philanthropic organizations in Europe and the United States.ll

In early 1923 the Greek government offered various

concessions under option to American corporations: exploitation

of hydraulic forces of various rivers; drainage and irrigation

works; exploitation and construction of the Thessaloniki

free port; exploitation and construction of railways. However,

all these public works seemed to be utopian when one takes

into account the financial position of the Greek state.

Moreover, the suggestion of the Greek government to finance

public works in the region of Drama and Kavala from taxes

imposed on products like tobacco and regional merchandise

appeared superficial to Americans; taxes would not be 12 sufficient to finance a project of such a scale.

The beginning of the refugee settlement in 1924 changed

the orientation of Greek governments towards public works

to more realistic projects related to the development of

Greek agriculture. Talks resumed between the government and

American companies on the drainage of the Vardar and Struma

plains in ?Iorthern Greece. The Vardar plain lies to the west

of the city of Thessaloniki and the Struma plain further east

11New York Times, 20 January 1923, p. 3.

12Lowrie to Secretary of State, Athens, March 1923, NA 863~602/1"3 6 ;. :);ow:r;ie to Secretary of State, Athens, 27 March 192~, ~A 8 o.b02;12 ; Lowrie to Secretary of State, Athens, 6 April 1923, ~fA 868.602/14 ; lllorris to Secretary of State, Salonika, 28 July 1923, 868.50/31.

122

along the course of the river Strymon. The drainage works

in these plains were related to the shortage of land that

the 0ommission faced at that time. However, the RSC due to

its limited finances,was able to undertake the drainage and

reclamation of only 15,000 stremmas (less than 4,000 acres)

in Epirus. In mid-1925 the Greek government and the

Foundation Company of New York signed a contract of $25

million for the drainage and irrigation works in the Vardar

plain. 13

The Vardar Plain

Four rivers (Vardar or Axios, Galikos, Loudias, and

Aliakmon) which flow through the Vardar plain, two lakes

(Artzan and Amatovo), and innumerable swamps caused the

problems in Central Macedonia. The flooding of the rivers

frequently wiped out villages and ruined crops. The lakes

and the swamps caused suffering from malaria for the peasants

who lived in the plain. Moreover, the large area of land

covered by stagnant water took out of cultivation a

considerable area of arable soil. 14

13New York Times, 25 June 1925, p. 29 and 1 July 1925, p. 32; The rimes, 21 August 1924, p. 9; l•lacartney, Refugees p. 94 ; Hadzopoulos, "Die fluchtlingsfrage in Griechenland," P• 41.

14Fernald to Secretary of State, Salonika, 8 September 1925, N"A 868.50/46 ; "Momentous ?"eclamation Project in Greece," Review of Reviews 73(January-June 1926), p. 218.

The works in the plain of Thessaloniki or the Vardar

plain involved several stages. Lakes Artzan and Amatovo

123

would be drained by a canal which would evacuate their waters

into the river Vardar. The banks of the rivers Aliakmon,

Vardar and Galikos would be corrected in such a way as to

protect the land from floods. Lake Yanitsa and the marshes

along the river Loudias would be drained too. The last stage

would involve irrigation works for tne largest possible area

of land which would have been protected and drained by the

previous works.l5

It was estimated that after the completion of the

reclamation works almost 300 sq. miles (192,000 acres) of

land would be available for the growing of tobacco, cotton,

wheat, and corn. Furthermore, approximately 25,000 peasant

families would be able to settle on the drained area of

lakes and marshes. The project W'JUld be completed in five

and a half years. 16 However, political and financial causes

prevented the completion of the scheme before the end of the

1930s.

In April 1926 the Greek government signed a contract

with the Foundation Company according to which the latter

15A. D-.Jmestichos, "Productive .vorks in Greece: Land Reclamation and Settlement in Macedonia," International Labor Review 30(1934J, p. 603 ; r.raurogordatos and Chamoudo­poulos, !Viakedonia, p. 122.

16Fernald to Secretary of State, Salonika, 28 October 1926, NA 868.6ll2/LUnnumbered_/ ; FO 371/12924, AR 1927, p. 39 Mears, Greece Today, p. 55 ; "Momentous Reclamation," p. 218.

124

provided a loan of .$2. 5 million at 7 2 percent and l perce~t

commission to carry out the drainage work in the Vardar plain.

The actual work of land reclamation started in the summer of

that year but the continuation of the scheme was soon in

danger because of a shortage in Greek capital. The Greek

government concluded two more loans in 1928 and 1931 of £4

million and £4.6 million at 6 percent respectively. These

were long-term loans repayable within forty years. 17

Hy 1939 the work had been completed and 266,000 stremmas

~ 65,700 acres) had been made available to cultivation while an

additional area of about 800,000 stremmas (197,6UO acres)

was already protected from floods and was, therefore,

available to agriculture. On the drained area of the Artzan,

Amatovo, and Yanitsa lakes and the marshes of Loudia 105

villages were built which housed 10,714 peasant families.

Also

were

on the swamps of the Thessaloniki pla '.n 30 villages

built and 1,000 families were established. 18

The Struma Plain

The )easants of the ~truma plain faced similar problems

17New York Times, 3 June 1926, p. 42 ; The Times, 17 April 1926, p. 18 ; Domestichos, "Productive Norks," p. 605.

l8A very informative text on the public works in the ifar:l.ar plai:1 U:j? to 1932 along with pic'tures can be found in Frank Choisy, 'Les Grand travaux de Macedoine," 1' Illustration, 187 (.January-April 1934):85-86 ; LPublic Works of tne Foundation_/, OAD/f 5 ; Alivizatos, Georgiki ~llas, Py• 39-40; Domestichos, ".Productive Works," p. 604.

125

to those of the area around 'fhessaloniki. The region along

the course of the river Strymon was uninhabited because of

marshes on both banks. Moreover, floods made permanent

settlement and the development of agriculture in the area

impossible. The whole region was infected with malaria because

of the marshes and the collections of stagnant water at its

lower part. When the river Strymon overflowed in February 1929

about 120,000 acres of land were under water and many

people homeless. 1 9

In May 1928 the Greek government signed a contract

with the American group of Mon.lcs and Ulen for the drainage

and irrigation of the Struma plain. The specific goals of

this scheme were to protect land in the plain against floods;

to drain lake Achinos and the marshes of the plain; and to

irrigate the protected and drained region with the water of

the river Strymon. l!'urthermore, the group undertook the

drainage of the Philipoi marshes in the plain of Drama in 2u ·rhrace.

~ tm m:id-19303 the scheme had not been completed due to a

lack of sufficient funds and had been interrupted for long

l9Hauded to Kellog, Washington, 30 3eptember 1927, ~TA 868.51/::>V/Lunnumbered_! ; Domesticos, "Productive \Vorks," pp. 601-602; Morgenthau, I '.'las Sent to Athens, pp. 273-274; The Times, 18 February 1929, p. 14.

2°The Times, 14 May 1928, p. 13 ; Domesticos, "Productive Works,~." p. 6u3 ; Maurogordatos and Chamoudopoulos, Makedo:lia, pp. L~4-125.

126

periods of time. The project provided for the drainage of

more than 400,000 stremmas (about 100,000 acres) and the

protection from floods of a further 300,000 stremmas (about

75,000 acres). By 1934 only the work that provided for the

protection of the area against floods was completed. An area

of 150,000 stremmas (38,000 acres) was already under

cultivation by peasants but had not been officially distributed 21 yet.

By the end of the interwar period the works were still

in progress. However, a number of peasant families had been

established on the drained lake Achinos. In 1939 43 villages

were built which included 5,759 families. In the area

covered formerly by the Philipoi marshes 45 villages with

7,562 families were sett1ed.22

Therefore, although the

work was not c"oinpleted, land had become available and peasants

were established in the Struma plain and Philipoi by the end

of the interwar pe~iod.

The British Contract

Reclamation schemes in interwar Greece developed into a

struggle between British and American contractors. In 1927

2111Ydraulika erga pediados Serron kai Dramas" LHydraulic Works i!l the Plains of Struma and, Dram.§/, OAD/f 5 ; Domestichos, "Productive Works," p. 604.

22 U.s., Department of Agriculture, Foreign Agriculture, p. 84 ; Alivizatos, "Georgiki Ellas," pp. 39-40.

127

the Greek government invited firms to bid for the land

reclamation schemes in Eastern Macedonia and Thessaly. In

spite of British pressure the contract for the reclamation

of the Struma plain was awarded to the American group of

Monks and Ulen. In order to compensate the British part,

Venizelos entrusted the surveys of land considered for

reclamation in Thessaly and Epirus to the English firm of

Boot & Sons Ltd. 23

When Venizelos visited England in October 1928 he assured ;

the representatives of the Boot firm that the Greek cabinet

had decided to e.ntrust them with the execution of public

works in Greece. Next year the contract that was signed

between Boot and the Greek government provided for reclamation

works in Sterea Ellada, Thessaly and Epirus at a cost of

$30 million. The reclamat.ion project involved an area of

535,000 acres in Thessaly the survey of which was completed

in 1930.24

The lack of geological studies for the area, however,

forced the British company to undertake a preliminary study

which was completed in 1932. After the submission of the

23FO 371/13659, AR 1927, pp. 24-25 ; Skinner to Secretary of State, Athens, 14 May 1928, cfA 368.51/SV/16 ; The Times, 5 April 1928, p. 11.

24Fo 371/14391, AR 1929, p. 3 ; New York Times, 19 December 1929, p. 4 ; The Times, 5 October 1928, p. 13 and 19 December 1929, p. 14 and 8 April 1930, p. 15.

128

final studies the Greek government in 1934 invited .the Boot

firm to construct flood protection works in Boeotia. The

work was completed in two years and in 1937 the company

undertook a large drainage and irrigation project in Thessaly,

Epirus and Urete. The project would have been completed in

five years but the outbreak of World War II forced the Greek

government to close down the work in early 1940. Although

it was reported that part of the already reclamed area was

under cultivation,no specific figures were communicated. 25

Through public works foreign capital poured into' the

country in the interwar period. All projects were oriented

towards agriculture, a fact that demonstrates the emphasis

placed by Greek governments on that sector of the economy.

However, apart from the scheme in Thessaloniki, both those

of the struma plain and the British contract did not fully

materialize before V/orld War II. Although state policy in

this sector did not change throughout the interwar period,

financial difficulties and the war in 1939 prevented the

completion of the works.

The subject of the construction of public works does not

fully belong to the period under consideration; it is important,

however, for it indicates the interwar trends in Greek

agricultural policy. Public works were absolutely necessary

25The Times, 10 November 1932, p. 13 and 22 Septemebr 1934, p. 6 and 27 April 1937, p. 15 and 9 May 1940, p. 5.

129

given the condition of peasants in rural Greece. These

drainage, irrigation, and flood protection projects partly

solved the problem of malaria and made a new area of land

available to cultivation.

CONCLUSION

1924-1928:-RURAL GREECE IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

The 1920s was a period of both transformation and

transition as well as the beginning of a new era in rural

Greece. Old traditions in agriculture disappeared or were in

the process of decay, replaced by a new status quo in the

ownership of land and new methods and agricultural techniques.

Despite the troubled political years, the influx of the

refugees and the new orientation of the state policy were

the major factors of change.

The coming of the refugees from Asia Minor stimulated

and reinforced the efforts of the Greek governments

to develop agriculture. Some of the changes that took

place in the 1920s had started in the previous decade. However,

conditions of war and lack of available funds did not allow

the materialization of projects in agriculture. 'l'he problem

?f refugee settlement and the reinstitution of international

credit for Greece after World War I forced the interwar

governments to consider seriously changes in the old

traditions.

Laws were passed for the expropriation of the chifliks

and the greater number of large estates were taken from the

landowners by the e~rly 1930s. The necessities of refugee

settlement served as a bulwark against the grievances of the

130

131

landowners for the expropriation of their estates and for

the low compensations they had received from the state. On

the other hand, Greek governments divided the chifliks

in order to bring to an end the demands of ·Thessalian and

Macedonian peasants for land.

The settlement of the rural refugees on land was nne

more factor in the beginning of the new agricultural era.

They filled in the population vacuum in Northern Greece and

became productive elements. in the Greek agricultural

communities. They came to be in an advantageous position

compared to the indigenous rural population. 'l'he Refugee

~ettlement Gommission provided land, houses, animals, seed,

and loans for their permanent settlement on Greek soil. They

themselves were experienced farmers and introduced new

methods in cultivation. In some cases they even improved the

quality of crops such as that of the "sultanina" currant.

The increase in the number of land holders forced

Greek governments to seek out new policies for the further

development of agriculture. The National Bank dominated

the allocation of agricultural credit while there was a

great need for the foundation of a Bank controlled

by the state which would make credit easily available and

in 8.dequate amounts for peasants. Consequently, the National

Bank detel'i'llline!'state agricultural policy since it controlled

the disposition of loans. The Bank favored those cultivators

and those crops that could secure better its invested capital.

132

:io so and agricultural policy could be formulated unless the

government had some control of credit. The foundation of

the Agricultural Bank of Greece in 1928 took away from

the National Bank all its privileges conc.erning agricultural

credit and transferred them into the hands of the Greek state.

Credit, however, was not the only means by which

agricultural development could occur. Peasants needed a

continuous education on new agricultural methods. Moreover,

some kind of formal agricultural education was needed for the

future farmers. Theoretically speaking, the idea of a new

separate system of agricultural education was reasonable.

Each level had its own goals and prospects in the education of

young villagers. However, peasants experienced a hard life

at that time: the sale of currants was a problem because of

overproduction; crops, apart from tobacco, were not very

profitable; loans were granted by the National Bankonly for

selected crops; bad weather frequently destroyed the

production; diseases and especially malaria were a :real thc>eat

to peasants. Their children, therefore, did not want to spend

their lNes in the struggle for an unpredictable income. Life

in the towns and the attracti~n of a monthly salary oriented

those who graduated from agricultural schools to look for

a profession in the public sector of the economy. Greece was

hardly an industrially developed country. Despite the good

intentions of the Greek governments both public and private

education in agriculture failed to convince peasant

133

children to go back to the fields.

One more indication of the governments' intentions in

the interwar period towards agriculture was their favorable

disposition towards the construction of costly but necessary

public works in rural Greece. The drainage of lakes and swamps

and the protection of rable land from floods made possible

in the long run the establishment of peasant families on

reclaimed land. However, while the ultimate goal was an

increase in agricultural production, the outbreak of World

War II interrupted the completion of the works in various

areas of Greece. It is important for the period under

consideration thatthe major projects started in the 1920s.

The policy of all the Greek governments in the 1920s

was characterized by continuous support of agriculture. It

was considered to be the most important sector of the

economy and much emphasis was placed on its development.

When the dream of a Megali Ellas (Greater Greece) vanished

with the defeat of the Greek army in Anatolia, Greek

political parties started paying more attention to domestic

affairs. Besides, the greater portion of the Greek population

that used to live outside the Greek borders was now in the

process of resettlement in Greece.

The years from 1924 to 1928 were a period of transition

from large estates to small ownership; from agricultural

tenants to land proprietors; from old to new agricultural

traditions in the cultivation of land. It was also a period of

134

transformation. The new state policy was responsible for the

agricultural transformation that took place in rural life and

practices. The population of former metayers and refugees

was transformed to peasants who owned land, settling

permanently on their property, and constituting a vital

and productive force in Greek economy. Intensive cultivation,

crop rotatio, improvements in quality are other indicators

of the transformation. This period was also the beginning of

a new era, which was interrupted by the Second World War,

because the foundations for the development of modern Greek

agriculture were established at that time: the efforts to

bring as muchland as possible under cultivation, to increase

production, and to raise the peasants' income.

APPENDIX

APPENDIX

YUGOSLAVIA

SEA

Originnl Greek Kingdom

loni<ln Islands ceded by Greo! Britain, 1864

Thessaly and Arta. ndded 1881

Macedonia, Crete and Islands ~ added nfter the Balknn Wafs ~ 1913

BLACK SEA BULGARIA

Ceded to Greece by Tm<>:ty of Sevres (not ratified l 1920 [ill] Ceded to Greec~ by Treoty of CTIJ Sevres (not ratified) 19:20 and :::::;::::: awarded to Greece by Treaty · · ·' · · of Lausanr.e. 1923 Dodekanese ceded by l!aly, lfi({j 1947

0 MILES

100 200

The Expansion of The Greek Kingdom

3QGRCE: Douglas Dakin, of Greece: l77U-l923 tLondon:

The 0:lificat.;cn berm, 19'12), p.

135

27J ..

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-----· I georgiki !illlas kai i exel.ixis tis I Ar;ricul­tural Greece and its !Je,relonmer:t/. Athens: 1939.

Afentakis, D. 1f. I agrotiki ~is tis en Tourkia, Bou 1 .'C·'•::-ia, ''l"o·•-1rosl-ab·'~ Val' '·' l"d"' j 3 -·-,..ic•ulf,~,-,1 C'"<>di'l' Y t.A.f',.:'l.. ,.l.<J..f •'- --' 0. '-"' .'""'l.h _....__. v>.~.~--'- ...._..__ ..._v

in Turkey, Bulgaria, YugQslavia, and Greece/ • Athens: Alfa, n.d.

Dertilis, Gioreos. Koinonikos metaschimatis~as kai stratiotiki eoembasi, l~U0-1)09 /3c;cial Transf'Jrmati-~n and r:Iili tar~ Inte;·yention, lr330-1a>0t ·t~-~~· ~-ant~- 10 7 ~ •• '"\. J..l.,.. • .l.o..) .. -.4 .... ... c.v' -J •

~ve::!.:;Jidis, :.."]hrysos. Oikono:niki 1-::2.i Ko inOniki I8 to::--i 2. ~is Ellad:Js /3oclal and gconomlc RJ..stor:,r :J.l ;_:reece /. Athens: I'apazisis, L-50.

Kardamatis, !oq~r1is P. I machi exakolouthei ~·rllszos 8aris~olis elodon nc3on: ~~l ~e~ra~~ena ~~·4-

_;_.e'"'l ~ue:

:.:s.:-:ed on L

l'<Ipakalbasis, A.. G. Gen.iki eisiR:isis e~~:..:rithis8. D3.:::'3. ~is l~oinobouleut~kis eni tau ka~~8U enit=o~is ;2en~r~ ~~~raved b~ t~e Parl!anen~a~~ Gcm~ittee ~n 'roOc..ccot. Athens: _L?·J, l93i.

·,To+a..,.."'~ i-iii r..._,r.::~l T -::::_;,-..-yoo+~,_..i a~olr~+-::~.:.:::+-aq-1~ ton ~;r-0.~f·,·.c:::--__ ,,...1 - \1 ......... _.. ...... , ' ................. ._.. ..... _ ....... '--·2-· "'-'--~~'...;,,_. _ _.._ .... ..I._._,... - ·- ~-~--.- .l..L

/Aci=icultural 3e~~leme~t 3f ~~e =efu3ees~ .. At~en2 ~·j_;.~.

?allis, 1\. • ,,

.J;:l, ..

en ti a cranix:, -Jn .Po u 1 a tion 3Xct1a::to-e and Settlement in the Bal'{ans during the years 191.::.-l~· u . ·:o:1star..tinople: l92C

?anagiotopoulos, Basil is. "I :Siomichaniki epa!"~as -:3.s :_3 kai i Sllada, 1832 -1871" LLJ.dustrial R.evo1u ·.:ion and Greece, 1832-1871/ in Eksychrcnismos kai Biomichaniki E anastasis sta Bal~:e.ni3. ton l9o aiona ;,;odernization and Industrial Rev·oluti::>n in the Hal}:ans in the 19th Century/. Athe:1s: Theme1io, 1980.

?apapanos, Kostas. Chroniko-lstoria tis anotatis ~as eknaideusis I (.3hronic 9 e-Hi3 t~-ry of our H ~ gl"'.~.er Education/. Athens: Pierce Uollege, 1970.

Sid~ris , A. D. I geor~iki politiki tis E1lados kata tin lixasa elmtcntaetia 1333-1933 /Agricul­ura Pol:!.c o Greece during the hunC.red '"ea:::-s

-~,. / • A" .ens: ~apadog~annis, _ , •

Vergopoulos, Kostas. To ag~otiko zitima stin Z1lada. /The Agricultural Question in 0reece/. 3d ed. Athens: Sxantas, 1975.

Veremis, Thanos M. Jikonomia kai Diktatoria: 1925-1926 /Economy and Dicta tors hip: !9? 5-l <_:i26/. Athens: MI3T3, 1382 .

.3. In Other Langua,ses

Alivizatos, Babis B. La reforme aRraire en Gr~ce au coi~t de vue economic~e et 3ocial. Paris: ~es Presses Modernes, 1932.

Ancel,

142

Dakin, Douglas. The Unification of Greece: 1770-1923. London: Benn, 1972.

Derti1is, 2anagiotis. Le probleme de 1a dette publigue . des etata Balkanigues •. Athens: Flamma, l936.

Devedji, Alexandre E. L' ~chan'e obligatoire des minorites Grecgues et urgues. Paris: Editions & Publications Contemporaines, 1929.

Eddy, Charles B. Greece and the Greek Refugees. London: Allen & Unwin, 1931.

Eve1pidi, C. Les etats Ba1kanigues. Paris: nousseau, 193C

Ladas, Stephen P. The Exchange o~ Minorities; Bulgaria. Greece and-Turke;z. New York: Macmillan, 1932.

Marder, Brenda L. Stewards of the Land: The American Farm School and Modern Greece. New York:

Mears,

Columbia Univ. Press, 1979.

Eliot G. Greece Toda : The Aftermath f the ~R~e~f~u~g~e~e~~~~-,n~a~c~t. n.p.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1929.

Miller, William. Greece. ~ew York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1928.

Macartney, C. A. Ref"up;ees: thw Work of the League. ZLondonf: LON Union, L193117·

lVicGrew, William W. "The Land Issue in the Greek War of Independence." Nikiforos Diamantouros, et. al. eds. Hellenism and the First Greek War of J:ndependenceS1821-1830): Continuity and Change. Thessaloniki: IBS, 1976.

Papacosma, S. Victor. The Military in Greek Politics: The 1909 coup d' etat. Kent, Ohio: Kent State On~v. Press, 19 ('{.

Psomiades, Harry J. The Eastern Question: The Last Phase. Thessaloniki: IEd, 1968. .

Servakis, George and C. Pertountzi. "The Agricultural Policy of Greece." 0. S. r.:organ, ed. Agricul­tural Systems of !.Iiddle Europe. 1933; rpt. lrew York: AMS Press, 1969.

143

,..., ~ · d "R ~-r 11: 9 .. • ., t , 0:.mS1:ll e, ;-'· .to~. ..u economle :-uJ;ate grecCJ1J.e, e .j.a , cr~s e de la e;uerre mondc.a~ .n ..;.ndre ;,.ndreades, ed. I.es effets economi::ues et sociaux de la guerre en Grece. Paris & Hew iiaven: Les .Presses Univ. de France & Yale Univ. Press, Ll9282/·

Simpson. John H. The Eefugee Problem. London: Oxford univ. Press, 1939.

VII. Articles

A. In Greek

~l!vizatos, Babis B. "To problima tis agrotikis pisteos apo Balkani'.<is apopseos" LThe problem of Agricultural Credit from a .3alkan point of view_/ Archeion Oikonomikon kai Kainonikon Epistimon /Arch<ve of Economics and Social ~ciences/ 14 (1934J : 160-331.

EYelpidis, Uh.r. 11 I georgiki krisis id.ia en Blladi" LAgricultural Crisis Especially in Greece/. A.rcheion Oiko~omikan kai Koinonikon Zpistimon /Archive of Economics and Social Sciences/ ll ( 1931) : 145 -2U4.

31a'e..,...is A D ".1~ {_,•o~'k~ exe 1 ~~,~~ ~:s -e,.,.,...g;l.<"..;~ ~'"1s .- .I...... , 0 <0 .J....:.l '-' .a.- ..I.. ~ ~-~•-._. V.I.. 5 ._.._ ·--...i..V .1••'-

phorologias'' Lliistorical ~evelopment of ou~ A.gricul tur2.l Taxation/ Archeicn Oik!lrl~-:n:kon ~al Y.:oinonikon E-:J:.st~mo!1-/Arch"'ve Gf' ~c~:1c~::.cs aY:d c-~.,....,,..;~1 sf""';<::l,...,CC<"'/ ll (lq"":l;"'l) • '1C::."::_J!,2 >.J" ....... _........ ~ ..... c: ...... ,~...Jt ........... -·_-'- G ..)_,i../ '+--- 0

.o. .1..:1 Ctl-.;.er Languages

-----' "G-reece: The Agrarian H.ef:)::-m. n

levis~ o~ ~gricultural Scc~ornics

462-472.

Int8rc.a. ti or:al lo(,c'"" \. ~ .... , ...... _.. '-...J.. I •

_____ , u:.:omentou.s rtecl?..mation. .Project in Greece.H -~•~:.;'~'=-' "'~·.;_'.'f="A"'t_.!;.!;').:;:O""'T~';;;"''"-'.::.-'·r.==." 7~( .-:-~·'l11~.,n~T-J :1r,e l Q?~) • ;;.:w -- . .J n.c.; .......... ~ ~·\'-''"-·-:....-1.'---'-,) o...c.- ... --J'-"-'.

2l7-213 ..

Alli0er, Fa:J..l1Y. "F~ Farm School in Greece • 11 ~l;.1ral America llCJecember 1'033 J: 3-9.

3entwich, i.Jorman. 11 The :·Iew Ionia!l f;':igration.u Cor. temnorary Review 130( July-Dec ember 1926): 321-325.

144

3la:lchard, R3.oule 11 The ExchanGe of Populations between Greece and Turkey." Geo,;;ranhical :leview 15(1925): 449-456.

Barns, Allen T. "T:he Hamel ess L1 Greece." Survey 49~ October-karch 1922-1323): 492-494.

(.)ha isy, Frank. 11 ~es travaax de h!ac 8do ine . 11 L' 187\JaCJ.uary-A_pril l934J: 35-36.

Ill J.s tra tion

Domestichos, li.. nProductive V/or::s in G:reece: Lar...d J:teclamation and Settle:nents in Lacedonia." International LabCJr ReYiew. 30(LJ34): 601-621.

Doukas, Kimon A. n Agrarian H.ef·orms in Greece • 11 American 1 f 0 • ' • . , -() ~ b Journa o wConomlC3 ana ..:>-ac.:.Q · o,-:;y :; · c vo er-

Jul.; 1945-1946 J: 79-92.

~velp~ di l' u- 1 a~.,..l.· cu,.L'"u~e e"' 0 r'e,o 11 ..L~~s l:IT>al1__-cans ..::. .:.. ..... ' ~ • ..l..J s..... J ..... .i.J,. ,_..r ._,""' • ........

5\l934J: 28-71 a~d 225-248.

l45

"'alc.~s, ri ~ ~~~acial l'I'J..·,.....,....':l+.;o., ;-..., +-.,..,e "'R ..... l'!.r'-=l......,.-. d'~.,...;n.(J"' +he - -- .n.... •• .. .l.l. - ! 6- ~ ......... ~ -- -J..J.. ......... .:,.....;;t._.__,_;: •• ~.:.;; ·- -4- _ ...... 0 .......

"e"rs 101°-1°?11 " ':eoc-r''.""'c"'l Jo .. ~n-> 1 ·66(.T,l·y.-J ...... ...._._L,. ..... -.• '-' -~ (._,_ ...... _~._..-. <...4.1..-<;.0...- -\A.-

December 1925): 315-331.

-----· "The Greek <..:en:Jus of 1923.'' Geographical J.::nrnal 73lJanuary-Ju.ly 1929): 543-548.

