school transitions: jeopardy or wheel of fortune?
TRANSCRIPT
What Research Says Vincent A. Anfara, Jr., Editor
School Transitions: Jeopardy or Wheel of Fortune? Vincent A. Anfara, Jr., & Jesse Beaumont Schmld
Our lives are marked by transitions. These include navigating the move from home to school, from elementary school to middle school, from middle school to high school, and from high school to college. Beyond college, the world of work and, eventually, retirement await. These transitions, among others, are part ofthe normative events experienced in the progression to adulthood. They are, typically, major events that are accompanied by some level of stress, anticipation, and anxiety. However, in addition to the stress, transitions usually open doors of opportunity for discovery and positive growth.
As they transition to the middle grades, 88% of public school students experience a transition from an elementary school to a middle school (National Middle School Association 8c National Association of Elementary School Principals, 2002). W riting more than three decades ago about the transition from elementary school to junior high, Hamburg (1974) stated:
It has been clear for some time that the entry into junior high school probably represents the most abrupt and demanding transition of an individual's entire educational career. This Is a crisis period that has important educational as well as personal consequences, (p. 23)
For this column in the What Research Says series, we focus on what is known about school transitions and their effects, both positive and negative, on
young adolescents. We start with definitions and characterizations and then review the research. We conclude with some advice to practitioners and policymakers. Readers will notice the references to both middle schools and junior highs. It is not our intent to appear inconsistent or to confuse readers, but much of the research reviewed in this article was conducted at a time when junior highs were still quite popular on the educational landscape and advocates (e.g., Carnegie Council on Adolescent De\elopment, Turning Points, 1989; National Middle School Association, This We Believe, 1982) of the "new" middle school had not yet authored their position statements.
Definitions and characterizations The American Herita^Dictionary (1982) defines transition as "the process of changing from one form, state, activity, or place to another." More specifically, academic transition is defined as "a process during which institutional and social factors influence which students' educational careers are positively or negatively affected by this movement between organizations" (Schiller, 1999, pp. 216-217). It is also defined as the movement from "one state of certainty to another with a period of uncertainty in between" (Schilling, Snow, 8c Schinke, 1988, p. 2). School transition research began with the pioneering efforts of Blyth, Simmons, and their colleagues in the public schools of Milwaukee in the
This article reflects the following This We Believe characteristics: An inviting, supportive, and safe environment — School-wide efforts and policies that foster health, weiiness, and safety — Muitifaceted guidance and support services
X)l JoLiin>.il SeptemI
1970s (Blyth, Simmons, & Bush, 1978; Sitninons & Blyth. l!>87; Sitiimons, Blvth, VanCleave, & Bttsh. 1979).
rrausitionitig is characterized iu numetous ways in the literature. It has been called a "time both of opportunity and risk" (Ladd 8c Price, 1987, p. 1187). "an inipot tant lite event for early adolescents" (Berndt He Mekos, 1995, p. 123), "inherently sttessful" (Bertidi & Mekos, p. 124), "a rite of passage" (EUas, 2001, p. 1), atid
"double jeopatdy as stttdents make the transition ftotn elementary to tniddle school and then experience a second ttansition to high school" (Seidman, Allen, Abet, Mitchell, & Feinman, 1994, p. 508). Those who research this topii are actttely aware that transitions expose sittdents to "adaptational challenges that tap their coping skills" (Elias, Gara, 8c Ubriaco, 1985, p. 112) and (hai transitiotis "create flux in children's social systems" (Ladd &• Price, p. 1187), which tend to "destabilize tnany students" (Elias, p, 1).
What research says Mu( ll ol ilu' leseaich ou transitions has detnonstrated that students experience decteases in academic achievement, motivation, self-esteem, and connectedness to thf school commtuiity. This "risky etideavor" is also associated with itu reases itt behavior problems and jjsychoiogical distress. Some researchers have offered reasotis for the negative effects of school transitiotiing, such as the mismatch between the ecology of the school and yotnig adolescents' developtuental needs. Eccles, Vlidgley, and Adler (1984) noted that the nature ofthe tiansitioti is important and extensively examined the qttality of tbe school etivirontuetit.
Other researchers have argued that the timing ofthe transition is important and that a similar ttansition a few \eai s later, "after the individual has developed a mote rnatttre sense of who he or she is would be less disrtiptive" (Blyth, Simmons, & Carlton-Eord, 1983, p. 106). We turn < )tu- attention, now, to examine these issues.
Ecology of school For more tluui three decades, researchers bave sitidied how the social enviionmeitt contributes to the developtuentof psychosocial, psychiatric, and physical disorders (see Bronfenbrenner, 1979). One fine of research suggests that the environment ofthe school and classroom is tesponsible for the decline in stitdeut lunctioning following a tratisitiou. Eccles, Wigfield, and associates (1993) suggested that there is a "tnismatch
between characteristics ofthe classroom environment in traditional middle giade schools and early adolescents' developtnental levels" (p. 553). In another article, Eccles, Midgley, and their associates (1993) characterized the middle school as "developmentally regressive in striictttres and conditions" atid noted that these strttcttnes and conditions were "directly contradictory to the psychological needs of students progressing through adolescetice" (p. 92).
Students experience many changes in their school etivirotitnent associated with tlie transition from elementary to middle school, and much concern has beeu focused on whether the organization of the junior high or middle school exacerbates the difficult acljustntents confronting yotttig adolescents. Competition, social comparison, and ability self- assessment can be hat niful to young adolescents at a time of heightened self-focus. Student perceptions of the quality of school life decline as they progress from elemetitary to middle schools (Diemert, 1992). The goals (if elementary schools teud to be task oriented, whereas the goals of tniddle schools tetid to ibcits on performance (Midgley, Anderman, & Hicks, 1995).
Because middle school teachers tend lo have students for shorter periods of time, the student-teacher relationship changes frotn elementary to middle school (Feldlaufer, Midgley, & Eccles, 1988; Miller, 1983; Offer, 19fi9). This dimitiished opp<jrttinity to establish a meaningfttl relationship with either teachers or peers tiiay be particularly detrimental since this may also be a titne of peak conflict with parents (Miller, 1983; Offer, 1969). Also a.ssociated with the change in student- teacher relationships is a chatige from small-group and itidividual instruction to whole-class instruction. Middle grades teachers are less likely to helieve studenls are trustworthy and to grant them autonomy (see Brophy & Evertson, 1978; Eccles 8c Midgley, 1989), are less personal and more conttolling (Hoy, 1968), and require lower levels of cognitive skills than stttdenis pt eviotisly were required lo demonstrate (Eccles, Midgley, et al., 1993; Rounds 8c Osaki, 1982; Simmons, Burgerson, Carlton- Fotd,& Blyth, 1987).
