sapir x
TRANSCRIPT
Collected Works
Edward Sapir
Mouton de Gmyter
n5^no
TheCollected
Works
of
Edward Sapir
X
The Collected Works of Edward SapirEditorial
Board
Philip Sapir
Editor-in-Chief
William Bright
Regna DarnellVictor GollaEricP.
Hamp
Richard HandlerJudith Irvine
TheCollected of
WorksSapir
Edward
XSouthern Paiute and UteLinguistics
and Ethnography
Volume Editor
WiUiam
Bright
1992
Mouton deGruyterBeriin
New York
Mouton de Gruyteris
(formerly
Mouton, The Hague)
a Division of Walter de Gruyter
&
Co., Berlin.
@ Printed on acid-free paper whichANSIto ensure
falls
within the guidelines of the
permanence and
durability.
Library of Congress Calaloging-in-Puhlication-Data
Sapir,
Edward, 1884-1939. Southern Paiute and Ute linguistics and ethnography / volume editor, William Bright. cm. (The collected works of Edward p.:
Sapir
:
10)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 3-11-013543-41.
(alk.
paper)
ute
Southern Paiute language. 2. Ute language. 3. PaiIndians. 4. Ute Indians. I. Bright, WiUiam,.
1928-
II.
Title.
III.
Series:
Sapir,
Edward,
1884-1939. PM2094.S258 497',45-dc20
Works.1992
1990:10.92-22947
CIP
Die Deutsche Bibliothek
Cataloging-in- Publication-Data
Sapir, Edward:
The
[The collected works] collected works of Edward Sapir...
/:
ed.
board Philip SapirGruyter.
ed. -in-chief.
Berlin
;
New York
Mouton de
ISBN 3-11-010104-1 (Berlin) ISBN 0-89925-138-2 (New York) NE: Sapir, Edward: [Sammlung]Southern Paiute and Ute linguistics and ethnography William Bright. - 1992 ISBN 3-11-013543-4 NE: Bright, William [Hrsg.]10./
vol. ed.
Copyrightthis
1992 by Walter de Gruyter
&
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book may be reproduced or transmitted
EdwardIn glasses, with
Scipir,at
1909
Mrs. Dodd's, Uintah Ute Reservation, White Rock, UtahJ.
group
Alden Mason peering from bushes.(Courtesy of Sapir family)
Edward Sapir (1884-1939) has been referred
to as "one of the
most
brilliant
scholars in linguistics and anthropology in our country" (Franz Boas) and as
"one of the greatest figures in American humanistic scholarship" (Franklin Edgerton). His classic book, Language (1921), is still in use, and many of his papers in general linguistics, such as "Sound Patterns in Language" and "The Psychological Reahty of Phonemes," stand also as classics. The development of the American descriptive school of structural linguistics, including the adoption of phonemic principles in the study of non-literary languages, was primarily due to him. The large body of work he carried out on Native American languages has been called "ground-breaking" and "monumental" and includes descriptive, historical, and comparative studies. They are of continuing importance and relevance to today's scholars. Not to be ignored are his studies in Indo-European, Semitic, and African languages, which have been characterized as "masterpieces of brilliant association" (Zellig Harris). Further, he is recognized as a forefather of ethnolinguistic
and sociolinguistic studies. In anthropology Sapir contributed the classic statement on the theory and methodology of the American school of Franz Boas in his monograph, "Time Perspective in Aboriginal American Culture" (1916). His major contribution, however, was as a pioneer and proponent for studies on the interrelation of culture and personality, of society and the individual, providing the theoretical basis for what is known today as humanistic anthropology. He was, in addition, a poet, and contributed papers on aesthetics, literature, music, and social criticism.
m537ContentsFrontispiece:
r
Edward
Sapir, 1909
621
Preface
Introduction
13
Southern Paint e, a S/ios/wnecm Language (1930)Texts of the Kaihah Pamtes and Uintah Utes (1930)
17
315 557 753
Southern Paiute Dictionary (1931)English Index to the Southern Paiute Dictionary
Wick R. Miller) Kaibab Paiute and Northern Ute Ethnographic Field Notes (edited by Catherine S. Fowler and Robert C. Euler) Kaibab Paiute Ethnographic Field Notes Northern Ute Ethnographic Field Notes, 1909 Maps/Figures Editorial Notes(
779785
867 889
903 917923
References
Index
PrefaceVolumes I-VI of The Collected Works of Edward Sapir consist, for most part, of shorter papers; by contrast. Volumes VII-XV are devoted to longer works of monographic nature grammars, dictionaries, text collections, and extended ethnographic accounts. Many of these were published by Sapir during his lifetime; others were edited by his students and published after his death; still others are now being edited and published for the first time. The organization of each individual volume in this latter group brings together, in most instances, works on a single language and culture; in a few volumes, however, the unifying element is one of linguistic family or of culture area. Preparation of these monographic volumes has been aided by grants from the National Science Foundation (grant no. BNS-8609411), the Phillips Fund of the American Philosophical Society, and the WennerGren Foundation for Anthropological Research. Sapir received his doctorate at Columbia University in 1908, and took up a position at the University of Pennsylvania. His first field work thereafter, in 1909, was in Utah, with the Uncompahgre and Uintah Utes. Back in Philadelphia in 1910, be obtained a much greater amount of data on a closely related dialect, the Kaibab variety of Southern Paiute, as spoken by Tony Tillohash, then a student at Carlisle Indian School in Pennsylvania. The major publication which resulted from this work, Sapir's Southern Paiute Language grammar, texts, and dictionary was written in 1917, but not publishedtheuntil
1930 31;
it
is
reprinted in the present volume. Permission for
this reprinting
has kindly been granted by the American
Academy offirst
Arts and Sciences. In addition,
we publish
here for the
time an
English index to Sapir's Southern Paiute dictionary, prepared byMiller, as well as
WickUte
ethnographic notes gathered by Sapir from
his
and Paiute consultants, here edited and annotated by Catherine S. Fowler and Robert C. Euler. A topic index for the present volume has been prepared by Jane McGary. The Editorial Board is grateful to Robert C. Euler, Catherine S. Fowler, Jane McGary, and Wick Miller for their participation in thepreparation of this volume.
12Editorial
^work onthis
Southern Faiulc and
lite
volume was carried out by William Bright while a Research Fellow of the Center for the Study of Native American Languages of the Plains and Southwest, Department of Linguistics,University of Colorado, Boulder; thanksinstitution.is
given for the help of that
IntroductionThe Great Basin of the western United States was, aboriginally, occupied mainly by tribes who spoke languages of the Uto-Aztecan family, specifically of the Numic branch. In older literature, this branch is also referred to as "Plateau Shoshonean," and the term "Shoshonean"has been used for a putative larger grouping within Uto-Aztecan.
Within Numic, three divisions are generally recognized. The Western group includes language varieties labeled as Mono (or Monache) and Owens Valley Paiute, in eastern CaHfornia plus Northern Paiute in
Nevada and Oregon, and BannockPanamint(or
in Idaho. Central
Numic
includes
Koso)
in
CaHfornia; Shoshone in Nevada, Utah, and
Wyoming; and Comanche in the southern Plains. Finally, Southern Numic consists of Kawaiisu in California; Chemehuevi and SouthernPaiute in southern California, Nevada, Utah, and northwestern Arizona;
and Ute
in Utah and Colorado. The term "Paiute" itself, unfortunately, has no
clear ethnic or lin-
guistic reference; nevertheless, the term "Southern Paiute" is well established as referring to some sixteen Numic "bands" or subgroups which share a geographical center in southern Utah. (For a survey of Numic hnguistics, see Miller 1986.) Among linguists, at least, it seems likely that the currency of the term "Southern Paiute" has been reinforced by its use in the title of one of Edward Sapir's most important works. Sapir's research on Numic began with a field trip undertaken earlyin his career. in 1906,
After fieldwork on
Wishram Chinookcompletedhis
and on Yana
in 1907, Sapir
on Takelma doctorate at Columin 1905,
bia University in 1908 and accepted a position at the University of Pennsylvania. In the summer of 1909, with his student J. Alden Mason, Sapir arrived in Utah to study Southern Numic speech, beginning with
the
Uncompahgre Utes
at
Ouray Reservation. Finding
that few Indians
there spoke adequate English, he soon
moved
to the
Uintah Utes
at
White Rocks (see Sapir's letter to A. L. Kroeber dated 7 September 1909, in Golla 1984: 43). A brief report, "Some Fundamental Characof the Ute Language," was published in 1910 (Sapir 1910c, reprinted in Volume V of The Collected Works). Back at the University of Pennsylvania in 1910, Sapir hoped to find a Ute speaker at Carlisle Indian School near Harrisburg; instead, heteristics
14
A'
Southern Paiutc and Ute
Tillohash
found Tony Tillohash, who spoke the Kaibab dialect of Southern Paiute. moved to Philadelphia for four months, providing Sapir with much more comprehensive data than had been obtained on Ute (seeFowler and Fowler 1986). Four short papers resulted shortly thereafter:
"Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology" (Sapir 1910d), "Two Paiute Myths" (19100, "The Mourning Ceremony of the Southern Paiutes" (1912c), and "A Note on Reciprocal Terms of Relationship" (1913c); these are reprinted in Volume IV of The Collected Works. However, the major descriptive result was Sapir's Southern Paiute Language a grammar, a text collection, and a dictionary written in 1917, but not published until 1930 31. This work is reprinted in the present volume,along with a previously unpublished English index to the dictionary,
prepared by Wick R. Miller.Sapir's
work on Numic
linguistics
is
noteworthy from three viewpoints
in particular. First, his
1910 report on Ute described the typicalt,
Numic
phonological alternation of voiceless stops (p
k k\v) voiced stops (h
dg
g\v), voiced fricatives
( fi
r y y\v),
and
voiceless fricatives ((p
R
x
Xyv); in his
work on Southern
Paiute, Sapir not only found the
same
alternation, but also confirmed
Tony Tillohash's intuitive awareness of famous article, "La realite psychothe relationship. Reported logique des phonemes" (1933c, in Volume I), this finding remains one of the paradigmatic examples of modern phonological theory. Second,in Sapir's
Sapir's
Numic
data
made
possible a historical study, "Southern Paiute
and Nahuatl" (1913f and 19151) his first important work in the comparative/historical study of American Indian languages, and a pioneering application in the New World of the Neogrammarian methodology established in the Indo-European field. All subsequent activity in comparative Uto-Aztecan linguisfics is founded on this work ofSapir's.