Pepelasis, A .. A... 11 ·The Legal Sys tern and Economic Develonr:1ent of .:;reece." Jour!l.al of 3conomic H:story l9tJune 1959): 173-1':)3.

Roucek, Joseph S. ''~c0nomic Geot;J:""aphy of G:::eece .. " :2;co::.-::rn:!.c Geo~:ranhy ll 1 J."'::J.ua~·r-un+o'-·er 1 q3.:;) • 01 -1'14 :::::: - --\ --· .... J ... "' .... .......- _, .. J..L. ....., ..

.3chul tze, Joac!:im H. "Greek .b1ron~ier :Joloniza tie>n i?J.. Thrace a:1d Macedcnia.'! 3cattish Geoe;:-s.nh;c<:;l Ma~azine 53l~arch 1937): 8!-89.

''-+"' • d" '""- "'!• tiTf. h Qe~erJ..a es, 0ce~J..o, ~ ec a::J.6e de Droit International. 307-439.

d 1 ~· " .. , .. 8S pOpU aLlQTI. aC3-9mle

Hecueil des Uours 24(1928):

Severine, G. "Les conditions de 1' agriculture en 1930-1931." Les Balkans 2l0ctober 193l-0eptember 1932): 57U-587.

Simonide, B. "La question agraire en Grece ." Revue d' ~conomie Politigue 37ll923): 769-811.

Wh~te, George E. nr'!tacedon:ia : Old and :.rew." ?~eview of Reviews Su(August 1929): 52-56.

ΟΙ ΜΕΓ ΑΛΕΣ Δ ΥΝΑΜΕΙΣ

Η ΜΙΚΡΑΣΙΑτΙΚΉ ΚΑΤΑΣΤΡΟΦΗ

ΚΑΙ Η ΕΓΚΑΤΆΣΤΑΣΗ ΤΩΝ

ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΩΝ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

(1920- 1930)

'

" ''~'-~"""""_,, __ ,~,-"--..--------------------

Δ. Ι.ΛΟΧΖΟΣ

ΟΙ ΜΕΓ ΑΛΕΣ Δ ΥΝΑΜΕΙΣ

Η ΜΙΚΡΑΣΙΑτΙΚΉ ΚΑΤΑΣΤΡΟΦΗ

ΚΑΙ Η ΕΓΚΑΤΆΣΤΑΣΗ ΤΩΝ

ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΩΝ ΣΤΗΝ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

(1920- 1930)

Summaxy in English

\Αθήνα 1994

~---11''- ""~~~~ ~~-~~~-00-0 0---

ISBN 960-220-681-0

© copyright Όλα τα δικαιώματα, 1994 Δημήτρης Ι. Αοtζος Ιωάννου Ζερβού 12, Ν. Ηράκλειο Αττικής 14121

© copyright All rights reserved, 1994 D. Ι. Loizos Ι. Zervou 12, Ν. Iraklio Attikis 14121 Athens, Greece

Απαγορεύεται η αναδημοσίευση, μετάφραση, αποθήκευση σε τράπεζα πληροφοριών ή η μετάδοση ολοκλήρου ή μέρους του παρόντος βιβλίου σε οποιαδήποτε μορφή και με οποιοδήποτε μέσο, ηλεκτρονικό, μηχανι­κό, φωτοτυπικό, ηχογραφήσεως ή οποιοδήποτε άλλο χωρίς την-έγγραφη ~ άδεια του συγγραφέα.

Στη Δήμητρα

'

ΠΕΡΙΕΧΟΜΕΝΑ

Ευχαριστίες................................................................................ 11

Εισαγωγή.................................................................................... 13

Οι Μεγάλες Δυνάμεις και η Μικρασιατική Καταστροφή ...... 15

Βοηθήματα ... . . ............ ............ ........... ............. ............ ..... 22

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα.... 23

Σημειώσεις .. ........ .. .. ......... ........... ... .......... ............ ........... 44

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στη περιοχή

Αθηνών-Πειραιώς...................................................................... 49

Σημειώσεις ................. ......... .......................... ......... .. ....... 60

Τα Αρχικά Κείμενα.................................................................... 62

Βιβλιογραφικός Οδηγός ............................................... ;........... 64

Summary in English ....... ........... ............ ........... ............ ............. .. 75

'

-----~~-,,,, ____ ""

ΕΥΧΑΡΙΣτΙΕΣ

Όταν ο συγγραφέας πρότεινε στο Διοικητικό Συμβούλιο της Εστίας Νέας Ιωνίας τον Δεκέμβριο του 1991 να δώσει μία διάλε­ξη για τους Μικρασιάτες πρόσφυγες δεν φανταζόταν ότι τελικά το αποτέλεσμα θα ήταν ένα βιβλίο. Το 1992 ήταν το έτος μνήμης για τις <<αλησμόνητες πατρίδες>> που άφησαν πίσω οι πρόσφυγες

όταν πριν από εβδομήντα χρόνια αναγκάσθηκαν να φύγουν από τις εστίες τους στην Τουρκία. Ο συγγραφέας είχε μελετήσει την

τύχη αυτών των προσφύγων και με αυτό το πνεύμα πρότεινε στους διοικούντες την Εστία Ν. Ιωνίας μια ομιλία που θέμα θα

είχε την προσφυγική εγκατάσταση στην Ελλάδα. Το Συμβούλιο χωρίς κανένα ενδοιασμό αποδέχθηκε την πρόταση για τον Μάρ­

τιο του 1992. Η ομιλία εκείνη, η οποία αποτελούσε σε εκλα'ίκευ­μένη μορφή τα συμπεράσματα των μελετών του συγγραφέα μετά

από έρευνα 10 ετών σε Ελληνικά, Δυτικο-Ευρωπα'ίκά και Αμερι­κανικά αρχεία, είχε μεγάλη επιτυχία, όπως δήλωσαν οι υπεύθυ­

νοι της Εστίας. Ακολούθησαν δύο άλλες ομιλίες σχετικά με τους πρόσφυγες για τις οποίες προτάθηκε ο συγγραφέας από το Συμ­

βούλιο της Εστίας ή μέλη του. Η πρώτη έγινε υπό την αιγίδα του Επιμορφωτικού Συλλόγου και του Δήμου Ν. Ηρακλείου Αττικής

και η δεύτερη ήταν η συμμετοχή του συγγραφέα στο 5ο Συμπόσιο Ιστορίας-Λαογραφίας Αττικής (μέρος του ήταν αφιερωμένο

στους Μικρασιάτες πρόσφυγες) ως επιστημονικού εκπροσώπου

της Εστίας Ν. Ιωνίας.

Από την θέση αυτή επομένως θέλω να ευχαριστήσω θερμά τον πρόεδρο κύριο Νίκο )\ρναούτογλου και το κατά τα έτη 1991-1992 Διοικητικό Συμβο'\Jλιο της Εστίας Νέας Ιωνίας, αποτελού-

/-- "~~,--.,.....----------------

12 Δ"ιΑο~ος

μενο από τους κυρίους Κ. Ζαφειρίου, Η. Χαλκιόπουλο, Ι. Λοίζο,

Α. Καραχλάνη, Κ. Μιχαηλίδη και τις κυρίες Τ. Α'ίβατίδου, Ε.

Ιγγλέση και Ρ. Αιγυπτιάδου, για την αποδοχή της προτάσεώς μου

αλλά και για το ενδιαφέρον και την εμπιστοσύνη με την οποία

αγκάλιασαν και την θεματική των ομιλιών και το πρόσωπό μου.

Ακόμη ευχαριστώ την κυρία Ρ. Αιγυπτιάδου που με πρότεινε

και ιδιαιτέρως τον πρόεδρο του Επιμορφωτικού Συλλόγου Ν. Ηρακλείου Αττικής κύριο Μ. Συμεωνίδη γιατί δέχθηκε να είμαι

ένας από τους δύο ομιλητές στην κεντρική εκδήλωση του Συλλό­γου yια τους Μικρασιάτες πρόσφυγες χωρίς να με γνωρίζει ή να με έχει ακούσει.

Τέλος ευχαριστώ πολύ τον κύριο Η. Χαλκιόπουλο που με

πρότεινε και το Συμβούλιο της Εστίας Ν. Ιωνίας που δέχθηκε να το εκπροσωπήσω καθώς και την Επιστημονική Επιτροπή του

Sου Συμποσίου Ιστορίας-Λαογραφίας και τον.)Ιύριο Χ. Σαπουν­

τζάκη ως εισηγητή που αποδέχθηκαν την Ανακοίνωσή μου.

Τα συμπεράσματα για το προσφυγικό ζήτημα που συνοψίζο­νται σ' αυτό το βιβλίο βασίζονται στην διατριβή του συγγραφέα

σε Αμερικανικό Πανεπιστήμιο σχετικά με την αγροτική οικονο­

μία στην Ελλάδα την εποχή που εγκαταστάθηκαν οι πρόσφυγες

καθώς και σε νεότερη του έρευνα για την Επιτροπή Αποκαταστά­

σεως Προσφύγων. Οι ευχαριστίες σε όλους εκεί νους οι οποίοι άμεσα ή έμμεσα βοήθησαν στην αρχική έρευνα, και είναι πάρα

πολλοί, βρίσκονται στους οικείους τόπους.

Δ. Ι. Αοtζος

15-5-1994

ΕΙΣΑΓΩΓΗ

Το 1992 συμπληρώθηκαν εβδομήντα χρόνια από την Μικρα­σιατική καταστροφή και εορτάσθηκε με την ανάλογη λαμπρότητα η μνήμη των <<αλησμόνητων πατρίδων>> στην Μ. Ασία και τον Πόντο. Έγιναν πολλές εκδηλώσεις σε όλη την Ελλάδα και σε διά­φορες ομιλίες αναπτύχθηκαν ποικίλα θέματα σχετικά με την ζωή των Ελλήνων στην Μ. Ασία, την εγκατάστασή τους στην Ελλάδα και τις σχέσεις τους με τους γηγενείς Έλληνες.

Παρ' όλο το εύρος της ανωτέρω θεματολογίας ελάχιστοι ομι­λητές άγγιξαν το θέμα του πρώτου κεφαλαίου αυτής της μελέτης που αφορά στο ρόλο των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων στην Μικρασιατι­κή Καταστροφή. Το θέμα αυτό απαιτεί βαθεία γνώση της πολιτι­κής και της διπλωματίας των Ευρωπα'ίκών Δυνάμεων της επο­χής καθώς και των Η.Π.Α και της τότε Σοβιετικής Ενώσεως. Στο πρώτο κεφάλαιο αναφέρεται συνοπτικά αλλά σε όλες του τις διαστάσεις το ζήτημα των αιτιών της Ελληνικής στρατιωτικής και διπλωματικής ήττας του 1922 με κύρια έμφαση στην διπλω­ματία των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων προς την Ελλάδα και τον χώρο του Αιγαίου και της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου γενικότερα.

Αφού yί:χουν κατανοητές οι αιτίες που οδήγησαν τον Ελληνι­κό στρατό στην Μ. Ασία αλλά και τους Έλληνες που ζούσαν εκεί να φύγουν μετά τον Αύγουστο του 1922, το δεύτερο κεφάλαιο αναφέρεται στον ερχομό των προσφύγων στην Ελλάδα και στις δυσκολίες της εγκαταστάσεώς τους στην ύπαιθρο. Το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του προσφυγικού πληθυσμού, που στο σύνολό του ξεπερ­νούσε τα 1,5 εκατομμύ(!j;α, εγκαταστάθηκε σε αγροτικές περιοχές της χώρας. Η διαδικασία αυτή διήρκεσε μέχρι το 1930 και στο κε-

·----------------------------~~--~~~~---r~-----------------------------------------

14 Δ. Ι. Αο!'ζος

φάλαιο αυτό εξετάζονται οι επιτυχ(ες και οι αποτυχίες της εγκα­ταστάσεως των προσφύγων από την Επιτροπή Αποκαταστάσεως Προσφύγων (ΕΑΠ), η οποία ει χε αναλάβει το έργο αυτό.

Μέρος των προσφύγων όμως εγκαταστάθηκε στις παρυφές των πόλεων της Αθήνας και του Πειραιά σε ειδικούς συνοικι­σμούς. Στο τρίτο κεφάλαιο εξετάζονται τα ιδιαίτερα προβλήμα­τα της εγκαταστάσεως αυτής όσον αφορά στην ΕΑΠ. Με την αστική αποκατάσταση των προσφύγων οι πόλεις της Αθήνας και του .Πειραιά επεκτάθηκαν στο λεκανοπέδιο της Αττικής και ο πληθυσμός τους διπλασιάστηκε.

Στο βιβλίο αυτό μελετάται συνοπτικά το προσφυγικό ζήτημα σε όλες του τις φάσεις από την εποχή που δημιουργήθηκαν οι λό­γοι για την ελληνική επέμβαση στην Ανατολή, κατά την περίοδο της εξόδου των προσφύγων 'από την Μικρά Ασία και, τέλος, κα­τά την διάρκεια της εγκαταστάσεώς τους στην Ελλάδα. Χρονο­λογικά η μελέτη ξεκινάει από το 1920, μετά την ήττα του Βενιζέ­λου στις εκλογές του Νοεμβρlου, και φθάνει μέχρι το 1930 όταν διαλύθηκε η Επιτροπή Αποκαταστάσεως Προσφύγων αφού είχε ολοκληρώσει το έργο της.

1

ΟΙ ΜΕΓ ΑΛΕΣ Δ ΥΝΑΜΕΙΣ

ΚΑΙ Η ΜΙΚΡΑΣΙΑτΙΚΉ ΚΑΤΑΣΤΡΟΦΗ

Όταν κατέρρευσε το μέτωπο στην Εκστρατεία της Μικράς Ασίας και ο Ελληνισμός υπέστη αυτό που ονομάσθηκε <<Μικρα­σιατική Καταστροφή>> τα εξιλαστήρια θύματα βρέθηκαν αμέσως και τιμωρήθηκαν παραδειγματικά. Οι πολιτικοί και στρατιωτι­

κοί ηγέτες της περιόδου κατά την οποία διήρκεσαν οι πολεμικές επιχειρήσεις εκτελέσθηκαν μετά από σύντομη δίκη. Αυτά που συ­

νέβησαν από τον Νοέμβριο του 1920 μέχρι τον Αύγουστο του 1922 όμως δεν οφείλονται μόνο σε λάθη ή παραλειψεις των κατη­γορηθέντων και εκτελεσθέντων πολιτικών και στρατιωτικών. Σημαντικότατος παράγοντας υπήρξε η πολιτική των Μεγάλων

Δυνάμεων στην λεκάνη της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου και τα αποτε­λέσματά της. Η εμπλοκή άλλωστε της Ελλάδος στην Μικρασιατι­κή περιπέτεια αρχίζει με την αποστολή ελληνικών δυνάμεων στα παράλια της Μικράς Ασίας με την ανοχή και παρότρυνση των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων.

Τον Μάιο του 1919 Ελληνικά στρατεύματα λαμβάνουν την συμμαχική άδεια και εντολή να aποβιβασθούν στην Σμύρνη. Αυ­τή ει ναι η πρώτη μεγάλη διπλωματική νίκη του Ελευθεριου Βενι­

ζέλου σε Ευρωπα'ίκό επίπεδο. Αυτή που θα ακολουθήσει όμως θα ει ναι πολύ μεγαλύτερη. Τον Αύγουστο του 1920 υπογράφηκε η Συνθήκη των Σεβρών με πολύ ευνο'ίκούς όρους για την Ελλάδα. Η Ελληνική επικυριαρήα επεκτεινόταν σε όλη την Δυτική και

Ανατολική Θράκη και έφθανε μέχρι την γραμμή Τσατάλτζα, λίγο

~-"''~"--~

16 Δ. Ι. ι\ο!'ζος

μακρύτερα από τον Βόσπορο και την πολυπόθητη Κωνσταντι­νούπολη. Στα ήδη, από το 1913, υπό Ελληνική διοίκηση νησιά του Αιγαίου προσαρτούνταν η Ίμβρος και η Τένεδος. Η Σμύρνη και η περιοχή γύρω από αυτήν, παρ' ότι παρέμεναν στην Τουρ­κία, θα βρίσκονταν υπό Ελληνική διοίκηση για 5 χρόνια και μετά την παρέλευση αυτού του χρονικού διαστήματος θα γινόταν δη­μοψήφισμα ή θα αποφάσιζε η τοπική συνέλευση, εάν η περιοχή θα προσαρτούνταν στο Ελληνικό κράτος. Τέλος η Ελλάδα ελάμ­βανε τα Δωδεκάνησα, εκτός της Ρόδου, η οποία θα ήταν αυτόνο­μη. Η Συνθήκη των Σεβρών δημιούργησε την περίφημη Βενιζελι­κή Ελλάδα των δύο ηπείρων και των πέντε θαλασσών.

Με αυτή την τεράστια διπλωματική επιτυχία στο ενεργητικό του το κόμμα των Βενιζελικών κατέρχεται στις εκλογές της 1 ης Νοεμβρίου 1920και, τι έκπληξη, ηττάται. Οι βασικές αιτίες αυτής της πολιτικής ήττας ήταν ποικίλες. Κατ' αρχάς υπήρχαν Έλλη­νες οι οποίοι είχαν στρατευθεί από το 1912 για να λάβουν μέρος στους Βαλκανικούς πολέμους και υπηρετούσαν ακόμα στον στρατό παρ' ότι ο Ευρωπα·ίκός πόλεμος είχε τελειώσει. Η αντι­βενιζελική προπαγάνδα είχε εστιασθεί στην γρήγορη επιστροφή των στρατευμένων στις εστίες τους και στην ειρήνη, ενώ η Βενι­ζελική τακτική της αποβιβάσεως στην Σμύρνη προμήνυε συνέχι­ση του πολέμου. Η αντίθεση μεταξύ φιλελευθέρων Βενιζελικών και βασιλικών Κωνσταντινικών ήταν μια ακόμα αιτία της ήττας μετά τον ανέλπιστο θάνατο του Βασιλέως Αλεξάνδρου, τον Οκτώβριο του 1920. Τέλος, η μακρόχρονη απουσία του Βενιζέ­λου στις διασκέψεις στην Ευρώπη, η σκληροπυρηνική πολιτική των κομματικών υπαξιωματικών στην Αθήνα και η πολύ καλά οργανωμένη αντιπολίτευση επέφεραν την πτώση του κόμματος των Φιλελευθέρων. Η ήττα του φίλου της Entente Βενιζέλου και η επάνοδος, μετά από το δημοψήφισμα της 5ης Δεκεμβρίου 1920 στο οποίο δεν συμμετείχαν οι βενιζελικοί, του Βασιλέως Κων­σταντίνου υπήρξαν καταλυτικές για την εχθρική συμπεριφορά των συμμάχων προς τους Έλληνες.

Η νέα κυβέρνηση του Δημητρίου Ράλλη, αρχικά, και του Δη-

Οι Μεγάλες Δυνάμεις και η Μικρασιατική Καταστροφή 17

μητρίου Γούναρη, αργότερα, είχε να αντιμετωπίσει τεράστια

προβλήματα, με κυριότερο αυτό της Μικρασίας. Παρ' ότι προ­

σπάθησε να διατηρήσει τις ισορροπίες με τις Ευρωπα·ίκές Δυνά­μεις αυτό στάθηκε αδύνατον λόγω της καχυποψίας των τελευταί­

ων. Οι Ευρωπαίοι πολιτικοί ήξεραν πολύ καλά τον Βενιζέλο και τις φιλοανταντικές (και κυρίως φιλοβρετανικές) του θέσεις αλλά

δεν θα μπορούσαν να εμπιστευθούν τον γερμανόφιλο Κωνστα­ντίνο ούτε την κυβέρνηση που τον υποστήριζε. Ο Γούναρης απέ­τυχε παταγωδώς να λάβει δάνειο από το εξωτερικό και δεν κατά­

φερε να διατηρήσει την οικονομική και διπλωματική υποστήριξη των Ευρωπα·ίκών Δυνάμεων και των Η.Π.Α., πράγμα που τελικά

οδήγησε αναπόφευκτα στην Μικρασιατική <<καταστροφή>>.

Οι Έλληνες πολιτικοί και στρατιωτικοί ηγέτες κατηγορήθη­καν για την ήττα, δικάστηκαν και μερικοί εκτελέσθηκαν μετά την επανάσταση των Πλαστήρα-Γονατά το 1922. Ήσαν όμως αυτοί οι αποκλειστικοί υπεύθυνοι για την καταστροφή στην Ανατολή; Οι σύγχρονες αναλύσεις του Ανατολικού ζητήματος, φάση του

οποίου υπήρξε και το 1922, ρίχνουν μεγάλο βάρος στην πολιτική και στην διπλωματία όλων των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων της εποχής.

Η Αγγλία ήταν η κυριότερη δύναμη που επενεργούσε στην πε­ριοχή έχοντας μεγάλα συμφέροντα. Η Αγγλική ηγεσία με αρχηγό

τον Λόυδ Τζώρτζ ήταν φιλελληνική όσο ο Βενιζέλος κυβερνούσε την Ελλάδα και φυσικά όσο αυτό εξυπηρετούσε τα βρετανικά

συμφέροντα. Οι Βρετανοί απογοητεύθηκαν με την επάνοδο του Κωνσταντίνου ακριβώς γιατί φοβήθηκαν ότι μία κυβερνητική αλ­

λαγή στην Ελλάδα μπορούσε να έχει επιπτώσεις στα βρετανικά συμφέροντα στην Τουρκία, μια που η Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία

είχε πολιτικά καταρρεύσει και η Ελλάδα είχε γίνει προς στιγμήν (μέχρι τον Νοέμβριο του 1920) ο προασπιστής των βρετανικών συμφερόντων στην περιοχή. Οι Βρετανοί έπρεπε να διαφυλάξουν με κάθε τρόπο την απρόσκοπτη και ασφαλή διέλευση των προ·ίό­ντων από την Ινδία (μέσω του σιδηροδρομικού δικτύου) καθώς

και την παροχή πετρελlι!ίου από την Μοσούλη (Βόρειο Ιράκ) και αντιστρόφως βιομηχανι*ών προ·ίόντων από την Αγγλία προς την

"''Γ """ ~~-""-~~"" """ """"~· """"~----ι~------------------

18 Δ. Ι. Αοϊ(;ος

Ανατολή. Η βρετανική πολιτική επομένως εστιαζόταν στον πλήρη έλεγχο της περιοχής του Αιγαίου, της Τουρκίας, της Μέσης Ανα­·τολής, του Σουέζ και της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου. Η Αγγλία έφθα­σε μάλιστα στο σημείο να είναι έτοιμη να συγκρουσθεί με τους εθνικιστές Τούρκους του Κεμάλ το 1922 (κρίση του Τσανάκ) όταν οι τελευταίοι, αφού είχαν νικήσει τους Έλληνες, προχώρησαν να καταλάβουν τα στενά που ήταν υπό την κατοχή των Βρετανών. Η βρετανική πολιτική την περίοδο 1920-1922 εκτελούσε παλινδρο­μικές κινήσεις, οι Βρετανοί υποστήριζαν οποιονδήποτε θα παρε­μπόδιζε τις άλλες δυνάμεις να έχουν πρόσβαση στην περιοχή χω­ρίς όμως να φανεί ότι αυτή ήταν και η πολιτική τους, διότι αυτό­ματα θα έφερνε σε ανοιχτή σύγκρουση τους συμμάχους. Έτσι κρατώντας μια στάση δυσπιστίας εναντίον των Ελλήνων βοήθη­σαν τελικά στην ισχυροποίηση του Μουσταφά Κεμάλ και των εθνικιστών στην Τουρκία.

Η επόμενη δύναμη που εξασκούσε μεγάλη επιρροή στην περιο­χή ήταν η Γαλλία. Όλο τον 18ο αιώνα και μέχρι το τέλος των Να­πολεοντείων πολέμων, το 1815, η Γαλλία υπήρξε η κυρίαρχη εμπο­ρικά και πολιτικά δύναμη επί της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρατορίας. Τον 19ο αιώνα όμως και μετά το Συνέδριο της Βιέννης (1814-1815) αντικαταστάθηκε από την Αγγλία. Η πάγια επομένως γαλλι­κή πολιτική για την Ανατολική Μεσόγειο συνίστατο στην προσπά­θεια των Γάλλων να ξαναποκτήσουν διπλωματική επιρροή στην περιοχή. Έτσι η Γαλλία έγινε το αντιστάθμισμα της Βρετανικής πολιτικής στην Νοτιοανατολική Ευρώπη. Η Γαλλική διπλωματία δραστηριοποιήθηκε όταν οι Βενιζελικοί έχασαν τις εκλογές του 1920. Τότε οι Γάλλοι θεώρησαν ότι αυτή ήταν η καλύτερη στιγμή για να επέμβουν. Βέβαια μια ανοιχτή διπλωματική αντίθεση με την Αγγλία θα έφερνε σε ρήξη τις δύο Ευρωπα"Lκές δυνάμεις και γι' αυτό τον λόγο η Γαλλική παρέμβαση την περίοδο 1920-1922 ήταν στην αρχή αργή και διερευνητική. Το πρώτο ουσιαστικό βήμα έγινε τον Οκτώβριο το 1921, όταν οι Γάλλοι και ο Κεμάλ υπέγραψαν συμφωνία για να επιτραπεί σε γαλλικές εταιρείες να αναλάβουν την εξόρυξη μετάλλων στην Τουρκία. Η Γαλλική δυσαρέσκεια για

Οι Μεγάλες Δ υvάμeις και η Μικρασιατική Καταστροφή 19

την επάνοδο του Κωνσταντίνου .και η προοπτική καλών σχέσεων

μεταξύ Γάλλων και Τούρκων, από την μία πλευρά, και η διπλωμα­

τική αντίθεση Αγγλίας-Γαλλίας, από την άλλη, συνέτειναν στην

εγκατάλειψη των Ελλήνων από τους Γάλλους και στην προσκόλ­

λησή τους στην ανερχόμενη Τουρκία του Κεμάλ. Η τρίτη μεγάλη δύναμη που έπαιξε καθοριστικό ρόλο στην

εγκατάλειψη της Ελλάδος στην τύχη της την περίοδο 1920-1922 ήταν οι Η.Π.Α. Ο πρόεδρος των Η.Π.Α., Γούντροου Γουίλσον, εί­

χε ήδη διακηρύξει τις Αμερικανικές θέσεις στα Δεκατέσσερα Ση­μεία του πριν καν αρχίσει το Συνέδριο της Ειρήνης στο Παρίσι

(1918). Στο 12ο σημείο αναφερόταν χαρακτηριστικά ότι «The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure soνereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted secuήty of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of auoonomous deνelop­ment, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.>> Με άλλα λόγια οι Αμερικανοί ήταν υπέρ της εδαφι­κής ακεραιότητας της Τουρκίας και της αορίστου αυτονομίας των

άλλων εθνοτήτων που ζούσαν στα Βαλκάνια καθώς και υπέρ της ελευθέρας διελεύσεως πλοίων από τα Στενά. Δεν διαφαινόταν

πουθενά δηλαδή η παραμικρή ελπίδα ότι θα επέτρεπαν στους Έλληνες να έχουν υπό την κατοχή τους μέρος της Μικράς Ασίας,

πόσο μάλλον την ίδια την Κωνσταντινούπολη. Βέβαια όταν ο Γουίλσον ηττήθηκε στις Αμερικανικές εκλογές το 1920 χωρίς να έχει καταφέρει να αποσπάσει από το Κογκρέσο την επικύρωση

της Συνθήκης των Βερσαλλιών, οι Η.Π.Α. επέστρεψαν στην πολι­

τική του Απομονωτισμού. Σύμφωνα με αυτή την πολιτική οι

Η.Π.Α. δεν θα αναμειγνύονταν στα Ευρωπα·ίκά ζητήματα, όπως

και οι Ευρωπαίοι δεν θα είχαν λόγο σε ό,τι αφορούσε την Αμερι­κανική Ήπειρο. Η πολιτική αυτή, που είχε αρχίσει με το Δόγμα

Μονρόε το 1835, διήρκεσε σχεδόν μέχρι την είσοδο της Αμερικής στον Δεύτερο Παγκόσμ\' Πόλεμο το 1941. Η θέση της Αμερικής σε σχέση με την Ελλάδα i'Jταν μια στάση δυσπιστίας, όταν οι Αμε-

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20 Δ. Ι. Αοrζος

ρικανοί αρνήθηκαν να αναγνωρίσουν τον Βασιλέα Κωνσταντίνο και την κυβέρνηση Γούναρη, και επιμονής στον διακανονισμό των πολεμικών χρεών του Πρώτου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου της χώρας μας προς τις Η.Π.Α. Έτσι οι Αμερικανοί κράτησαν μια στάση ου­δετερότητας η οποία και την Ελλάδα έβλαψε με την άρνηση παρο­χής νέων δανείων και βοήθησε έμμεσα την κεμαλική Τουρκία.