School connectedness/Sense of belonging Researchers have documented studetit reports of feeling alone and having difficulty tnakinjr friends (Mizelle, 1995; Wells, 1996). A sense ofbelongitig may be particularly valuable at school during times of transition
What Research Says 61
Alspaugh and Harding found achievement loss due to transitioning at grades five, six, seven, and eight.
(Steinberg, 1991). Studies of resiliency in childhood identify a strong sense of belonging as key to effective coping and the confidence that changes and disruptions in life will turn out well. This kind of resiliency is in stark contrast to the "learned helplessness" that hampers coping and is present in students experiencing serious psychological and social problems.
Osterman (2000) linked school connectedness to academic achievement, social and personal attitudes, and participation in school. Eccles, Midgley, and their associates (1993) indicated that school engagement might serve as a protective factor against transitional problems. Research demonstrates that extracurricular paT ticipaiion has the potential to influence students' sense of belonging and promote positive academic and psvchosocial ontcomes. Engaged students show more positive perceptions of competence, autonomy, and relatedness in the school (Connell, Halpern-Felsher, Clifford, Crichlow, 8c Usinger, 1995). They are also less likely to drop out and be involved in delinquent behavior (Mahoney, 2000).
Issues of disconnectedness may be exacerbated for poor and minority students. Ford (1993) and Steele (1992) noted that school transitions may challenge the academic success of poor and minority students who are more likely to feel unconnected to an environment whose culture seems irreconcilable to their own. Therefore, the need for stable and enduring bonds with caring adults are especially important for these students.
Academic motivation E( cles (Eccles. Midgley, & associates, 1993; Eccles, Wigfield, 8c associates, 1993) studied how school and classroom environmental factors in traditional middle schools related to changes in students" motivation. They noted that for some students, young adolescence marks the beginning of a downward spiral in motivation and school-related behaviors. This dowtiward spiral often leads to academic failure and dropping out of school. Several investigators have found general developmental declines in many ofthe motivational constructs including interest in school (Epstein 8c McPartland, 1976), intrinsic motivation (Harter, 1981), self-concepts
of ability (Eccles. Midglev, 8c Adler 1984). and self- esteem (Simmons & Blyth, 1987; Simmons, Blyth, VanCleave, & Bush, 1979).
Simmons and her colleagues (Simmons, Blyth, VanCleave, &: Bush, 1979: Simmons, Burgerson, Carlton- Ford, & Blyth, 1987) suggested that the- declitie in motivation occurs because ofthe intersection of two major tran.sitions: puberty and changing schools. The belief is that coping with multiple transitions is more difficult than coping with onh one. In uddiessing the issue of motivation, Eccles, Wigfield, and their associates (1993) found that. "Declines In motivation often assumed to be characteristic ofthe early adolescent period are less a consequence of students' developmental stage than ofthe mismatch between students' needs and the opportunities afforded them in traditional middle grade schools' (p. 567).
Academic performance Aispaugh (1998) explored ihe nature of achievement loss with school-to-school transitions from elementary to middle school and middle school to high school, and found a stati.stically significant achievement loss associated with the ttansition from elementary scliool tu middle school at sixth grade. The transition achievement loss was larger when students from multiple elementary schools were merged into a single middle sclio<il (called a "pyramid transition"). Additionally, students who attended middle schools experienced a greater achievement loss when they transitioned to high school (9th grade) than did their K-8 counterparts.
Alspaugh and Hurting (1995) iound achievement loss due to transitioning at grades five, six, seven, and eight. But they found that the achievement scores in reading, mathematics, science, and social studies tended to recover to their pre-tiansition levels in the year following the tratisition. Finally, Simmons, Black, and Zhou (1991) reported ihat while the grades of all students on average declined iiltei" the middle school transition, the grades of African American students "plummeted."
Self-esteem and self-perception Sotue tesearchets have studied the effects of school itansitions on the self-esteem of young adolescents. They loinid declines in student self-perception and self-esteem associated with the transition from elementary to middle school (Seidman, Allen, Abet, Mitchell, &: Feintiian, 1994; Wigheld, Eccies, Mac Iver, Rueman, ik Midgley, 1991).
Early studies documented a decline in self-esteem at the time of transitioning to junior high (Piers & Harris, 1964; Simmons. Ro.senberg. 8c Rosenberg, 1973). These sttidies also doctttiiented the highest level of self-consciousness among students between the ages of 12 and 14. Simmons, Blyth, VanCleave, and Bush {1979) found that girls who entered junior high .school suffered a declitie in seU-esteetii, especially if they had early onset of puberty and dating. Girls who were in K-8 SCIKMJI etivirotitiietits did not report k>wer self-esteem, sttggesting that the decline was an etivironmental rather than a developmental effect. This decline in self- esteem was limited to white females, while white males aud African American males and females all reported ituieases in self-esteem associated with ihe ttansition. Students who receive lower grades or fail tests early after t he transition tnay experietice a drop in their academic scll-efhcacy (Grahatn, 1997).
Thornbutg and Jones (1982) compared students who moved to a new school for sixth grade to those who did nol transitioti. They fottnd that stttdents who tiioved III a tiew s( hool had lower self-esteem, but by the seventh grade there were no significant differences between the t;roups Ihat did or did not make the transition. On the other hand, Nottehnanu (1987) found that self-esteem was higher iti students who transitiotied frotit grade live to six and six to seven than for those students who did nol ttansition. Petersen, Ebata. and Graber (1987) discoveted that sttidetits who made two consecutive transitions experienced gt-eater long-tertn gains in self-esteem than stitdents who made a single transition ftom fifth to sixth or sixth to sevetith grade. Discttssing these confoittiditig tesuits, Eccles, Midgley, and their associates (1993) noted that these findings may be the resttit of ttsing "general" self-esteem as the major dependent variable iti these studies. General self-esteem is determined by many factors—some telated to school and others related to different aspects ofthe students' life, such as family.