Third and
finally, the
Southern Paiute grammar
itself
has
come
to be recognized as a
monument
of American descriptive linguistics: a
model of accuracy,
clarity,
thoroughness, and insight which later schol-
ars have striven to emulate.
on language, Sapir collected ethnographic information from his Numic consultants, and organized these materials with eventual publication in mind. The resulting manuscripts had an "unIn addition to data
derground'' existence after Sapir's death, being consulted by several
ethnographers. They have at
last
been edited for publication
in this
volume, by Catherine
S.
Fowler and Robert C. Euler, whose introduc-
tory essay explains the detailed circumstances.
Introduction
15
Little
Sapir's day; however, there
has been published on the Southern Paiute language since is significant work on the Ute dialect of
southern Colorado by Goss (1972) and Givon (1979, 1980); and on Chemehuevi by Press (1979). There is an unpublished dissertation on
Southern Paiute by Bunte (1979); see also Bunte (1986) and Bunte and Franklin (1988). Proposals for the reanalysis of Sapifs data on Southern Paiute phonology have been published by Harms (1966), Rogers (1967), Chomsky and Halle (1968: 345-351), Lovins (1972), Cairns (1978), and Franklin and Bunte (1980). Manuscript vocabularies for a number of Numic dialects, collected by J. W. Powell during his nineteenthcentury expeditions, are given by Fowler and Fowler (1971). Important ethnographic sources include Stewart (1942) for both the Ute and the Southern Paiute, Kelly (1964) for the Southern Paiute, and Smith (1974) for the Ute. Volumes on Chemehuevi ethnography and oral hterature have been published by Laird (1976, 1984). Recent surveys of ethnographic and historical information are provided by Kelly and Fowler (1986) for the Southern Paiute, and by Calloway et al. (1986)for the Ute.
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
CONTENTS.PAGEPrefaceDistribution and literature (1)
3 5
Phonology ( 2-16) Vowels ( 2-8) Fundamentals vowels (2) Qualitative vocalic changes (3) Quantitative vocalic changes (4) Glide vowels (5) Nasahzation of vowels (6) EUsion of final vowels (7)Syllabic structureSyllables
6 6 67
16 21
Vocalic unvoicing (8) and accent
(
9-11)
and moras (9)
Accent (10) Loss of one or more moras (11) Consonants ( 12-16) Survey of consonants (12) Consonantal processes (13) Glide consonants (14) The glottal stop (15) Treatment of consonants in composition (16)
Morphology ( 17-63) Grammatical processes (17)
CompoundingPrefixes (
of
stems (18)
Enclitics (19)
20-22)(
Adverbial prefixes
20)(
22 24 27 37 37 39 43 44 44 48 56 59 62 70 70 73 87 98 98101
Instrumental prefixes
21)
Reflexive and reciprocal na- ( 22)
108110
Derivative and formal suffixes
(
23-37)
Types
of suffixessuflSxes
(23)
HOIll
Noun
(24)suffixes ( 25)(
NominaHzingVerb
123
Verbalizing suffixessuffixes (
26)
27-34)(
132 13813828)
General remarksSuffixes of
27)(
movement
Suffixes of voice (29)Suffixes of verbal aspect ( 30) Suffixes of
139 143 148159
number (31)
1
202
^
Southern Paiutc and Ute
CONTENTSPAGE
Temporal suffixes (32) Modal suffixes (33)Order of verbal elements The diminutive ( 35)(
162 16834)
169171
NumeralPronouns(
suffixes ( 36)
174 175
Suffixes of quasi-pronominal force ( 37)
38-46)
176
pronouns ( 38) Personal pronouns ( 39-41) Independent personal pronouns ( 39) Enclitic personal pronouns ( 40) Combinations of enclitic pronouns (41) Post-nominal pronouns ( 42) Demonstrative pronouns ( 43) Interrogative pronouns ( 44) The relative pronoun ( 45) Reflexive pronouns ( 46) Noun morphology ( 47-50) Noun and verb stem ( 47) Plurality of nouns (48)Classification of
176177 177 182
192 199 204 20721
211
212 212 213
Syntactical cases
(
49)
Postpositions (50)
Verb morphology ( 51-56) General remarks on verbal form
(
51)
The imperative (52)Internal stem changes(
53)(
215 217 234 234 235 336241
Singular and plural stems
54)
Verb syntax
(
55)
Substantive verbs (56) Negation (57) Reduplication (58) Numerals (59) Adverbs (60) Interjections (61)Idiomatic usages(
62)
Text with Analysis
243 249 252 256 262 266 272 273 276
Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Language
21
PREFACE.The following sketch of Southern Paiute, which was completed in December, 1917, is offered as a contribution to the scientific study of Whether or not it proves to be fairly the Shoshonean languages. typical of the whole group in phonologic and morphologic respects must be left to future research. My first field acquaintance with Shoshonean linguistics was gained in a short trip during August and September of 1909 among the Northern Utes of Uintah Reserve, Utah. This trip was undertaken, with the collaboration of Dr. J. A. Mason, under the auspices of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. A number of Ute texts were secured, supplemented by considerable grammatical information. To extend and deepen the insight into Plateau Shoshonean linguistics then obtained it seemed advisable, indeed necessary, to undertake Hence arrangements were made by the late further researches. Dr. G. B. Gordon, Director of the Museum of the University ofPennsylvania, with the authorities of the Indian school at Carlisle to have one of their Paiute students, Tony Tillohash, put at mydisposal for the ethnologic
and
with Tony,
who proved
to be
linguistic study of his tribe. I worked an excellent informant, in Philadelphia
from February to May of 1910. A series of texts, much supplementary grammatical material, a large number of songs, and conThe Paiute siderable ethnological information were obtained. linguistic data proved so much superior to the Ute which I had previously secured that I have decided in this sketch to limit myself Moreover, there is enough phonetic, lexical, and to the former. morphologic difference between Ute and Southern Paiute to render I hope to the attempt to describe both at the same time confusing. publish a briefer sketch of the Ute language at some future date. The present volume is to be followed by a series of Southern Paiute and Ute texts and by a Southern Paiute vocabulary. It is a great pleasure to recall the unflagging patience and helpfulness of Tony Tillohash and the kindness with which Dr. Gordon did all that lay in his power to make these studies possible. My thanks are due Miss Jane McHugh, the Secretary and at that time Acting Director of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, and the authorities of the Museum for permission to have these Paiute studies published by the
224
^
Southern Paiiite and Ute
PREFACE
American Academy of Arts and Sciences. To Professor Franz Boas I owe a special debt of gratitude for arranging with the Bureau of American Ethnology thattheI
prepare the present paper, later transferred to
Museum
of the University of Pennsylvania,
and
for his
more
recent efforts in enlisting the interest of the cation of my Southern Paiute manuscripts.University of Chicago,
Academy
in the publi-
EdwardChicago,III.,
Sapir.
April 14, 1929.
Southern Paiule, a Shoshunean Language
23
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE.1.
Distribution
and
Literature.
The Shoshonean dialect that is more particularly treated in this paper is Kaibab Paiute, spoken in southwestern Utah and northwestern Arizona. The name Kaibab is an Anglicized form of the native qa'ivavitci "mountain-lying, plateau." The Kaibab Paiutes are only one of a large number of tribes or bands in southwesternUtah, northwestern Arizona, southern Nevada, and southeastern California that have been loosely grouped together as Paiute proper or Southern Paiute. The linguistic differences found in the speech Paiute itself belongs, accordof the various Paiute bands are slight. ing to Kroeber's terminology, to the Ute-Chemehuevi branch of Plateau Shoshonean, a branch that includes, besides the Paiute dialects, the Ute dialects of western Colorado and most of Utah, Kawaiisu (spoken in south-central California), and Chemehuevi (spoken in southeastern California along the Colorado; the Chemehuevi are probably nothing but a Paiute band that have been subIt is doubtful if even the geojected to strong Yuman influences).graphically extreme Ute-Chemehuevi dialects, say Uncompahgre Ute and Chemehuevi, are not mutually intelligible with considerable The two other branches of Plateau Shoshonean are Shoshoneease. Comanche (including Shoshone proper, Comanche, Gosiute, and Shikaviyam, spoken in California) and Mono-Paviotso (including Mono, Northern Paiute or Paviotso, "Snake" of eastern Oregon, and Bannock). Southern Paiute and Northern Paiute should be carefully distinguished; they are not dialects of the same language, but distinct and mutually unintelligible languages. Indeed, UteChemehuevi differs from both Shoshone-Comanche and Mono-
Paviotso in important morphological as well as phonetic respects. Thus, pronominal elements are suffixed (or enclitically affixed) in Ute-Chemehuevi, but prefixed (or proclitically affixed) in the other two branches of Plateau Shoshonean. The Shoshonean languages, according to Kroeber, comprise fourgroups: the Plateau Shoshonean languages; Tiibatulabal or Kern River, spoken in south-central California; Hopi; and a group of southern Californian languages comprising the Serrano dialects, the dialects of the San Luiseho-Cahuilla branch, and the Gabrielino
24
A'
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIRdialects.
The phonetic, lexical, and morphologic differences between these four groups of Shoshonean languages are evidently considerable. All the Shoshonean languages, taken as a unit, comprise the northernmost representative of the Uto-Aztekan stock. This stock includes,besides Shoshonean, Nahuatl or Aztec and the Sonoran or Piman in the long stretch of country between the Mexican
languages spokenstate of Jalisco;
and the Rio Gila (among these languages are Cora;;
Huichol Yaqui-Opata-Cahita-Tarahumare Pima-Papago-TepehuaneTepecano). So far as is at present known, the Uto-Aztekan languages are not genetically related to any other American languages. The published material dealing with the Ute-Chemehuevi dialects We have some sketchy material of Kroeber's;^ a phonetic is scanty. study of Southern Ute by J. P. Harrington ;2 and a brief abstract on Ute by Sapir.^ Some linguistic material on Southern Paiute is also contained in Sapir's Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology.^ A comparative treatment of Uto-Aztekan, primarily from the point of view of
Southern Paiute, is given in Sapir's Southern Paiute and Nahuatl, a Study in Uto-Aztekan}
PhonologyVOWELS 2.
(
2-16).
(
2-8).
Fundamental Vowels.
Southern Paiute recognizes five primary or organically distinct These are a (as in German Mann); i (as in French fini), which interchanges freely with i (as in English fin) u (open as in English put, rarely close as in French bout), which interchanges freelyvowels.;
1
A. L. Kroeber, Notes on the Ute Language (American Anthropologist, n.
s.,
1908, pp. 74-87); notes on Chemehuevi and Kawaiisu (pp. 256-262) in Notes on Shoshonean Dialects of Southern California (University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 8, no. 5, 1909).2
J.