Η τέταρτη δύναμη της εποχής, η Ιταλία, είχε ίδιες βλέψεις στην Μικρά Ασία. Οι Ιταλοί άργήσαν να εισέλθουν στον Α' Πα­γκόσμιο Πόλεμο διότι ήθελαν να σιγουρευθούν ότι θα βρίσκο­νται στην πλευρά των νικητών. Οι Ιταλοί ήθελαν να συμμετά­σχουν στο παιγνίδι του Ευρωπα'ίκού Ιμπεριαλισμού και η συμ­μαχία τους με τις δυνάμεις της Entente απέβλεπε σε εδαφικά οφέ­λη υπέρ της Ιταλίας. Αποβίβασαν δυνάμεις στην Αττάλεια, στην Νότια Μικρά Ασία, και άρχισαν να προελαύνουν προς την Σμύρ­νη. Οι άλλες δυνάμεις τότε χρησιμοποίησαν τους Έλληνες ως αντίβαρο στην Ιταλική στρατιωτική παρόυσία στην Τουρκία. Τε­λικά οι Ιταλοί υποχρεώθηκαν να αποχωρήσουν από την Μικρά Ασία και έλαβαν ως ανταμοιβή για την συμμετοχή τους στον πό­λεμο τα Δωδεκάνησα.

Τελευταία, αλλά εξίσου σημαντική, είναι η συμμετοχή της Σο­βιετικής Ρωσίας στο παιγνίδι των δυνάμεων στην Μεσόγειο. Το όνειρο των Ρώσων από τις αρχές του 18ου αιώνα ήταν να γίνει η Μαύρη Θάλασσα Ρωσική λίμνη και να μπορούν τα Ρωσικά πλοία να διέρχονται τα Στενά των Δαρδανελλίων προς το Αιγαίο και την Μεσόγειο ελεύθερα. Οι Ρώσοι ήταν πολύ δυσαρεστημένοι με την Συνθήκη των Σεβρών η οποία επέτρεπε την ελεύθερη ναυσι­πλοtα όλων των πλοίων από το Αιγαίο προς την Μαύρη Θάλασ­σα και αντίθετα. Αυτό το γεγονός έθετε σε κίνδυνο την ασφάλεια της Ρωσίας από τον Νότο αλλά και μετέτρεπε την Μαύρη θάλασ­σα σε διεθνή λίμνη, πράγμα που δεν εξυπηρετούσε καθόλου τα Σοβιετικά συμφέροντα. Η νέα Σοβιετική ηγεσία υπό τον Βλαδί­μηρο Λένιν είδε στο πρόσωπο του Κεμάλ τον αναντικατάστατο φίλο που θα βοηθούσε στην προώθηση των ρωσικών ζητημάτων στο Αιγαίο και την Μαύρη Θάλασσα. Οι Ρώσοι ήλπιζαν, επιπλέ-

Οι Μεγάλες Δυνάμεις και η Μικρασιατική Καταστροφή 21

ον, ότι μέσω του Κεμάλ θα εμπόδιζαν την περαιτέρω διείσδυση

των Αγγλο-Γάλλων στην Ανατολή. Έτσι τροφοδότησαν τον Κε­

μάλ με χρυσό και όπλα, με σκοπό να ισχυροποιήσει την θέση του

στην Τουρκία εκδιώκοντας τους φιλο-δυτικούς Έλληνες και

εγκαθιστώντας, όπως ήλπιζαν, μια φιλο-σοβιετική κυβέρνηση. Όσο βέβαια και αν προσπαθούσαν οι Μεγάλες Δυνάμεις δεν

θα ήταν δυνατόν οι Τούρκοι να ανασυγκροτηθούν και να αντιπα­λέσουν σε έναν εμπειροπόλεμο Ελληνικό στρατό, αν δεν διέθεταν

το πλεονέκτημα δύο καθοριστικών παραγόντων: χρόνο και έναν ικανότατο αρχηγό, τον Μουσταφά Κεμάλ. ο· παράγων χρόνος δόθηΚε στους Τούρκους όταν οι Σύμμαχοι χρειάσθηκαν δύο πε­ρίπου χρόνια συζητήσεων, μετά την συνθηκολόγηση της Γερμα­

νίας το 1918, για να καταλήξουν στην Συνθήκη των Σεβρών το 1920. Πιστεύεται ότι αυτή η περίοδος ήταν καθοριστική για την ανασυγκρότηση του Τουρκικού Στρατού υπό τον Κεμάλ και την

εθνικιστική του προπαγάνδα. Ο ίδιος ο Κεμάλ θεωρείται ο ικα­

νότερος Τούρκος πολιτικός από την εποχή του σουλτάνου Σου­λε'ίμάν του Μεγαλοπρεπούς τον16ο αιώνα και φυσικά θεμελιω­

τής της σύγχρονης Τουρκίας.

Οι συγκυρίες, επομένως, που συνήργησαν για την Μικρασια­

τική καταστροφή το 1922 ήταν πολλές και ποικίλες. Η ελληνική κυβέρνηση της περιόδου 1920-1922 δεν στάθηκε ικανή να κατα­νοήσει που κατευθυνόταν η χώρα με την πολιτική που ακολου­

θούσε. Τα πολιτικά και στρατιωτικά λάθη της ελληνικής ηγεσίας ήταν μία από τις αιτίες που οδήγησαν στην ελληνική ήττα. Ο κυ­

ριότερος λόγος ίσως, όμως, ήταν η αντιπαλότητα και τα συ­

γκρουόμενα συμφέροντα της Αγγλικής, Γαλλικής, Αμερικανικής,

Ιταλικής και Ρωσικής πολιτικής στην περιοχή της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου και η ταχύτητα με την οποία ανασυγκροτήθηκε ο

Τουρκικός στρατός υπό τον Κεμάλ Α ττατούρκ. Το αποτέλεσμα

όλων αυτών ήταν ο θάνατος, οι κακουχίες και η προσφυγιά για

ενάμισι περίπου εκατομμύριο Έλληνες που ζούσαν στην Μικρά Ασία μέχρι τον Αύγουσ~ του 1922.

"''~-"'"' ''~'Ψ"·'~~""·'""""c··· "'~='""'·"~'•'• "'"~ ···~---~~···---------------22 Δ. ι Α ο ίζος

ΒΟΗΘΗΜΑΤΑ

Τα παρακάτω βιβλία αποτελούν βασικά βοηθήματα για την περαιτέρω διε~ ρεύνηση από τον αναγνώστη του ρόλου και της πολιτικής των Μεγάλων Δυνάμε~ ων ·στην ανατολική λεκάνη της Μεσογείου.

Μ. S. Anderson. The Eastem Question 1774~1923. London: Macmillan, 1966 (1987). Αναφέρεται σε όλες τις Μεγάλες Δυνάμεις αλλά περισσότερο στην Αγγλι~ κή και Γαλλική πολιτική.

Maήan Kent. Editor. 'Γhe Gτeat Powers and the End of the Ottoman. Empire. London: Allen & Unwin, 1984. Μικρά επιστημονικά δοκίμια από Πανεπισtημια~ κd'ύς για την πολιτική των Μεγάλων Δυνάμεων έναντι της Οθωμανικής Αυτοκρα~ τορtας γύρω από την περίοδο του Α· Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου.

Louis Ρ. cassimatis. American Influence in Greece 1917~1929. Kent, Ohio, USA: Kent State University, 1988. Αναφέρεται στην Αμερικανική πολιτική.

Ανδρέας Η. Ζαπάντης. Ελληνο-Σοβιετικlς Σχlσεις 1917-1941. Αθήνα: Εστία, 1989. Αναφέρεται στην Σοβιετική πολιτική έναντι της Ελλάδος και, εν μέρει, της Τουρκίας για την περίοδο 1920~ 1922.

Κωνσταντίνος Σβολόπουλος. Η Ελληνική Εξωτερική Πολιτική 1900· 1945. Αθήνα: Εστία, 1992. Μία συνολική και περιληπτική θεώρηση των πραγμάτων από Ελληνική έποψη.

Douglas Dakin. Η Ενοποlηαη της Ελλάδος 1770-1923. Αθήνα: ΜΙΕΤΕ, 1990. Περιέχει συνοπτικό κεφάλαιο με τα εσωτερικά γεγονότα στην Ελλάδα την περίο~ δο 1920-1923.

George Paton. Problems and Issues in American Foτeign Policy: Documents & Readings. Vol. Π: Since 1914. Lexington, Mass.: Heath, 1978. Πολύ γνωστή συλλο~ γή κειμένων και άρθρων σχετικών με θέματα Αμερικανικής εξωτερικής πολιτικής μετά το 1914. Περιέχει τα 14 σημεία του Γούντροου Γουίλσον.

2

Η ΕΓΚΑΤΆΣΤΑΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΩΝ

ΣΤΗΝ ΥΠΑΙΘΡΟ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

Μετά την κατάρρευση του Μικρασιατικού μετώπου, τον Αύ­γουστο του 1922, εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες Έλληνες που ζούσαν στην Τουρκία αναγκάστηκαν να ακολουθήσουν τον Ελληνικό στρατό που οπισθοχωρούσε για να αποφύγουν τα αντίποινα από την πλευρά των Τούρκων. Σε μια χώρα όμως που ο πληθυσμός της ήταν μόλις πέντε εκατομμύρια, το ενάμισι (περίπου) επιπλέ­ον εκατομμύριο των προσφύγων που τελικά κατέφυγαν στην Ελλάδα δημιούργησε οξύτατο οικονομικό και κοινωνικό πρό­βλημα. Η οικονομική αφαίμαξη που είχε υποστεί η Ελλάδα από το 1912 λόγω των συνεχών πολέμων, την έφερε σε τόσο δύσκολη θέση ώστε δεν ήταν δυνατόν να συνδράμει ούτε και πρόσκαιρα αυτόν τον όγκο των προσφύγων. Η χώρα βρέθηκε σε πλήρη αδυ­ναμία να αναλάβει την εγκατάστασή τους στην ελληνική γη, δεδο­μένου ότι οι μισοί περίπου πρόσφυγες i]ταν αγρότες. Τελικά, ένας ειδικός οργανισμός, η Επιτροπή Αποκαταστάσεως Προ­σφύγων (Refugee Settlemeut Commission), η οποία οργανώθηκε από την Κοινωνία των Εθνών, και τέθηκε υπό την αιγίδα της, ανέλαβε την εγκατάσταση των αγροτών, και αργότερα μέρους των αστών, προσφύγων στην Ελλάδα.

Η Επιτροπή Αποκαταστάσεως Προσφύγων (ΕΑΠ)

Οι πρόσφυγες είχαν ι%ιχίσει να καταφθάνουν στην Ελλάδα από το 1912, την εποχή της αρχής των Βαλκανικών Πολέμων. Οι πόλε-

-,,:;~~-- ~~~ "=~=·::·-&<~ ------- __ "-~--~·-' ·-·-'-"''""'"-"'-""'""""' "'~~/' '"!iO'.- Wa-&<&iJ.hi&IHiidΩ-ΩiΔdΔti'&.\&,,,mω;-~,;,,,-,_""'vRn-w"""kiΛ& iJ !ΜΠ\Μu-,aλ"'-"'";Ν;ζ! Λ "'~Κ-

24 Δ. Ι. Αοϊ'ζος

μοι μεταξύ των χωρών της Βαλκανικής χερσονήσου είχαν αρνητικό αντίκτυπο σε μεγάλο αριθμό πολιτών που ζούσαν στις περιοχές που διεξάγονταν οι μάχες, διότι οι εμπόλεμοι προχώρησαν σε aπε­λάσεις πολιτών αντιπάλων κρατών. Είναι μάλλον αδύνατον να υπολογίσει κανείς τους ακριβείς αριθμούς των διακινηθέντων πλη­θύσμών μεταξύ 1912-1920. Σύγχρονοι με τα γεγονότα συγγραφείς · υπολογίζουν ότι ανάμεσα στους πληθυσμούς αυτούς τα άτομα ελ­ληνικής καταγωγής υπερβαίνουν τις 100.000. Ο κύριος παράγο­ντας που κάνει ανέφικτο τον εντοπισμό και την αριθμητική κατα­μέτρηση αυτών των προσφυγικών πληθυσμών είναι το γεγονός ότι η απογραφή του 1920 δεν κάνει διαχωρισμό μεταξύ προσφύγων και εντοπίων. Είναι όμως βέβαιο ότι ο μεγαλύτερος αριθμός προσφύ­γων ήρθε το 1922 με τον ελληνικό στρατό, μετά την κατάρρευση του μετώπου, και λίγο αργότερα με την ανταλλαγή των πληθυσμών. 1

Δεν υπάρχουν στοιχεία που να μας βεβαιώνουν για τον ακριβή αριθμό των προσφύγων στην Ελλάδα. Η μόνη επίσημη πηγή είναι η απογραφή του 1928 η οποία βέβαια έγινε αφού οι πρόσφυγες ζού­σαν ήδη μερικά χρόνια στον ελληνικό χώρο και η αριθμητική τους σύσταση είχε αλλοιωθεί λόγω γεννήσεων και θανάτων.

Μέχρι τον Αύγουστο του 1922 το προσφυγικό ζήτημα στην Εγγύς Ανατολή αφορούσε κυρίως στους Ρώσους πρόσφυγες διό­τι από τα τέλη του 1921 η εμφύλια διαμάχη μεταξύ του Κόκκινου Στρατού και των τσαρικών στρατευμάτων έδιωξε από το θέατρο του πολέμου στην Νότια Ρωσία χιλιάδες Ρώσους, οι οποίοι συ­γκεντρώθηκαν στην Κωνσταντινούπολη. Με την βοήθεια της Κοινωνίας των Εθνών (ΚΤΕ) τους χορηγήθηκαν ειδικά <<διαβα­τήρια>> για διάφορες χώρες της Ευρώπης. Με την κατάρρευση όμως του ελληνο-τουρκικού μετώπου χιλιάδες έλληνες πρόσφυ­γες κατευθύνθηκαν επίσης προς την Κωνσταντινούπολη και τα περίχωρα, όπου και συγκεντρώθηκαν με την ελπίδα να βρουν μέ­σο μεταφοράς και να περάσουν στην Ελλάδα. Η μεγάλη μάζα των Ελλήνων προσφύγων προξένησε το ενδιαφέρον του Dr Fήtzof Nansen, Υπάτου Αρμοστή της ΚΤΕ για τους Ρώσους πρό­σφυγες στην Κωνσταντινούπολη.

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 25

Ο F. Nansen, στην αναφορά του της 5/18 Νοεμβρίου 1922 προς την ΚΤΕ σχετικά με το έργο της περιθάλψεως των Ρώσων

προσφύγων, αναφέρθηκε και στην δραματική εικόνα των Ελλή­νων προσφύγων που προσπαθούσαν να φύγουν για την Ελλάδα. Σημείωνε ότι οι πρόσφυγες δεν έφεραν μαζί τους περιουσιακά στοιχεία (εκτός από αυτούς που κινήθηκαν από την Ανατολική Θράκη στην Ελλάδα) και είχαν άμεση ανάγκη όχι μόνον στέγης αλλά και χειμερινών ρούχων και κουβερτών για να αντιμετωπί­σουν τον επερχόμενο χειμώνα. Τον Φεβρουάριο του επομένου χρόνου (1923), ο Nansen επανήλθε στο θέμα των Ελλήνων προ­σφύγων και σε μία από τις αναφορές του επεσήμανε την σοβαρό­τητα της κατ.αστάσεως. Αφού περιέγρ<;<ψε την δραματική κατά­

σταση των Ελλήνων προσφύγων, η οποία όλο και χειροτέρευε, πρότεινε να αναλάβει η ΚΤΕ πρωτοβουλία για να αντιμετωπι­σθεί το πρόβλημα της συγκεντρώσεως τόσο μεγάλου αριθμού προσφύγων στην Κωνσταντινούπολη. Την ίδια περίοδο η Ελλη­νική κυβέρνηση αποφάσισε να ζητήσει επισήμως την τεχνική και οικονομική βοήθεια της ΚΤΕ υπέρ των προσφύγων. Η ΚΤΕ απο­δέχθηκε την έκκληση και έστειλε στην Αθήνα μια ειδική επιτροπή η οποία εξέτασε την κατάσταση των προσφύγων και την οικονο­μική θέση της Ελλάδας. Τελικά, τον Ιούλιο του 1923 ενεκρίθη το γενικό σχέδιο για την αποκατάσταση των προσφύγων, το οποίο περιλάμβανε την έκδοση ειδικού δαvείου και την δημιουργία της Επιτροπής Αποκαταστάσεως Προσφύγων (ΕΑΠ).2

Για την νομική πλευρά του σχεδίου αποκαταστάσεως συνετά­γη ειδικό Πρωτόκολλο και Οργανικός Κανονισμός τα οποία εγκρίθηκαν από την ΚΤΕ τον Σεπτέμβριο του 1923. Τα έγγραφα αυτά προέβλεπαν την δημιουργία της ανεξάρτητης από το Ελλη­νικό κράτος ΕΑΠ και την υποχρέωση της ελληνικής κυβερνήσε­ως να παραχωρήσει στην ΕΑΠ 5.000.000 στρέμματα γης για την εγκατάσταση των προσφύγων και να εξεύρει δάνειο μέχρι ποσού 6.000.000 λιρών αγγλίας. Όταν όμως πέρασε ένας χρόνος, άρχι­σαν να διαφαί νονται τα 1;τροβλ ή μα τα που θα δημιουργούνταν λό­γω των ασαφειών που πέριείχαν οι αρχικές συμφωνίες. Έτσι, οι

"'"'~"""":;ι;··ς~:>:.:z'"ομ--· ,,.,, .. L-,ψιΛΝ;:JΕ-",.ι::ι~~"'""" -- w·• -·-γ" ";-'ι <:j'M''-;---··-·-·Σ&&ill11iΠtti2-22Z11Δ& """' tt_",.Δ&&=.l&=--~2

26 Δ. Ι. Α ο tζος

δυο πλευρές (ΕΑΠ και Ελληνική Κυβέρνηση) ζήτησαν την αναθε­ώρηση των συμφωνιών. Τα αναθεωρημένα κείμενα των δύο ανω­τέρω συμφωνιών προέβλεπαν την απαγόρευση εγκαταστάσεως κολίγων (καλλιεργητών των πρώην τσιφλικιών [δες παρακάτω σ. 27-30]) στις εκτάσεις που θα παραχωρούνταν στην ΕΑΠ, την πλήρη νομική ανεξαρτησία της ΕΑΠ από την ελληνική κυβέρνη­ση, και την άδεια της χορηγήσεως δανείου μέχρι ποσού 10.000.000 λιρών.

. Η ΕΑΠ θέλησε να διασαφηνίσει το νομικό καθεστώς των γαι­ών γιατί φάνηκε αμέσως το πρόβλημα της στενότητας της γης.

Σκοπός της ήταν να εξασφαλίσει την διάθεση γης για την εγκατά­σταση των προσφύγων και επομένως την επιτυχία του έργου της.

Θέλησε επιπλέον να επιβεβαιώσει την λειτουργία της ως αυτονό­μου οργανισμού υπαγομένου κατευθείαν στο Συμβούλιο της ΚΤΕ. Η ενέργεια αυτή κρίθηκε αναγκαία γιατί ήδη είχαν αρχίσει να παρουσιάζονται οι πρώτες απόπειρες επεμβάσεως του ελληνι­κού κράτους στις εργασίες της ΕΑΠ. Οι διαξιφισμοί επικεντρώ­νονταν στα προβλήματα κατά την σύναψη συμβολαίων με εργο­

λάβους και στο ότι η ΕΑΠ επέμενε να είναι η μόνη που θα έχει νομική ευθύνη και δικαιοδοσία επί των υπαλλήλων της, ακόμα και αν αυτοί ήταν αποσπασμένοι από διάφορες ελληνικές δημό­σιες υπηρεσίες. Οι τριβές κορυφώθηκαν κατά την εποχή της δι­κτατορίας του Παγκάλου (1925-1926) λόγω της επιμονής της ελ­ληνικής πλευράς να προσαχθούν σε στρατοδικείο υπάλληλοι της ΕΑΠ με την κατηγορία των ατασθαλιών. Στην Θεσσαλονίκη άρ­χισε πολύκροτη δίκη η οποία όμως δεν έληξε ποτέ αφού η πτώση της δικτατορίας εξομάλυνε τις σχέσεις ΕΑΠ και κράτους. Η Ελληνική Κυβέρνηση από την πλευρά της επεδίωξε και επέτυχε την αύξηση του ποσού που είχε δικαίωμα να αντλήσει ως δάνειο. Βέβαια αναγκάσθηκε να οπισθοχωρήσει στα ζητήματα δικαιοδο­σίας της ΕΑΠ.3

Η ΕΑΠ διευθννόταν από τέσσερα μέλη: δύο διορίζονταν από την ελληνική κυβέρνηση με την έγκριση της ΚΤΕ, ένα από το Συμ­βούλιο της ΚΤΕ και το τέταρτο μέλος, ο πρόεδρος, ήταν Αμερι-

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 27

κανός πολίτης και αντιπρόσωπος μιας εκ των φιλανθρωπικών οργανώσεων με δραστηριότητες σε παγκόσμια κλίμακα. Πρώτος πρόεδρος της ΕΑΠ διορίσθηκε ο Henry Morgenthau, διοικητικό μέλος του Αμερικανικού Ερυθρού Στανρού και της φιλανθρωπι­κής οργανώσεως Near East Relief καθώς και τέως πρέσβης των ΗΠΑ στην Κωνσταντινούπολη. Το δεύτερο ξένο μέλος της ΕΑΠ ήταν ο Βρετανός συνταγματάρχης Campbell που είχε εμπειρία σε διοικητικά θέματα επειδή είχε υπηρετήσει στον Ινδικό στρατό . Τα μέλη από την πλευρά της Ελλάδος ήταν ο Στέφανος Δέλτα, σύμβουλος της Εθνικής Τραπέζης και σύζυγος της Πηνελόπης Δέλτα και ο Περικλής Αργυρόπουλος, πρώην πρέσβης της Ελλά­δας στις Σκανδιναβικές χώρες και με εμπειρία στα θέματα των προ του 1922 προσφύγων.4

Με αυτή την σύνθεση η ΕΑΠ άρχισε την μελέτη για την χάρα­ξη του γενικού πλάνου της αποκαταστάσεως των προσφύγων το οποίο βασιζόταν στην παραχώρηση των γαιών από την ελληνική κυβέρνηση. Οι πιο πρόσφορες γαίες βέβαια ήταν αυτές των τσι­φλικιών, οι οποίες έπρεπε να είχαν ήδη απαλλοτριωθεί από πολύ καιρό σύμφωνα με την ψηφισμένη νομοθεσία.

Η Απαλλοτρίωση των Τσιφλικιών

Το θέμα της απαλλοτριώσεως των τσιφλικιών έλαβε τερά­στιες διαστάσεις κυρίως μετά τον Α· Παγκόσμιο Πόλεμο. Οι πρώτες πραγματικές προσπάθειες για απαλλοτριώσεις τσιφλι­κιών σε ολόκληρη την επικράτεια είχαν αρχίσει από τον Ελευθέ­ριο Βενιζέλο. Τον Δεκέμβριο/Ιανουάριο 1918 ψηφίστηκε ο νόμος 1072, ο οποίος βασιζόταν στα Συντάγματα του 1864 και 19.11. Δυστυχώς οι διατάξεις του νόμου 1072 δεν εφαρμόστηκαν σε με­γάλη κλίμακα λόγω νομικών κωλυμάτων αλλά και κακής οργα­νώσεως των υπηρεσιών που επρόκειτο να τις εφαρμόσουν.5

Το 1920 ο Βενιζέλος υποσχέθηκε καινούρια αγροτική νομοθε­σία η οποία.όμως ανεστάλη τον Νοέμβριο του ιδίου έτους,,μετά την ήττα του στις εκλογ\ς. Η φιλοβασιλική κυβέρνηση του Δημη­τρίου Γούναρη προσπάθησε να εισαγάγει νέο νόμο. Μετά όμως

28 Δ. Ι. ι\ ο ίζος

από πιέσεις εβδομήντα πέντε βουλευτών του κυβερνώντος κόμ­ματος, ο Γούναρης αποφάσισε να εγκαταλείψει την προσπάθεια για να ψηφιστεί νέα αγροτική νομοθεσία. Αργότερα, στις αρχές του 1922, ψηφίστηκε ο νόμος 2922 ο οποίος όμως δεν εφαρμό­στηκε αφού τον Σεπτέμβριο του ίδιου έτους έγινε η <<επανάστα­ση» των συνταγματαρχών Στυλιανού Γονατά και Νικολάου Πλα­στήρα. Τελικά οι νόμοι που εφαρμόστηκαν εξεδόθησαν μετά το 1923 και επιτάχυναν κατά πολύ τις απαλλοτριώσεις.6

. Τα μεγάλα τσιφλίκια δεν ανήκαν μόνο σε Τούρκους ή Έλλη­νες της διασποράς. Μερικά ήταν ιδιοκτησίες ξένων υπηκόων, κυ­ρίως Άγγλων, Γάλλων και Ιταλών. Η αγροτική νομοθεσία όμως δεν έκανε διάκριση μεταξύ των ιδιοκτη'tών. Έτσι η προσπάθεια των ελληνικών κυβερνήσεων να aπαλλοτριώσουν και τα κτήμα­τα που ανήκαν σε ξένους δημιούργησε σε μερικές περιπτώσεις οξείες διαμάχες με πολιτικές και οικονομικές προεκτάσεις. Οι Βρετανοί ιδιοκτήτες θεωρούσαν την νομοθεσία που τους αφο­ρούσε ψηφοθηρική και αντιδρούσαν έντονα qε κάθε προσπάθεια εφαρμογής της. Η βρετανική πλευρά υποστήριζε επίσης ότι κατά την διαδικασία της εγκαταστάσεως πολλοί πρόσφυγες τοποθετή­θηκαν σε κτήματα που ανήκαν σε Βρετανούς πολίτες χωρίς να έχουν προηγουμένως απαλλοτριωθεί και χωρίς να έχουν αποζη­μιωθεί οι ιδιοκτήτες τους. Η ελληνική κυβέρνηση δεν αντέδρασε στις διαμαρτυρίες των Άγγλων και μέχρι το 1926 δεν είχε αποζη­μιώσει τους κατόχους γαιών. Αυτή η κατάσταση περιέπλεξε την έκδοση του προσφυγικού δανείου. Η ένταση εξομαλύνθηκε αργό­τερα όταν από το 1927 μέχρι το 1930 αποζημιώθηκαν (με όρους ευνο"ίκότερους από αυτούς που προσφέρθηκαν σε "Ελληνες ιδιο­κτήτες τσιφλικιών) οι Γάλλοι και Βρετανοί υπήκοοι.7

Δεν έχουν βρεθεί μέχρι σήμερα επίσημες στατιστικές για τις απαλλοτριώσεις των κτημάτων. Οι πληροφορίες που διαθέτουμε προέρχονται αΠό τις μελέτες του Μπάμπη Αλιβιζάτου (Πίνακας 1), ο οποίος ισχυρίζεται ότι οι αριθμοί που δημοσιεύει προέρχο­νται από πηγές που ήντλησε από το Υπουργείο Γεωργίας. Έτσι μαθαίνουμε ότι ενώ την περίοδο 1918-1922 είχαν αρχίσει οι δια-

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην"ΥπαιθροΕλλάδα 29

δικασίες για απαλλοτρίωση σε 76 μεγάλα κτήματα, την περίοδο 1923-1930 ο αριθμός αυτός ανήλθε σε 1445.8

ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ 1 ΤΣΙΦΛΙΚΙΑΔΙΑ ΑΙΙΑΛΛΟΤΡΙΩΣΗ (1918-1931)

(ανά έτος και ανά διαμέρισμα)

Έτη Αριθμός Διαμέρισμα Αριθμός

Τσιφλικιών Τσιφλικιιi>ν

1918-1919 I Θεσσαλία-Άρτα 536 1920 63

1921-1922 12 Μακεδονία 422 1923 642 1924 271 Ήπειρος 391 1925 290 1926 46 Ε)ράκη 9 1927 100 1928 47 Στερεά-Εύβοια 234 1929 26 .