Behavior problems Behaviotal i.ssues have also been studied as they relate to .school transitioning. According to Hirsch and Rapkin (1987), during the transition to junior high school, girls reported an increase in depression and hostility, while boys teported a decrease in hostile behaviors. Several other lines of inquiry (e.g., Stoufe & Rutter, 1984) suggested that gender differences in depression emerge about this time. Graber and Brooks-Gunn (1996), studying the transition frotu middle to high school, found that edttcational transitions were associated with increased behavioral problems, measured by suspensions and expulsions, which increased early in the ninth grade yeat\ Finally, Nielsen and Gerber (1979) found that transitioning is connected to increased truancy.
Students', teachers', and parents' perceptions of transitioning
A number of researchers have explored the perceptions of students, teachers, and parents regarding transitions. Teachers have listed .specific challenges for sttidents tuaking the transition to tniddle school. These challenges include (a) changing classes; (b) reduced parent involvetiient; (c) tnore teachers; (d) new grading standards atid procedures; (e) more peer pressttre; (f) developmental differences betweert boys and girls;
Well-planned transitiov programs can improve school climate, leading, among other things, tosafer, morenrderly halhuays. fM,,b,.\iant..'ko
What Research Savs
(g) fear of larger, more impersonal schools; and (h) coping with adolescent physical development (Weldy, 1991, pp. 84-85).
Berndt and Mekos (1995) studied sixth graders who had both positive and negative comments about moving to the jimior high, with the positive comments outnumbering the negative. These data suggest that young adolescents expect some aspects ofthe transition will be stressful, but they view the entire experience as more desirable than stressfnl. Sixth grade girls were more negative about changes in peer relationships, while sixth grade boys were more negative about victimization by older students. The boys made fewer comments about the academic demands of the junior high. After the boys and girls entered the junior high, their perceptions of their school experience were similar. Of particular interest, Wentzel (1991) discovered that high achieving students in elementary school, fearing they would not continue to be academically successful, worried about moving to the junior high school.
Smith, Feldwisch, and Abell (2006) examined students' and parents' perceptions ofthe transition from middle school to high school. W^hile students looked forward to making new friends, having a voice in selecting academic courses, and were concerned about too much homework and getting lost; parents were concerned about social and safety issues.
Akos and Galassi (2004) compared students', patents', and teachers' perceptions regarding what they "looked forward to" and whal they "worried about." Students looked forward to making new friends, gaining independence, and attending school events. Teachers and parents looked forward lo their students or children making new friends and having increased opportunities to participate in extracurricular activities. The concerns for students included homework, increa.sed academic difficulty, and getting lost. Parents worried about the amount of homework, pressure to perform, and negative peer pressure.
The effects are not all negative: Wheel of Fortune, not Jeopardy A number of researchers have concluded that there is more to be considered than just the negative effects of transitioning. For example, Berliner (1993) noted that transitions may be "overlooked as opportunities to help adolescents thrive" (p. 2). Throughout life, transitions
can be viewed as potential opportunities to develop and use effective coping skills. These coping skills include (a) redefining loles and expected behaviors, (b) shifting membership in and position within social networks,
(c) reorganizing social support resources, (d) restructuring ways of cognitive appraisal, and (e) managing the stress associated with uncertain expectations (EUas, Gara. Ubriaco, 1985, p. 112).
According to Steinberg (1991), transitions during adolescence pose risks and challenges as well as opportunities lo intervene and promote a positive life course. Along this same line, Schiller (1999) found that students who struggled academically in eighth grade benefited from attending a high school in which ihe majority of students did noi come liotn theii' eighth- grade school. Kinney (1993) noted that students who were unpopular were able to use the tiansition as an opportunity for increased engagement with peers. Finally, French, Seidman, Allen, and Aber (2000) offered the conclusion that the transition to higli school can serve as an event that raises awareness ofa student's race and ethnicity, stimulating the formation of his or her own racial and ethnic identity. In short, the transition from one school Lo another can be seen as an opportunity to create a new reputation—especinlty lor those who have been disruptive, antisocial, and disliked (Ladd & Price, 1987),
Apparently there are benefits for some students who are afforded the chance ofa fre.sh start. This is especially trne for students with tioubled histories with respeci to peer interactions, attachment to school, and prior history of grade retention. Those students who were isolated in eighth grade are significantly less likely to be isolated in ninth grade if they change schools (Weiss &: Bearman, 2007). Again supporting the possibility of positive outcomes, Weiss and Bearman concluded,
"Transitions are of relatively little consequence in comparison with other features of life in school since those students who are in good shape will not suffer and those with more checkered social, academic, and behavioral pasts could benefit" (p. 417).
Barber and Olsen (2004). studying the transition from fifth to sixth grade, found th;u the "transiiion to a new school resulted in generally more positive school and personal experiences for students" (p. 15). Sixth graders reported more support from teachers, more hours spent on homework, higher self-esteem, less depression, and le.ss loneliness. Three negative
Middle School J'
outcomes were documented including a decline in grades, higher perceived tieed for school rules to ptevent (leviatit behavior, and a decline in the qtiality of students' rclatiotiships wilh their fatheis.
Effective programs While this article is pritnai ily focused on research r elated to educational transitions, we want to take this opportunity to share with readers a little of what has hfcii written ahotti effective transition piogranis, Weldy (1991) ttoted that effective transition ptograms help (a) build a sense of community, (b) respond to the needs and concerns ofthe students, and (c) provide ;tppt()priate, faceted apptoaches to facilitate the iiansition process. These programs, accordirtg to NMSA and NAESP (2002), also (a) encourage collaboration among elementary and middle school teachers, students, .lurl patents; (h) eticourage school leadets to becotiie ktiowledgeable abottl the needs and concerns of young adolescents in transition; (c) provide counseling at both lite eletnentaiy atid secondaiy levels to address tratisitiou roticertts atid assttre students ofthe availability of ongoing support; and (d) assist students in turning iheir anxieties into positive action by leartiiug about ' cliool 1 ttles, locker procedttres, and other t outines niid expectations.