P. Harrington,
The Phonetic System of
the Ute
Language (University Language (American
of Colorado Studies, vol. VIII, 1911, pp. 199-222). ' E. Sapir, Some Fundamental Characteristics of the Ute
Anthropologist, n.* ^
s.,
1910, pp. 66-69).
Journal of American Folk-Lore, 1910, pp. 455-72. Part I (Vowels): Journal de la Soci6t6 des Ara^ricanistes de Paris, N. S., X, 1913, pp. 379-425; Part II (Consonants): American Anthropologist, N. S., 1915, pp. 98-120, 306-328, also in Journal de la Soci6t6 des Am^ricanistes
de Paris, N.ogy,is still
S.,
XI, 1919, pp. 443-488.
Part
III, to
be devoted to morphol-
due.
; :
Southern Paint e, a Shoshonean Language
257
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE
with close o (as in French bean); o (as in German voll, hut much rounded, hence tending acoustically towards a); and i (high back unrounded, probably like ao of Gaelic aon). Of these vowels, is characteristic of most Shoshonean languages. It is oftenless clearly'i
o, but is really not at all related to unrounded, the lips being perfectly passive. It is most easily acquired by setting the back of the tongue in position for u and carefully unrounding the lips without at the same time disturbing the tongue position. Each of the vowels may be short or long. The long vowels are indicated as a-, v (or r), v (or o), o-, and v. Diphthongs are common ai (also modified forms di, ti), ui (or oi), or, 'ii; and au. Long diphthongs, e. g. a'i {aai), o'i {o'oi, ooi), are also frequent. Such diphthongs, however, are only secondary developments of short diphthongs no three-moraed syllables are allowed (see 9, 1). Triphthongs sometimes arise when diphthongs combine with simple vowels, e. g. ooi. Actually there are many more than five vocalic qualities to be recognized in Southern Paiute. According to their vocalic or consonantic surroundings, each of these is subject to a considerable gamut of modifications, running from comparatively slight changes of nuance to complete assimilation to other primary vowels. The following section gives examples of all the types of vocalic modification that have been noted.il
heard as a dull or muddiedthese vowels, asit is
or
totally
3.
Qualitative Vocalic Changes.
Many of the modifications here listed are optional; that is, they tend to take place in fairly rapid and uncontrolled speech, wherecomplete or partial assimilations in articulation are particularly apt to occur, but may be absent in more controlled speech. Thus, one hears i{y)a, i{y)d, or i(y)E, all equivalents of a psychologically fundamental ia. It will be most convenient to list the changes under the five fundamental vowels.(1)
Modifications of
a:i,
(a) Palatalization.
After a syllable containingstill
ae
is
frequently(withare:
palatalized to a (as in English hat) or,met).
further, to
(as in Englishi
This takes place particularly when a directly follows
or without glide y, see 14, 2), or*'i-va-
when
v intervenes.
Examples
this-at
''t'm'
here;
^'i'vd-nfimotnaTjqwA
from here
268 qani-vantuywa-
X
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIRhouse- toqani'vdntuywa-viiipi to their
own
houseivd'tci', ivt'tci
way
off,
early
u'qwapL-ma7it'i-
wood-from, some
u^qwa'-pim'dnt'i, -m-ent'i
some
woodpi{y)a-
woodmotherpiyd'ruywcup'i
to his
own mother;and
piye'ni
my
motheri
Much
lessy,
frequently
a,
standing between a syllable withfurther palatalized to closea'%ve{y)a7)w'iar]A(like u ofe:
a followingaiva(i)ya-
may
be
still
companionDulling to a
his
companions
(b) Dulliyig to a.
English hut)Itrj):
common,
particularly in unaccented syllables.
is extremely seems to take place
chiefly before or after nasal
consonants {m, n,
-ya-nti-
beingsuffix
^ontco'yii ani'i
with one eye lack-
ing
-na- verbal abstractm^a-Tja(c)
ora'va-nanim'^ay'a-'qA
whatthatis
I shallis
dig
that (anim.)Labialization.
the onetoco
Rather
infrequently
a
darkened
(acoustically
midway between a andfrom
o) in partialco
assimilation to an
of the preceding or following syllable; thisfully distinguished in recordingqaa'mp'itso:
was not always care-
toca-
grouse white > fo^ca'-,( 13, 1, b)
ayo'^qoiampits-
fir-grouse
Vho:'pa{i)y(xmpats- white-breasted, gull (also recorded as nor-
toha'-
mal tD'ca'pa{i)yampats-)Further labialization too
takes place very frequently after labializedo:
gutturals {qw, yiv, yqio), wo being often simplified to-q-a-
plural
subject;
combines
nantl'navuRUqwop'iyaiyarjAeral
sev-
with preceding -ru- to -ru'qwaor -Ruqwa'-yw'aito go in order toto drag
tracked
him back andwentto
forthqivUca'yiv oip'iya'^
de-
fecate
piyo'xwa-
piyo'xoM'miaxa'^
while dragging
along
-mnayqwa-pa-qwa'aito go
behind
vv"'i-'na7)q{w)op-A
behind
it
payikwo'oip-'iya^
went home
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
119:
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE(2)
Modifications ofDiphthongization(q,
i
(alternating with
i,
more
rarely
e)
This occurs pretty regularly after immediately preceded by a and o respectively. ai is quite frequently heard as di, ei or as "t, H with rather fleeting glide-like a or e; H is sometimes heard still further reduced to i (see b). After a labialized guttural i > ai may be labialized to oi, H (cf. 1, c). These diphthongs are not treated as organically such, but regularly count in accentual phenomena as simple vowels (see(a)to ai, oi.
gutturals
7, yq)
+
9).
Examples
are:
payi- to\\'d\k{e.g.'mpa'xiqwaai-
paya'irjqw'ai*
walks
off
;
j)a7az'-
tcayA
he went away)
n'NU''qWLp-'iya'
started
to
go away; pay'i'na-Tjw'irn-payi-Y'i cloud stands up and walks (sixth and seventh syllables)-yi-
walk; pay'i'-qwa'"
durative iterative suffixto stop (rolling)
qu'pa'raydkatafter anothertcA'qa'ip'iya'^
several
pop onerolling;
icaqi-
stoppedit
tcA^qi'y'iaqAtsirjwaxt.-
stops
to stick in several
(e. g.
tsdsLTjwaxaimip'iyainLas
in iSLTjwa'xikaiy'iavi
they are
stuck
in)
all kept on though stuck; tsLtsn)wax''i'p'iyainC all went in as though
st\XQk;tsi'rjwa'xi^^
sticks several
in
mam- a' "cay witoyi-,
old
woman
?nama"'^caywoits-,
-caywHts- old
womantoywi- just, precisely
toyo'iaruqwaxi right under toyo'ituywanu midnight
it;
toyo'i-
toyo'mA'cilywiYU
not infrequently even loses its i and appears as toyo'- (e. g. ten), but such recorded forms as toy^i'arjaruqwAis
RIGHT under him and tdyH'mava'anA right above that proveclearly that the second o(b) Dulling toi,'i.
inorganic.ts,
After
i is
regularly dulled to
i,
a high un-
rounded "mixed" vowel (to use Sweet's terminology) that sounds acoustically midway between i and i. It has been often recorded simply as i, sometimes also, though exaggeratedly, as Examples'i.
are:-isL-
diminutive
tiyqa'niviafs'iaff'C
his
own
little
cave
(obj.)
:
2810-tsi-
X
Southern Pahitc and Ute
SAPIR
gerund
pA^qa'rjutsl'LywA
tsi-
with the point of a stick-like
object
having killed him; p\?iL'avtvatsi'qWA being about to lie down and watch it tsiyu'in'mvxwiy'ini is poking me; stuck (one obtsi'nikipiycCject)
More(9, 7. ^.-a-t-
rarely
i
is
gutturalized to
i,
i
after guttural consonants
w)'
cf.
(a)
above:.
to
come
in
order to-yki-
tona'x'iy'iarjA
he comes to punchbringit
-qi-
hitherL-
ya'q'iyaqA
waq
hither
+
to
come
WA^qi'yki-^uayA
as he
came
Consonanih'mg before nasals. When standing before n or rj and coming after ts (sometimes modified to /, see 13, 7, a), less often after q, i not infrequently loses its vocalic character altogether and assimilates to the following nasal, becoming syllabic ri or 2/ (cf. English kazn. from cousin):(c)-tsL-
-iSL-
gerundive diminutive
+ -ni- I + -ni- my
qa'vatsv,ni being about to sing,wi'tsi'trfni
I
my-\-
great-grandchildi
(d) Consonantizing to y.
Rather infrequently the combinationvowel, simplifies Xo y vowel,e. g.
-f
vowel, viai{y)d'nu-
i
+
glide y
+
present here
yd'nu-
compare u{w)a'nu(3)
present therei:
>
wa'nu- (see
5, a).
Modifications ofAssimilationtoi.
(a)
Not
too frequently ani,
'i
is
assimilated toy.
the
t
of a following syllable or, as'i-
to
Longqvm-nil-
is
then apt to dissolve to
vi, i'.
an immediately following Examples are:hurriedly
ti'ijw'i-
to be in a hurry to take
tiywini'qwTqwi"i'^
takes several timesafter-m'i-tsi-)
(
- -yw'i'-; -q-A wa^- > -q \va'-; strongly aspirated surd); -ijivi -rjWA w.i'- > -i)U\\-. Examples of such mergings are:Special developments.lost as
+
+
+
taywA we
+ +
a' p'ii-
to sleep to
ta' rjw a'^ pi' i
we sleepall
-qu
objective
+
H'/'/j//'t-
shake
ma{)no'qivifo'n''-p'iya'aiklVA
outtarjiVA
shook them
out
we
iVA'tcuywi-
four
tar)WA'icu'i]wi.yum-unLis
we
four
Not
infrequently a final breathing or voiceless vowel
completely
lost before a
consonant is the unvoiced vowel.2, a; 16) results:
word beginning with a consonant, particularly if that identical or homorganic with the consonant preceeding
A
germinated or nasalized consonant (see
12,
miyj'n-LAto goarja'iac
farawayhim
+
pay{a)i-
niiyo'ni paya'ikw'ai' goes ofi
(a,r
awayu
+
cina'ijwavC
aya' iacuia' ijwavC
coyote (obj.)
um"'v'"avii mi'vu farn'i'aq-A I- it
in front ofoff
them
+
vm"'v''^cx'miYUfaroft'
in front of
them
+
qyvi'qvn"i' takes
7ti'aqwi"qu-i"i'
I
take
it
several
several times
times
Southern Pahite. a Shoshoneon Language
51
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE
33under-
qa"nami
thy singing
qa"namvoiced again to-i
pu'tcu'tmywai
stands thy singing
A
final voiceless -/
is
as a glide to a following y-:
q'i'aywi(2)
yesterdayin
qi'aijwi
ya""
died yesterdaycertain accentual
Unvoicing
non-final position.