1930 23 Πελοπόννησος 22 1931 10

1918-1931 Νήσοι Αιγαίου 8 Εθνικά κτήματα 92 Κρήτη I

Σύνολο 1.623 Σύνολο 1.623

Πηγή: Babis Alivizatos, La reforme agraire en Grece au point de vue economique et social (Paήs: Les Presses Modernes, 1932) pp. 238-239- Μπάμπης Αλιβιζάτος, Η Μεταπολεμική Εξέλιξις της Ελληνικής Γεωργικής Οικονομίας (Αθήνα: 1935), σ. 42, πίνακας VII.

Είναι φανερή η επιτάχυνση της προσπάθειας να απαλλοτριω­

θεί όλο και περισσότερη γη μετά την έλευση των προσφύγων, λό­

γω της πληθυσμιακής ~ίεσης που δεχόταν η Ελλάδα, παρά τις πολιτικές και οικονομι~ς δυσκολίες που υφίστατο. Η αιτία φυ-

30 Δ. Ι. Αοίζος

σικά βρίσκεται στην ανάγκη εξευρέσεως εκτάσεων για την εγκα­

τάσταση των προσφύγων από την ΕΑΠ.

Γη που παρεδόθη στην ΕΑΠ

Αντίθετα με την κατάσταση που υπάρχει στον τομέα των αριθμητικών δεδομένων της απαλλοτριώσεως των τσιφλικιών, οι αριθμοί που εμφαίνουν τις γαίες που παραδόθηκαν στην ΕΑΠ είναι σχετικά ακριβείς και από επίσημες πηγές.9 Αμέσως μετά την ίδρυση της ΕΑΠ στα τέλη του 1923, η ελληνική κυβέρνηση βρέθη­κε σε αδυναμία να διαθέσει στην Επιτροπή τα 5.000.000 στρέμμα­τα που είχε υΠοσχεθεί. Στις αρχές όμως του 1924, όταν ανακηρύ­χθηκε η Δημοκρατία, εκτάσεις βασιλικών γαιών τέθηκαν υπό τον έλεγχο του κράτους. Συνεπώς οι διαθέσιμες για την εγκατάσταση γαίες ήταν οι βασιλικές στην Μακεδονία και όσες ελέγχονταν από το κράτος με την εφαρμογή των απαλλοτριώσεων. Στα μέσα της ίδιας χρονιάς 252.000 στρέμματα είχαν παραδοθεί στην ΕΑΠ με καθαρούς τίτλους ιδιοκτησίας. Η γη που ανήκε στους μου­σουλμάνους που θα έφευγαν από την Ελλάδα (μετά τη συμφωνία Ελλάδας-Τουρκίας για την ανταλλαγή των πληθυσμών) δεν ήταν διαθέσιμη ακόμη γιατί δεν είχε διευκρινιστεί αν το ελληνικό κρά­τος μπορούσε να την χρησιμοποιήσει κατά βούληση ή δεσμευό­ταν από την συμφωνία ανταλλαγής. Άλλωστε το μεγαλύτερο μέ­ρος της εκτάσεως των τουρκικών τσιφλικιών -μόλις οι ιδιοκτή­τες τους αναχώρησαν από την Ελλάδα με την εφαρμογή της ανταλλαγής- είχε κατοικηθεί από κολίγους οι οποίοι δούλευαν στα κτήματα αυτά. Επομένως ήταν δύσκολο να παραδοθεί αυτή η γη στους πρόσφυγες. Δεν υπήρχαν όμως πολλές διαθέσιμες εκτά­σεις ούτε και στη Δυτική Θράκη διότι σύμφωνα με τη Συνθήκη της Λωζάννης (1923) οι μουσουλμάνοι αυτής της περιοχής δεν υπέκειντο στην ανταλλαγή και μπορούσαν να παραμείνουν στις εστίες τους.10

Η ανάγκη εξευρέσεως διαθεσίμων εκτάσεων ήταν τόσο μεγά­λη ώστε η ελληνική κυβέρνηση συμφώνησε με την Εθνική Τρά­πεζα για ένα δάνειο 50 εκατομμυρίων δραχμών για την αγορά

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 31

ιδιωτικών γαιών στην Δυτική Θράκη. Οι εκτάσεις αυτές μαζί με 100.000 στρέμματα βασιλικών γαιών θα παραδίδονταν αμέσως στην ΕΑΠ. Το πρόβλημα της διαθέσεως γης λύθηκε εν μέρει και προσωρινά όταν τον Αύγουστο του 1924 ο Υπουργός Γεωργίας με επιστολή του, παρέδωσε στην ΕΑΠ τις εγκαταλειφθείσες από μουσουλμάνους γαίες. Η παράδοση αυτή όμως δεν έγινε με επί­σημη νομική πράξη, γεγονός που δημιούργησε πολλά κωλύματα στη διανομή των εκτάσεων στους πρόσφυγες από την ΕΑΠ. Πα­ράλληλα, απαγορεύθηκε η εγκατάσταση προσφύγων σε ελαιώ­νες και αμπελώνες για να προστατευθεί η παραγωγή αυτών των ειδών. Το γεγονός αυτό απέκλεισε τις μαζικές προσφυγικές εγκαταστάσεις στα νησιά (εκτός της Κρήτης) μια που εκεί οι πρόσφορες για καλλιέργεια σιτηρών γαίες ήταν πολύ περιορι­σμένες. Στα τέλη του 1925 είχαν τυπικά διατεθεί στην ΕΑΠ 6.676.499 στρέμματα γης και μέχρι το 1926 7.356.735 στρέμμα­τα. Παρ' ότι είναι φανερό ότι η ελληνική κυβέρνηση είχε εκπλη­ρώσει την υποχρέωσή της για παράδοση 5.000.000 στρεμμάτων η γη που τελικά παραδόθηκε δεν ήταν όλη καλλιεργήσιμη. Βέ­βαια η ελληνική πλευρά ισχυρίσθηκε ότι οι καλλιεργήσιμες εκτάσεις ανέρχονταν σε 4.700.000 στρέμματα. Από τα 8.610.000 στρέμματα που είχαν τελικά παραδοθεί μέχρι το 1929 μόνο τα 5 .. 257.410 μπορούσαν να καλλιεργηθούν. Πιστεύεται ότι οι αριθμοί αυτοί μπορεί να μην είναι ακριβείς διότι η έλλειψη κτη­ματολογίου έκανε αδύνατη την ακριβή γνώση της εκτάσεως των γαιών. Παρ' όλα αυτά αξιωματούχοι της ΕΑΠ δήλωναν ότι οι αριθμοί αυτοί τελικά δεν βρίσκονταν πολύ μακριά από την πραγματικότητα.''

Παρά το γεγονός ότι οι πρόσφυγες επιτάχυναν την απαλλο­τρίωση των τσιφλικιών μόνο λίγοι απ' αυτούς εγκαταστάθηκαν τελικά σε aπαλλοτριωμένες γαίες. Από τα 7.356;735 στρέμματα που είχε στη διάθεσή της η ΕΑΠ το 1926 μόνο 802.470 προέρχο­νταν από aπαλλοτριωμένες γαίες σε σύνολο 6.515.382 στρεμμά­των απαλλοτριωμένων ~χρι το 1931.12

32 Δ. Ι. Αοίζος

Η Διαδικασ!α της Εγκαταστάσεως

Όπως έχει ήδη αναφερθεί αρκετοί πρόσφυγες είχαν αρχίσει

να καταφθάνουν από την Μικρά Ασία πριν την δημιουργία της ΕΑΠ, στα τέλη του 1923. Για την εγκατάσταση αυτών των προ­σφύγων, η ελληνική κυβέρνηση είχε αρχίσει να εφαρμόζει ένα σχέδιο σταδιακής αποκαταστάσεως. Μέχρι το 1922 είχαν αποκα­τασταθεί 652 αγροτικές οικογένειες στη Θεσσαλία, 66.920 στη Μακεδονία και 3.053 σε άλλες περιοχές της Ελλάδος. Μάλιστα το 1923 η <<επαναστατική κυβέρνηση>> των Γονατά-Πλαστήρα διέ­vειμε σ' αυτούς τους πρόσφυγες περισσότερα από 125.000 ζώα, 75.000 κάρα του στρατού και διάφορα αγροτικά εργαλεία.13

Η εγκατάσταση προσφύγων από μέρους της ΕΑΠ ακολούθη­

σε μια αργή πορεία στην αρχή και μέχρι τον Μάιο του 1925 μόνο 66.938 οικογένειες είχαν εγκατασταθεί. Μέχρι το τέλος του επο­μένου χρόνου όμως, με την διάθεση του προσφυγικού δανείου, είχαν εγκατασταθεί 147.249 οικογένειες (Πίνακας 2). Μερικές ακόμα εγκαταστάθηκαν μέχρι το τέλος του 1928 όταν η ΕΑΠ διέ­κοψε αυτή της την δραστηριότητα λόγω ελλείψεως χρημάτων. Ο

αριθμός όμως των οικογενειών που δεν είχαν ακόμα αποκατα­

σταθεί, μετά από αυτή τη χρονολογία, ήταν πολύ μικρός. 14

ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ2

ΕΓΚΑΤΑΣΤΑΣΕΙΣΑΓΡΟΤΩΝΥΠΟ ΕΑΠ (1924-1926)

Ημεοομηνία (έως) Οικογένειες !

30Αποιλίου 1924 13.000 31 Ιουλίου 1924 23.000 Τέλος 1924 65.583

Μάοτιος 1925 66.938 31 Δεκεμβρ. 1925 147.333 [;] 30Ιουνίου 1926 147.249 [;]

Πηγή: League of Nations [LON], Second Quarterly Repolt, Athens, 25 May 1924, p. 2- LON, Third Quarterly Report, Athens, 3 August 1924, p. 2- LON, Monthly Summary, 5 (1925): 72- LON, Monthly Summary, 6 (1926): 59- LON,

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 33

Ninth Quarterly Report, Athens, 1 March 1926, p. 3- LON, L' Etablissement des Refugies en Grece (Geneve: 1926), p. 85.

Μέχρι τα μέσα του 1926 είχαν δημιουργηθεί 1.993 αγροτικοί προσφυγικοί συνοικισμοί εκ των οποίων οι 1.378 ήταν στη Μα­κεδονία. Από τους συνοικισμούς αυτούς μόνο το 24% δημιουρ­γήθηκε εξ αρχής. Οι υπόλοιποι ήταν πρώην τουρκικοί ή βουλγα­ρικοί συνοικισμοί των οποίων οι κάτοικοι είχαν μεταναστεύσει στην Τουρκία και στην Βουλγαρία αντίστοιχα."

Έγγειος Ιδιοκτησία και Κτηματολ6yιο

Η αγροτική εγκατάσταση 150.000 περίπου προσφυγικών οι­κογενειών θα θεωρείτο ολοκληρωμένη μόνο εάν η κάθε οικογέ­νεια αποκτούσε νόμιμο τίτλο επί της γης που της είχε δοθεί. Δεν υπήρχε όμως κτηματολόγιο κι επιπλέον στην Μακεδονία τα όρια των χωριών (κτίσματα και γαίες) δεν ήταν καθορισμένα, ούτε ήταν γνωστά επακριβώς τα όρια της κάθε ιδιοκτησίας. Γι' αυτό το λόγο μέχρι το 1926 δεν είχαν δοθεί από τις ελληνικές κυβερνή­σεις οι νόμιμοι τίτλοι των γαιών που είχαν παραδοθεί στην ΕΑΠ. Ορισμένοι τίτλοι, βέβαια, μπορούσαν να παραχωρηθούν για τις πρώην τουρκικές ιδιοκτησίες και τις aπαλλοτριωμένες γαίες, αλλά για τις υπόλοιπες χρειαζόταν κτηματογραφική εργα­σία. Αυτό το γεγονός δημιουργούσε προβλήματα στην ΕΑΠ όταν χρειαζόταν να αξιολογήσει χρηματικά τα αγροτεμάχια που διένε­με και να χρεώσει τους πρόσφυγες. Οι υπάλληλοί της δεν γνώρι­ζαν την ακριβή έκταση και ποιότητα της γης. Πολλές δε διαμάχες ξέσπαγαν μεταξύ προσφύγων, ακτημόνων και ιδιοκτητών στην ύπαιθρο, όταν επρόκειτο για διανομή γαιών από πρώην τσιφλί­κια, επειδή και οι χωρικοί δεν ήξεραν ποιο κομμάτι γης έπρεπε να καλλιεργήσουν.ι6

Κατά την διάρκεια του 1924 η ΕΑΠ άρχισε την διαδικασία της οργανώσεως μιας υπηρεσίας κτηματογραφήσεων. Πρωταρχι­κός της σκοπός ήταν ν~ ορίσει τις διαστάσεις και τα όρια των αγροτικών σχηματισμών,(χωριά και γαίες) και κατά δεύτερο λό-

34 Δ. Ι. Αο!'ζος

γο να καθορίσει τα όρια της κάθε ιδιοκτησίας. Μέχρι όμως το 1926 η έλλειψη ειδικευμένου προσωπικού εμπόδισε την σε μεγά­λη κλίμακα κτηματογράφηση. Το έτος αυτό συνήφθη συμφωνία με την ελληνική κυβέρνηση που όριζε ότι η ΕΑΠ θα είχε στη διά­θεσή της ένα αεροπλάνο διά την από αέρος κτηματογράφηση. Αυ­τή η μέθοδος καταμετρήσεως γαιών θεωρείτο ταχύτερη χρονικά αλλά και αναγκαία λαμβάνοντας υπόψη την έκταση της κτηματογραφούμενης γης. Ενώ μέχρι το έτος εκείνο μόνο 300.000 στρέμματα είχαν καταμετρηθεί από την ΕΑΠ και 560.000 από το ΥΠουργείο Γεωργίας, με τη βοήθεια του αεροπλάνου αλλά και τον σχηματισμό 111 ομάδωνκτηματογραφήσεως 12.611.26Οστρέμμα­τα μετρήθηκαν και 4.113.430 στρέμματα διανεμήθηκαν με την διά­θεση τίτλων στους δικαιούχους, μεταξύ 1927 και 1930.17 Η διάλυ­ση της ΕΑΠ τον Δεκέμβριο του 1930 σταμάτησε το έργο της κτη­ματογραφήσεως.

Προσφυγικές Κατοικίες

Ο τεράστιος αριθμός προσφύγων δεν μπορούσε παρά να δημι­ουργήσει και κρίση στέγης στην Ελλάδα της δεκαετίας 1920 -1930. Εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες άνθρωποι έμεναν αρχικά στις πλα­τείες της Αθήνας και το λιμάνι του Πειραιά περιμένοντας τη με­ταφορά τους σε μέρη που θα εποίκιζαν. Κατά την διάρκεια του χειμώνα 1922-1923 οι πρόσφυγες μεταφέρθηκαν προσωρινά σε εργοστάσια, σχολεία, θέατρα, εκκλησίες, σιδηροδρομικούς σταθ­μούς και γενικά μεγάλα δημόσια κτίρια. Την περίθαλψή τους ανέ­λαβαν μεγάλες φιλανθρωπικές οργανώσεις, όπως ο Αμερικανικός Ερυθρός Σταυρός, ο οποίος και δαπάνησε 3.000.000 δολάρια.18

Θέλοντας η ΕΑΠ να βρει μια άμεση λύση για το οικιστικό πρόβλημα των αγροτών, αλλά και αργότερα των αστών προσφύ­γων, το καλοκαίρι του 1924 συνήψε συμφωνία με την γερμανική κατασκευαστική εταιρεία Somerfield-D.H.T.G. για την αγορά 10.000 ξυλίνων σκελετών οικίσκων. Η ΕΑΠ θα χορηγούσε τους σκελετούς και τα κεραμίδια για την σκεπή ενώ οι πρόσφυγες θα έκτιζαν τους τοίχους. Αλλά παρά το γεγονός ότι ο γερμανικός

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 35

Οίκος επρόκειτο να παραδώσει την παραγγελία σε 6 έως 8 μήνες η ολοκλήρωση της παράδοσης άργησε για δύο χρόνια, πράγμα που δημιούργησε τεράστια προβλήματα και καθυστέρησε την εγκατάσταση των προσφύγων. 19 ·

Μέχρι το 1926 είχαν αγοραστεί από ελληνικές και γερμανικές εταιρείες 40.557 οικίσκοι ενώ 9.839 ήταν υπό κατασκευή. Επι­πλέον, η ΕΑΠ είχε στη διάθεσή της και 65.484 οικίες Τούρκων και Βουλγάρων που είχαν μεταναστεύσει. Εξ αυτών οι 15.848 χρειάζονταν μεγάλες επισκευές για να γίνουν πάλι κατοικήσιμες. Παράλληλα με τις εργασίες της ΕΑΠ η ελληνική κυβέρνηση αγό­ρασε ή επιδιόρθωσε 4.188 οικίες. Είναι γεγονός.ότι μέχρι το 1928 η ΕΑΠ είχε προβλέψει στοιχειώδη στέγαση για όλους τους αγρό­τες πρόσφυγες.2°

Οι προσφυγικοί οικίσκοι ήταν συνήθως δύο δωματίων με την προσθήκη ενός στάβλου. Εάν δεν υπήρχε στάβλος η οικογένεια ζούσε στο ένα δωμάτιο και χρησιμοποιούσε το άλλο για τα ζώα, ακριβώς γιατί αυτά αποτελούσαν σημαντικό κεφάλαιο για τον αγρότη. Στις περισσότερες περιπτώσεις παραχωρούνταν στους πρόσφυγες τα υλικά οικοδομής και λίγα χρήματα, για την αμοιβή του ξυλουργού και του κτίστη, ενώ οι ίδιοι έπρεπε να βοηθήσουν τους εργάτες και να φροντίσουν για την μεταφορά των υλικών. Φαίνεται όμως ότι και τα σπίτια των ντόπιων χωρικών σε ολό­κληρη την Ελλάδα δεν διέφεραν σε πολλά σημεία. Οι έλληνες χω­ρικοί ζούσαν επίσης σε ·δύο δωμάτια: το ένα χρησιμοποιούσαν σαν κουζίνα και τραπεζαρία και το άλλο ως υπνοδωμάτιο.21

Παρά τις προσπάθειες που καταβλήθηκαν το πρόβλημα της κατοικίας συνέχισε να υφίσταται στην αγροτική Ελλάδα. Δέκα χιλιάδες από τα σπίτια που χρησιμοποίησε η ΕΑΠ μέχρι το 1929 είχαν υποστεί ζημιές από τις κακές καιρικές συνθήκες σε τέτοιο βαθμό ώστε είχαν καταστεί ακατάλληλα για κατοικίες. Επιπλέον ήταν φανερό ότι υπήρχε συνωστισμός στις οικίες με αποτέλεσμα να χρειάζονται άλλες 12.000 για να αποκτήσει κάθε οικογένεια την δική της. Άλλα προβλ~ατα παρατηρήθηκαν στα σπίτια των καπνοκαλλιεργητών. ΥποΚογίστηκε ότι 63.000 προσφυγικές οι-

,-=~"""-""""'"'""'~="''"~~~,.~-·~·~-' "'"'~~-----~--

36 Δ. Ι. Αοϊζος

κογένειες απασχολούνταν με την καπνοκαλλιέργεια και τα σπί­τια τους (που είχαν κατασκευαστεί από την ΕΑΠ) δεν είχαν τον κατάλληλο χώρο για την αποξήρανση και επεξεργασία του κα­πνού. Αυτή η αμέλεια είχε σαν συνέπεια την πτώση της τιμής των ελληνικών καπνών διότι η αποθήκευση του καπνού δεν γινόταν με τον ενδεδειγμένο τρόπο και το προ'ίόν ήταν κατωτέρας ποιό­τητος στην διεθνή αγορά.22

Υπηρεσίες της ΕΑΠ στους Πρόσφυγες - Δεν είχαν όλοι οι πρόσφυγες την ίδια ανάγκη βοηθείας από την ΕΑΠ. Εκείνοι που την χρειάζονταν λιγότερο ήταν οι πρό­σφυγες από την Ανατολική Θράκη. Σύμφωνα με την Συνθήκη των Μουδανιών της 28 Σεπτεμβρίου Ι 11 Οκτωβρίου 1922 οι Έλληνες που ζούσαν στην Α. Θράκη έπρεπε να εκκενώσουν την περιοχή αμέσως. Τους επετράπη να μεταφέρουν όλη την κινητή περιουσία τους και έτσι πολλοί απ' αυτούς είχαν τα ζώα τους, τα γεωργικά εργαλεία τους, τη σπορά τους και μερικά προσωπικά αντικείμε­να. Το μόνο που χρειάζονταν ήταν γη και στέγη. Οι πρόσφυγες αυτοί υπολογίζονταν σε 17.500 οικογένειες και έγινε μεγάλη προσπάθεια για να εγκατασταθούν γρήγορα όσο το δυνατόν πε­ρισσότεροι και να αρχίσουν να καλλιεργούν.Ζ3

Για τους υπόλοιπους πρόσφυγες η Διεύθυνση Εποικισμού Μακεδονίας της ΕΑΠ διένειμε, κατά τους έξη πρώτους μήνες της λειτουργίας της, 17.000 άροτρα, 2.000 κάρα, 1 εκατομμύριο οκά­δες σπόρο, 11 εκατομμύρια οκάδες αλεύρι, 2 εκατομμύρια οκάδες ζωοτροφών και 1,5 εκατομμύρια οκάδες αραβοσίτου. Οι δυσμε­νείς καιρικές συνθήκες όμως κατέστρεψαν τη σοδειά του 1924 με αποτέλεσμα ακόμα και εκείνοι οι πρόσφυγες που θεωρούνταν αυ­τάρκεις να χρειάζονται αμέσως μεγάλες ποσότητες σίτου για κα­τανάλωση, σπορά και τροφή για τα ζώα τους. Επειδή η ΕΑΠ βρέ­θηκε σε αδυναμία να αναλάβει η ίδια την οικονομική επιβάρυνση της αγοράς των προμηθειών για τους πρόσφυγες, η ελληνική κυ­βέρνηση αναγκάστηκε να διαθέσει μέσω της Εθνικής Τραπέζης τα απαραίτητα κονδύλια στην ΕΑΠ.24

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 37

Η καταστροφή της σοδειάς δεν ήταν το μόνο γεγονός που μεί­ωσε την επάρκεια σίτου εκείνη τη χρονιά. Μελέτες ειδικών της

εποχής απέδειξαν ότι το είδος σίτου που χρησιμοποιείτο από τους χωρικούς δεν ήταν επαρκούς αποδόσεως. Στα τέλη του 1927 η ελληνική κυβέρνηση διαπραγματεύθηκε για λογαριασμό της την αγορά μέσω της Εθνικής Τραπέζης 3.500 τόνων σπόρου σίτου των ποικιλιών <<Καμπέρα>> και <<γουαράτα>> (cambera, waratab) και 100 τόνων σπόρου κριθαριού, όλα από την Αυστραλία. Ο σπόρος μοιράσθηκε και στους ντόπιους και στους πρόσφυγες

από την ΕΑΠ, τους αγροτικούς συνεταιρισμούς και τα Αγροτικά Επιμελητήρια. Πειράματα είχαν αποδείξει ότι η ποικιλία <<Κα­

μπέρα>> ωρίμαζε τρεις μήνες νωρίτερα από την ήδη χρησιμοποι­ούμενη και είχε μεγαλύτερη απόδοση.25

Το ενδιαφέρον της ΕΑΠ δεν θα μπορούσε να περιοριστεί μό­νο στην προμήθεια αροτριόντων ζώων και σπόρου. Άμεσης προ­

τεραιότητας ήταν και η προμήθεια αγροτικών εργαλείων. Μέχρι το 1926 η πλειονότητα των οικογενειών είχε λάβει ένα και μόνο αροτριόν ζώο καθότι η Επιτροπή δεν διέθετε τους αναγκαίους πόρους για να διανείμει περισσότερα. Ωστόσο, συνήθως, όταν μία οικογένεια αποτελείτο από πολλά μέλη τότε τους δίνονταν δύο ζώα. Μέχρι το 1926 η ΕΑΠ είχε διανείμει 74.593 αροτριόντα ζώα, 45.162 αιγοπρόβατα και 224.130 κάρα και αγροτικά εργα­λεία.26

Η Διάλυση της ΕΑΠ

Η ΕΑΠ συστάθηκε στα τέλη του 1923 για να αναλάβει την πα­ραγωγική εγκατάσταση των αγροτών προσφύγων και να διαχει­ριστεί αρχικά το Προσφυγικό Δάνειο του 1924 και αργότερα μέ­ρος του Δανείου Σταθεροποιήσεως του 1928 που αφορούσε στην συμπλήρωση της προσφυγικής εγκαταστάσεως.27 Όταν οι πόροι του δευτέρου δανείου είχαν δαπανηθεί, το έργο της ΕΑΠ θεωρή­θηκε ότι είχε ολοκληρωθεί, εφόσον η Επιτροπή είχε εκπληρώσει

τους αρχικούς της σκοπgύς, και αποφασίστηκε η διάλυσή της. Η

διάλυση της ΕΑΠ είχε \ιρχίσει να μελετάται από τα τέλη του

38 Δ. Ι. Αοϊζος

1929. Τελικά, μετά από έγκριση του Συμβουλίου της ΚΤΕ, στις 24 Ιανουαρίου 1930 συνήφθη συμφωνία μεταξύ της ελληνικής κυ­βερνήσεως και της ΕΑΠ για την διακοπή των εργασιών της μέχρι το τέλος του έτους. Η τελευταία χρονιά αναλώθηκε στις προετοι­μασίες για την ανάληψη των υπηρεσιών της ΕΑΠ από το κράτος. Τα Εποικιστικά Γραφεία, οι Σταθμοί Βελτιώσεως Καλλιεργειών

και τα Πρότυπα Αγροκτήματα, η Διεύθυνση Μηχανικής Καλ­λιέργειας και τα 51 μικρά ιατρεία παραδόθηκαν στο ελληνικό κράτος.28 _ ·

Το Έργο της ΕΑΠ: Κρίσεις και Επικρίσεις

Η εισροή των προσφύγων σε μερικές περιπτώσεις έλυσε προ­βλήματα που υπήρχαν πριν το 1922 και σε qλλες δημιούργησε νέα. Οι πρόσφυγες αναπλήρωσαν το πληθυσμιακό κενό που δη­μιουργήθηκε κυρίως στην Βόρεια Ελλάδα μετά την αναχώρηση

των Τούρκων και των Βουλγάρων. Αν και η διαφορά στον αριθ­μό των κατοίκων στην Μακεδονία πριν και μετά το 1922 δεν εί­ναι ιδιαίτερα σημαντική (Πίνακας 3), η έλλειψη γης που παρατη­ρήθηκε κατά την διάρκεια της δεκαετίας 1920 - 1930 οφείλεται στην αλλαγή του νομικού καθεστώτος της εγγείου ιδιοκτησίας. Ο έγγειος μετασχηματισμός από το πρότυπο των τσιφλικιών στην μικρή και διάσπαρτη ιδιοκτησία είναι η αιτία της αυξήσεως του αριθμού των ιδιοκτητών γης και συνεπώς της ανάγκης για περισ­

σότερη καλλιεργήσιμη έκταση. Η μικρο'ίδιοκτησία βέβαια και η ανεπάρκεια γαιών οδήγησαν σε νέες μεθόδους καλλιέργειας και

σποράς.