Cognizant of what constitutes an effective transition progtatn, mtich advice exists in the literature for practitioners atul policymakers. Weldy (1991) suggested that those considering transition programs (a) provide several activities that involve students, parents, teachers, <()uuselors, and staff from botli schools involved in the tratisitiou; (b) establish a tratisitioti protocol that can be t epiicated and updated annually; (c) establish a timeline lor the tratisition process; (d) assess the human and financial resottices available to support the transition process; and (e) ask sttideuts, patents, teachets, counselors, and others to evaluate the transition program.
Conclusion The transitions experienced by young adolescents are important developmental events tbat have received significant attention by researchet s. htit tnore research
is needed. According to Weiss and Bearman (2007), the t esearch that currently exists offers more theory and cotijectut e than rigorotts evidence. More studies are needed to doctnuetii the negative aud positive effects of transitions on students (Barber & Olsen, 2004). Likewise, more reseatch is needed regatding the effects of ttatisitious on tiou-school outcomes, sitch as delinqtiency, substance abuse, and other at-risk behaviors.
Garmezyand Rtttter (1983) emphasized that Ieartiing to cope with stress is eletiiental to healthy developtnent. This satiie line of thought is taken by Esptein (1983) who stressed that we must recognize the effects that diseqttilibrium and mismatched conditions have on httmati development. Lerner (1982) also endorsed a life-span view of httnian development, stating that successful adaptation always itivolves the appropriate coordination between our changing selves and our chatigirtg ctivironmetits.
For quite sotne time, we have known what needs to be done to create effective middle schools for young adolescent.s—schools that would have envirntimeuts coordinated to the needs of the learners. For varioits teasons, we have not always been successful in creatitig those schools. There are many middle schools in name only. Until we can cteate developmentatly apprcjpriate tniddle schools, ihete ate tnatiy students who will be negatively affected by transitioning. It is unfortunate that the clarion call ofthe Cat negie (Council on Adolescent Development (1989) has, in tuatiy areas, gone unheard. Almost 20 years ago, the council wrote:
A volatile mismatch exists between the organizaiion aTid curi iculiiiii of middle grade schools and the iiUtrllctiual and emotional needs of young adolescents. Caught in a vortex of changing demands, the engagement of many youth in learnin(f diminishes, ;irid their rates of alienation, substance abuse, absfntt'cisni, and dropping out of school begin to rise. (pp. 8-9)
Sitiiply put, tt ansitiotiiiig is abotit being caught itt that vortex of changing demands, and it is titne that we move beyond simple acknowledgment ofthe importance of developtnentally apptopriate edticational envitonments
Transition from one school to another can be an opportunity to create a new reputation for troubled students.
to cteating middle schools that can effectively address the academic and psychosocia! development of young adolescents—schools that would buffer students, in many ways, from the negative effects of transitioning.
We urge practitioners and policymakers to consider best practices for transitioning. We also caution that best practices must be supported with effective and sulticient professional dt-vekipmeut and the necessary resources (both financial and personnel) to ensure succes.sful implementation. Instead of dwelling on the negative aspects of transitioning, we should confront this challenge so that our middle schools can become the context for substantial academic and personal development.
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Midgley, C , Andcrman. E,, 8c Hicks. L. (1995). Differences between elementary and middle school teachers and students: .'\ goal llieoiy approach, /nurrial of Early Adolescence.
Miller, I). (19S-i). The age between: Adolescence and thnapy. New York: Aronson.
Mi/elle, N. (199.'i, April). Transition from middle school into high school: The student perspective. Paper presented at the meeting ofthe American Kducational Research Association, San Krancisco.
Miitional Middle Schottl .\ssociation. (1982), 7VJ;.V toe believe. (loliuiibus, OI 1: Aut hor.
National Middle .St hooi Asso< iation and The Naiioual .Association or Klcmeniary School Principals (NMSA & NAESP). (2002, Man ll). Supporting Uudents in their transition to middle school: A po.sition paper jointly adopted i/y National Middle School Association and The National As.^ociation of Elementary .School hincipals. ReLrieved May 2. 2007, from hitp;//www.nmsa. org/AboiitNMSA/PosilionStatements/TransitioningStudents /tabid/283/DefauH.aspx
Nielsen. A,, & Cierber, D. (1979), Psychosocial aspects of truancy in
early adolescence. Adolescence. 14, 3l3-32(i,
Notu-lnianii, K. I"). (1987), Competence and self-esteem during the transition from childhood to adolescence. Developmental
Psychology. 23. 441-450.
Offer. D. (1969), The psychological xnorld of the teenager. New York: Basic.
Osterman. K. (2000). Students' need for belonging in ihe school Cfinunuiiity. Reviem oj Educational Research. 70. ;-123-3(i7.
Petersen, A.. Kbata. A., & t;raber,J. (1987, April). Responses to developmental ami family changes in early adolescence. Papei- presented at the in<eting of the American Educational Research As.soci;Uion, Washington, DC.
Piers, E. V.. & Harris, D, B. (I9(i4). Age and other correlates of self-concepi in children. Jinimal of Educational Psychology, 55(2). 91-9.-I,
k.xHiiK. r S., & Osaki. .S. Y, (19S2). The social organization of < l.iwnnnin: An analysis oj sixth ami seventh grade activity structures. San Francisco: Far West Laboratory for Educational Research d\\(\ Development.
.Schiller, K. S. (1999). Effects of feeder patterns on students' transition to high school. Sociology of Education, 72(A). 216-233.
Schilling. R,, Snow. W.. & Schinke. S. (1988), l^evmtion and th nunsitions of adolescence. New York: Cienter for Adolescent Mental Health. C^ulumbia University School of Social Work.
Seidman. E.. Allen. I.. Aber. J., Mitchell. C . & Feinman, j , (1994), The impact of si hool transitions in early adolescence on the seif-sysiem and perceived social context ol poor urban youth. Child Dei'elopment. 65, 507-522.
Simmons. R, C... Black, A., & Zhou. Y. (1991). African American versus White children and the transition to junior high school. American Journal of Education. 99, 481-520.
Simmons. R. G,. 8c Blyth. D, .\. (1987). Moving into adolescence: The impact of pubirlal changes and school context. New York: ,Aldine De Gruyter.
Simmons, R. (.;.. Blvth, D. A., VanCleave, E. F,, & Bush. D, M, (1979). Entry into early adolescence: The impact of school structure, puberty, and early dating on self-esteem. American Sociological Revieiu, 44, 948-967.