Under
conditions to be defined below (see 10, 1) a short vowel or the second mora of a long vowel or diphthong loses its voice in initial or medialposition before a geminated unvoiced consonant (p-;ts,t-c).t-;
q-;
qw;
s-, c-;
Here we
shall deal only
with the manner of such unvoicing.
(a)
final position (see 1, a-c)
The
Treatment of short vowels. Short vowels are unvoiced as in with the same effect on preceding consonants. breathy quality, however, of these non-final unvoicings is even
greater than in final position.
Hence a moment of free untimbred breath (indicated as -'-) is generally audible after the unvoiced vowel proper and before the consonantal closure; before guttural stops -'- develops to a weak (q, qiv), less frequently before other stops, this guttural spirant (indicated -^-), which has palatal timbre after i (indicated ---, a very brief but sharp x sound as in German ich). Such a breath-glide may also occur under appropriate conditions finally before a word closely linked with the preceding; e. g. pa' A a'qafi'riA
preceding the voiceless vowel
of the lake. A nasal (w, n) completely unvoiced (a/, n) when initial and generally half-voiced {niM, 7in) when medial; an initial y becomes completely unvoiced (y- is acoustically like ---, only in-ni-, when unvoiced, often clined to be less spirantal in quality), appears as n'^-, the -i- palatalizing the n (see 13, 4) and unvoicing to a spirantal -. As in final position, the vocalic timbre is not always
of-water sitting
(obj.),is
very clear;
e.
g. -c'i-
often unvoices to -c-, -ya- to
-.r -,
-6'/-
to -s-.
Examplesap'i'i-
are:A'p'i'i
to sleep
sleeps
tac i'pa-
evening
tA\Lpa{u)xuevening
whenit
it
was
aqa- it maywa'vato'qiva-
to creepto be black
A^qa'nayqwopA near maywa' 4)Aqa{i)yiainicreepingto'qiVA'qarju
they
are
several
become
blackayqa'yato be red
arjqa'xqayu
several
become red
5234
X
Southern Paiutc aiul Ute
SAPIRbeat me! sore-handed tspi'yupLya' appeared aya'oaxtuxiVA around him wi^qa'm'mLrjuntcayani covI ered himkwi'pa'nifira'cqwatsstandstill
kwipa'- to beat, hit pika' sore to appear tsipi'-oa'yd- iiywa-
pi-ka'mo''
aroundto cover
w'iqa'm'mitira'c'iqivastill
to
come
to a stand-
having come to abeing round looked for
po'toq-wa- to be round puca'yai- to look for -yu-campa- although
po'to'qwaR'ipu'ca'yaip'iya'
a'xYUcamparjWA although he saidYVqu'ts-
yuqu'- fawn muqwi'-^a- tomit'i' rjwa-
fawnkeeps calling
call
onhill
piirjqa'MU'qwi-^ai'
onpoint ofsingingtoM'i't'i'yiVA
qa'-nanuqwi'pay{a)'i-
qa'riNA'cuv a'ip'iya^ still-his-ownsinging said
stream
NU^qwi'nfi7mqtvi'to
streamstarted
to go
+
pa{-)ya' {lyn'^-qwLp'iya'off
stream, run
on wav
Note, in the last example, the curious merging of original -y{a)i'nuto -ya'{i)yV-- for normally expected -ya'hiNU''-.
Rarely
/
develops a parasitic
*
or
'^
before a following
is
or
tc; e. g.
ta' pi*'tcaqaip'iya^ (they)
were
tired.
Unvoiced vowels directly follow^ing other vowels quite frequently sharpen to a secondary -.r-. This happens most frequently with -11- (normally unvoiced to -U-, -u\ -V-), which then appears as-x{-)u-, -'U-, -xix{-)u-
(with glide -u-).
Examplescim^'i'a-
are:
to leave
cim^'i'xqwa''^'pLya
left to start
-upa'-
through
away (-X-- < -A'^-) pina' siiaxu pa' a4>i through his own legs; po'^upa''^ throughthetrail ;
"^m^a'uxupa'" through
there
After
T),
as well as after'':
q-
and yq
(cf.
1, a),
u frequently develops
to "u or simply
:
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonecin Language
53
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE-r]u-
35
momentaneous
suffix
tlv'^i'ij''upiya"
yaij'^pL'ya
asked; na{i)ya'appeared, seemed
vowel;
'- attack is sometimes heard before a ff voiceless 'wTcia4>i feather. consonant) glottal stop (or glottal stop After a consonant the reducible vowel is, as in the preceding cases, completely unvoiced if the glottal stop belongs properly to the preceding syllable, other-
An
initiale. g.
+
+
+
wise the vowel, counting for two moras, is preserved intact (cf. Owing to the immediately preceding final treatment, 1, a, end). vowel is whispered rather than fully the reduced closure, glottalbreathed, which causes a following more sharply. Examples are:^
or
?
release to stand out all the
qwi"nL-kaibreast
to strut out one's
qwi"Ni-kaai'breast
struts
out
(his)
wav'i'm- to pull bowstringpL7np'i'n'7ii-
wa{-)v'i'n'i^p'i'ya'aimi
they
2
pulled their bowstrings
severaWook {i their
form-
er countries
Fromas
pu'tcu'tcuyiva- to
know
are sometimes formed pv'tcutcuywa(e.
substitute for reduplicated pu' pu'icuicuywa-
g.
\c'i\'pvtcu-
.
Southern Paiute, a Shoshone cm Language
61
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEtcuywa- TO;
43
know how to dance) and, by haplology, putcuywa- (e. g. qa' puHcuywatui- TO teach how to sing < qa' pu'icuHcuywatm-) An initial ?'- is sometimes lost before a following organic y. This also brings about an only apparent violation of the law of alternatingstresses.iyo'vi(cf.
mourning dove Ute aiovi-)
yo'vi-
This is diflferent from the consonantizing of prevocalic i and u to y and w respectively (see 3, 2, d; 5, a), where there is no real lossinvolved.6. g.:
Initial
'i
of iyiR
indeed
is
frequently elided (see 60, 3),
a'iaij iyiR
that-he indeed (said)
a'iarj gin
-xain-La-
too
+
iy'iR
ninLaxwa'xainiindeed
-^iR
of
me
too
11.
Loss of one or more moras.
All the losses referred to in 10, 2 and 3, are, in a sense, only apparent, as they do not influence the original rhythmic framework Fundamental alternations of mora-structure are, of the word.
however, also found, which follow the law of alternating stresses. Certain words lose a mora in some, not necessarily all, compounds, Certain generally when occurring as the first element of a compound. suffixed elements, also, alternate between a longer and a shorterform.Particularly
common
is
alternation between a primary long and aare:
reduced short vowel.
Examples
pa-
water
pa- in compounds: pa-ri'ia- elk(lit.,
pA^-sd'rdroiic'irjwi'ac^i
water-deer); pa-^i'u- fish; pawaterfall;
mud
at
bottom
of
water
o-
arrow
u- in compounds: w-rw'^w- to fix an arrow; i/-7u'7ta- quiver (lit.,
arrow-bag)fi-
upfeather
U-: tma'tjqwA
upward, from theto scrape
fvTcta-
west wTa'a-: w'ra'A'sivaia quill smooth
:
6244
X
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIR
An element
containing a diphthong or two vowels in immediatee. g.
juxtaposition sometimes loses the second vowel,participial -ya-nt'i-
-701-
to have:
having
(see 25, 6, a); -(^az- perfective: participial;
-qa-nti-
having -ed
(see 25, 6, d)
-mia- usitative:also
-min
(see 30, 10).
A
post-consonantal vowel
may
drop out,if
which case the
preceding consonant also disappearstrace in the "nasalizing"
or,
a nasal,
may
leave
its
power
of the stem.
Examples
are:
u-yu'natiyia-vi-
quiverdeer-hide
una'-: iin-a'v'iya- to put away a quivertia'vi-:
Ua'v'ira'^
deer-hide shirt
(7 probably inorganic in origin, see 14, 1) ini'-
what
(person, animal)?
im-y'i'-
what
(thing)?
pa'a'n-i-
to be high
pa'a-'':pa'a'nti-
highto follow one's to look
-v'ana-
upontrail,
-v'an-tuywa-
on to
naywa'-
track
na-": nanti'natrack;for tracks
nampu'cayai-
nirjw'i-
person
m-":
nimpi'Tjwa^ielse's
somebodysomeNi'ci'-
else's wife; niTjqa'nKpi
bodytovi^'ia-
house; nintu'arjqi-
give birth to one;to let a person go
Evenfound,tiyiae.
cases of the complete loss ofg.
two contiguous moras are
deercarrying strap
U-: fiv^a'qa-
to kill
game
urn" a-
uru-: oHca'uRU
strap by whichcarried
water-jar
is
Consonants12.
(
12-16).
Survey of consonants.is
Aof
large
number
of consonants
found
in
Southern Paiute, but
as with the vowels, they reduce to a comparatively small
number
primary consonants.
detail,
we
Before taking up consonantal processes in shall give a descriptive table of consonants actually found.
Southern Paiute. a Shoshonean Language
63
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE
45
6446
X
Soiitheru Paiutc
and Ute
SAPIR
aintdi-; see 16, 3) or
"geminated"
(e. g.
fiv'^aqa-, i'ipi-; see 16, 2).
Aspirated stops and affricatives may also be nasalized or geminated The typical unaspirated stop or aftncative is probably (e. g. QA, nt'i).
an "intermediate" when nasalized, geminated, or medial after a voiceless vowel (in which case it is always geminated in origin; However, see 10, 1); and a true surd when initial before a vowel. it is difficult to be certain as to these two modes of articulation. The "intermediate" quality is most certain after nasals before voiced vowels and in the release of unaspirated geminated stops and affricatives. It is possible that the attack of the geminated stop andaffricative(b)h-, '-)is
a true surd.All spirants (except(r,s,
Spirantization.
c;
w, w;
i/,
r;
^,
?,
';
and
rolled consonants;
sonants (see 16, 1) yw {rj) is or developed from intervocalicarticulation; for v^("')
from stopped coneither "spirantized" from m (see 16, 1)r) are developed
w
(see 13, 2).
v
{(f>)
is
bilabial in
see 14, 3, b.
r (/?) is h'ghtly trilled,
apparent-
ently in typically alveolar position, probably modified slightly byits
tendency to take on vocalic timbres;either fully voiced (as infor
7
is;
it was never heard as d. North German Tage) or intermediate
(x)
7
see below.or
(c)
Geminated
long
consonants.