Η εγκατάσταση των προσφύγων στη Βόρεια Ελλάδα, και ειδι­κά στη Μακεδονία, μετέβαλε σημαντικά την δημογραφική σύστα­ση της περιοχής. Από τον Πίνακα 3 (σύμφωνα με ελληνικές στα­τιστικές) γίνεται φανερό ότι πριν το 1922 περίπου 40% των κα­τοίκων της περιοχής ήταν Μουσουλμάνοι ενώ 43% Έλληνες. Το 1926 όμως η κατάσταση έχει αλλάξει ριζικά: περίπου 90% ήταν Έλληνες και μόνο 0.1% Μουσουλμάνοι.

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 39

ΠΙΝΑΚΑΣ3

ΠΛΗΘΥΣΜΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΜΑΚΕΔΟΝΙΑΣ ΤΟ 1912 ΚΑΙ ΤΟ 1926

Κατηγορία 1912 1926 Έλληνες 513.000 1.341.000 Μουσουλμάνοι 475.000 2.000 Σλαβόφωνοι 119.000 77.000 Διάφοροι 98.000 91.000

Σύνολο 1.205.000 1.511.000

Πηγή: Ελλάδα, Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών, La Grece Actuelle (Αθήνα: 1933), διάγραμμα LV.

Ένα ερώτημα που γεννήθηκε ακόμα και κατά την διάρκεια της εγκαταστάσεως ήταν αν όλοι οι πρόσφυγες που αποκαταστά­θηκαν αγροτικώς υπήρξαν πράγματι καλλιεργητές. Υπάρχουν πληροφορίες που επιβεβαιώνουν το γεγονός ότι μερικοί από αυ­τούς που τελικά έλαβαν αγροτικό κλήρο για να καλλιεργήσουν δεν ήταν πραγματικοί αγρότες. Μπορεί να είχαν ζήσει σε χωριά στην Μ. Ασία αλλά στην πραγματικότητα ήταν υποδηματοποιοί, σιδεράδες ή κρεοπώλες. Οι πρόσφυγες αυτοί άρχισαν σιγά-σιγά να πουλάνε τα κτήματα που τους είχαν παραχωρηθεί από την ΕΑΠ και να καταφεύγουν στα αστικά κέντρα. Ο αριθμός όμως αυτών οι οποίοι εγκατέλειψαν τελικά τις αγροτικές περιοχές και μετακινήθηκαν στις κοντινές πόλεις φαίνεται ότι ήταν πολύ μι­κρός για να επηρεάσει αρνητικά την αγροτική εξέλιξη της Ελλά­δας στο μεσοπόλεμο.29

Ένας ακόμα αρνητικός παράγοντας για την επιτυχία του έρ­γου της ΕΑΠ φαίνεται ότι ήταν και η αναποτελεσματικότητα του κρατικού μηχανισμού. Αν και η ΕΑΠ παρέμεινε μια α-πολιτική και ανεξάρτητη οργάνωση υπό την α ι γίδα της ΚΤΕ, η αναπόφευ­κτη επαφή της με διάφο~α κυβερνητικά στελέχη και κλιμάκια δυ­σκόλεψαν το έργο της. Η ΕΑΠ ήταν υποχρεωμένη να βασίζεται

/

40 Δ. Ι. Αοrζος

σε κυβερνητικές υπηρεσίες το προσωπικό των οποίων δεν ήταν πάντοτε ειδικευμένο. Επιπλέον, η επιτυχία του έργου της κινδύ­νεψε από τον υδροκεφαλισμό της ελληνικής κρατικής μηχανής. Αποφάσεις μεγάλης ή μικρής σημασίας που είχαν σχέση με τις εργασίες της ΕΑΠ έπρεπε να ληφθούν από τον Υπουργό Γεωρ­γίας ή τον Πρωθυπουργό. Σε πολλές περιπτώσεις ο κάθε νέος υπουργός είχε περιορισμένη ή καθόλου αντίληψη του τι είχε συμ­βεί πριν τον διορισμό του και δεν θεωρούσε τον εαυτό του δε­σμευμένο από τις αποφάσεις των προκατόχων του. Έπρεπε η Επιτροπή να τον ενημερώσει για το έργο που είχε συντελεστεί και για τα εκκρεμή ζητήματα που υφίσταντο μέχρι τον διορισμό του. Είκοσι τρεις πολιτικοί χρημάτισαν Υπουργοί Γεωργίας από τον Ιανουάριο του 1924 μέχρι τον Δεκέμβριο του 1930, γεγονός που δείχνει την σοβαρότητα του προβλήματος.'0

Τα προβλήματα σχετικά με τα θέματα της εγκαταστάσεως δεν τελείωναν στις δυσκολίες συνεργασίας ΕΑΠ και ελληνικής κυ­βερνήσεως. Σκοπός της ΕΑΠ ήταν να εγκαταστήσει τις προσφυ­

γικές οικογένειες, ανάλογα με την καλλιεργητική ειδίκευση κάθε μιας, σε κατάλληλα εδάφη. Οι σιτοπαραγωγοί, λόγου χάριν, θα αποκαθίσταντο σε γη κατάλληλη για την καλλιέργεια σίτου και με τον ίδιο τρόπο θα γινόταν και η εγκατάσταση αμπελουργών και καπνοκαλλιεργητών. Έτσι θεωρείτο ότι η προσαρμογή τους στην Ελλάδα θα ήταν ομαλότερη και η επιτυχία τους ως παραγω­γών βεβαία. Δεν έγιναν όμως όλες οι εγκαταστάσεις με αυτά τα κριτήρια ακριβώς γιατί έλειπαν από τις ελληνικές υπηρεσίες γε­ωγραφικές και γεωλογικές μελέτες, που θα κατηύθυναν τους υπαλλήλους της ΕΑΠ. Οι εγκαταστάσεις προσφύγων που έγιναν βορειο-ανατολικά του ποταμού Νέστου προς τα βουλγαρικά σύ­νορα απέτυχαν διότι σε εκείνη την ορεινή περιοχή αποκαταστά­θηκαν οικογένειες που στην Μ. Ασία ζούσαν σε πεδιάδες και δεν είχαν καμία εμπειρία με το ορεινό έδαφος. Αντιθέτως χωρικοί που είχαν έρθει από τα όρη του Καυκάσου τοποθετήθηκαν στις πεδιάδες της Δ. Θράκης. Τις άστοχες αυτές εγκαταστάσεις επέ­τεινε και η έλλειψη συγκοινωνίας. Στην περιοχή του Νέστου

I

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 41

υπήρχε μόνο μια σιδηροδρομική γέφυρα και οι χωρικοί χρησιμο­ποιούσαν σχεδίες για να περάσουν τον ποταμό. 31

Το κύριο έργο της ΕΑΠ ήταν η διανομή γαιών, η οποία είχε σαν συνέπεια την κατάργηση του καθεστώτος των μεγάλων εκτά­σεων που ανήκαν σε έναν ιδιοκτήτη και την δημιουργία πολλών νέων μικρών ιδιοκτησιών. Τα στοιχεία που συνελέγησαν για την Πρώτη Διεθνή Αγροτική Απογραφή του 1929 δείχνουν πόσο μι­κρές ήταν οι αγροτικές ιδιοκτησίες. Στην Ελλάδα μετρήθηκαν 593.367 καλλιεργητές, από τους οποίους το 87% καλλιεργούσε έκταση μικρότερη από 50 στρέμματα και μόνο το 8,9% είχε έκτα­ση γης μεταξύ 50 και 100 στρεμμάτων. Είναι φανερό ότι τα τσι­φλίΚια είχαν σχεδόν εξαλειφθεί εκείνη την εποχή μια που τα στοιχεία που συνελέγησαν αναφέρουν επίσης ότι μόνο το 2,1% των αγροτών είχε γη μεγαλύτερη από 100 στρέμματα. 32

Αυτή η μεταβολή στο καθεστώς ιδιοκτησίας της ελληνικής γης είχε σαν συνέπεια την αλλαγή των καλλιεργητικών μεθόδων. Πριν από τον ερχομό των προσφύγων οι χωρικοί άφηναν το ένα τρίτο της γης τους σε αγρανάπαυση. Διαιρούσαν, δηλαδή, την κτηματική τους περιουσία σε τρία μέρη: το πρώτο χρησιμοποιεί­το για την καλλιέργεια της σοδειάς, το δεύτερο για βραχεία αγρα­νάπαυση και το τρίτο για μακρά αγρανάπαυση. Η εισροή των προσφύγων και η έλλειψη γης στην Β. Ελλάδα ανάγκασε τους χωρικούς να εγκαταλείψουν αυτό το σύστημα και να εφαρμό­σουν δύο είδη εναλλαγής καλλιεργειών: την διετή εναλλαγή αρα­βοσίτου και σίτου και την τριετή εναλλαγή κατά την οποίαν σιτη­ρά φυτεύονταν μαζί με λαχανικά, αραβόσιτος με σιτάρι ή κριθά­ρι και μία περίοδος αγρανάπαυσης. Η χρήση των λιπασμάτων γι­νόταν σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις και σε πολύ μικρές ποσότητες αφ' ενός διότι η τιμή τους ήταν απαγορευτική για αυτούς τους χωρίς κεφάλαιο νέους καλλιεργητές και αφ' ετέρου γιατί οι αγρότες δεν ήταν εξοικειωμένοι με τα τεχνητά λιπάσματα. Άλλω­στε το μοναδικό ελληνικό εργοστάσιο παρήγε μόνο 60.000 τό­νους λιπασμάτων ετη<ιιως, σύμφωνα με στοιχεία του έτους 1929.33 1

42 Δ. Ι. ι\οϊζος

Η εγκατάσταση των προσφύγων εκτός από τις νέες καλλιερ­γητικές μεθόδους άλλαξε και τον χαρακτήρα των καλλιεργειών. Μετά το 1922 η εκτατική καλλιέργεια αντικατεστάθη από την εντατική στα αμπέλια, τον καπνό, το βαμβάκι, τα λαχανικά και τις δενδροκαλλιέργειες. Οι πρόσφυγες, με την βοήθεια της ΕΑΠ, έσπειραν επιλεγμένους σπόρους και φύτευσαν αμπέλια αμερικα­νικής προελεύσεως που δεν προσβάλλονταν από τη φυλλοξήρα (ασθένεια της αμπέλου που είχε καταστρέψει τους αμπελώνες της Γαλλίας και αργότερα σε μικρότερη έκταση και τους ελληνικούς στο τέλος του 19ου αιώνα). Αποτέλεσμα της εντατικής καλλιέρ­γειας και της αρίστης ποιότητας των σπόρων ήταν η αύξηση της καλλιεργούμενης εκτάσεως από 2.749.129 στρέμματα το 1922 σε 5.504.602 στρέμματα το 1931 στην Μακεδονία. Το ίδιο συνέβη και στην Δ. Θράκη όπου η καλλιεργητική επιφάνεια για την ίδια περίοδο αυξήθηκε από 721.959 σε 1.478.956 στρέμματα. Υπολο­γίστηκε ακόμη ότι η αύξηση στην παραγωγή μέχρι το 1925 ήταν της τάξεως του 70% για το σιτάρι στην Μακεδονία και του 30% στην Δ. Θράκη, ενώ για τον αραβόσιτο της τάξεως του 45%.34

Συμπεράσματα

Μια γενική θεώρηση του έργου της ΕΑΠ δεν θα μπορούσε πα­ρά να το χαρακτηρίσει επιτυχημένο, άποψη η οποία κατ' επανά­ληψη εκφράστηκε κατά την διάρκ"εια του μεσοπολέμου. Η επιτυ­χία του συνίσταται στην παραγωγική εγκατάσταση μισού περί­που εκατομμυρίου προσφύγων μέσα σε έξη χρόνια, έργο κολοσ­σιαίο αν σκεφτεί κανείς τα πενιχρά οικονομικά και τεχνολογικά μέσα της εποχής. Οι επιτυχίες της Επιτροπής Αποκαταστάσεως Προσφύγων οφείλονται βασικά στην καλή διοικητική οργάνωση και την κατανομή των εργασιών της σε επί μέρους υπηρεσίες. Κυριότερες από αυτές υπήρξαν η του Εποικισμού, της Κτηματο­γραφήσεως, της Μηχανικής Καλλιέργειας, των Προτύπων Αγρών και του Ταμείου. Άλλος παράγοντας της επιτυχίας της ΕΑΠ υπήρξε η καλή διαχείριση και η αποκλειστική διάθεση των πόρων της για την παραγωγική εγκατάσταση των προσφύγων.

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 43

Τελευταίο και εξίσου σημαντικό στοιχείο ήταν και η σθεναρή aντίστασή της στις προσπάθειες παρεμβάσεως των εκάστοτε ελ­ληνικών κυβερνήσεων και ιδίως αυτών της Παγκαλικής περιό­δου. Έμμεσα, η εγκατάσταση των προσφύγων βοήθησε και στην απαλλοτρίωση των τσιφλικιών, κυρίως στην Βόρεια Ελλάδα.

Παρ' όλα τα θετικά χαρακτηριστικά του έργου της ΕΑΠ μια προσεκτικότερη εξέταση αποκαλύπτει τις επί μέρους αδυναμίες ως προς την αγροτική εγκατάσταση των προσφύγων. Κατ' αρχάς δόθηκε γη και σε μη καλλιεργητές ενώ σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις τα ποιοτικά χαρακτηριστικά των εκτάσεων που διανεμήθηκαν

δεν αντιστοιχούσαν στο είδος της γης το οποίο εκμεταλλεύονταν οι πρόσφυγες στην Τουρκία. Παράλληλα η διάλυση της ΕΑΠ το 1930 άφησε πολλούς πρόσφυγες χωρίς τίτλους ιδιοκτησίας. Οι παραλείψεις όμως αυτές ίσως δεν οφείλοντο αποκλειστικά στην ΕΑΠ αλλά αντανακλούσαν και την αναποτελεσματικότητα του ελληνικού κρατικού μηχανισμού, ο οποίος aποδιοργανωμένος από έναν δεκαετή και σχεδόν συνεχή πόλεμο δεν στάθηκε δυνα­τόν να συγκροτηθεί και να λειτουργήσει αποδοτικά παρά την ει­λικρινή προσπάθεια των κυβερνήσεων σε ελληνικό και διεθνές επίπεδο.

\

44 Δ. Ι. Αοϊζος

ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΕΙΣ Επεξήγηση Συντομογραφιών

Α ΥΕ ............ Αρχείο του Υπουργείο των Εξωτερικών της Ελλάδος AR ............. Annual Report [Ετήσιες Εκθέσεις των Βρετανών Πρεσβευτών στην

Αθήνα]

ΑΤ ............. Αρχείο Εμμανουήλ Τσουδερού FO.. . .... Foreign Office [Αρχείο Υπουργείου Εξωτερικών Μεγάλης Βρετα-

νίας]

IAETE. ....... Ιστορικό Αρχε(ο της Εθνικής Τραπέζης της Ελλάδος ΚΤΕ ............ Κοινωνία των Εθνών [League of Nations] ΝΑ ............. National Archives [Εθνικά Αρχεία Η.Π.Α.] RSC ............ Refugee Settlement Commission [Επιτροπή Αποκαταστάσεως Προ­

σφύγων]

ΥΠΕΞ ......... Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών Ελλάδος

Οι ημερομηνίες στις αναφορές σε aρχειακές πηγές είναι αυτές παμ αναγρά­

φονται στα έγγραφα και επομένως μπορεί να είναι σύμφωνα με το Ιουλιανό ή το

Γρηγοριανό ημερολόγιο. Στα έγγραφα που παρατίθενται από το ΑΥΕ ο πρώτος

αριθμός είναι αυτός του αποστολέα του εγγράφου και ο δεύτερος του πρωτοκόλ­λου του υπουργείου [πχ. αρ. 234/12345]

1. Α. Α. Pallis, «Racial Migration in the Balkans during the years 1912-1924,» Geographicai Joumal 66 (July-December 1925). p. 317 -Α. Α. Πάλλης. Περi Α vταλλαγής Πληθυσμώv και Εποικισμού εv τη Βαλκαvική κατά τα έτη 1912-1920 (Κωνσταντινούπολη: 1920), σ. 12 - John Η. Simpson, The Refugee Problem (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1939), p. 13.

2. League of Nations, Monthly Summary, Noνember 1924 supp., ρ. 7 -Stephen Ρ. Ladas, The Exchange of Minorities: Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey (New York: Macmillan, 1932), pp. 621-622 - Tsamados to Dulles, W ashington, 12 Apήl 1923. National Archives [ΝΑ], Washington, 868.51/RSC/32- League ο! Nations, L' Etablissement des Refugies en Grece (Geneve: 1926), p. 7- Stelios Sefeήades, «L' Echange des population,» Academie de Droit Intemational, Recueil des Cours, 24 (1928): 415-416- Για τις μετακινήσεις των πληθυσμών βασικό εγχειρίδιο πα­ραμένει το Dimitήs Pentzopoulos, The Ba/kan Exchange of Minorities and its Impact upon Greece (Paήs: Mouton, 1962) -Για την αποχώρηση των Ελλήνων από την Τουρκία. δες Αρχείο του Υπουργείου Εξωτερικών [ΑΥΕ], Ελλάδα, Α/5(2

& Α/5/13, 1922, passim - Για την δράση του Fr. Nansen σχετικά με τους πρόσφυ­γες δες Α ΥΕ/Α/5/13. 1922, Nansen προς Πρωθυπουργό [Ελλάδος μέσω

Simopoulos], Κωνσταντινούπολη, 3-16/9/1922, αρ. 4919/10679 - ΑΥΕ/Α/5/13,

1922, Nansen προς Βενιζέλο, Κωνσταντινούπολη, 10-10-1922, Ref. 68 -ΑΥΕ/ΚΤΕ/F/3/26, 1923, Societe des Nations, «Rapport du Docteur Nansen,» Geneve, 18-11-1922. C.736(a)M.447(a)1922.

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην "Υπαιθρο Ελλάδα 45

3. Louis Ρ. Cassimatis, American Inf!uence in Greece, 1917-1929 (Kent, Ohio, USA: Kent State University, 1988), p. 146- Για τα κείμενα των συμφωνιών δες League ofNations, Treaty Series, 20 (1923) Ν ο 503 & 30, 1924, Νο 776- League of Nations, Monthly Summary, Novernber 1924, supp., pp 23-29- Ιστορικό Αρχείο της Εθνικi)ς Τραπέζης της Ελλάδος [IAETE], Αθήνα, 111-Α, Πρακτικά του Γενι­κού Συμβουλίου. Σειρά Β·, 1922-1929, Συνεδ. 25 Αυγούστου 1923- Για τις δί­κες και περιλήψεις ή αποσπάσματα των πρακτικ{Ον δες Νέα Αλήθεια, Θεσσαλονί­κη, φύλλα από 13 Ιουλίου εως 29 Δεκεμβρίου 1925- Επίσης για ολόκληρη την δικογραφία δες ΑΥΕ/Α/4Π. 1925.

4. League of Nations, Monthly Summary, November 1924, supp., p. 22 -League of Nations, Monthly Summary, 3 (1923), pp. 218-219- Υπουργείο Εξωτε­ρικών, Ελλάδα, La GreceActuelle (Αθήνα: 1933), σ. 240- Περικλής Αργυρόπου­λος. Απομνημονεύματα (Αθήνα: 1970). σ. 80 & 271-284.

5. Ελληνικά Συντάγματα 1822-1952 (Αθήνα: Στοχαστής. 1972), σ. 130 & 149 -Β. Μ. Simonide, «L' Economie Rural Greque et la Cήse de la Gueπe Mondial,» στο Andre Andreades, ed., Les Effets Economiques et Sociaux de Ja Guerre en Grece (Paήs: Les Presses Univ. de France, [1928?]), pp. 169-170- «Greece: the Agrarian Reforms,» Intemationa/ Review of Agricultural Economfcs 13 (1921), p. 471 -Μπάμπης Αλιβιζάτος, Η Μεταπολεμική Εξέλιξις της Ελληνικής Γεωργικής Οι­κονομίας(Αθήνα: 1935). ο. 41 οημ. 19.

6. Henry Morgenthau, Ι was Sent to Athens (Garden City, Ν. Υ.: Doub!eday, Doran & Co, 1929). p. 269- The Times (London), 19 February 1920, p. 13 & 10 November 1920, p. 11 - Foreign Office [FOJ, London, Lindley to Curzon, Athens, lOFebruary 1922, FO 371Π603,Νο 80. Greece, «Annua!Report 1921» [AR], p. ?­Αλιβιζάτος, Μεταπολεμική Εξέλιξη, ο. 41.

7. Bentick. to Macdonald, Athens, 30 May 1924, FO 371/9896, Νο 555, Greece, AR 1923. pp 65-66 - Cheetham to Chamberlaln. Athens, 8 March 1926. FO 371/11357, Νο 183, Greece, AR 1925, pp. 5 & 59- Lorain to Chamberlain, Athens, 14 April 1927. FO 371/12178. Νο 155. Greece, AR 1926, pp. 47-48- Lbraln to Chamberlaln. Athens. 17 January 1928, FO 371/12924, Νο 18. Greece. AR 1927, pp. 8-9.

8. Babjs Alivizatos, La Refoπn Agraire en Grece au Point de Vue Economique et Socia/ (Paήs: Les Presses Modernes, 1923), p. 238-239- Αλιβιζάτος, Μεταπο­λεμική Εξέλιξη, σ. 42, Πίνακας VII.

9. Ι. Αιγίδης, Η Ελλάς χωρίς τους Πρόσφυyες(Αθήνα: 1934), σ. 74. 1 Ο. League of Natίons, Refugee Settlement Commission [RSC], Second

Quarter/y Report, Athens. 25 May 1924. p. 4 C.274. Μ87.1924.11- FO 371/11357. AR 1925, p. 29- Charles Β. Eddy, Greece and the Greek Refugees (London: Allen & Unwίn, 1931), p. 88.

11. League of Nations, RSC, Third Quarterly Report, Atheήs, 3 August 1924, p. 4. C.438.M167.1924.11 - l.<i.IETE/111-A. Συνεδ. 21 Ιουνίου 1924 & Συνεδ. 10 Οκτωβριου 1925 - League -,f Nations, Monthly Summ81J' 5 (1925), p. 315 -

46 Δ. Ι. Αο!'ζος

Cheetam to Chamberlain, Athens, 15 May 1925, FO 371/10771, Νο 135, Greece, «Annual Report 1924,» p. 23 - Norman Bentwich, «The New Ionian Migration,» Contemporary Review 130 (July-December 1926), p. 323- FO 371/12178, AR 1926, p. 23- League of Natlons, L' Etablt,~.ι;ement, pp. 33 & 35- William Miller, Greece (New York: C. s·cήbner's Sons, 1928), p. 287 - Jacques Ancel, La Macedoίne: Etude de Colonisation Contemporaine (Paris: Librairie Delegrave, 1930), pp 116 & 118 - FO 371/12924, AR 1927, p. 36 - Ladas, Exchange of Minorities, ρ. 648 - C. Α. Macartney, Refugees: The Work of the League ((London}: League of Nations Union, [1931 ?]), p. 93- Simpson, Refugee Problem,

p.18n.2. 12. League of Nations, L' Etablι~sement, pp. 40 & 86 - Bentwich, «lonian

MigrB.tion,» p. 323 - Alivizatos, La Refonne Agraire, p. 241. 13. Περικλής Αργυρόπουλος, Απομvημοvεύματα, σ. 333 - League of

Nations, RSC, Fourth Quarterly Report, Athens, 23 December 1924, p. 2, C.767.M.269.1924.II- League of Nations, RSC, Fifth Quarterly Report, Athens, 4 March 1925, p. 3, C.112.M53.1925.!1- Eddy, Greek Refugees, p. 154- Allen Τ. Burns, «The Homeless in Greece,» Sιπvey49 (October-March 1922-1923), ρ. 492 - Alexander Ε. Devedji, L' Echange Obligatoire des Minolites Grecques et Thrques (Paris:E&P Cont., 1929), p. 161- League of Nations, L' Etablissement, p. 87, η. 2. -ΑΥΕ/Αρχείο Γούναρη-Προσφυγικό, 1921, «Έκθεσις Γ. Χαριτάκη-Ση­μείωμα διό. 'Ιδρυσιν Γενικής Διευθύνσεως Περιθάλψεως και Εποικισμού εις Θεσ­σαλον(κην ,» Μάρτιος 1921.

14. FO 371/12178, AR 1926, p. 25- Ladas, Exchange of Minolities, p. 656-Λεπτομέρειες για το δάνειο δες Αρετή Τούντα-Φεργάδη, Το Προσφυyικ6 Δάνειο του 1924 (ΘεσσαλονLκη: Παρατηρητής, 1986).

15. League of Nations, L' Etab/is.<;ement, p. 85 - Ancel, Macedoine, p. 151 -Lorain to Chamherlain, Athens, 1 March 1929, FO 371/13659, Νο 87 Greece, «Annual Report 1928,» p. 33 - Α. Α. Pallis, «The Greek Census of 1928,» Geographical Joumal 73 (January-July 1929) : 548- League of Nations, Monthly Summιny 8 (1928), p. 173- Eddy, Greek Refugees, pp. 157, 166 & 168- FO

371/12178, AR 1926, p. 24- FO 371/12924, AR 1927, p. 38. 16. FO 371/10771, AR 1924, p. 23- FO 371/11357, AR 1925, p. 28- League

of Nations, L' Etablissement, pρ. 105-106- The τJmes (London), 3 November 1926, ρ. 15 - Angelos Hadjopoulos, «Die Fluchtlingsfrage in GήechenJand,» Text und Forschungen zur Byzantinisch-Neugriechi8chen Philologie Ν ο 6 (1927) : 45 -ΑΥΕ/Ν4Π, 1925, Σταμούλης [Υπουργός Γεωργίας] προς ΥΠΕΞ, Αθήνα, 1-9-

1925, αρ. I 13196/συν. 11930. 17. League ofNations, RSC, First Quarterly Report, Athens, 6 March 1924, p. 3,

C.91.M30.1924.II- League of Nations, L' Etablissement, p. 106- League of Nations, RSC, Tenth Quarterly Report, Athens, 1 June 1926, p. 3, C.30.M117.1926.II- League ofNations, RSC, Eleventh Quarterly Report, Athens, 31 August 1926, pp. 2-3, C.275.M189.1926.!1- Γενική Τράπεζα της Ελλάδος, Γε-

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 4 7

vική Οικονομική Ανασκόπησις της Χώρας του 'Ετους 1926 (Αθήνα: 1927), σ. 155 - Eddy, Greek Refugees, p, 99 - League of Nations, RSC, Sixteenth Quarterly Report, Athens, 21 November 1927, pp. 6-7, C.574.M204.1927.11- League of Nations, RSC, Nineteenth Quarter/y Report, Athens, 22 August 1928, ρ. 12, C.406.M128.II - League of Nations, RSC, τwenty-Seventh Quarterly Report, Athens, 21 August 1930, p. 19, C.444.M202.1930.11 -FO 371/13659, AR 1928, pp. 32-33 - Ramsey to Henderson, Athens, 10 July 1930, FO 371/14391, Νο 77, Greece, «Annual Report 1929,» p. 41- Macartney, Refugees, p. 93.