Simmons, R. G.. Burgerson. R., Carlton-Ford. S. L.. 8c Ulyth, D. A, (1987). The impact ol cumulative change on early adolescence. Child Development. 5,S. 1120-1234,
Simmons. R. C.., Roseuijerg, F., Sc Rosenberg, M. (1973). Disturbance in the self-image at adolescence. American Sociological Review. 3/i. 5.")3-568,
Smith.J.S.. Feldwisch,R., &Abell,A. (2006). Similarities and differences in students' and parents' perceptions ofthe transititm from middle school to high school. Research in Middle l.eve.1 Education Online, 29( 10). Retrieved on May b. 2007. from http://www.nmsa-org/Publications/RMl.EOnline/Articles/ Vol29NolO/tab!d/8tO/Defaul[.aspx
Sroufe. L. A.. & Rutter. M. (1984). Tbe domain of developmental psychopathology. Child Development. 55(1). 17-29.
Steele, C. (1992). Race and schooUng of black Americans, The Atlantic MorUhty. 269, 791-798.
Steinberg, L. (1991). Adolescent transitions and alcohol and other drug use prevention. Washington, DC: V.S. Dep;irtment of Health and
Human Seivices, OASP Prevention Monograph-8, 13-51.
Thornburg, H. D.. & Jones, R, M. (1982), Social characteristics of early adolescents: Age versus grade, ynwma/ of Early Adolescence,
2{3), 229-239.
Weiss, C. C , & Bearman, P. S. (2007). Fresh starts: Reinve.stigating the effects ofthe transition to high school on student outcomes.
American Journal of Education, 113, 395-421,
Weldy. G. (Ed.). (1991), Stronger school transitions improve student achievement: A final report on a three-tear demonstration project
"Strengthening School Transitions for Students in A.'-/J,"Reston, VA: National Association i>f Secondary School Principals, (ERIC
Document Reproduction Service No, En338985)
Wells, M. (1996). Literacies lost: When students move from a progressive middle school to a traditional high school. New York: Teachers College Press.
Wentzet, K. R. (1991). Social competence at school: Relation between social respctnsibility and academic achievetnent, Reviexi' of Educational Research. 6 / (1) , 1-24.
Wigfield. A., Eccles, J, S.. Mac Iver. D,. Ruetnan, D. A.. Sc Midgley. C, (1991). Transitions during early adolescetice: C'hanges in children's domain-specific self-perceptiotis and general self-esteem across the transition tojutiior high school. DevdopvientalPsychology, 27, 552-565.
Vincent A. Anfara, Jr., former chair ofthe National Middle 5chool Association's Research Advisory Board, is associate professor of educational administration and supervision at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, and exectJtive director of the Middle Level Education Research Special Interest Group of AERA. E-mail: [email protected]
Jesse Beaumont Schmid, a former reading specialist and an eight-year veteran of teaching in grades three through six, is a doctoral student in educational administration at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. E-mail: [email protected]
What Research Says 67
School Transitions: Jeopardy or Wheel of Fortune? Vincent A. Anfara, Jr., & Jesse Beaumont Schmld
Our lives are marked by transitions. These include navigating the move from home to school, from elementary school to middle school, from middle school to high school, and from high school to college. Beyond college, the world of work and, eventually, retirement await. These transitions, among others, are part ofthe normative events experienced in the progression to adulthood. They are, typically, major events that are accompanied by some level of stress, anticipation, and anxiety. However, in addition to the stress, transitions usually open doors of opportunity for discovery and positive growth.
As they transition to the middle grades, 88% of public school students experience a transition from an elementary school to a middle school (National Middle School Association 8c National Association of Elementary School Principals, 2002). W riting more than three decades ago about the transition from elementary school to junior high, Hamburg (1974) stated:
It has been clear for some time that the entry into junior high school probably represents the most abrupt and demanding transition of an individual's entire educational career. This Is a crisis period that has important educational as well as personal consequences, (p. 23)
For this column in the What Research Says series, we focus on what is known about school transitions and their effects, both positive and negative, on
young adolescents. We start with definitions and characterizations and then review the research. We conclude with some advice to practitioners and policymakers. Readers will notice the references to both middle schools and junior highs. It is not our intent to appear inconsistent or to confuse readers, but much of the research reviewed in this article was conducted at a time when junior highs were still quite popular on the educational landscape and advocates (e.g., Carnegie Council on Adolescent De\elopment, Turning Points, 1989; National Middle School Association, This We Believe, 1982) of the "new" middle school had not yet authored their position statements.
Definitions and characterizations The American Herita^Dictionary (1982) defines transition as "the process of changing from one form, state, activity, or place to another." More specifically, academic transition is defined as "a process during which institutional and social factors influence which students' educational careers are positively or negatively affected by this movement between organizations" (Schiller, 1999, pp. 216-217). It is also defined as the movement from "one state of certainty to another with a period of uncertainty in between" (Schilling, Snow, 8c Schinke, 1988, p. 2). School transition research began with the pioneering efforts of Blyth, Simmons, and their colleagues in the public schools of Milwaukee in the
This article reflects the following This We Believe characteristics: An inviting, supportive, and safe environment — School-wide efforts and policies that foster health, weiiness, and safety — Muitifaceted guidance and support services
X)l JoLiin>.il SeptemI
1970s (Blyth, Simmons, & Bush, 1978; Sitninons & Blyth. l!>87; Sitiimons, Blvth, VanCleave, & Bttsh. 1979).
rrausitionitig is characterized iu numetous ways in the literature. It has been called a "time both of opportunity and risk" (Ladd 8c Price, 1987, p. 1187). "an inipot tant lite event for early adolescents" (Berndt He Mekos, 1995, p. 123), "inherently sttessful" (Bertidi & Mekos, p. 124), "a rite of passage" (EUas, 2001, p. 1), atid
"double jeopatdy as stttdents make the transition ftotn elementary to tniddle school and then experience a second ttansition to high school" (Seidman, Allen, Abet, Mitchell, & Feinman, 1994, p. 508). Those who research this topii are actttely aware that transitions expose sittdents to "adaptational challenges that tap their coping skills" (Elias, Gara, 8c Ubriaco, 1985, p. 112) and (hai transitiotis "create flux in children's social systems" (Ladd &• Price, p. 1187), which tend to "destabilize tnany students" (Elias, p, 1).