For
geminatedy,
stopsc
and
affricatives see (a) above.
Intervocalicis
vi, n,
and
s,
are very
frequently heard long.for nr, n-,
It
highly probable that
this, particularly
original7/,
and s-, c-,is their etymologically typical form and that Shoshonean intervocalic short vi, n, and s, possibl}' also
have disappeared as such.
Long
x-, x-iv
(xw),
x-
generally occur
as developments of y, yw, 7 in voiceless positions (see 8), rarely intervocalically (see 13, 5, c).(d)(e. g.
Glottalized consonants.
p,
q-, (c)
For glottalized stops and and nasals {m'm, n'n, ifw) see 15, 2, b.'palatals.
affricatives
(e)
Anterior
Aside from y (and
its
voiceless
development
y),
anterior palatals (including labialized anterior palatals) developpalatals); see 13, 4.
from back palatals (and labialized back
(f) Rounded labial consonants. Aside from lo (and its voiceless development w), these are all developed from ordinary labial con-
sonants; see 14,
3, b.
(g) Alternation of k and q. moderately velar articulation.
By
q
Its
is meant a back palatal stop of average position, as determined
Southern Paiute, a Shos/wncan Language
6547
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEby such a groupas aqa,is
distinctly further
back than our English
k- position in cold, yet not so decidedly velar in character as q of
such a language as Kwakiutl. Its greatest degree of velarity is reached in such examples as qo'oi- and toyoqwi-, i. e. before and after 0. We shall use q and qw after all vowels but i, when followed by any vowel other than i. Before i the back palatal becomes distinctly more forward in articulation, about like the k- sound of English cold or perhaps even ca7i; this position is here normally designated as After an i the k becomes an anterior palatal (see e above). k, kw. Positions analogous to k (kw) and q (qw) are doubtless to be found Thus, 7 of toyo'qwialso in the spirants 7 (x, x), yw (xw, xw). However, these phonetic is certainly more velar than 7 of tiyi'a-. distinctions have here been neglected.(h) Alternation of s
and
c.
These two
sibilants are respectively
English sip and skip, except that c tends to approach There is some a quality intermediate between the true s and c. sporadic interchange between s and c, as between ts and tc, but on the whole they are used with considerable distinctness according to
pronounced as
in
For secondary assimilations see 13, 8. a, i, and 0; c before i (which often develops to i, t; see 3, 2, b) and u. Examples are: sa- raw, Sana- gum, sa'a- to boil, saywa- blue, sayw{e)ia- belly, sarjwasagebrush; siyu- navel, siku- squirrel, siva- to whittle, siuGRAVEL, si'i- TO URINATE; SOa- TO SOUND LIKE FLOWING WATER, SOO- LUNG, SOyO- MOIST GROUND, SOpiki- BRAINS, SOr'oa- ARM-PIT, sotsi- TO peep; ni- squaw-bush, crim'^'ia- to let go, cn^nivipi- vulva, cir'i'ya- to be surprised, ci"i- blossom; cu{w)a- to eat up; nearly, cv- one, cumai- to think of, cururuin'noa- smoke-hole, cu(w)ai- to BE GLAD. These rules are only infrequently violated, e. g. caywa-, less frequent form of saywa- blue; coya- to bend, on l- tinder. Medially, both preceding and following vowel must be considered. Before a, i, and u, c regularly appears, regardless of what vowel precedes the sibilant, e. g. maa'-cayioa- brush-blue, green (contrast saywa- above), qwica- to sp.\rk, q'icavi- hawk, tjca- white, oca- carrying-basket, puc-ayai- to look for, paru'ca- Virgin River; qwac'i- to be ripe, dic'i- butterfly, y'iv"'i'c'iap'L longleaved PINE sapling, tiv^i'cira'ai- to tell a lie, tv'c'iaq am brown; ayacu- HE, Hcii- long ago, itcicu- this also, moeoi- mustache, qui lie II- giant. Only rarely does s appear before medial a, e. g. qavii' saywayatsLyanii h.wing a jack-rabbit stomach. The analvocalic position.Initially, sis
regularly used before
6648ogy
X
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIRof a simplex in sa-
may
explain
many
of these cases.if i,
Before
i,
s regularly
appears
if t
or a precedes, but c
u, or o precedes, e. g.
rock having a crack; asi- roan-colored, ii'ras l- potatoes; aicL- basket (-ct- not < -c'i-, as shown by assibilation of t to tc in aJicdcu- to make A basket, see 13, 3), ay'wicL- to sneeze {-ct- < -ci-, not -c'i-, as shown by palatalized k in plural aTj'w'i'cka-, see 13, 4); nonoct- to DREAM, true -i-, cf. plural nono'cka-); u'qu'cL^La' nock (true -i-, Of these -asi- tends to vary with less as shown by palatalized x)frequent -aci-, e. g. ta-na'ci^a- cleft in hoof (cf. pi-na'sL^a- between one's legs), tA'pa'ckai- was senseless (perhaps -a' siBefore o, s seems tends to become a'cL-, but -asi'- to remain). to be regular if a or i precedes, while both s and c have been found when precedes, e. g. pA^so'roroitc'i waterfall; pis'o- children;iump'"i'si'xax(xnii
asia- SURFACE,
qwasi- tail,
osororjwi-
to snore,is
qocov'i-
tinder.tc
The
rule
far simpler for the use ofa,'i,
and
is.
The formeri
is
regularly employed before
o,
and u; the
latter only before
then often develops toinitially
i,
see 3, 2, b).
(which These rules apply both
and medially. Examples are: tea- wrinkled, MA'tca'iatjqito reach for; tdiya- duck, itci- this; tcoi- bead, q'rtco'xwd.i' chews; tcuxwi- TO APPROACH, patcu'qu beaver; tsipi- to appear, totsiHEAD. There is a slight tendency for ts to appear before a medially and before o both initially and medially, e. g. viantsaywina- to throw DOWN SEVERAL OBJECTS; qatsoa- (also qatcoa-) top, tsoavi- shoulder. As for quality, tc and ts are not as clearly distinct as are ch and ts of English church and hats respectively, ts in particular tending to anintermediate point of articulation; tc and V, also when developed from t (seeis
probably purest before
'i
13, 3).
13.(1)
Consonantal processes.'.
Occurrence of
h,
are not due to unvoicing of(a)
Only such cases are here considered as moras (see 8).
Certain words that begin with a vowel are e. g. ai-, ^ai- TO say; demonstrative a-, ai-, '-, 'ai- (see 43), whence ani-, 'ani- to do; atci-, 'atci- BOW. Comparison with other Shoshonean dialects suggests that in part, at least, these initial aspirations are the representatives of a Shoshonean h-; e. g. aya-, less frequently 'aya- what?: Agua CalienteInitial Aspiration.
frequently heard preceded by aspiration,
haxa WHO? Initial is found also in certain interjections, e. g. 'q surprise; 'aa'ik-ivi oh! Initial does not function as a consonant,''
:
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
6749
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEhence does not prevent elision (see INDEED THOU SAYEST, not LjiR. 7); e. g. a'i Ljir 'a'zmt'
that
This sporadic development occurs (b) Developed from -s-, -c-. only medially, never in a final syllable. The -h- is strongly aspirated and seems to be particularly common after a voiceless vowel, e. g.
AcampA thee only mama"ca'ywoits' old woman qTca'pai- to sup to'ca'white pini'yw' aqucu' ywA while he notivii'still
imi'^hampA
mama" haywoitsq'l'ha'pai-
tdha'-,Vha'p'ini'rjiv'aqho'ywA
sees
(negative -rjw'n-
counts for two
moras)(c)
Inorganic
-'-.
Rarely
is
an inorganic
It voiced consonant or glottal stop. Examples are: the preceding vowel.cina'7)wa
a'iarj gin.
Weakening or loss of y. An original 7 is sometimes weakened or even entirely lost before or after an v- vowel, more often after an 'i- vowel. Vocalic contractions may then result (see Examples are: 4).to a glide'>'
na-yu'q-WL-7)q'i-
to fight
(lit.,
to
na'^u'qwL7)qi-,na'uqwLy)qi-
shoot at each otherto shoot)
ii''-^wa'" go to (another) house for grassseeds (wara-)
-yuma-
male
na{-)ya'x'%viarj'waqu together mountain-sheep buck with(obj.)
iya'vaya(6)
to fear
iya'vaxan'navii
whom youi
feared
Vocalization
of
semivowels.
The semivowels y and wand u(o).e. g.
are sometimes opened
up
to the corresponding vowels
Forms with glide -i- (5, 1) are transitional; Examples of -y- > -i- are -aia-.nampa'-yarjA naya- angerhis foot (obj.)
-aya-
>
-a{i)ya-
>
nainpa'i'arjA
+
y{a)'ai- to die ofto bei
naya'iai-
>
naya'y'aii,
angryy apparently disappears as such, fusing with
After an
the
'ani"ayoaik-fA
:
7254(7)
^
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIR
a
Simplification of consonants. Here are grouped together of consonantal simplifications or partial losses of characteristic quality, found chiefly in sentence phonetics.
number
(a)
often, -tci
Simplification of affricatives. is sometimes reduced to(t,
A-t-,
final -ts-t'
(
L
m-"pa-'
person
(absolute
7ii'yw'L,
n{7;5'a'wi/
somebody
else's
horse
niTjw'i'nts)
water (absolute pa')
paywt'aC
mud
at
bottom
water-oak; pa?)WL'a(f>C of water ( i)
foot (personal
name)
None
too frequently juxtaposition of phonetically independent
Southern Poiute, a Shoshonean Language
93
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE
75
nava'vLTjWL
nouns occurs in lieu of composition, e. g. qava'{u)xwA'ci.vdiy ami horse-tail-hair they brothers, the horse-tail-hair brothers; qava'ruwats- piya'plts- horse-child female, filly.(b)
Noun
-\-
participle
compounds.
As already remarked, suchrespectiv'ely.
compound nouns
are morphologically active or passive participles
of verbs with incorporated
nominal subjects or objects
Indeed, to only a slight extent can the verbs be freely used with the incorporated noun subjects, while participial derivatives of such verbs are very frequent. Moreover, in some cases the participle of these compounds has taken
They
function as true nouns nevertheless.
on a considerably specialized meaning, notably qafi'-Ri sitting (plural ywywL-tc'i), used in compounds to mean knoll, peak, island. Examples of compounds in which the noun is morphologically a subject of the verb implied by the participle are:qaiva-
mountain
+
avi'-tci
lying
qa'ivavitci
mountain-lying, pla-
teau,ovi-
Kaibab Plateautimber laid lowdried
wood
+
sa^ma'qa-nti- lying
ovt'sa'maqant'i
spread out w'irvi-fiaoyqov'i- dried-up tree standing qafi'-Ri sitting pa-, pa- water
on the grounda' OTfqov'iyw'imriA
+
up
tree
that was standing (obj.)