18. Cassimatis, American Inflιιence, pp 118-119- U.S., Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1922, Vol 2 (Washington: Gov. Printing Office, 1938), pp. 432-433- Macartηey, Refugees, p. 84- Ladas, Exchange of Minorities, p. 622 - Hughes to Jusserand, Washington, 31 March 1923, ΝΑ 868.5 1/RSC/16- Bentic to Curzon, Athens, 20 March 1923, FO 371/8832, Ν ο 112, Greece, «Annual Reρort 1922,» ρ. 48- The New York τimes, 15 Seρtember 1923, p. 3.

19. Hadzopoulos, «Die Fluchtlingsfrage in Griechenland,» p. 108- Μιχαήλ Νοταράς, Η ΑγρΟτική Αποκατάστααις τωv προσφύγων (Αθήνα: 1934), σ. 65 -Α ΥΕ/ΝS(Ια, 1923, Γρηγορίου [Νομάρχης Έβρου] προς ΥΙΙΕΞ, Αλεξανδρούπο­λη, 29-10-1922, αρ. 162/12802- ΑΥΕ/ΙΠΕ/25, 1924, Πρεοβ. Βερολίνου προς ΥΙΙΕΞ, 4-12-1924, αρ. 2330/484.

20. League of Nations, ι' Eta.blissement, pp, 86 & 89 - FO 371/13659, AR 1928, p. 31.

21. Macartney, Refugees, p. 102 - C. Evelpidi, «L' Agriculture en Grece,» Les Balkans 5 (1934) : 48.

22. FO 371/14391, AR 1929, p. 39- Α. Γ. Μπακάλμπασης, Γενική Εισήγησις Εγκριθεiσα παρά της Κοινοβουλευτικής επ{ του Καπνού Επιτροπής (Αθήνα: Εθν. Τυπογρ., 1930), σο. 8-9.

23. U.S., Foreign Relatίons, 1922, Vol2, p, 444- FO 371/8832, AR 1922, pp. 30, 32 & 42 - League of Nations, ι' Etablis.fiement, p. 4- The New York τimes, 3 November 1922, p. 16 & 17 January 1923, p. 21- League ofNations, RSC, Second Quarterly Report, Athens, 25 May 1924, p, 2 - Eddy, Greek Refugees, p. 86 -Bums, «The Homeless in Greeceι» ρ, 492.-Α YB!N5f2, 1922, IV Επιτελικό Γρα­φείο Στρατιάς Θράκης, Δεδέαγατς [Αλεξανδρούπολη], 12-11-1922, αρ. 189-ΑΥΕ/Α/5/13, 1922, Nansen [προς Πολίτη] «Note ση the Settlement ofthe Refugees on the vacant Lands of Macedonia,» 8-11-1922, αρ. 325/121005.

24. League of Nations, RSC, Fourth Quarterly Report, Athens, 23 December 1924, p. 1.- Σοφούλης προς ΕΑΠ, Αθήνα, 1 Σεπτεμβρίου 1924, Αρχείο Τσουδε­ρού [ΑΤ], Τράπεζα της Ελλάδος, φακ. 17/63- The Πmes (London), 21 August 1924, p. 9. .

25. FO 371/12659, AR 1928, p. 32 - FO 371/14391, AR 1929, p. 40 -ΙΑΕΤΕ/111-Α, Συνεδ. 17 Οκτωβl)jου 1927- IAETE(IV-A, Απολογισμοί 1922-1930, Απολογισμός του 1927, σσ. \v-xvi- IAETE/IV-A, Απολογισμός του 1928,

48 Δ. Ι. Αοiζος

σ. ix-Η απόδοση των νέων ποικιλιόJν και η διαφορά τους με τις παλαιές επιβε­βαι(f:ιθηκε και από την κα Βασιλική Μπιζάνη-Καζάκου που κατά την διάρκεια του

μεσοπολέμου ζούσε και καλλιεργούσε τα οικογενειακά κτήματα στο χωριό ΡLζες

της επαρχίας Μαντινείας του νομού Αρκαδίας (συνέντευξη 17 Μαρτίου 1987). 26. League of Nations, L' Etablissemcnt, pp. 61 & 87- Υπουργείο Εξωτερι­

κών, Ελλάδα, La Grece Actuelle, p. 241 - Bentwich, «lonian Migration,» p. 322-Miller, Greece, p. 289- Sefeήades, «L' Echange des Populations,» p. 420.

27. Γενικά για τα προσφυγικά δάνεια του 1924 και 1928 και τον ρόλο της Εθνικής Τραπέζης δες Dimitris I. Loizos, Land, Peasants, and State Policy in Interwar Greece, Thesis (Kent State University, Ohio, U.S.A.: 1983), pp. 27-32 & 58-60. - Λεπτομέρει<.ς σε ΑΥΕ/Α/7/1, Α/7/3, 1923 & ΚΤΕ/Δι2/42, 1923 & ΚΤΕ/ΑΠ/7/74, 1924 & Α/6/α (δάνεια), 1926-1927 & Α/7/α, 1926 & Α/6/α, 1927.

28. Ramsey to Henderson, Athens, 27 January 1931, FO 371/15237, Νο 49, Greece, «Annt1!1l Reρort 1930,» ρ. 42-FO 371/14391, AR 1929, ρ. 41- League of Nations, Monthly Summary 10 (1930): 100.

29. FO 371/13659, AR 1928, p. 33 - Eliot G. Mears, Greece Today: The Aftennath of the Refugee Impaet (n.p.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1929), p. 54.

30. League of Nations, RSC, τhird Quarterly Report, p. 6- FO 371/11357, AR 1925, pp. 28-29- Πίνακες με τα μέλη των ελληνικών κυβερνήσεων παρατίθενται στο Σ. Κτεναβέας, Αι Ελληvικαί Κυβερvήσεις, αι Εθvικαί Σvvελεύσεις και τα Δη­

μοψηφ{σματα απ6 το 1821 μέχρι σήμερσv(Αθήνα: 1947), σσ. 49-59. 31. Αργυρόπουλος, Απομvημοvεύματα, σ. 336 - Λα'ίκή Τράπεζα, Γενική

Επισκόπησις της Χώρας του Έτους 1927 (Αθήνα: 1928), σ. 105 - Raoul Blanchard, «The Exchange of Populations between Greece and Thrkey,» Geographical Review 15 (1925) : 454 - Joachim Η. Schultze, «Greek Frontier Colonization in Thrace and Macedonia,» Scottish Geographical Magazine 53 (March 1937): 88. -ΑΥΕ/Δ/119ι2, 1924, Μαρής [Υπ. Γεωργίας] προς ΥΠΕΞ, 8-11-1924, αρ 135521/43298.

32. International Institute of Agriculture, The First World Agricultural Census (1930), 5 νols (Rome: 1939), 3 : 151.

33. Great Bήtain, Naval Intelligence Division, Greece, 3 vols (n.p.: NID, 1944-45), 2 : 49 - George Dervakis & C. Pertountzi, «The Agήcultural Policy of Greece,» in Ο. S. Morgan, ed., Agricultural Systems of Middle Europe, 1933, rpt. (New York: AMS Press, 1969), pp. 152 & 154-155- Mears, Greece Today, pp. 54-55- ΙΑΕΤΕ/Ιν-Α, Απολογισμός του 1926, σ. xiii.

34. FO 371/12178, AR 1926, p. 24- ηα τα αριθμητικά δεδομένα της παρα­γράφου δες League of Nations, RSC, τwenty-Seventh Quarterly Report, p. 1 Ο -Joseph S. Roucek, «Economic Geography of Greece,» Economic Geography .11 (January-October 1935): 94- IAETE/IV-A, Απολογισμός του 1926, σ. xii & Απο­λογισμός του 1925, σ. xi - Αιγίδης, Η Ελλάς χωρiς τους Πρ6σφυγες, σ. 93 -League of Nations, L • EtabHssement, pp. 141 & 148- Θάνος Βερέμης, Οικονομία και Δικτατορiα 1925-1926 (Αθήνα: Μορφ. Ιδρ. Εθν. Τραπ. Ελλάδος, 1982), σ. 69.

3

Η ΕΓΚΑΤΆΣΤΑΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΩΝ ΣΤΗΝ ΠΕΡΙΟΧΗ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ-ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ

Είναι μάλλον μοναδικό φαινόμενο στην παγκόσμιο ιστορία η αύξηση του πληθυσμού μιας χώρας κατά είκοσι τοις εκατό σε διάστημα λίγων μόνον ετών. Αυτή είναι η περίπτωση της Ελλά­δας την δεκαετία του 1920 με την έλευση των προσφύγων όταν περίπου ενάμισι εκατομμύριο άνθρωποι έφθασαν σε μια χώρα πέντε εκατομμυρίων κατοίκων, όπως αναλύθηκε στο προηγούμε­νο κεφάλαιο.' Την αποκατάσταση των προσφύγων ανέλαβε η διε­θνής επιτροπή υπό τον τίτλο Refugee Settlement Commission ή Επιτροπή Αποκαταστάσεως προσφύγων (ΕΑΠ) στην οποία ανα­τέθηκε κυρίως το έργο της εγκαταστάσεως των αγροτών προσφύ­γων στην Ελληνική ύπαιθρο.2 Η Επιτροπή ανέλαβε όμως τελικά και ένα μεγάλο μέρος της αστικής αποκαταστάσεως σε πόλεις σε ολόκληρη την ελληνική επικράτεια και κυρίως στην περιοχή Αθη­νών- Πειραιώς.

Είναι ανάγκη να τονισθεί ξανά ότι η ΕΑΠ οργανώθηκε από την Κοινωνία των Εθνών και τέθηκε υπό την αιγίδα της. Η διεύ­θυνσή της είχε ανατεθεί σε Διοικητικό Συμβούλιο τεσσάρων με­λών που αποτελούνταν από δύο αλλοδαπά μέλη και δύο 'Ελλη­νες. Η ίδρυση της Επιτροπής ήταν απαραίτητη για να υπάρξει ένας οργανισμός που θα διαχειριζόταν τα δάνεια που δόθηκαν στην Ελλάδα, καθόσον η χώρα είχε απολέσει την φερεγγυότητά της στις ξένες αγορές μετά την εκλογική ήττα, τον Νοέμβριο του 1920, του φίλου τηs Enlj(nte Ελευθερίου Βενιζέλου.' Η ΕΑΠ άρχισε να λεtτουργεί το 1924 παρ' ότι οι πρώτοι πρό-

50 Δ. Ι. ιlο!'ζος

σφυγες είχαν φθάσει στην Ελλάδα αμέσως μετά την κατάρρευση του μετώπου στην Μικρά Ασία τον Αύγουστο του 1922 και μερι­κοί ακόμα παλιότερα από την εποχή των Βαλκανικών Πολέμων. Στα δύο αυτά χρόνια π.ου μεσολάβησαν το ελληνικό κράτος είχε κάνει σημαντικές προσπάθειες για την εγκατάσταση των πρώτων προσφύγων παρά τα προβλήματα που είχε να αντιμετωπίσει. Στην περιοχή της Αθήνας το πρωταρχικό πρόβλημα ήταν αυτό της στέγης. τις παραμονές της ελεύσεως των προσφύγων η Αθή­να είχε πληθυσμό περίπου 300.000 κατοίκων. Εκτός από τα λίγα μέyαρα που αποτελούσαν και κατοικίες της μεγαλοαστικής ελίτ και τα λίγα εντυπωσιακά δημόσια κτίρια, τα περισσότερα οική­ματα ήταν παλιές μονώροφες ή διώροφες οικοδομές με ημιυπό­γεια και υπόγεια που στέγαζαν τους Αθηναίους. Σε μία έκθεση του Υπουργείου Εθνικής Οικονομίας (25291/21 Αυγούστου 1920) η στέγη των λα'ίκών στρωμάτων χαρακτηριζόταν το λιγό­τερο <<θλιβερή>>. Εκτός από την κεντρική περιοχή που φωτιζόταν από τις ηλεκτρογεννήτριες της γαλλικής εταιρείας Thomson Houston de la Mediteπanee, οι Αθηναίοι χρησιμοποιούσαν φω­ταέριο και βέβαια τα λα'ίκά στρώματα λάμπες πετρελαίου. Η έλ­λειψη νερού μάστιζε τους κατοίκους της Αθήνας από την ίδρυση του Ελληνικού κράτους το 1830. Το 1922 η τροφοδότηση της Αθήνας με νερό γινόταν από αρτεσιανά φρέατα και το παλιό επι­σκευασμένο υδραγωγείο του Αδριανού από τον 2ο αιώνα μ.Χ. Τα μεγαλύτερα προβλήματα ήταν η χαμηλή βροχόπτωση και η συ­

ντήρηση του δικτύου που τροφοδοτούσε ικανοποιητικά μόνο την περιοχή γύρω από την Πλατεία Συντάγματος. Αυτή η πόλη δεν ήταν ούτε το Εμπορικό Σταυροδρόμι της Ανατολής όπως ήταν η Κωνσταντινούπολη ούτε το Παρίσι της Ανατολής όπως ήταν η

Σμύρνη.< Η Ελληνική Κυβέρνηση χρησιμοποίησε δύο τρόπους για να

αντιμετωπίσει την στέγαση των προσφύγων: α) επίταξη ακινή­των και β) ίδρυση Ταμείου Περιθάλψεως Προσφύγων. Με τον νόμο της 1ης Νοεμβρίου 1922 επιτάχθηκαν περίπου 8.000 κενά ακίνητα της πόλης και διατάχθηκε η υποχρεωτική συγκατοίκηση

Η Εγκατάσταση τωv Προσφύγων οτηv Ύπαιθρο Ελλάδα 51

σε άλλα ευρύχωρα σπίτια. Είναι φανερό ότι έτσι επλήγησαν οι ιδιοκτήτες ακινήτων και δημιουργήθηκαν προστριβές με τους πρόσφυγες. Το Ταμείο Περιθάλψεως Προσφύγων ιδρύθηκε στις 3 Νοεμβρίου 1922 και επιχορηγήθηκε με περίπου 300.000.000 δραχμές από το κράτος υπό μορφή δανείου. Η αποπληρωμή θα γινόταν από το ενοίκιο που θα κατέβαλλαν οι πρόσφυγες, το οποίο όμως φαίνεται ότι τελικά δεν εισπράχθηκε όσο λειτουρ­γούσε το Ταμείο. Παράλληλα, για να αντιμετωπισθεί η αθρόα προσέλευση προσφύγων αρχίζουν έργα κατασκευής νέων συνοι­κισμών στις τέσσερις γωνίες του πολεοδομικού συγκροτήματος των Αθηνών: Νέα Ιωνία, Βύρωνας, Καισαριανή και Κοκκινιά.5 Αλλά τα πολεοδομικά σχέδια του Ταμείου δεν πρρβλέπουν έργα υποδομής για τους νέους συνοικισμούς παρά μόνον οικίες, των οποίων το κόστος κατασκευής αυξανόταν λόγω της συνεχούς υποτιμήσεως της δραχμής έναντι της λίρας Αγγλίας.6 Από τον Δεκέμβριο του 1922 μέχρι και τον Μάιο του 1925 το Ταμείο θα κατασκευάσει 4.000 οικήματα με 9.283 δωμάτια και θα αρχίσει την οικοδόμηση, χωρίς να την ολοκληρώσει όμως, 2.500 οικημά­των ή 5.990 δωματίων.'

Είναι φανερό ότι οι πρόσφυγες αντιμετωπίζονται ως ενοι­κιαστές. Ίσως γιατί και το ελληνικό κράτος ήθελε τους πρώτους μήνες, μέχρι την απόφαση της Ανταλλαγής των Πληθυσμών, να καλλιεργήσει την ιδέα της προσωρινής διαμονής των προσφύγων στην Ελλάδα, μέχρι να επιστρέψουν στις εστίες τους όπως είχε συμβεί αμέσως μετά το τέλος του Πρώτου Παγκοσμίου Πολέμου. Φυσικά μετά το 1924 έγινε επιτακτική η ανάγκη της μόνιμης εγκαταστάσεως τους στην Ελλάδα με κάθε τρόπο. Αυτό δεν ση­μαίνει ότι και όλοι οι πρόσφυγες είχαν πλήρη αντίληψη της κα­ταστάσεως τους και της θέσεως της Ελλάδος στο παγκόσμιο πο­λιτικό σύστημα. Είναι γνωστές οι ελπίδες που τρέφουν ακόμα και στις μέρες μας ηλικιωμένοι πρόσφυγες που ανησυχούν γιατί <<έφυγαν και άφησαν τα παντζούρια ανοιχτά» ή <<αν όταν ξανα­γυρίσουν θα βρουν την ,οίκα που είχαν φυλαγμένη στο μπαού-λο». .,

52 Δ. Ι. Αο!'ζος

Την ίδια αντίληψη για τους πρόσφυγες είχε και η ΕΑΠ όταν ανέλαβε να συνεχίσει το έργο του Ταμείου Περιθάλψεως προ­

σφύγων. Τα οικήματα ή τα δωμάτια που τους δίνονταν ήταν επί ενοικίω ή στην περίπτωση αγοράς, με την καταβολή μετρητών.

Αργότερα μόνο επετράπη η χρήση των Ομολογιών που εκδόθη­καν έναντι των εγκαταλειφθεισών προσφυγικών περιουσιών

στην Τουρκία [δες πιο κάτω σ. 56] στις δυο ανωτέρω περιπτώ­σεις. Το 1924 η ΕΑΠ αναφέρει ότι σχετικά με την Αστική Αποκα­τάσταση υπάρχει στην περιοχή της Αθήνας ένας αριθμός

<<colonies urbaines» (αστικών κοινοτήτων) με σπίτια οικοδομημέ­να από πέτρα ή ψημένα τούβλα ή πλίνθους. Οι οικίες είχαν κατα­

σκευασθεί σε γη που είχε αγορασθεί ή απαλλοτριωθεί από το ελ­ληνικό κράτος. Αυτά τα οικήματα δεν είναι άλλα από αυτά που

κατασκευάσθηκαν από το Ταμείο Περιθάλψεως Προσφύγων. Σε

κάθε δωμάτιο ζούσε μια οικογένεια αλλά φυσικά το κατάλυμα

αυτό δεν έπρεπε παρά να θεωρηθεί προσωρινό, μέχρι να οικοδο­μηθούν ευρύχωρα οικήματα. Τα μελλοντικά σχέδια της ΕΑΠ

ήταν να καταστήσει κάθε κοινότητα αυτόνομη με ελευθερίες

όμοιες με αυτές ενός δήμου.' Η ΕΑΠ προσπάθησε αμέσως να συμπληρώσει το έργο του Τα­

μείου για να υπάρξει έστω και ένα προσωρινό κατάλυμα για τους πρόσφυγες οι οποίοι αναμενόταν να γίνουν παραγωγικά μέλη της κοινωνίας. Αυτό γίνεται φανερό σε όλες τις εκθέσεις της

ΕΑΠ. Τονίζεται ότι πρωταρχικός σκοπός είναι να γίνουν οι αγρότες και αστοί πρόσφυγες παραγωγικοί είτε απασχολούμενοι

ως γεωργοί είτε ως εργάτες, τεχνίτες ή έμποροι. Η επιμονή αυτή έχει δύο σκέλη: από την μία πλευρά η αύξηση της παραγωγικής

δυνάμεως θα βοηθούσε οικονομικά την Ελλάδα αλλά και από την άλλη πλευρά οι πρόσφυγες δεν θα βασίζονταν στις παροχές των

διαφόρων φιλανθρωπικών σωματείων ή και οργανισμών όπως η ίδια η ΕΑΠ. Επιπλέον η απασχόληση θα μείωνε τους κινδύνους

αυξήσεως, της μικρής έστω εγκληματικότητας, και θα απάλλασσε

τις πόλεις από το φαινόμενο των ρακένδυτων επαιτών, πράγμα

το οποίο τελικά απεφεύχθη με την συνδρομή των διαφόρων ελλη-

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφ(γωv στην περιοχή Αθηvών-Πειραιcύς __ 53

νικών και ξένων φιλανθρωπικών οργανισμών.• Με αυτούς τους σκοπούς η ΕΑΠ άρχισε το 1924 την κατασκευή 100 δωματίων στην Ελευσίνα για την στέγαση 700 οικογενειών και συνέχισε την ολοκλήρωση της κατασκευής των δωματίων στους άλλους τέσσε­ρις προσφυγικούς συνοικισμούς.ιο

Στην Αθήνα η παραγωγική αποκατάσταση των προσφύγων σήμαινε εξεύρεση εργασίας κατάλληλης της ειδικότητός τους. Η ΕΑΠ σε συνεννόηση με το ελληνικό κράτος προσπάθησε να εκμε­ταλλευθεί τις ιδιαίτερες δυνατότητες του προσφυγικού εργατι­κού δυναμικού. Η κυριότερη απ' αυτές ήταν η ταπητουργία για την οποία ήταν φημισμένοι οι τεχνίτες που ζούσαν στην Σπάρτη της Μικράς Ασίας, το Ουσάκ και την Σμύρνη. Η ΕΑΠ ήλπιζε το 1924 ότι θα βοηθούσε στην δημιουργία εργαστηρίων ταπητουρ­γίας στην Κοκκινιά που θα απασχολούσαν αρ"χικά 300 και αργό­τερα 1000 πρόσφυγες. Είχε προβλεφθεί η παροχή δανείων σε μι­κρές συνεταιρικές εταιρείες που θα ασχολούνταν με την ταπη­τουργία και υπήρχε σκέψη για την πρώτη εγκατάσταση στην Νέα Ιωνία, η οποία θα έδινε δουλειά σε 25 οικογένειες. Η προσπάθεια αυτή απέφερε καρπούς μέσα σε λίγα χρόνια. Μετά από έρευνα διαπιστώθηκε ότι στις 15 Οκτωβρίου 1929 υπήρχαν 154 βιοτε­χνίες ταπήτων σε όλη την ελληνική επικράτεια με δύναμη από 10 έως 200 τεχνίτες ή τεχνίτριες.και συνολικά 7.250 απασχολουμέ­νους, οι περισσότεροι πρόσφυγες. Το Ελληνικό κράτος ανταπο­κρίθηκε στην πρόσκληση για μια εξαγωγική βιοτεχνία ταπήτων ανατολής όταν το ίδιο έτος δημιούργησε τον Ελληνικό Ταπη­τουργικό Οργανισμό. Ήταν όμως πολύ αργά διότι η μεγαλύτερη αγορά ταπήτων, οι Η:Π.Α., είχε κλείσει λόγω της οικονομικής κρίσεως που μάστιζε την χώρα αυτή. 'Ετσι έσβησε το όνειρο μιας ελληνικής εξαγωγικής ταπητουργίας στον μεσοπόλεμο. Η ΕΑΠ τόνιζε, βέβαια, ότι τα χρηματικά ποσά που είχε στην διάθεσή της ήταν μικρά και αποσκοπούσαν στην εγκατάσταση προσφύγων στην ελληνική ύπαιθρο, κυρίως στην Βόρεια Ελλάδα. Ο μόνος τρόπος για να βοηθηθοi\ν οι πρόσφυγες <<consiste a augmenter autant que possible la rendement agricole du pays et a laisser cette

54 Δ. Ι. Αο!'ζος

amelioration de Ia situation agήcole exercer son influence sur la situation de la population urbaine>>, σημείωνε χαρακτηριστικά ο Πρόεδρος της ΕΑΠ J. Campbell στην αναφορά του της 25ης Μαtου 1924 στο Συμβούλιο της Κοινωνίας των Εθνών." Η δι­καιολογία της ΕΑΠ ήταν ότι μια υγιής αγροτική οικονομία θα εί­χε ευεργετικά αποτελέσματα στους αστικούς πληθυσμούς εφό­

σον θα τους εξασφάλιζε ικανοποιητική παροχή σε τρόφιμα. Κα­

τά πάσα πιθανότητα όμως η Επιτροπή προσπαθούσε να αποφύ­

γει την ανάμειξη της σε ευρύτερης κλίμακας παραγωγικές εγκα­

ταστάσεις στις πόλεις γιατί αυτόματα θα αντιμετώπιζε το πρό­

βλημα εξευρέσεως εργασίας για τους αστούς πρόσφυγες, πράγμα

που είχε ως προ\Jπόθεση μια βιομηχανική υποδομή που η Ελλάδα

στερούνταν. Έτσι οι πρόσφυγες στις πόλεις ουσιαστικά αφέθη­

καν στην τύχη τους και ίσως τελικά συνέβαλαν στην οικονομική

ανάπτυξη της Ελλάδας με τις δικές τους δυνάμεις.

Στα μέσα του 1924 η Επιτροπή επέβλεψε την κατασκευή των τελευταίων 105 δωματίων στην Ελευσίνα. Ο συνολικός αριθμός των δωματίων στην περιοχή έφθασε τα 825 και έτσι ολοκληρώθη­κε το σχέδιο για την Ελευσίνα γιατί δεν μπορούσαν να απορρο­

φηθούν από πλευράς εργασίας περισσότερα άτομα. Επίσης, η

ΕΑΠ συνήψε συμβόλαια για άλλα 3.624 δωμάτια στις τέσσερις προσφυγικές συνοικίες της Αθήνας τα οποία θα ήταν κατά ογδό­

ντα τοις εκατό σε δίπατα σπίτια, τα περισσότερα από πέτρα ή

τούβλα και μόνο 400 από πλίνθους. Τα διώροφα σπίτια έλυναν το πρόβλημα διαθέσιμης γης και η ευρεία χρήση της πέτρας και

των ψημένων τούβλων θα έδιναν την εντύπωση μόνιμης εγκατα­

στάσεως εν αντιθέσει με τα πλίνθινα ή ξύλινα σπίτια που είχαν

χρησιμοποιηθεί σε άλλες περιπτώσεις. Τα οικήματα αποτελού­

νταν από ένα υπνοδωμάτιο, ένα σαλόνι, κουζίνα και ξεχωριστή

τουαλέτα. Ο αρχικός σκοπός ήταν να κατοικηθούν από μία οικο­

γένεια αλλά όπως και στην πλειονότητα των περιπτώσεων στο

ίδιο σπίτι ζούσαν δύο οικογένειες, μία σε κάθε δωμάτιο. Η ΕΑΠ

παρ' ότι χρησιμοποίησε το σύστημα της ενοικιάσεως, για ανθρω­

πιστικούς λόγους επέτρεπε σε πρόσφυγες που βρίσκονταν πρό-

Η Εγκατάσταση τωv Προσφύγων στηv περιοχή Αθηvώv-Πειραιώς __ 55

χειρα σε δημόσια κτίρια ή στο λιμάνι του Πειραιά να κατοική­σουν στα έτοιμα δωμάτια. Αναμενόταν όμως ότι στο μέλλον θα πλήρωναν την διαμονή τους με κάποιο τρόπο. 12

Η Επιτροπή αντελήφθη ότι η αστική αποκατάσταση δεν ήταν δυνατόν να ολοκληρωθεί σε σύντομο χρονικό διάστημα με πενι­χρά μέσα και χωρίς υποδομή. Έτσι το 1925 συμφώνησε με την ελ­ληνική κυβέρνηση να σταματήσει τις αστικές εγκαταστάσεις στην περιοχή Αθηνών-Πειραιώς και να αφοσιωθεί στο έργο της στην ύπαιθρο. Άλλωστε είχε αρχίσει να γίνεται φανερό ότι μερικοί πρόσφυγες που ήσαν αγρότες ζούσαν τώρα στις πόλεις και το αντίστροφο, πράγμα που δυσκόλευε το έργο αποκαταστάσεώς τους. Βέβαια η συμφωνία υποχρέωνε την ΕΑΠ να αναλάβει συ­μπληρωματικά έργα στις προσφυγουπόλεις της Αθήνας. Την πε­ρίοδο αυτή η Επιτροπή αναλαμβάνει να κτίσει δύο σχολεία: ένα στον Βύρωνα και ένα στην Ν. Ιωνία. Ένα τρίτο κτίσθηκε στην Κοκκινιά το 1927. Στην Ν. Ιωνία θεμελιώθηκε, επίσης, την ίδια περίοδο νοσοκομείο εκατό κλινών καθώς και ιατρείο. Άλλο ια­τρείο που παραδόθηκε στον Ελληνικό Ερυθρό Σταυρό κτίσθηκε στον Βύρωνα. Τέλος κατασκευάσθηκε οδός που συνέδεε την Κοκκινιά με τον Πειραιά. 13

Η πρώτη καταγραφή των προσφύγων που διαμένουν σε οικί­σκους της ΕΑΠ στην περιοχή της Αθήνας αποκαλύπτει ότι το 1925 έμεναν 10.273 άτομα στον Βύρωνα, 11.002 στην Καισαρια­νή, 14.749 στην Νέα Ιωνία και 23.590 στην Κοκκινιά. 14 Τα αποτε­λέσματα της απογραφής δείχνουν ότι η Αθήνα έχει αποκτήσει νέ­ες μεγάλες συνοικίες κτισμένες στις παρυφές της πόλεις και ότι ο πληθυσμός της έχει αυξηθεί τουλάχιστον κατά είκοσι τοις εκατό.