What research says Mu( ll ol ilu' leseaich ou transitions has detnonstrated that students experience decteases in academic achievement, motivation, self-esteem, and connectedness to thf school commtuiity. This "risky etideavor" is also associated with itu reases itt behavior problems and jjsychoiogical distress. Some researchers have offered reasotis for the negative effects of school transitiotiing, such as the mismatch between the ecology of the school and yotnig adolescents' developtuental needs. Eccles, Vlidgley, and Adler (1984) noted that the nature ofthe tiansitioti is important and extensively examined the qttality of tbe school etivirontuetit.
Other researchers have argued that the timing ofthe transition is important and that a similar ttansition a few \eai s later, "after the individual has developed a mote rnatttre sense of who he or she is would be less disrtiptive" (Blyth, Simmons, & Carlton-Eord, 1983, p. 106). We turn < )tu- attention, now, to examine these issues.
Ecology of school For more tluui three decades, researchers bave sitidied how the social enviionmeitt contributes to the developtuentof psychosocial, psychiatric, and physical disorders (see Bronfenbrenner, 1979). One fine of research suggests that the environment ofthe school and classroom is tesponsible for the decline in stitdeut lunctioning following a tratisitiou. Eccles, Wigfield, and associates (1993) suggested that there is a "tnismatch
between characteristics ofthe classroom environment in traditional middle giade schools and early adolescents' developtnental levels" (p. 553). In another article, Eccles, Midgley, and their associates (1993) characterized the middle school as "developmentally regressive in striictttres and conditions" atid noted that these strttcttnes and conditions were "directly contradictory to the psychological needs of students progressing through adolescetice" (p. 92).
Students experience many changes in their school etivirotitnent associated with tlie transition from elementary to middle school, and much concern has beeu focused on whether the organization of the junior high or middle school exacerbates the difficult acljustntents confronting yotttig adolescents. Competition, social comparison, and ability self- assessment can be hat niful to young adolescents at a time of heightened self-focus. Student perceptions of the quality of school life decline as they progress from elemetitary to middle schools (Diemert, 1992). The goals (if elementary schools teud to be task oriented, whereas the goals of tniddle schools tetid to ibcits on performance (Midgley, Anderman, & Hicks, 1995).
Because middle school teachers tend lo have students for shorter periods of time, the student-teacher relationship changes frotn elementary to middle school (Feldlaufer, Midgley, & Eccles, 1988; Miller, 1983; Offer, 19fi9). This dimitiished opp<jrttinity to establish a meaningfttl relationship with either teachers or peers tiiay be particularly detrimental since this may also be a titne of peak conflict with parents (Miller, 1983; Offer, 1969). Also a.ssociated with the change in student- teacher relationships is a chatige from small-group and itidividual instruction to whole-class instruction. Middle grades teachers are less likely to helieve studenls are trustworthy and to grant them autonomy (see Brophy & Evertson, 1978; Eccles 8c Midgley, 1989), are less personal and more conttolling (Hoy, 1968), and require lower levels of cognitive skills than stttdenis pt eviotisly were required lo demonstrate (Eccles, Midgley, et al., 1993; Rounds 8c Osaki, 1982; Simmons, Burgerson, Carlton- Fotd,& Blyth, 1987).
School connectedness/Sense of belonging Researchers have documented studetit reports of feeling alone and having difficulty tnakinjr friends (Mizelle, 1995; Wells, 1996). A sense ofbelongitig may be particularly valuable at school during times of transition
What Research Says 61
Alspaugh and Harding found achievement loss due to transitioning at grades five, six, seven, and eight.
(Steinberg, 1991). Studies of resiliency in childhood identify a strong sense of belonging as key to effective coping and the confidence that changes and disruptions in life will turn out well. This kind of resiliency is in stark contrast to the "learned helplessness" that hampers coping and is present in students experiencing serious psychological and social problems.
Osterman (2000) linked school connectedness to academic achievement, social and personal attitudes, and participation in school. Eccles, Midgley, and their associates (1993) indicated that school engagement might serve as a protective factor against transitional problems. Research demonstrates that extracurricular paT ticipaiion has the potential to influence students' sense of belonging and promote positive academic and psvchosocial ontcomes. Engaged students show more positive perceptions of competence, autonomy, and relatedness in the school (Connell, Halpern-Felsher, Clifford, Crichlow, 8c Usinger, 1995). They are also less likely to drop out and be involved in delinquent behavior (Mahoney, 2000).
Issues of disconnectedness may be exacerbated for poor and minority students. Ford (1993) and Steele (1992) noted that school transitions may challenge the academic success of poor and minority students who are more likely to feel unconnected to an environment whose culture seems irreconcilable to their own. Therefore, the need for stable and enduring bonds with caring adults are especially important for these students.
Academic motivation E( cles (Eccles. Midgley, & associates, 1993; Eccles, Wigfield, 8c associates, 1993) studied how school and classroom environmental factors in traditional middle schools related to changes in students" motivation. They noted that for some students, young adolescence marks the beginning of a downward spiral in motivation and school-related behaviors. This dowtiward spiral often leads to academic failure and dropping out of school. Several investigators have found general developmental declines in many ofthe motivational constructs including interest in school (Epstein 8c McPartland, 1976), intrinsic motivation (Harter, 1981), self-concepts
of ability (Eccles. Midglev, 8c Adler 1984). and self- esteem (Simmons & Blyth, 1987; Simmons, Blyth, VanCleave, & Bush, 1979).
Simmons and her colleagues (Simmons, Blyth, VanCleave, &: Bush, 1979: Simmons, Burgerson, Carlton- Ford, & Blyth, 1987) suggested that the- declitie in motivation occurs because ofthe intersection of two major tran.sitions: puberty and changing schools. The belief is that coping with multiple transitions is more difficult than coping with onh one. In uddiessing the issue of motivation, Eccles, Wigfield, and their associates (1993) found that. "Declines In motivation often assumed to be characteristic ofthe early adolescent period are less a consequence of students' developmental stage than ofthe mismatch between students' needs and the opportunities afforded them in traditional middle grade schools' (p. 567).