+
pa'qafiRi, paya'fiRilakes)
water-sit-
(plur. yuywt'-tc'i
ting, lake (plur. paiyv'xwdc'i)
-qafi'-Ri
sitting,
knoll,
peak,
maa'xariR'i
brush-sitting, timb-
clump, island
ered knoll,qa'ivaxafiRi
clump
of
woods;
mountain-sitting,y'iv^'i'ykafiRi
mountain peak;pine peak,
Mount Trumbull;snowfir-
niv^'a'xafiR'i snow-sitting,
covered peak; oyo'ijqwariRisitting, fir island
-nafiywin a-p'i being powerful, power-endowed
7uyw'i'nar'iywi
nap
i
person-
endowed, person endowed with unusual strength; qu'tu'cunarixwinapi. giantenperson power-endowed, dowed with gigantic power
power
iava'cu-p'i driedit
up
(
i
Examplesmuv'^i-''
nosepenis, nyi'a'{i)yayaruar'olike his penis (obj.)
pai-'vyl'a-o
blood
nC
viuv^i pi nose pdi'pi blood ufVa'pi penis, w'i'a'pLntuar'ont' like a penis (as such, not thought of as belonging to any-
one)
Ura'xua-"
center, middleof -mpi-" are:
tira'xuapi
center, middle (obj.)
Examplestarywa-'*(e. g.
toothtarjwantu- to
tatjwa'mpi
tooth
make a
tooth)
ayo-"
tongue
(e. g.
ayo'rjqwai- to
ayd'mpi
tongue
have a tongue)It should be carefully
pounded or used without other derivativethe absolutive suffixlike
noted that even when the noun is uncomsuffix, it does not takeits
when
possessor (person or object)e. g.
is
referred
to or implied elsewhere in the sentence, ayo'ni,
ni'ni a'xo
of-me tongue
not ni'ni
ayo'mpi, which would be intrinsically con-
tradictory; fina'i v'u'rainfiAi.
bottom(of
e.
being toward the bottom
(obj.) it-toward-being (obj.), something already specified).
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
131
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE(1))
113to
-t)/-",
-pi-'',
-mpi-" classificatory suffix referring chiefly
animals, topographical features, and objects (chiefly movable), less frequently persons. It is perhaps identical etymologically with (a).
These
suffixes are in
some
cases constant,
i.
e.
never dropped, in others
movable.
Examplesqi'(l)i
of -vi-"q'i'vLtii
(non-movable and movable) are:
locust,
my
locust
a7fa'''4)i
antred-ant: iA'ci'axa{)nLvi-
tA'd'aiiyo'(i>i
animaliyd'vdcuAtsiijw'i
mourning dove,wolf
mourning-dove-children
cina"a4>iclna' ywa(l>i
coyote, clna'rjwavintots-
coyote-headed, cina'ywaviyjfairattlesnake-children
to be coyotetoyo'act)!
rattlesnake: toy.yaruAtsirjw'i
ayi'4>ipo'a'(j)itira'i
mosquitolouse: po'a'ni
my
lousedesert-plain,
desert: ti'ra{i)yua-
open plainshelter
ava'(i>i
shade: ava'xanidoll
shade-house,
summer
kiywa"a(t)ipv'tsL4>idi'Lqi'ca''i
of
-vl-'
are
leg
sweat boneqi'ca'v'iarjA
(hawk's) wing,
his wing, qTca'vl4)i
(somebody's)
wingpai''YL4>L03'i.'
hair of the head: pat'.r/totsioo(i)'i
hair, pa'i'yLHi
my
hair
bone,
head-bone, skull: oo'ru- to
make a
bone, oj"ani
my
bone
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
133
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEquna'cfC sack:ora'4)'Lwatva'(f)'L
115
nyu'nA arrow-sack, quiver
pole, post
foreshaft of cane arrow, waxoa'v'inito whittle a foreshaft for a cane arrow
my
foreshaft:
wawa'-
s-ivainantsi'(i)i
scraper
made
of foreleg of deer, mants'i
v'ii
(one's)
bone
from elbow to wrist: manisi'anitTca'4>i
my
bone of forearm
uv^a'4>iAHa'4>'i
rope meat-soup:
vv^'a'ca'ai'^
boils
meat with souplittle
ssind: A^ta'RA'^qayant'i
sand-flat
yona'4>'iivta'cpi.
rocks lying around loose: yona'zanints-
gravel-house
mud, wia'vmi:
my mud:
wia'naxuqwL-
to fight with
mud
(missiles)soyo'^'i
moist ground sox^' dxant'f moist little spring (< pa-' water; for diminutive -isi- see 35) pP'i'ayA his (animal's) hair p'i'*'i'a4>i fur (of animal) pu4>i hide: pP'i^'arjA his skin (for -a- see 2, c) rabbit-skin blanket ti7)qwL'tca'a(t)'i pom'a4>'i skunk-blanket (< ponia-' skunk), poniavuru- to make a skunk-blanket fiyLa4>i tanned deer-hide (< t'iyLa-' deer) pao'7itsL(t)'i hair-wrapping beaver band (< paonisi-" beaver)pa'vlts:
t'iv^'i' (pi.
hide (owned by one),skin)
t'iv^'i-'v^'ini
my
hide (owned by me;
not
my own
ExamplestA'^pa"ap'i
of -pi'-' are:
stockings, socks
qiracCap'iqwi'{y)a'p-'itA^si'p'i
water-jar stopperfence
flint, tA^ SL
pu^
grass: oxwi'axai- to be grassy (but also oxt^'i-'viaxdi- to
have grass)ao'yqocpi.
dried-up tree, ao' rjqov'iani
my
dried-up tree
wiiiqana'(t>iciya'i
milkweed: WL\'tTca4>iwillow: qana'rV
milkweed rope canyon-mouth bordered by willowssagebrush-singer
quaking aspsagebrush: saywauiayatifiscrub oak: qwLya'fina4>i bulrushleaf
sai]wa'4>Lqwiya'ito'oi'(f)Ltla'L
oak-stump
service-berry bush
narjqamqa'o'4>'i.
('i
an arrow)
stump (perhaps
related to fma'4>i bottom, see a above)to
qo''co'4>i
tinder, slow-match, qj'co'vuru-
prepare a slow-match
of cedar-bark
See also
-mpi-4)'i
berry-bush under -mpi-^
(c).
Exampleswa'a'p'C(iv^a'p'i
of -p'i-' are:
cedar: wa'a'mpi cedar-berry, wa'a'pats- cedar-spring
pinon:
tiv'^a-^
pine-nut
'ina'picia'p'i
cedar-like tree: 'ina'tiaywisapling, oyo'cLap'i
apron of ina' p
i-
bark
fir-sapling: cia'piai
tree-sap
so'vLpL Cottonwood: co'vmuqwLnt'i cottonwood-stream moywa'p'C cedar-bark: moywa'qani cedar-bark wickiup
Examplesoyo'mp'iA'qi'mp'i
of -tnpi-' are:
fiv.oyo'ntava'ats-
fir-chipmunksunflower seedscactus-spines
sunflower-plant: a^'i-"long-leafed pine:
tACi'mpiyivH'vip'ibull
barrel-cactus clump: tA'ci'in-^ana^ii
yWi'ykanRi pine-mountain, Mt. Trum-
yu'a'vLmpls qu'mp'i
opuntia: yu'a'L
owned
as house {-ya- objective);{-tsi-
own
cave (obj.)
diminutive; -a-
objective;
-(/>!,
40, 4)
Possessive -a-
may
also be used with causative -tui- ( 29,
12)
to form verbs indicating totiimp^i' Atiip'iya"
cause to have so and
so,
e. g.
qan
L
Atuip'iya
narjqa' Adiip'iya
caused (it) to ha\e stones caused (it) to have houses cau.sed (it) to have branches-a-
For possessive
combining with \erbalizing2(5,1,
-kai-
to have into
-ayai- (participle -ayanfi-), see
b;
for possessive -a- after
past passive participial(b) -rjwa-, -rj'wa-.
-p'i-,
see 3, b below.like -a-,
These elements are used very much
occurring both before possessive pronominal enclitics and verbalizing They do not -kai- TO have, not, however, before causative -(ui-.
seem
to be used after classificatory -pi-' (1, d
and
e),
but
may
be
directly
appended
to
noun stems.
Examplesin
of -i)wa- are:
pa'i'ijwani
myis
blood (absolute pa'i'pi;
possessive forms of this
no\m
-rjwa-
always used)
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
139
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEu{w)ir)wayant'i
121
pan-a'qar'ui7)wayant'i
canyon-possessive-having, canyon money -become ( 26, 1, g)-possessive-having,
one who has moneyquna'ywaxaiyup'i'yafire
fire-possessive-have-momentaneous- past, gotperson-wife-deprive-past pass, partic.
mmpL tjwaridcarjwapirjwaxaiYUwife)
( 25, 5, a)-possessive-have-subordinating, while
having1,
(as his
own
somebody
else's
wife taken
away (by him)( 26,
niv'^a'\i'r)wa{uintL7)xoani(
snow-rain-become
g)-present ptc.
25, 6, a)-possessive-my,
snow belonging
to
me
(snow-raining
=
snow)
Examples of -tj'wafrom -ywa-) are:tump^i'rfwarjA
(it is
not clear how,
if
at
all, it differs
in
usage
his rockhis
ma' xar'ir"i7)waii)yar)Aqa'ntuintLrj'warjA
clump
of trees (obj.)( 25, 6, a)-
sing-become ( 26, 1, g)-present ptc. possessive-his, song belonging to him
Both
-rjwa-
of one of a
WHO
is
and -rfwa- are used particularly to indicate possession group by the group (e. g. our leader = that one of us leader). This includes adjectival participles indicating(e. g.
selection
the good one
of several).