Το 1926 η Επιτροπή δεν ήταν ικανοποιημένη από την πορεία των πωλήσεων των οικιών και των εκτάσεων της Αττικής, οι οποίες της είχαν παραχωρηθεί διά νόμου. Η αιτία της αποτυχίας του μέτρου ήταν η πεποίθηση των προσφύγων ότι πρώτα πρέπει να αποζημιωθούν για τις χαμένες περιουσίες τους και έπειτα να πληρώσουν για την μό'Ιιμη εγκατάστασή τους. Επιπλέον, οι ει­σπράξεις από τις ενοικιdσεις δεν ήταν οι αναμενόμενες. Παρά το

~~>" i?"ι'*'Ι\{'ΧiΨ'' '11"1-!> ΨΨ<ΧψΨΊ't :'ftit'X''~ ''μj''i"'~, ;ψ:,:ρ,yγ~'ΨV:iiΠfΞi-i%Ψ!\'ΠFk1ΛYff'BiλY!\ZDl<!FΞJ;::ΠZΠ7?; 1Ψ-Ψ?f!i!1;??!il(?;χ;'j!{Ji\'!1){';ξjψlψ!!\\;;JΉ}ξf!&'%?353?%3Π?Wt '"!'' #§Ψ~W!:S::ζ/''i\~Ίi':/'' ,, .. ,,.~-~77/f/(~7Γ::!:.'Σ'.'C?'Χ!7':'!7>t;'7λ?:w:.Ίtο.c<~·-_,-:;η7-- .π-:=.-::""--''''Σ'=''"=~""-'"·~·~~=~~-~-------

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56 Δ. Ι. Αοί'ζος

γεγονός ότι, κατά την ΕΑΠ, τα ενοίκια ήταν χαμηλά, υπήρχαν πρόσφυγες που δεν πλήρωναν διότι υποστήριζαν ότι εάν ήξεραν ότι τα σπίτια θα ήταν δικά τους μετά από κάποιο χρονικό διά­στημα τότε πρόθυμα θα εκπλήρωναν τις χρηματικές τους υπο­χρεώσεις. Η ΕΑΠ είχε βρεθεί σε αδιέξοδο διότι ούτε τους πρό­σφυγες μπορούσε να εξώσει από τους οικίσκους ούτε χρήματα να εισπράξει. Τελικά αποφάσισε να πουλήσει τα σπίτια με ευνο'ί­κούς όρους: προκαταβολή από 2,5% έως 10%, αποπληρωμή σε 15 χρόνια και τόκος 8%. Η τιμή των οικιών βέβαια είχε ορισθεί σε λίρες Αγγλίας και ο πληθωρισμός στην Ελλάδα ήταν aνοδικός. Τελικά μετά από συμφωνία Ελληνικού κράτους και Εθνικής Τραπέζης στις 5 Μαίου 1925 αποφασίστηκε ό'tι θα εκδίδονταν ομολογίες έναντι των εγκαταλειφθεισών προσφυγικών περιου­σιών που θα μοιράζονταν στους πρόσφυγες για να τις χρησιμο­ποιήσουν και σε πληρωμές τους στην ΕΑΠ. Η Επιτροπή βέβαια έθεσε τις ομολογίες σε προσωρινό λογαριασμό μέχρι να υπολογι­σθεί η αξία τους σε λίρες Αγγλίας και μετά θα επίστωνε τους πρόσφυγες. 15 Η ΕΑΠ ήταν επιφορτισμένη με την διαχείριση του προσφυγικού δανείου και έπρεπε να χρησιμοποιήσει το δάνειο για την εγκατάσταση των προσφύγων αλλά και να επιβλέψει μέ­ρος της αποπληρωμής του μέσω πωλήσεων και ενοικιάσεων. Οι λεπτομερείς λογαριασμοί που βρίσκονται στο Αρχείο της ΕΑΠ στην Γενεύη αποδεικνύουν την μεθοδικότητα με την οποία έγινε η διαχείριση του δανείου. Άλλωστε σχεδόν σε κάθε τριμηνιαία έκθεση της ΕΑΠ προς την Κοινωνία των Εθνών υπάρχει συνημ­μένος ισολογισμός. Η Κοινωνία των Εθνών έπρεπε να διαφυλά­ξει τα κεφάλαια που είχαν εισρεύσει στην ασταθή πολιτικά και οικονομικά Ελλάδα.

Στην προσπάθειά της να πωλήσει τα σπίτια η ΕΑΠ εφάρμοσε σκληρότερους όρους. Το 1927 αποφασίσθηκε ότι οι οικογένειες που κατοικούσαν σε ένα σπίτι μόνες τους, έπρεπε μέσα σε τρεις μήνες να αποφασίσουν αν ήθελαν να το αγοράσουν, αλλιώς το σπίτι θα προσεφέρετο προς πώληση σε άλλους πρόσφυγες από την ίδια συνοικία. Μετά από άλλους τρεις μήνες, εάν εν τω μετα-

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην περιοχή Αθηνών-Πειραιώς __ 57

ξύ δεν υπήρχε ενδιαφέρον, το οίκημα θα προσεφέρετο διά πώλη­ση σε πρόσφυγες από άλλες συνοικίες και αν τελικά δεν βρισκό­ταν ούτε τότε αγοραστής, σε όποιον ήθελε να το αγοράσει. Στην πλειοψηφία των οικιών όμως κατοικούσαν δύο οικογένειες. Έτσι, η ΕΑΠ αποφάσισε να επιβάλει ενοίκιο που θα μοιραζόταν από τους ενοίκους ανάλογα με τα τετραγωνικά που κατελάμβανε η κάθε οικογένεια. 16 Αν υπήρχαν οικογένειες που μπορούσαν να πληρώσουν το ενοίκιο αλλά δεν ήταν εγκαταστημένες σε οικία, θα aντικαθιστούσαν άλλες άπορες στους οικίσκους της ΕΑΠ. Οι τελευταίες θα μεταφέρονταν σε πρόχειρες κατασκευές χωρίς να καταβάλουν ενοίκιο μέχρι να εγκατασταθούν. 17

Το ίδιο έτος (1927) η ΕΑΠ ανακοίνωσε τα αποτελέσματα μιας πρώτης στατιστικής έρευνας για τους πρόσφυγες που ζούσαν στην περιοχή Αθηνών-Πειραιώς. Κατά την ΕΑΠ 75.000 οικογέ­νειες ή περίπου 300.000 πρόσφυγες ζούσαν στην Αθήνα εκ των οποίων 16.0bo περίπου οικογένειες έμεναν στους οικίσκους που έκτισε η Επιτροπή, 9.000περίπου στα σπίτια του Ταμείου, 20.000 σε πρόχειρες κατασκευές που φτιάχθηκαν από τους ίδιους τους πρόσφυγες, 530 σε επιταγμένα κτίρια, 915 στις aποβάθρες του Πειραιά και σε εργοστάσια, 100 σε σκηνές, 100 σε δημόσια κτί­ρια, και 28.000 σε σπίτια που αγόρασαν ή ενοικίασαν με δικά τους έξοδα. 18 Γίνεται αντιληπτό από τους ανωτέρω αριθμούς ότι οι κάτοικοι της Αθήνας είχαν διπλασιασθεί μέσα σε λίγα χρόνια, κυρίως λόγω της ανταλλαγής των πληθυσμών όταν νέο κύμα προσφύγων ήρθε από την Τουρκία. Ακόμη, συμπεραίνει κανείς, ότι το ένα τρίτο των προσφύγων μπορούσε να διαβιώσει, έστω και προσωρινά, με δικά του έξοδα,19 κυρίως διότι σύμφωνα με τους όρους της ανταλλαγής οι πρόσφυγες δικαιούνταν να φέ­ρουν την κινητή τους περιουσία στην Ελλάδα.

Το 1928 η Ελληνική κυβέρνηση συνήψε το Δάνειο Σταθερο­ποιήσεως, τμήμα του οποίου χρησιμοποιήθηκε και για την προ­σφυγική αποκατάσταση. Η ΕΑΠ σχεδίαζε την κατασκευή 200 νέ­ων οικιών στον Υμηττό, 4ρΟ στην Κοκκινιά, 200 στην Καισαρια­νή, καθώς και 250 στην Νέd Ιωνία.20 Άλλη μέριμνα της ΕΑΠ αφο-

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58 Δ. Ι. Αοrζος

ρούσε την βιοτεχνία και τις ανάγκες της σε κεφάλαια. Από το δεύτερο δάνειο εδόθησαν το 1929 150.000 δραχμές (αρκετά μεγά­λο ποσό για την εποχη) στην εταιρεία «Διακοσμητικ1j>> που είχε ιδρυθεί από πρόσφυγες της Σμύρνης καθώς και άλλα ποσά σε

δύο άλλες εταιρείες. Επίσης το 1930 διατέθηκαν 1,5 εκατομμύριο δραχμές για την επισκευή σπιτιών στην Νέα Ιωνία από τις ζημιές

που είχαν προκληθεί εξαιτίας ενός σεισμού, καθώς και 50.000 δραχμές για την εκκλησία των Αγίων Αναργύρων.21

Η Επιτροπή Αποκαταστάσεως Προσφύγων διελύθη το 1930 όfαν αποφασίσθηκε ότι είχε επιτελέσει το σκοπό της. Η ΕΑΠ επι­

κρίθηκε ή επαινέθηκε πολύ την δεκαετία του 1920, ανάλογα με το εάν εξυπηρέτησε ή έβλαψε τα συμφέροντα των προσφύγων, των

γηγενών Ελλήνων, των πολιτικών, της Ελλάδας ως χώρας. Η

ΕΑΠ ήταν ένας par excellance ανεξάρτητος οργανισμός που επι­βλήθηκε από την διεθνή κοινότητα (μέσω της Κοινωνίας των

Εθνών) στην Ελλάδα. Οι κύριοι σκοποί της ήταν να επιβλέψει

την διαχείριση των δανείων που εδόθησαν στην ελληνική κυβέρ­

νηση και να θέσει τα θεμέλια της εγκαταστάσεως ενάμισι εκατομ­

μυρίου προσφύγων στην Ελλάδα. Παρ' ότι δεν αναμείχθηκε κα­

θόλου, άμεσα τουλάχιστον, στους πολιτικούς τριγμούς που συ­ντάραξαν την ελληνική κοινωνία την περίοδο 1924-1930, αναπό­φευκτα ήταν ένα κράτος εν κράτει ή όπως εύσχημα ονομάσθηκε: ένας Αυτόνομος Οργανισμός. Η Επιτροπή απέφυγε να ασχολη­

θεί συστηματικά με την αστική εγκατάσταση στην περιοχή της Αθήνας διότι συνάντησε ανυπέρβλητα προβλήματα. Δεν θα ήταν

δυνατόν να θεωρηθεί το έργο της επιτυχημένο εάν δεν κατάφερνε να καταστήσει τις προσφυγικές συνοικίες αυτοδιοικούμενες και

τις οικογένειες οικονομικά ανεξάρτητες. Πώς θα γινόταν όμως αυτό αν δεν κατασκευάζονταν έργα υποδομής και αν δεν εξευρί­

σκετο εργασία για τους πρόσφυγες. Το θέμα της παραγωγικής εγκαταστάσεως 300.000 προσφύγων στην Αθήνα πρέπει να τρό­μαξε το Διοικητικό Συμβούλιο της ΕΑΠ. Η αλήθεια είναι ότι η

ΕΑΠ προσπάθησε να κατασκευάσει ορισμένα σχολεία, νοσοκο­μεία, ιατρεία, δρόμους αλλά τα έργα αυτά έπρεπε να είναι μα-

Η Εγκατάσταση των Προσφύγων στην περιοχή Αθηνών-Πειραιώς __ 59

κρόπνοα και ο σκοπός της ΕΑΠ δεν ήταν να εγκατασταθεί μόνι­μα στην Ελλάδα. Η ΕΑΠ, παρ' όλες τις ατέλειες του έργου της, ήταν ο οργανισμός εκείνος που προσέφερε στους πρόσφυγες τρόπους μόνιμης εγκαταστάσεως στην νέα τους πατρίδα, ασχέ­τως αν οι περισσότεροι δεν το είχαν αντιληφθεί και θεωρούσαν την ΕΑΠ εχθρικό οργανισμό εξαιτίας της χρηματοοικονομικής της πολιτικής. Η ΕΑΠ ήταν μια επιτροπή διαχειρίσεως ξένων κε­φαλαίων που επιβλήθηκε στην Ελλάδα εξαιτίας των πολιτικών και στρατιωτικών aτοπημάτων της Ελληνικής ηγεσίας και των Ελλήνων.

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60 Δ. Ι. Αοϊζος

ΣΗΜΕΙΩΣΕΙΣ Συντομογραφίες

ΑΔ .............. Αρχείο Αποστόλου Δοξιάδη ΑΚΤΕ. ......... Αρχείο Κοινωνίας των Εθνών JO ......... ., ... Journal Officiel [Κοινωνίας των Εθνών] RSC ............ Refugee Settlement Commission [ΕΑΠ] RT ........ ".,Rapport Trimestriel [Εκθέσεις ΕΑΠ]

1. Για την αγροτική αποκατάσταση δες το δεύτερο κεφάλαιο σ' αυτό το βι~ βλLο.

Ζ:Ίδιο.

3. Ίδιο. - D. Ι. Loizos, Land, Peasants and State Policy in Interwar Greece Thesis, (Kent, Ohio, USA: Kent State University, 1983) p. 24. -Αρετή Τούντα­Φεργάδη, Το Προσφvγικ6 Δάνειο του 1924 (Θεσσαλονίκη: Παρατηρητής, 1986), σ. 30-40.

4. Βίκα Δ. Γκιζέλη, Κοινωνικοί Μετασχηματισμοί και Προέλευση της Κοινω­νικής Κατοικίας στην Ελλάδα, 1920-1930 (Αθήνα: Επικαιρότητα, 1984), σ. 82-100.

5. Στο βιβλίο της Λίλας Λεονηάδου, Πόλεις της Σιωπής: Εργατικός Εποικι­σμ6ς της Αθήνας και του Πειραιά 1909-1940 (Αθήνα: ΕΤΒΑ, 1989), σ. 209 υπο­στηρίζεται ότι «Ο γεωγραφικός διαχωρισμός των προσφύγων [δηλαδή η εγκατά­στασή τους εκτός της πόλεως των Αθηνών] ήταν προμελετημένη, εσκεμμένη, ηθε­

λημένη, σχεδιασμtν11 από την ΕΑΠ, από το κράτος [ ... ] από τους εμπνευστές των κηπουπόλεων». Η άποψη, όμως, αυτή δεν τεκμηρι{bνεται από πρωτογενές ιστορι­κό υλικό (εκθέσεις ΕΑΠ, αποφάσεις κυβερνήσεων ή δήμων).

6. Αρχείο Αποστόλου Δοξιάδη [ΑΔ], «Η Ελλάς εις το έργον της περιθάλψεως των προσφί,γΜ• της», Φ 3/8, Μάιος 1923.

7. Γκιζέλη, σ. 129-132. 8. Αρχείο Κοινωνίας των Εθνών [ΑΚΤΕ], Refugee Settlement Commission

[RSC], Rapport TrimestrieJ [Rτ} 1, Athenes, 25 fevήer 1924, C.9l.M.30.1924.11, Joumal Officiel [JO], 4 (avril 1924): 588.

9. Η Δράση των φιλανθρωπι.κΦν οργανώσεων αναλύεται στο Louis Ρ.

Ca.ssίmatis, American Influence ίn Greece 1917-1929(Kent, Ohio, USA: Kent State University Press, 1988), pp. 117- 134.

10. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 2, Athenes, 25 Mai 1924, C.274.M.87.1924, JO 5 (Aout 1924): 1072

11. Ίδιο., p. 1073. - ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 23, Athenes, 19 aout 1929, C.363.M.133.1929.11, JO 10 (noνembre 1929) : 1736 - ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 25, Athenes, 22 fevrier 1930, C.155.M.66.1930.11, JO 11 (juin 1930) : 726- Μαργαρί­τα Δρίτσα, Βιομηχανία και Τράπεζες στηv Ελλάδα τόυ Μεσοπολέμου (Αθήνα: ΜΙΕΤΕ, 1990), σ. 315-317.

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Η εγκατάσταση τωv προσφύγων στην περιοχή Αθηνών-Πειραιώς __ 61

12. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 3, Athenes, 25 aout 1924, JO 5 (novembre 1924): 1722. 13. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 5, Athenes, 25 fevrier 1925, C.112.M.53.1925.11, JO 6

(avril 1925) : 511-512 - ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 4, Athenes, 25 novembre 1924, C.767.M.269.1924.11, JO 6 (mars 1925): 344.- ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 6, Athenes, 25 mai 1925, C.294.M.106.1925.1!, JO 6 (aout 1925) : 1058. - ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 14, Athenes, 25 mai 1927, C.281.M.104.1927.11, JO 8 (juillet 1927): 940- ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 17, Athenes, 17 fevrier 1928, C.51.M.25.1928.VI, JO 9 (avril1928) : 485-6.

14. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 6, Athenes, 25 mal1925, C.294.M.106.1925.11, JO 6 (aout 1925): 1058

15. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 11, Athenes, 25 aout 1926, C.475.M.189.1926.11, JO 7 (octobre 1926) : 1331 - ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 12, Athenes, 22 novembre 1926, C.641.M.249.1926.1!, JO 8 (fevrier 1927): 231- Για την ισοτιμία λLρας ΑγγλLας και τον πληθωρισμό δες Loizos, Land, Peasants and State Polίcy, p. 67-68 -ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 13, Athenes, 20fevrier 1927, C.79.M.32.1927.11, JO 8 (avril1927): 519.

16. Η ΕΑΠ δεν μπορούσε να πωλfισει μισό οίκημα μέχρι την εφαρμογή του νόμου περί οριζοντίου ιδιοκτησtας που δημοσιεί1θηκε το 1927 (ΦΕΚ 46, Α', 19-3-1927) ειδικά για τους προσφυγικούς συνοικισμούς και το 1929 για όλη την χώρα [Μανόλης Β. Μαρμαράς, Η Αστική Πολυκατοικία της Μεσοπολεμικής Αθήνας (Αθήνα; ΕΤΒΑ, 1991), σ. 24-25]. Η ΕΑΠ εξασκούσε πιέσεις στο ελληνικό κράτος από το 1925 [ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 7, Athenes, 25 aout 1925, C.470.M.176.1925.11, JO 6 (novembre 1925) : 1676].

17. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 13, Athenes, 20 fevrier 1927, C.79.M.32.1927.1!, JO 8 (avril1927): 523

18. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 14, Athenes, 25 mai 1927, C.281.M.104.1927.1!, JO 8 (juillet 1927): 940.

19. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 19, Athenes, 15 aout 1928, C.406.M.128.1928.11, JO 9 ( octobre 1928) : 1703.

20. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 20, Athenes, 16 novembre 1928, C.569.M.181.1928.11, JO 10 (janνier 1929) : 203 - ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 22, Athenes, 17 mai 1929, C.214.M.79.1929.11, JO 10 (juillet 1929): 1194-5.

21. ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 23, Athenes, 19 aout 1929, C.363.M.133.1929.11, JO 10 (novembre 1929) : 1736 - ΑΚΤΕ, RSC, RT 25, Athenes, 22 fevrier 1930, C.I55.M.66.1930.11, JO 11 (juin 1930): 727.

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62 Δ. Ι. Α ο ίζος

ΤΑ ΑΡΧΙΚΑ ΚΕΙΜΕΝΑ

ΟΙ ΜΕΓ ΑΛΕΣ Δ ΥΝΑΜΕΙΣ ΚΑΙ Η ΜΙΚΡΑΣΙΑτΙΚΉ ΚΑΤΑΣΤΡΟΦΗ

Το κείμενο του πρώτου κεφαλαίου είναι, σε αναθεωρημένη μορφή, η ομιλία του συγγραφέα στην εκδήλωση του Επιμορφωτι­κού Συλλόγου Ηρακλείου Αττικής για τα 70 χρόνια από την <<Μι­κρασιατική Καταστροφή>>, που έγινε στο Πολιτιστικό Κέντρο του Δήμου Ηρακλείου Αττικής (<<Βίλα Στέλλα>>) στις 4 Δεκεμβρί­ου 1992. Παραβρέθηκαν ο Δήμαρχος του Νέου Ηρακλείου Αττι­κής, ο Αντιδήμαρχος της Νέας Ιωνίας, Δημοτικοί Σύμβουλοι, ο

Πρόεδρος του Επιμορφωτικού Συλλόγου Ηρακλείου Αττικής κύριος Μιχάλης Συμεωνίδης και πολλοί άλλοι ακροατές.

Η ΕΓΚΑΤΆΣΤΑΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΩΝ

ΣτΗΝ ΥΠΑΙΘΡΟ ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

Το δεύτερο κεφάλαιο αποτελεί την πρώτη παρουσίαση στην

ελληνική γλώσσα μιας ευρύτερης ερευνητικής εργασίας με θέμα την αποκατάσταση των αγροτών προσφύγων. Η προσφυγική εγκατάσταση μελετήθηκε αρχικά στα πλαίσια της ελληνικής αγροτικής οικονομίας στην διατριβή του συγγραφέα με τίτλο Land, Peasants and State Policy in Interwar Greece [Γη, Γεωργοί και Κρατική Πολιτική στην Ελλάδα του Μεσοπολέμου]. Το πα­

ρόν κείμενο απετέλεσε την βάση για την διάλεξη που έγινε στις 2 Μαρτίου 1992 στην αίθουσα εκδηλώσεων της Εστίας Νέας Ιω­νίας.

Η ΕΓΚΑΤΆΣΤΑΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΩΝ

ΣΤΗΝ ΠΕΡΙΟΧΉ ΑΘΗΝΩΝ-ΠΕΙΡΑΙΩΣ

Το τελευταίο κεφάλαιο είναι η ανακοίνωση του συγγραφέα στο 5ο Συμπόσιο Ιστορίας-Λαογραφίας Αττικής μέρος του οποί-

Τα Αρχικά Κείμενα 63

ου ήταν αφιερωμένο στους Μικρασιάτες πρόσφυγες που εγκατα­στάθηκαν και έζησαν στην περιοχή Αθηνών-Πειραιώς. Το Συ­μπόσιο διοργανώθηκε από τους Δήμους της Αττικής και βρισκό­ταν υπό την αιγίδα του Υπουργείου Πολιτισμού. Η μελέτη ανα­κοινώθηκε στην αίθουσα διαλέξεων της Ενώσεως Σπάρτης Μ. Ασίας στην Ν. Ιωνία στις 19 Νοεμβρίου 1992.

\

64 Δ. Ι. Αοίζος

ΒΙΒΛΙΟΓΡΑΦΙΚΟΣ ΟΔΗΓΟΣ

ΑΡΧΕΙΑΚΩΝ ΠΗΓΩΝ ΚΑΙ ΒΟΗΘΗΜΆΤΩΝ

ΤΗΣ ΠΡΟΣΦΥΓΙΚΗΣ ΑΓΡΟτΙΚΗΣ & ΑΣτΙΚΗΣ ΕΓΚΑΤΑΣΤΑΣΕΩΣ

(Επιλογή)

Ο οδηγός αυτός δεν περιλαμβάνει όλες τις πηγές και τα βοη­

θήματα που χρησιμοποιούνται στα κεφάλαια αυτού του βιβλίου

ούτε βέβαια αυτά που ανακάλυψε και χρησιμοποίησε ο συγγρα­

φέας στα 10 χρόνια της έρευνας του (1982-1992) για το προσφυ­γικό ζήτημα.

Στον Βιβλιογραφικό Οδηγό παρουσιάζονται, μετά από αυ­

στηρή επιλογή, οι βασικές aρχειακές πηγές και βοηθήματα που

συγκεντρώθηκαν από τον συγγραφέα και μπορεί να βοηθήσουν

στην μελλοντική διερεύνηση του θέματος ή επιμέρους ζητημάτων

και από άλλους ίσως ερευνητές.

Ο Βιβλιογραφικός Οδηγός χωρίζεται σε τρία μέρη. Στο πρώ­

το μέρος αναγράφονται οι Αρχειακές Πηγές, στο δεύτερο τα Βα­

σικά Βοηθήματα και στο τρίτο τα Περιοδικά Έντυπα.

Όλες οι αναφορές σε ξένα αρχεία γίνονται σε μετάφραση.