Academic performance Aispaugh (1998) explored ihe nature of achievement loss with school-to-school transitions from elementary to middle school and middle school to high school, and found a stati.stically significant achievement loss associated with the ttansition from elementary scliool tu middle school at sixth grade. The transition achievement loss was larger when students from multiple elementary schools were merged into a single middle sclio<il (called a "pyramid transition"). Additionally, students who attended middle schools experienced a greater achievement loss when they transitioned to high school (9th grade) than did their K-8 counterparts.
Alspaugh and Hurting (1995) iound achievement loss due to transitioning at grades five, six, seven, and eight. But they found that the achievement scores in reading, mathematics, science, and social studies tended to recover to their pre-tiansition levels in the year following the tratisition. Finally, Simmons, Black, and Zhou (1991) reported ihat while the grades of all students on average declined iiltei" the middle school transition, the grades of African American students "plummeted."
Self-esteem and self-perception Sotue tesearchets have studied the effects of school itansitions on the self-esteem of young adolescents. They loinid declines in student self-perception and self-esteem associated with the transition from elementary to middle school (Seidman, Allen, Abet, Mitchell, &: Feintiian, 1994; Wigheld, Eccies, Mac Iver, Rueman, ik Midgley, 1991).
Early studies documented a decline in self-esteem at the time of transitioning to junior high (Piers & Harris, 1964; Simmons. Ro.senberg. 8c Rosenberg, 1973). These sttidies also doctttiiented the highest level of self-consciousness among students between the ages of 12 and 14. Simmons, Blyth, VanCleave, and Bush {1979) found that girls who entered junior high .school suffered a declitie in seU-esteetii, especially if they had early onset of puberty and dating. Girls who were in K-8 SCIKMJI etivirotitiietits did not report k>wer self-esteem, sttggesting that the decline was an etivironmental rather than a developmental effect. This decline in self- esteem was limited to white females, while white males aud African American males and females all reported ituieases in self-esteem associated with ihe ttansition. Students who receive lower grades or fail tests early after t he transition tnay experietice a drop in their academic scll-efhcacy (Grahatn, 1997).
Thornbutg and Jones (1982) compared students who moved to a new school for sixth grade to those who did nol transitioti. They fottnd that stttdents who tiioved III a tiew s( hool had lower self-esteem, but by the seventh grade there were no significant differences between the t;roups Ihat did or did not make the transition. On the other hand, Nottehnanu (1987) found that self-esteem was higher iti students who transitiotied frotit grade live to six and six to seven than for those students who did nol ttansition. Petersen, Ebata. and Graber (1987) discoveted that sttidetits who made two consecutive transitions experienced gt-eater long-tertn gains in self-esteem than stitdents who made a single transition ftom fifth to sixth or sixth to sevetith grade. Discttssing these confoittiditig tesuits, Eccles, Midgley, and their associates (1993) noted that these findings may be the resttit of ttsing "general" self-esteem as the major dependent variable iti these studies. General self-esteem is determined by many factors—some telated to school and others related to different aspects ofthe students' life, such as family.
Behavior problems Behaviotal i.ssues have also been studied as they relate to .school transitioning. According to Hirsch and Rapkin (1987), during the transition to junior high school, girls reported an increase in depression and hostility, while boys teported a decrease in hostile behaviors. Several other lines of inquiry (e.g., Stoufe & Rutter, 1984) suggested that gender differences in depression emerge about this time. Graber and Brooks-Gunn (1996), studying the transition frotu middle to high school, found that edttcational transitions were associated with increased behavioral problems, measured by suspensions and expulsions, which increased early in the ninth grade yeat\ Finally, Nielsen and Gerber (1979) found that transitioning is connected to increased truancy.
Students', teachers', and parents' perceptions of transitioning
A number of researchers have explored the perceptions of students, teachers, and parents regarding transitions. Teachers have listed .specific challenges for sttidents tuaking the transition to tniddle school. These challenges include (a) changing classes; (b) reduced parent involvetiient; (c) tnore teachers; (d) new grading standards atid procedures; (e) more peer pressttre; (f) developmental differences betweert boys and girls;
Well-planned transitiov programs can improve school climate, leading, among other things, tosafer, morenrderly halhuays. fM,,b,.\iant..'ko
What Research Savs
(g) fear of larger, more impersonal schools; and (h) coping with adolescent physical development (Weldy, 1991, pp. 84-85).
Berndt and Mekos (1995) studied sixth graders who had both positive and negative comments about moving to the jimior high, with the positive comments outnumbering the negative. These data suggest that young adolescents expect some aspects ofthe transition will be stressful, but they view the entire experience as more desirable than stressfnl. Sixth grade girls were more negative about changes in peer relationships, while sixth grade boys were more negative about victimization by older students. The boys made fewer comments about the academic demands of the junior high. After the boys and girls entered the junior high, their perceptions of their school experience were similar. Of particular interest, Wentzel (1991) discovered that high achieving students in elementary school, fearing they would not continue to be academically successful, worried about moving to the junior high school.
Smith, Feldwisch, and Abell (2006) examined students' and parents' perceptions ofthe transition from middle school to high school. W^hile students looked forward to making new friends, having a voice in selecting academic courses, and were concerned about too much homework and getting lost; parents were concerned about social and safety issues.
Akos and Galassi (2004) compared students', patents', and teachers' perceptions regarding what they "looked forward to" and whal they "worried about." Students looked forward to making new friends, gaining independence, and attending school events. Teachers and parents looked forward lo their students or children making new friends and having increased opportunities to participate in extracurricular activities. The concerns for students included homework, increa.sed academic difficulty, and getting lost. Parents worried about the amount of homework, pressure to perform, and negative peer pressure.
The effects are not all negative: Wheel of Fortune, not Jeopardy A number of researchers have concluded that there is more to be considered than just the negative effects of transitioning. For example, Berliner (1993) noted that transitions may be "overlooked as opportunities to help adolescents thrive" (p. 2). Throughout life, transitions
can be viewed as potential opportunities to develop and use effective coping skills. These coping skills include (a) redefining loles and expected behaviors, (b) shifting membership in and position within social networks,
(c) reorganizing social support resources, (d) restructuring ways of cognitive appraisal, and (e) managing the stress associated with uncertain expectations (EUas, Gara. Ubriaco, 1985, p. 112).