Examples
are:
rua'vLij'waraijWA our chief; qaniayanfiA nia-'virfwA house-possessive-
having-obj. chief-possessive, village's chief
ampa'xafiy'wam'i
talker- possessive-their, their talker; qani'ayanti
ampa'xafiy'iVA village's main speaker ava'i'iyw'ayw'urjiVA big-present ptc. ( 25, 6, a)-possessive-animate plur.- their (anim.), their big ones (anim.), those of them (anim.)that are big"'a't-'iywaywla'ayWAtheir, the(iv'^itc
good-present ptc. -possessive-animate plur.-obj.obj.)
good ones (anim.
atir)wa{iyyaq-WA very good-present ptc. -obj. -their (inan.), a very good one of them (inan.)(c)
used to indicate possession, chiefly of body-parts, that In other words, it is suffixed to nouns indicating objects (or persons) that do often occur disconnected in experience (e. g. saliva, bone, skin) but are
-a-
is
is
inherent without being strictly inalienable.
thought of as indissolubly connected.
Examples
are:
140122do" am
X
Southern Paint c and Ute
SAPIR
my
bone
(i.
e.
bone of
my own
body);3j'''t
'^i
sinewt'iyi'ayoo'"
deer-fat-possessive, fat of deer: absolute yoo'i
cedar-ber-
ry-crusher, spermophile
marina-
to chase
n'iyw'i'jnarinacf)!
man-chaser,
lizard
(sp.)
;
142124
X
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIR7iaya'nr)(p,4>i
naya'nyqri- to dodge no- to carry on one's back ampaxa- to talktonato puncli
dodgerman-carrier, roctalker
nir)w'i'no-'4>i
ampa'x(i4>i
hna'virjkalp-'i
one who used to
be a puncher
Examplestarja-
of agentive -mpi-" are:
to kick
taija'mpi
kicker
ororjwi-
to grunt, growl
oro'ijwunpi
grunter
activities.
Agentives are used to refer only to permanent (quasi-occupational) Temporary or casual agentives are expressed by means
of active participles (see 6 below).(2)
Instrumental-?ii-" (see
-ninipi-, -u'lmpi-.
This
suffix
is
compounded
of usitative
30, 11)',
and passive
participial -p'i- (see below)
-n'impi- has accessory53, 2, a, 3).-nimp'i-
There seems-n'hnp'C-.
to be
perhaps of momentaneous significance ( no clear difference of function between
and Examples
of instrumental -nimp'i- are:
yV'ixi-
to swallowtosit,
yL'i'xinimpLqafi' n'impi
swallower, throat
qafl-
ride horsebackto cover
saddle
wTqa'vi'miyum')nuxu'itsqivan'notA'cin'm-
puLTjwTqam^ minim piiayu'm^m uxwDiim pi spurtsqioa'n'nonomp'itA\''in7unimp'iin cup-and-ball
eye-covfoot-poker,
erer, blinder (for a horse)
to
poke
to stir
up (mush)
mush-stirrer
to play cup-and-ball
rabbit-head used
with a rabbit's head
game
ExamplesiyaUrjwa-
of -n'impi- are:7nov^i''iX(m' nimp'i
to enter
nose-en terer,house-closer,
bit
and bridle
to closeto stretch out (a skin)
qaju'ntdywq' n'impi
doorTta'-
Vta'n' n'impi
hide-stretchingbeater,
frame
kwipapA'qa-
to beatto kill, to guess the rightin the
kwi'pa'7i''imp'i
shinnyis
stick
pA^qa'n' nimp'i bone that
to be
bone
hand-game
guessed in the hand-game
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
143
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE
125
Onis
the whole it seems that the action in instrumentals in -n'lmyiconceived of as momentaneous, in those in -n'imp'L- as durative.
Verbal nouns in -na- are freely (3) Verbal noun in -na-. formed from all verbs and often appear in syntactic combinations. More often than not, a verbal noun in -na- is used with a possessive pronoun, often in a subjective or objective relative sense. When a Futures tense suffix is absent, it refers to present or general time. in -va-na- (cf. 32, 4) and perfectives in -qai-n-a- (cf. 32, 3) are also very common. In the case of transitive verbs, the action is to be thought of as passive rather than active, e. g. ampa'yanani my talkNevertheless, the matter of voice does ing, WHAT IS SAID BY ME. not seem to be clearly defined in -jva- forms. Examples are:ni'ni no' nam
me
carying-my,
my
pack
nltjw'i'Ruqivatuywaq anararjWA
person-under- to-plural subj. -verbal
noun- our, our going under a person, our being beaten w'a'ymani- %ir 'a'i'nirjucampA shouting-their it silent-become-but, but their shouting became silenttD'o'iv'C'oran'narjw
am
bulrush-digging-his
it,
the bulrushes he digs
(dug) upni' o-'pa' atu'van-L
imi a'i'nami
I
thus do-shall thee saying-thy, Ihis being
shall
do as you sayeat-future-verbal noun-hisit,
iTqa'van'aTjw u'reat, for
about to
him
to eat
nqno'c-ivarvani
ngno'cjcainani
what I shall dream what I dreamt
my a
ui vuruijuqwainani that-one do-resultative wounded7) 'ani'ka make-momentaneous-perfective-verbal noun-my, that one it is whom I have wounded
Cases of -na- as noun-forming or adjective-forming derivative without clear verbal force are uncommon, e.g.:
uru"anA being, propertyvxiyo'D^paqlnAava"''?iA
L)
tumpa-
mouth
tumpa"ya'pounds,e.
mouthg.:
of
canyon
(apparently found only in com-
mouth
of rabbit-bush
squ'rumpa'ya canyonoa'i-
< squ'-mpi rabbit-bush; tumpaiiYya' mouth of canyon < oa- salt)(e)
salt-
Isolated elements.
There are a few elements that(or
may
beis
recognized as noun suffixes
stereotyped
compounded stems),
but to which no definite meaning can be assigned. x\mong these -n'narjqa- (cf. perhaps narjqa- ear-ornament) in bird nouns:qiri'n'narjqats-
sparrow-hawk
ova'n'naijqA
goose
-q-wa-(tsL-) occurs in:
AHa'qwots-
crow
(cf.
parallel AHa'p'its)
-tea- occurs in:
V'qwa'tsats-
small spider
(cf.
u'^qwa'mpi tarantula)
Two distinct suffixes of closely related (5) Passive Participles. meaning are frequently employed in Paiute to express the passive It is difficult to say just what difference participle, -pi- and -p'i-. of meaning there is between these elements, though they are not used interchangeably. On the whole, -pi- seems to have a more substantival force, -p'i- a more truly participial one; it would beincorrect to press this point, however.tenseless
Moreover, -pi-
is
primarilye.
except
when preceded byis
specific
tense elements,
g.
future -va-\ -p'iare naturallv far
always preterital. Both may be formed from intransitive stems, though derivatives formed from transitive verbs
more common.
:
146128(a)
^
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIR-pi- passive participle.
Examples
are:
saa- to boil ayani- how? to do
sa'a'pi(be) in
what
is
boiled,
mush
what
qatcu"qw aya'ni-kai'pini. naia'varjwq'"
way?
not-it
how-do-perfec-
tive-passive partic.-like seem-
negative,to be glad
it
does not look as
cu{w)ainon-oci-
though capable of handling cu{w)a'ipi (some one's) beingglad
to
dream
tavi-
to hit, plur. subj. tavi-ka-
nono'cLpi what is dreamt, dream (as noun) iavi'kamipi who are (were) al-
tixwina- tot'l'qa-
tell
a story
ways hit tixwr'napit'l'qa'vapi
to eat
what is told, story what shall (always)drunk,ivi'-
be eatenimto drink
ivi'piJf-aipi
something
what
was
evidently
ampaya-
to talk
narjqa'p'iya
drunk (by someone) ampa'xApiA heard talked (obj.), heard some onetalking
cvpar'ua- several gather together
cv'par'uapi gathered-together,gathering place
A
considerable
numbere. g.
of
nouns referring to games are passive
participles in -pi-,
naiarjwi'ini'pintu-
to play the
hand-gameghost, to
naiaywipi hand-game'ini'pintupi
to
make a
ghost-making game
play at ghostsmavo'xoito
make
a pile of dirt
mavo'xoipof dirt
i
game
of
making
piles
(b) -p'i-
past passive participle.
Examplessa'tna'p-'i
are:
sa'ma- to spread out (a blanket,sheet)
out, cover onis
having been spread which something
puthaving been wrapped
wi'tca'-
to
wrap about
wiHca'p'i
about, band
:
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
147
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEno- to carry on one's backai-
129
no'p'C
carried
on one's back,saythat-
packto saya'ip'iaT)
o'pac- ani'p'iya"partic.-obj.-his
passive
nayqa-
to hear
way-again it-did, it happened as he had said mai'm imi narjqa'qaip'i'mi thatthy thee hear-perfective-passive partic.-thy, that (is) thy heard, that is what you heardpirjwa'xvnip lywAhis,
qimi-
to take
wif e-taken-
ora-
to dig
up
whom he had taken as wife ora'p'ini my having-been-dug,something thatI
dug long agoit
qwA'ciqwiicasi'i-
to be ripe
qWA'cl'p'iaq-Aripe
ripened-it,
(is)
to defecate
qwitca'pisi'i'p'i
excrement
to urinate
urine
Several nouns referring to ceremonials, dances, and games arereally past passive participles in -pi-,e. g.
ki{y)a-
to play,
dance a round
ki{y)a'p'i
round dancejackrabbit-re-
dance-tiv^'C-
to lead
away
qavi'i' nafiv^'C p- i
ciprocal-lead away-passive par-
yaya-
to cry
tu'u'yi'Ni^qa-
to
dance the scalp
which each tries from others yaya'p'i having been cried, mourning ceremony tu'u'n'Ni'qap'i scalp dancetic,in
game
to
head
off rabbits
dance
cipial suffix
The primary form of the active partiunpreceded by a tense element, it refers to present time or, particularly in secondary substantival uses, is tenseless. Participles of explicitly temporal reference may be formed from the present participle by prefixing appropriate temporal suffixes to -fi-". Animate plurals are formed by suffixing -m'i- ((6)
Active participles.is -ti-".
When
48,
1,
a), e. g. -rim'i-.{-tc'i-"-
(a) Present participle: -r'i-" -^^-", -nit-'*.
after
i;
-ntci-" after nasal
+
i),
Examples
are:
148130ti'qa-
X
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIRto eat
tTqa'mnia'Ri
eating
ivi'-ka-'Tiia-
several drink
ivi'k arim'i
those drinking
to
blowto run
blowing, wind; nia'fintT-
qAqa'fi-'
awayto understand
pu'tcu'icuywa-'to drink
ivi-"
tcarfw'i'kiqwa' (a)i-'
to die
ofi"
avi-'
to
lie
ani-'ai-'
turned into wind runs away thou i'mi pu'tcu'tcuywar'iqwA (art) understanding-it drinking ivi'tci tcaywCkiqwa' (a)itci[m^'iA those dying off (obj.) avi'tc'i lying, plateau ani'ntci doing so, anim. plur.qay'wi'p'iyaq.Cqa'riRi one
who
ani'ntcim^'ito say to bea'intc'i
saying, sayer ( 13, 3)
"'a-o
goodnot to sleep
"'a't'i
goodone who does notfire
A^pi'iywa'ai-"
A'pLiywa'aitisleepna'a'inti
na'ai-"
to
burn
burning,
-mi-"-r'ui-^
usitativeto
a' imint'im'i
those saying
becometo flow
tuywa'r'uinti
becoming night
NVqwi-"*
NU'qwi'nii;
flowing, stream 26, 1, a, b.