Α. ΑΡΧΕΙΑΚΕΣ ΠΗΓΕΣ

ΕΛΛΑΔΑ

Αρχείο του Υπουργείου τωv Εξωτερικών, Αθήνα

1921 Αρχείο Γούναρη-Προσφυγικό 1922 Α/5/2 Βιοπραγίαι & Εκτροπαί εν Θράκη

Α/5/13 Περί Προσφύγων Α/5/16 Φάκελος Εκκενώσεως Θράκης

Ν5ΝΙ/10 Διάφορα Προσφύγων

A!SNI/11 Περί Προσφύγων Μικράς Ασίας Ν5ΝΙ/12 Πρόσφυγες Πόντου

KTE/F/2/31 Περί Προσφύγων Μικράς Ασίας 1923 Α/2/6 Έρανοι [κλπ] υπέρ Προσφύγων

,,~ ____ , ___ ,.,,, ,,,

Βιβλιοyραφικ6ς Οδηy6ς 65

Α/5/Ια Περί Θράκης

Α/5/ΧΙΙ/18 Περί Προσφύγων

Α/7/1 Ανταλλαγή & Προσφυγικό Δάνειο Α/7/3 Δάνεια εκ Διαφόρων Κρατών ΚΤΕ/66 Ανταλλαγή Ελληvο/rουρκ. Πληθυσμών ΚΤΕ/Δ/2/41 Προσφυγικό Δάνειο ΚΤΕ/Δ/2/42 Προσφυγικό Δάνειο ΚΤΕ/Δ/2/75 Προσφυγικό Δάνειο ΚΤΕ/Δ/2/76 Προσφυγικό Δάνειο KTE/F/2/52 Έλληνες Πρόσφυγες KTE/F/2/71 Έλληνες Πρόσφυγες KTE/F/3/26 Κοινωνικά Θέματα ΚΤΕ/ΑΠ/4/10 Φακ. Επιτροπής Ανταλλ. Πληθυσμών ΚΤΕ/ΑΠ/7 Περt Ανταλλαγής Πληθυσμών ΚΤΕ/ΑΠ/2/8 Φακ. Ανταλλαγής Πληθυσμών

1924 Α/5ΝΙ!2 Προσφυγικό Δ/119/2 Γεωργtα-Βιομηχανtα Δ/139/2 Επιτάξεις-Απαλλοτριώσεις υπέρ Προσφ. ΚΤΕ/15 Κατάλογοι Αφιχθέντων Προσφύγων ΚΤΕ/25 Διάφορα [& Προσφυγικά] ΚΤΕ/50 Περίθαλψη Προσφύγων ΚΤΕ/Δ/2/59 Αποκατάσταση Προσφύγων KTE/F/3/65 Συνδρομαί Ε.Σ.[κλπ] υπέρ Προσφύγων KTE/F /4/60 Πρόσφυγες ΚΤΕ/ΑΠ/7/74 Ελληνικά Δάνεια & Πιστώσεις

1925 Α/4/1 Κοινωνικά Ζητήματα: Πρόσφυγες Α/4/4 Πρόσφυγες (Έρανοι υπέρ) Α/417 Κοινωνικά Ζητήματα: Πρόσφυγες Α/7/α Ειδ. Φακ. Προσφυγικού Δανε(ου

1926-1927 Α/6/α/(Δαν) Συμπληρωματικό Προσφ. Δάνειο 1926 Α/4 Πρόσφυγες-ΕΑΠ:Ερανοι-Αιχμάλωτοι

Α/7/α Δάνεια-Διαπραγματεύσεις Γ/68/ΧVΙ Εποικισμό~Ελλήνων Προσφύγων

1927 Α/4 Πρόσφυγες

66 Δ. Ι. ι\οί"ζος

Α/6/α/(Δαν) Συμπληρωματικό Προσφυγικό Δάνειο Α/6/α/(Δ-ΔΕ) Δάνειο ΚΤΕ-Δημοσιον. Επιτροπή

Α/6/α/(ΕΔ) Εθνικά Δάνεια (Διαπραγματεύσεις) Α/13 Συνέλευσις ΚΤΕ (Αντιπροσωπεία Ελλάδος)

Α/13/α Συνέλευσις ΚΤΕ (Αντιπροσωπεία Ελλάδος)

1928 Α/14/Ι Εθνικά Δάνεια & Διαπραγματεύσεις Α/18/Ι ΕΑΠ

Α/20 Ζητήματα Αποζημ. μετά Ξένων Κρατών

1929 Α/14 Έργα Στρυμόνος Α/25/ΙΧ Υγειονομικά

1930 Β/61 Καταλήψεις Κτημάτων-Εποικισμός

Αρχείο Ελευθερίου Βενιζέλου, Αθήνα

Επιστολές 1922-1930 Από και προς Επισήμους Αρχάς [Υπουργεία Εξωτερικών, Οικονομικών, Συγκοινωνίας,

Γεωργίας, Κοινωνικής Προνοίας]

Φακ. 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 40, 47, 56, 66, Νομικά Πρόσωπα [Τράπεζες κλπ]

Φακ. 158, 160, 161, 164, 171 Ιδιώτες

Φακ. 225, 22 7 Συνεργάτες

Φακ. 318,321,323,330,339

Αρχείο Εθνικής Τραπέζης της Ελλάδος, Αθήνα

ΠΙ-Α Πρακτικά του Γενικού Συμβουλίου, Σειρά Β',

1922-1929 IV -Α Απολογισμοί, 1922-1930 Χ-Α Δημόσια Δάνεια, Φακ. 59

Βουλή των Ελλήνων, Αθήνα

Πρακτικά Συνεδριάσεων

Απαλλοτριώσεις 90/16-10-1924 190/25-5-1925

Βιβλιογραφικός Οδηγός 67

Ανταλλαγή Πληθυσμών 134/28-1-1925 135/29-1-1925 136/2-2-1925

Απαλλοτρ. για Πρόσφυγες 27/23-1-1928 28/24-1-1928

Δάνεια και ΕΤΕ 32/3-3-1924 80/12-7-1924 100/14-11-1924

ΕΑΠ 80/12-7-1924 84/17-7-1924 11/5-12-1930 13/9-12-1930

Προσφυγικό 63/23-6-1924 65/25-6-1924 151/18-2-1925 13/9-11-1928 22/17-6-1929 ΓΕΡΟΥΣΙΑ 70/13-4-1930 ΓΕΡΟΥΣΙΑ

Κέντρο Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών, Αθήνα Αφηγήσεις

Έξοδος

Εγκατάστασις

Η.Π.Α.

Εθνικά Αρχεία, Ουάσιγκτον Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών

Ελλάδα, Εσωτερικές Υποθέσεις 1910-1929 ΝΑ/868.008

ΝΑ/868.42

ΝΑ/868.50

ΝΑ/868.5032

ΝΑ/868.51

ΝΑ/868.602

ΝΑ/868.61 \

--------~~ <>""~"~'""~"'"'''"'''"<<

68 Δ. Ι. Αοίζος

ΝΝ868.6112 ΝΝ868.77

ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΑ ΤΩΝ ΕΘΝΩΝ, Γενεύη, Ελβετία Αρχείο Γενικής Γραμματείας

1919-1927 10/fμήμα Οικονομικό και Χρηματοοικον. 48/Πρόσφυγες της Μέσης Ανατολ1]ς

Αρχείο Νάνσεν

Εξωτερικοί Φάκελοι

Επιτροπ1] Αποκαταστάσεως Ελλήνων Προσφ. 1925-1930 Επιτροπη Ελληνο-Βουλγαρικ1]ς Ανταλλαγής, 1920-1931 Επιτροπ1] Ελληνο-Τουρκικής Ανταλλαγ1]ς, 1923-1934

Προσωπικά Αρχεία

Αρχείο Ντρυμμόν (Πρώτος Γ.Γ. της ΚΤΕ) 1920-1933

Επίσημη Εφημερίδα ΚΤΕ, 1924-1930

Τριμηνιαίες Εκθέσεις ΕΑΠ, 1924-1930 (στην Αγγλική και Γαλλική γλώσσα) 1η Έκθεση, 25 Φεβρουαρίου 1924, C.91.M.30.1924.II 2η Έκθεση, 25 Μαtου 1924, C.274.M.87.1924 3η Έκθεση, 25 Αυγούστου 1924, C.438.1924 4η Έκθεση, 25 Νοεμβρίου 1924, C.767.M.269.1924.II 5η Έκθεση, 25 Φεβρουαρίου 1925, C.112.M.53.1925.II 6η Έκθεση, 25 Μα'ϊου 1925, C.294.M.106.1925.II 7η Έκθεση, 25 Αυγ. 1925, C.470.M.176.1925.II (C/S.C.G.11) 8η Έκθεση, 25 Νοεμ. 1925, C.730.M.276.1925.II (C/S.C.G.20) 9η Έκθεση, 25 Φεβρουαρίου 1926, C.110.M.51.1926.II 10η Έκθεση, 25 Μα'Cου 1926, C.308.M.117.1926.II 11η Έκθεση, 25 Αυγούστου 1926, C.475.M.189.1926.II [F.316] 12η Έκθεση, 22 Νοεμβρίου 1926, C.641.M.249.1926.II [F.339] 13η Έκθεση, 20 Φεβρουαρίου 1927, C.79.M.32.1927.II [F.375] 14η Έκθεση, 25 Μα'ϊου 1927, C.281.M.104.1927.II [F.404] 15η Έκθεση, 25 Αυγούστου 1927, C.456.M.161.1927.II [F.427]

Βιβλιοyραφικ6ς Οδηy6ς 69

16η Έκθεση, 15 Νοεμβρίου 1927, C.574.M.204.1927.II [F441] 17η Έκθεση, 17 Φεβρουαρίου 1928, C.51.M.25.1928.VI [F.474] 18η Έκθεση, 14 Μα'ϊου 1928, C.315.M.71.1928.II [F.520] 19η Έκθεση, 15 Αυγούστου 1928, C.406.M.128.1928.II [F.560] 20η Έκθεση, 16 Νοεμβρίου 1928, C.569.M.181.1928.II [F.591] 21η Έκθεση, 15 Φεβρουαρίου 1929, C.60.M.35.1929.II [F.633] 22η Έκθεση, 17 Μα'Cου 1929, C.214.M.79.1929.II [F.660] 23η Έκθεση, 19 Αυγούστου 1929, C.363.M.133.1929.II [F.696] 24η Έκθεση, 25 Νοεμβρίου 1929, C.559.M.210.1929.II [F.727] 25η Έκθεση, 22 Φεβρ. 1930, C.155.M.66.1930.II [F.768] 26η Έκθεση, 27 Μα'ίου 1930, C.341.M.141.1930.II [F.812] 27η Έκθεση, 21 Αυγούστου 1930, C.444.M.202.1930.II [F.831]

Οι πρόσφυγες της Μέσης Ανατολής, C.103.(b).1924 Η Εγκατάσταση των Ελλήνων Προσφύγων, Γενεύη: 1926 Αναφορά Σχετικά με την Διάλυση της ΕΑΠ, C.67.M.28.1931.II [F.879]

ΜΕΓ ΑΛΗ ΒΡΕΤΑΝΙΑ

Δημόσια Αρχεία, Λονδίνο Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών

Ελλάδα, Πολιτικ1] Αλληλογραφία Ετήσιες Εκθέσεις

1920 F0-371/6096, Νο 319 1921 F0-371/7603, Νο 80 1922 F0-371/8832, Νό 112 1923 F0-371/9896, Νο 555 1924 F0-371/10771, Νο 135 1925 F0-371/11357, Νο 183 1926 F0-371/12178, Νο 155 1927 F0-371/12924, Νο 18 1928 F0-371/13659, Νο 87 1929 F0-371/14391;!'/o 77 1930 F0-371/15237, /Ι.ιο 49

70 Δ. ι ιΙοtζος

Β. ΒΟΗΘΗΜΑΤΑ

Ι. Ελληνικά

Αιγίδης, Α. Ι. Η Ελλάς χωρίς τους Πρόσφυγες. Αθήναι: 1934. Αλιβιζάτος, Μπάμπης. Η Μεταπολεμική Εξέλιξις της Ελλη­

νικής Γεωργικής Οικονομίας. Αθήναι: 1935. ___ . Η Γεωργική Ελλάς και η Εξέλιξις της. Αθήναι: 1939. Αργυρόπουλος, Περικλής. Απομνημονεύματα. 2 τόμοι. Αθή­

να: 1970. Γενική Τράπεζα Ελλάδος. Γενική Οικονομική Ανασκόπησις

της Χώρας του έτους 1926. Αθήναι: 1927. Γερακάρης, Μ. Π. Η Πληρωμή των χρεών των αγροτών προ­

σφύγων προς την Ε.Α.Π. Αθήναι: 1926. Ε.Α.Π. Οικοδομικός Κανονισμός, αφορών τους εις την

Ε.Α.Π. υπαγομένους αστικούς συνοικισμούς. Αθήναι: Σοφιανό­

πουλος, 1926. Καρδαμάτης, Ιωάννης Π. Η Μάχη Εξακολουθεί. Σύλλογος

Περιστολής Ελωδών Νόσων: Τα Πεπραγμένα 1914"1928. Αθή­ναι: 1928.

Λα'ίκή Τράπεζα Ελλάδος. Γενική Οικονομική Ανασκόπησις

της Χώρας του έτους 1927. Αθήναι, 1928. Μαυρογορδάτος Μ. Ι. & Α. Χ. Χαμουδόπουλος. Η Μακεδο­

νία. Θεσσαλονίκη: 1931. Μπακάλμπασης, Α. Το Προσφυγικό Ζήτημα. Αθήναι: Προμη­

θεύς, 1923 Νοταράς, Μιχαήλ. Η Αγροτική Αποκατάστασις των Προσφύ­

γων. Αθήναι: 1934. Πάλλης, Α.Α. Περί Ανταλλαγής Πληθυσμών και Εποικισμού

εν τη Βαλκανική κατά τα έτη 1912-1920. Κωνσταντινούπολις: 1920.

Πρωτονοτάριος, Αθ. Το προσφυγικό Ζήτημα από ιστορικής,

νομικής και κρατικής απόψεως. Αθήναι: Πυρσός, 1929. Ταμείο Περιθάλψεως Προσφύγων. Το έργο του Ταμείου Πε­

ριθάλψεως Προσφύγων. Αθήναι: 1925.

~·~-~-"~:::::;;J;~~~~~

Βιβλιογραφικός Οδηγός 71

Τσόυδερός, Εμμανουήλ. Η aποζημίωσις των ανταλλαξΕμων. Αθήναι: 1927.

Υπουργείο Γεωργίας Ελλάδος. Καραουλάνης, Π.Σ., επιμ.

Συλλογή συμβάσεων, νόμων, διαταγμάτων, εγκυκλίων κτλ. Αθή­ναι: 1924.

Υπουργείο Εθνικής Οικονομίας Ελλάδος. Εθνική Στατιστική

Υπηρεσία. Στατιστικά Αποτελέσματα της Απογραφής του Πλη­

θυσμού της Ελλάδος της 15-16/5/1928. 4 τόμοι. Αθήναι: Εθνικό Τυπογραφείο, 1933.

Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών Ελλάδος. La Grece Actuele. Αθήναι: 1933.

____ . Conνentions particulieres entre Jes Grecs et Jes Thrcs concemant I' echange des populations grecques et turques. Αθήναι: 1923.

Υπουργείο Υγιεινής, Προνοίας και Αντιλήψεως. Καργιώτης, Κ. Α. επιμ. Διατάξεις αφορώσαι την πρόνοιαν και αστικήν εγκα­

τάστασιν των προσφύγων. Αθήναι: 1926. ,..-----. Καράλης, Μ. επιμ. Νομοθεσία Αστικής αποκατα­

στάσεως προσφύγων. Αθήναι: Εθνικόν Τυπογραφείον, 1934. ____ . Νομοθεσία και γενικαί εγκύκλιοι περί εγκατα­

στάσεως των αστών προσφύγων. Αθήναι: 1953. ____ . Συλλογή Νόμων, Διαταγμάτων κτλ αφορώντων

την Ε.Α.Π. Αθήναι:.1926.

Π. Ξενόγλωσσα

Aliνizatos, Baωs Β. La reforme agrmre en Grece au point de vue economique et social. Paris: Les Presses Modemes, 1932.

Allen, Haro1d. Come Over into Macedonia. New Brunswick: Rutgers Uniν. Press, 1943.

Ancel, Jacques. La Macedoine: etude de colonization conte­mpormne. Paris: Ubr. Delagraνe, 1930.

Cardamatis, Jean Ρ. & Constantine Saνas. Ligue Antimala­rienne Hellenique: CompΊiι;-rendue 1905-1928. Athenes: 1929.

Cassimatis, Louis Ρ. American Influence in Greece 1917-1929.

1:,

i ι: r

-----------~~-~~- ---------- -------

72 Δ. Ι. Α ο ϊζος

Kent, Ohio, USA: Kent State University, 1988. Devedji, Alexandre Ε. L' echange obligatoire des rninorites

Grecques et Turques. Paris: Ed. & Publ. Contemporaines, 1929. Eddy, Charles Β. Greece and the Greek Refugees. London:

Allen & Unwin, 1931. Hadzopoulos, Angelos. <<Die Fluchtlingsfrage in Gήechenland.>>

Text und Forshungen zur Byzantinisch-Neugriechischen Philologie, Νο 6. Athen: 1927.

Ladas, Stephen Ρ. The Exchange of Minorities: Bulgaria, Greece aild τurkey. New York: Macmillan, 1932.

Macartney, C. Α. Refugees: The Work ofthe League. [London]: LON Union, [1931 ?].

Mears, Eliot. G. Greece Today: The Aftermath of the Refugee Impact. χ. τ.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1929.

Miller, William. Greece. New York: Scήbner's, 1928. Morgenthau, Henry. Ι was Sent to Athens. Garden City, Ν. Υ.:

Doubleday, Doran & Co, 1929.

Penzopoulos, D. The Balkan Exchange of Minorities and its Impact upon Greece. Paήs: Mouton, 1965.

Rodocanakis, Α. Les Finances de la Grece et 1' etablissement des refugies. Paήs: 1934.

Santis, D. Κ. Staatsschulten und Finanzpolitik Griechenlands. Berlin: 1924.

Simpson, John. Η. The Refugee Problem. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1939.

Smith, L. Μ. Ionian Vision. Greece in Asia Minor 1919-1922. London: Allen Kane, 1973.

Γ. ΠΕΡΙΟΔΙΚΕΣ ΕΚΔΟΣΕΙΣ

Ι. Εφημερίδες

Δημοκρατία

Ελεύθερον Βήμα Καθημερινή

Βιβλιογραφικός Οδηγός 73

Παμπροσφυγική

Προσφυγική Φωνή

Προσφυγικός Κόσμος Πρωία

Ριζοσπάστης

Φωνή των Προσφύγων

Νέα Αλήθεια [Θεσσαλονίκης]

Π. Περιοδικά

Αναμνηστικό Προσφυγικό Ημερολόγιο Ετήσιο Προσφυγικό Ημερολόγιο Ημερολόγιο της Μεγάλης Ελλάδος Πανελλήνιο Ημερολόγιο

Πανελλήνιο & Μικρασιατικό Ημερολόγιο

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Summary in English 75

ΤΗΕ GREAT POWERS, ΤΗΕ ASIA MINOR <<DISASTER>>, AND ΤΗΕ SEΠLEMENT OF ΤΗΕ REFUGEES !Ν GREECE

(1920 - 1930)

Summary

When the front of the Greco-Turkish conflict collapsed in 1922 in Turkey and the Greek arrny was forced to retreat, the new Greek govemment announced that the persons responsible were members of the previous cabinet and high rank officers who had participated in the expedition. The «trial of the Six>> began and some of them were found guilty and executed. The crucial historical question is whether they were the only factor of the Greek defeat. Modem historical research can prove that the Great Powers of the period played a significant role in the whole affair and contributed to the Greek failure in Asia Minor.

England and prime minister Lloyd George were disappointed when Eleutherios Venizelos lost the November 1922 elections and King Constantine, who supported the Germans, came back. The British feared that the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the german orientation of Greece would endanger their trade routes through Anatolia to India. The British were ready to support anybody who would prevent the intervention of other powers in the area without publicizing this policy to avoid an open confron­tation with their allies. Thus, by distrusting the Greeks and the Greek foreign policy, they allowed Mustafa Kemal of Turkey to organize the resistance.

The French had been the dominant power in the East until the end ofthe Napoleonic wars in 1815 when they were replaced by the British. The French foreign policy, therefore, waited for an op­portunity to take over in the East and was thrilled by the defeat of Venizelos in 1920. Little by little they approached Kemal and signed a commercial treaty in 1921. The retum of King Constan­tine, the rise of Kemal and ~e Anglo- French rivalry contributed to the abandonment of the Greeks.

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76 Δ. Ι. ι\οtζος

The President σf the United States, Wσσdrσw Wilsσn, had already stated in his Fσuneen Pσints that he was in favσur σf the integrity σf the Ottσman Empire and free navigatiσn thrσugh the Straits σf Bσspσrus. After his defeat in the American electiσns σf 1920 the U.S. retumed tσ the pσlicy σf Isσlatiσnism accσrding tσ which the Amelicans wσuld nσt be invσlved in Eurσpean affairs and vice versa. The Americans refused ιο recσgnize King Cσnstantine and the Gσunaris cabinet but insisted ση the settlement σf the Wσrld War Ι Greek debt. They fσllσwed a pσlicy σf neutrality in the Greco"Turkish affair and refused tσ grant new lσans tothe Greeks after 1920.

The Italians had panicipated in Wσrld War Ι expecting to get pan σf the Ottσman Empire. When they were nσt satisfied they landed trσσps in Asia Minσr and marched ση Smyma. The Allies used the Greeks as counter balance and urged them tσ σccupy the area σf Smyrna in 1919. At the .end the Italians received the Dσdecanese Islands alsσ claimed by the Greeks.

Last but nσt Ieast the Sσviet regime in Russia was dissatisfied with the Treaty σf Sevres that ailσwed free navigatiσn thrσugh the Straits and endangered Russian safety frσm the Sσuth, since the Black Sea wσuld becσme aπ intematiσnallake instead σf a Russian σne. Lenin saw in Kemal thegσσdfliendwhσ wσuldsuppσn Sσviet pσlicy in the area and the Turks were supplied with gσld and arms in the hσpe that Kemal 's future gσvemment .wσuld be at least a russσphile σne.

Thus, the anti-Greek pσlicy σf the Great Pσwers, which was a result σf the Iivalry σf the pσwers in the area, alσng with the delay σf the Treaty σf Sevres, which gave the time to Kemal tσ get σrganized, and the inability σf the Greek gσvemments between 1920-1922 ιο understand the intematiσnal pσsitiσn σf the cσuntry were the determining factσrs fσr the debacle in Asia Minσr in 1922.

Alσng with the retreating army hundreds σf thσusands σf Greek refugees headed tσwards the cσast σf Asia Minσr in an attempt tσ get tσ Greece and avσid the reappraisals ση the pan σf the Turks. It has

Summary ίn English 77

been estimated that abσut 15 milliσn Greeks entered Greece be­tween 1922 and 1924, a large nurnber σf them was fσrced to cσme after the agreement fσr the exchange σf pσpulatiσns between Greece and τurkey. The Greek gσvemment was unable tσ deal with sσ many refugees and aπ autσnσmσus Refugee Settlement Cσmmissiσn (RSC) was σrganized by the League σf Natiσns tσ handJe the refugee lσans and undenake the settlement σf the refugees in Greece.

The main prσblem was that σf land and the Greek gσvemment was fσrced tσ accelerate the breaking up σf the large estates (chiftliks) left behind mainly by the Turks whσ had been exchanged. Only 1/8 σf this land was eventually used by the refugees because mσst σf it was given tσ landless peasants. When that land and ex rσyalland was delivered tσ the RSC, the Cσmmissiσn fσund σut that it was very difficult to distlibute this land because there was ησ cadastre (η σι even tσday in 1994) and they first had to survey the land, afact that delayed the whσle prσcess. One σfthe successes σf the RSC was that it managed tσ settle mσst σf the refugees by 1926 mainly in Macedσnia and Thrace.(τable 2).

The Cσmmissiσn prσvided lσans tσ the refugees and helped them tσ build their first hσuses σr repaired σld σnes, it gave them seed fσr the first year and sσme aglicultural toσls and wσrking animals. The Cσmmissiσn was respσnsible fσr the use σfthe 1924 Greek Refugee Lσan and fσr the pan σf the 1928 Stabilizatiσn Lσan · that was reserved fσr the Refugees.

The RSC mainly undenσσk the settlement σf the refugees in the cσuntryside althσugh it helped a lσt the refugees whσ remained in the big cities and especially in the areas σf Athens and Pireus. The greek gσvemment had already set up a Refugee Fund but it ceased σperatiσn when the RSC was fσunded. The Cσmmissiσn built hσuses in Eleusina, Byrσn, Nea Iσnia, Kaisariani and Kσkkinia (nσw suburban areas σf the mσdem Athens-Pireus city complex) and tlied ισ help the refugees set up their σwn expσn textile and carpet industlies, withσut 'uccess thσugh because σf the Great Depressiσn that had hit the U.S. and Eurσpe.

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78 Δ. ι ι\οϊζος

The Refugee Settlement Commission was dissolved in 1930 when it had completed its work. Apart from the success of the settlement of such a large number of refugees it faced a number of problems and failures. Some of the refugees who came from rural areas but where not farmers were given land that they did not know how to cultivate. The refugees had to pay for the land or the house they received and a lot found themselves in debt. The Commission had to face the Greek bureaucracy and in some inStances was accused of not obeying the Greek laws, although it was designated as aπ autonomous organization. Apart from all the problems and the failures though the work of the Refugee Settlement Commission must be characteήzed as successful.

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Δημήτρης Ι. Λοΐζος Demetris I. Loizos

Ο Δημήτρης Ι. Λοΐζος, με καταγωγή από την Ιθάκη, δίδαξε επί σειρά ετών Ελληνική, Ευρωπαϊκή και Αμερικανική Ιστορία σε Αμερικανικό Πανεπιστήμιο ενώ ασχολήθηκε και με θέματα Ελληνικής Αρχαιολογίας. Σήμερα, είναι μέλος του Ακαδημαϊκού Συμβουλίου μεγάλου πανεπιστημιακού ιδρύματος στην Ελλάδα. Είναι ο πρώτος (από το 1990) και ίσως ακόμη ο μόνος στην Ελλάδα ειδικός στις Ψηφιακές Ανθρωπιστικές Επιστήμες (Digital Humanities) και στην Ιστορική Πληροφορική (Historical Computing). Ειδικός στην Ιστορική Πληροφορική θεωρείται ο εκπαιδευμένος Ιστορικός που ασχολείται με την ανάλυση, τον σχεδιασμό και την ανάπτυξη εφαρμογών με ηλεκτρονικούς υπολογιστές (βάσεις δεδομένων και εφαρμογές πολυμέσων) για την διερεύνηση, την μελέτη και την διδασκαλία της Ιστορίας. Ο Δ. Ι. Λο'ί'ζος σπούδασε Αρχαία Ιστορία και Αρχαιολογία στο Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών και Νεώτερη Ιστορία και Οικονομικά στο Deree College. Ολοκλήρωσε τις μεταπτυχιακές του σπουδές στην Διπλωματική και Οικονομική Ιστορία στο Kent State University της Πολιτείας Οχάιο των Η.Π.Α. ενώ ασχολήθηκε και με την ανάπτυξη εφαρμογών για ηλεκτρονικούς υπολογιστές. Έχει δημοσιεύσει τέσσερα βιβλία, πολλές ιστορικές μελέτες στα ελληνικά και αγγλικά ενώ η τελευταία εφαρμογή ιστορικής πληροφορικής που ανέπτυξε είναι ο ηλεκτρονικός μετατροπέας αρχαίων μέτρων και σταθμών Diophant. Επίσης, διευθύνει το δίγλωσσο Ιστορικό ηλεκτρονικό περιοδικό Anistoriton/Ανιστόρητον. Anistoriton/Ανιστόρητον http://www.anistor.gr/index.html Diophant Ancient Measures Converter http://www.anistor.gr/history/diophant.html Demetris I. Loizos from Ithaca is currently a member of the Academic Council and the Director of the Validation Office at a large educational institute in Greece. Ηe has taught European and American History at an American College. He is an expert in History and Computing / Digital Humanities and especially in the analysis, design, and development of History related databases and multimedia applications. He was educated at the University of Athens and Deree College in Greece (undergraduate studies), at Kent State University, U.S.A. (post-graduate studies) and at the Archaeological Society of Athens (Greece). He has written four books and numerous articles in both English and Greek and he has completed a number of projects in history and computing / digital humanities. He is the Editor-in-Chief of the bilingual Anistoriton Journal.

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