According to Steinberg (1991), transitions during adolescence pose risks and challenges as well as opportunities lo intervene and promote a positive life course. Along this same line, Schiller (1999) found that students who struggled academically in eighth grade benefited from attending a high school in which ihe majority of students did noi come liotn theii' eighth- grade school. Kinney (1993) noted that students who were unpopular were able to use the tiansition as an opportunity for increased engagement with peers. Finally, French, Seidman, Allen, and Aber (2000) offered the conclusion that the transition to higli school can serve as an event that raises awareness ofa student's race and ethnicity, stimulating the formation of his or her own racial and ethnic identity. In short, the transition from one school Lo another can be seen as an opportunity to create a new reputation—especinlty lor those who have been disruptive, antisocial, and disliked (Ladd & Price, 1987),
Apparently there are benefits for some students who are afforded the chance ofa fre.sh start. This is especially trne for students with tioubled histories with respeci to peer interactions, attachment to school, and prior history of grade retention. Those students who were isolated in eighth grade are significantly less likely to be isolated in ninth grade if they change schools (Weiss &: Bearman, 2007). Again supporting the possibility of positive outcomes, Weiss and Bearman concluded,
"Transitions are of relatively little consequence in comparison with other features of life in school since those students who are in good shape will not suffer and those with more checkered social, academic, and behavioral pasts could benefit" (p. 417).
Barber and Olsen (2004). studying the transition from fifth to sixth grade, found th;u the "transiiion to a new school resulted in generally more positive school and personal experiences for students" (p. 15). Sixth graders reported more support from teachers, more hours spent on homework, higher self-esteem, less depression, and le.ss loneliness. Three negative
Middle School J'
outcomes were documented including a decline in grades, higher perceived tieed for school rules to ptevent (leviatit behavior, and a decline in the qtiality of students' rclatiotiships wilh their fatheis.
Effective programs While this article is pritnai ily focused on research r elated to educational transitions, we want to take this opportunity to share with readers a little of what has hfcii written ahotti effective transition piogranis, Weldy (1991) ttoted that effective transition ptograms help (a) build a sense of community, (b) respond to the needs and concerns ofthe students, and (c) provide ;tppt()priate, faceted apptoaches to facilitate the iiansition process. These programs, accordirtg to NMSA and NAESP (2002), also (a) encourage collaboration among elementary and middle school teachers, students, .lurl patents; (h) eticourage school leadets to becotiie ktiowledgeable abottl the needs and concerns of young adolescents in transition; (c) provide counseling at both lite eletnentaiy atid secondaiy levels to address tratisitiou roticertts atid assttre students ofthe availability of ongoing support; and (d) assist students in turning iheir anxieties into positive action by leartiiug about ' cliool 1 ttles, locker procedttres, and other t outines niid expectations.
Cognizant of what constitutes an effective transition progtatn, mtich advice exists in the literature for practitioners atul policymakers. Weldy (1991) suggested that those considering transition programs (a) provide several activities that involve students, parents, teachers, <()uuselors, and staff from botli schools involved in the tratisitiou; (b) establish a tratisitioti protocol that can be t epiicated and updated annually; (c) establish a timeline lor the tratisition process; (d) assess the human and financial resottices available to support the transition process; and (e) ask sttideuts, patents, teachets, counselors, and others to evaluate the transition program.
Conclusion The transitions experienced by young adolescents are important developmental events tbat have received significant attention by researchet s. htit tnore research
is needed. According to Weiss and Bearman (2007), the t esearch that currently exists offers more theory and cotijectut e than rigorotts evidence. More studies are needed to doctnuetii the negative aud positive effects of transitions on students (Barber & Olsen, 2004). Likewise, more reseatch is needed regatding the effects of ttatisitious on tiou-school outcomes, sitch as delinqtiency, substance abuse, and other at-risk behaviors.
Garmezyand Rtttter (1983) emphasized that Ieartiing to cope with stress is eletiiental to healthy developtnent. This satiie line of thought is taken by Esptein (1983) who stressed that we must recognize the effects that diseqttilibrium and mismatched conditions have on httmati development. Lerner (1982) also endorsed a life-span view of httnian development, stating that successful adaptation always itivolves the appropriate coordination between our changing selves and our chatigirtg ctivironmetits.
For quite sotne time, we have known what needs to be done to create effective middle schools for young adolescent.s—schools that would have envirntimeuts coordinated to the needs of the learners. For varioits teasons, we have not always been successful in creatitig those schools. There are many middle schools in name only. Until we can cteate developmentatly apprcjpriate tniddle schools, ihete ate tnatiy students who will be negatively affected by transitioning. It is unfortunate that the clarion call ofthe Cat negie (Council on Adolescent Development (1989) has, in tuatiy areas, gone unheard. Almost 20 years ago, the council wrote:
A volatile mismatch exists between the organizaiion aTid curi iculiiiii of middle grade schools and the iiUtrllctiual and emotional needs of young adolescents. Caught in a vortex of changing demands, the engagement of many youth in learnin(f diminishes, ;irid their rates of alienation, substance abuse, absfntt'cisni, and dropping out of school begin to rise. (pp. 8-9)
Sitiiply put, tt ansitiotiiiig is abotit being caught itt that vortex of changing demands, and it is titne that we move beyond simple acknowledgment ofthe importance of developtnentally apptopriate edticational envitonments
Transition from one school to another can be an opportunity to create a new reputation for troubled students.
to cteating middle schools that can effectively address the academic and psychosocia! development of young adolescents—schools that would buffer students, in many ways, from the negative effects of transitioning.
We urge practitioners and policymakers to consider best practices for transitioning. We also caution that best practices must be supported with effective and sulticient professional dt-vekipmeut and the necessary resources (both financial and personnel) to ensure succes.sful implementation. Instead of dwelling on the negative aspects of transitioning, we should confront this challenge so that our middle schools can become the context for substantial academic and personal development.
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Vincent A. Anfara, Jr., former chair ofthe National Middle 5chool Association's Research Advisory Board, is associate professor of educational administration and supervision at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville, and exectJtive director of the Middle Level Education Research Special Interest Group of AERA. E-mail: [email protected]
Jesse Beaumont Schmid, a former reading specialist and an eight-year veteran of teaching in grades three through six, is a doctoral student in educational administration at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. E-mail: [email protected]
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