For(b)
-A;ani pi'pi'tc'ip'iya
house-at-own arrived, (he) arrived at hisranoff
own housepatci'yiv'aicpiC
toyo'qwip'iya
ya'a'iqwo'aivatherewith, letUv"'i' p-'inqayav
yaya'nav um^a'narjqwA
with his own daughter let-(him)-die crying-own(
him"'u'ra
die with his crying
land-possessed-plural
48, 2)-obj.-own
it-
toward, towards theiri'mi pu'{"')i'ya(f>X
own
lands
w'itu'v^uaqaiva
thou eye-obj.-own cover-shall,pa{i)yu'riupiyaI
your\V
shall cover
your eyesthere-again that
mava'ac-
ari'.-t tlrjqci ni.xiiatsia4>'i
(inan. obj.) cave-owned-little-obj.-own returned, I returned therein that
same
little
cave of mine
Explicitly plural (or dual) forms of the third person reflexive possessive are also found; they are
compoundedtheoretical
of -am'i-'. .
their
(vis.)
or-'
.
.
.???t-
THEIR. .
(inv.)
and.
-I't-,.
.w'tVi- appearing,
however, as
-'
.mov'i-,
.mauvi-.
Examples
are:
qani'vdntuxwa''m'i(f)L
to their
pur)qu'tsiami4>ipor.~)'m'ai)iau4>L,
their (2)-mo(f)L
own house own dear horse (obj.) with their (2) own canes
(cf.
porj' )iia{u)4>i
with his own cane); poro' q {w)ama{'^)mnu4ii (for -qa- see 48, 2)Explicitly dual formsof
with their
own canesmade by
the reflexive possessive are
:
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
207189
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGEcompounding -v'i- with animate dual -' OWN. This form, as contrasted with -' shows clearly that third person animateis. .. .
.//it-:
-vi''iin'i-
their 2. .
.
.
.mov't- discussed above,-'
plural invisible
.m'i-
not identical with animate dual -' .m'i-, though it seems sometimes to intercross it in usage. Examples of -v'C'im'i- are:7iava'(f)itsLr)io
ami
yu'a'p'iyaiA'^qa'vH
tu^cu'iiayA
i)i{ij)a' {i)yav'L'im'i
two-brothers they carried-it (vis.)-dual grinding-her mother-obj.own-dual; the two brothers carried what she, their (2) mother,
grounduv'^'a"am'L
qarV p'iyaaimi qani'aijiVA pi{y)a' {i)yavi'i)ni qani'vcV (inv.) stayed-dual house-objective-her mother-obj.own-dual house-at; there they 2 stayed (at) her house, at their (2) mother's housethere-they(5)
Pleonastic
forms.
Doubleis
(or
even
more
frequent)
Examples of the repetition of the subjective or objective pronoun, both pronouns enclitic or one enclitic and the other independent, have occurred in preceding lists. There is a marked tendency for the objective enclitic pronoun to attach itself to the verb even if it isexpression of pronominal elements
very
common
in Paiute.
elsewhere expressedenclitic subject
in
the sentence;
in
transitive
sentences
the
seems to be normally attached to the verb only in combination with the enclitic object ( 41, 2, a). Particularly characteristic is the employment of enclitic posscssives together with genitives (i. e. objectives) of the corresponding independent pronoun, e. g.ni'riLA yavi'ismi
me
my-elder brother
viarja'iA paa'arjA
him his-aunt(ol)j.)
pi' %ds(.r)' w'iin ivii'A pigs-thy thee, thy pigs thee aunt-obj.-thy, thy aunt ivii'A paa'i'ami
Pleonasmenclitic.
is
abundantly illustrated alsoalso
in
nouns, which are oftenl)een
anticipated or redundantly referred to by pronouns, independent or
Of such usagesis
examples have already
given.
Particularly frequentas equivalent of
the occurrence of an objective enclitic pronoun
of the third person withi
an objective noun, e. g. i see-it house (obj.) see house (obj.). In genitive constructions this is almost the rule, e. g. paa'iaijA qam'ayA aUi\t-obj.-his house-iier, his aunt's house; also paa'id tja qani.(6)
Combinations of independent
and enclitic pronouns.
:
:
:
208190
A'
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIR
Independent and enclitic pronouns are often combined into a single phonetic group or "word," the independent or enclitic element being Thus, instead of saying i'vii yA'qa'either subjective or objective. jjunipa 71 larjA thou kili^will-him, one can attach objective -arjAto ivii-: imi'arjA pA^qn'ijumpa
ni thou-him kill-will.
The
follow-
ing types of combination occur:(a)
Independent subject
+
enclitic object, e. g.
ni"'imi pA'qa'ijuvipanL
I-thee kill-shall
m'yumi mgi'mparjumin'i'ayA pu^tcn'tcurywaV
I-you (plur.) lead-will-you I-him (vis.) knowI-preterit-him (inv.)drink, I've drunkit
n'i'xwa'arjiVA pA'qa'rjun'i'aq- ivi'rju
kill,
I killed
him
I-it (vis.)
ni'ami qoxo"iva'' I-them (vis.) will kill iami'aijA pA'^qq'umpa^ we 2 (inclus.)-himiar]wa" aijwa!'^ mama'ivnnijn2,
(vis.) will kill
we
(inclus.)-him (inv.)-perhaps ( 19,
n)
find
(distributively)-future-dubitative,
we
(inclus.)
might
find
himthou-me wiltkill
imini pA'qq'uvipavi'im^ifyarjAto'nA
ivn'\r)WA pA'qq'umpa" you will
him (inv.) you (plur.)-dual imperati\'e punch! you 2 pimch him!kill
(
52)-him
(vis.)
u'u'rjwani'ami tiriLarjqiqa'aimithee,it
he (inv.)-like-thee tell-to-perfective-
seems that he has been telling you UTjwa'c'vqWA qatcu""qiVA p'ini'naipVa''^ he (inv.)-it (inv.) not-it (inv.) see-negative-past, he did not see it they (vis.)-preterit-it (vis.) forget-it inam'i'nicaqA yA'ci'm'^'iaq-A(vis.),
they forgot
it
A variant of this type is that in which the independent and enclitic pronouns are both subjective, the independent pronoun being usedpredicatively,e.
g.
imi'ntcii'aq-A n'i'niA p\T]wa'ntuywnqainanuini(vis.)
thou-interrogative-it
whom-depending-on-perfective-verbal noimlike-my, it is not you on whom I have l)een depending (for use of "it" as equivalent of substantive verb, see 56, 3)(b)
me (= my)
Independent object (possessive)
+
enclitic subject, e.
g.
ni'nio! pujwa'ruv^'anLanl
me-thou wife-makc-will-me, you
will
marry
me
:
:
:
Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language
209191
SOUTHERN PAIUTE, A SHOSHONEAN LANGUAGE
me (= my)-he (vis.) talking-my ni'ruay avipa'xanani nayqa'qa' hear; he hears my talking, me talking thee-I first-sho\e-will-thee, I'll imi'ani yiam'i'maijWLcava'avii shove you (in) first imi'dijWA pA'^qq'umpa' thee-he (inv.) will kill aya'tAcuani pintka' him-a- ( 19, 3, a) -I see, I savi' himmano'qkilled,y,m"''i"a7nL qw^'d'ip'i-ya^all
(obj.)
them
(invis.)-they (inv.)
they killed
all
of
themis
A
special variety of this type
that in which the independent
objective functions as the subject of a subordinate clause, the enclitic
subject as the subject of the main clause,
e.
g.
m'niantcaijA tTqa'ximi yaya'x-A me-preterit-he eat-while-me cry (momentaneously) while I was eating, he began to cry {-ntca-ijA is logically cut loose from yaya'xA, while ni'nia- anticipates -ni of;
tTqa'xiini)
imi"aqwA naya'i'aiRamwould(the) earth
axa'n'Ni fiv'^Lp'i
t'i^qa'Tj'wLXo''if-'.
thee-it (inv.)
get-angry- when-theehow earth appear-would?
you get angry, how.
appear?
{imia- anticipates
.m,
-
.
.
.qWA
anticipates Uv^ip-'i)(c)
Independent object
-\-
enclitic object.
The
firstits
objecte.
mayg.
be
the subject of a subordinate clause, the second
object,
taijwa'{iyyaqWA mama'aik-A us
(inclus.)-it (inv.) find (distributively)-
when, when we find
it
him (inv.)-it (inv.) that-doUTjwa'iAcu'qWA ni^a'ni-tiikaqurjWA causative-perfective-when-him (inv.), when he has caused to doit
{uywa'iA-cu- anticipates
-'. .
.ijwa)(vis.)-it (vis.)it
mavi'i' Acuaq- A
novikaiu)x-u them plural-when, when they coveredfirst
cover (with bark)-
with bark be the logical object, the seconde. g.
Or, conversely, the
object
may
the logical subject of the subordinate clause,'i'tciararjiVA
mama'aik-^Afind this
this
(inan.
obj.)-us
(inclus.)
find-when,
when weStill
other combinations are possible,
e.
g.
independent possessive
-f object:
imi"ar)wa'
a'ikainA thee having said (about) him
(=
thy)-him
(inv.)
having-said,
thy
210192 41.
X
Southern Paiute and Ute
SAPIR
Combinations of
enclitic
pronouns.
F^nclitic pronouns are often combined, the union of two such pronouns being extremely common, that of three not at all rare. The order of elements is rigidly determined by form, not by function (e. g. The resulting -a-rjani- he-me, i-him, i-his, his-me, my-him, he-my).
theoretical ambiguities are generally resolved
by the
context, partic-
ularly as the pleonastic usages already referred to ( 40, 5) give opportunity for further limitation of the syntactical possibilities.
Thus, n'C -ayani can only mean i-him or i-his; -aijani -ni (verb form) can hardly mean anything but he-me. The following table gives a survey of combinations of two enclitic pronouns; the horizontal entries As a rule the pronominal eleare subjec