sergio osmeña and politics in cebu

SERGIO OSMEÑA AND POLITICS IN CEBU

8Sergio Osme a and Politics in Cebu,ñ

1902-1906

Unlike Tayabas, Cebu was at the center of a vast region linked to it through linguistic, economic, and administrative ties. The wellsituated and naturally protected harbor at Cebu City had long functioned as a major port in international and interisland trade. In the nineteenth century, increased demand for Philippine agricultural products (mainly sugar, tobacco, and abaca) led to the opening of Cebu City to foreign trade in 1860. Though small by Manila standards, Cebu soon emerged as the commercial entrépot for the central and eastern Visayas and northern Mindanao. In addition, Cebu City was the capital of both the province of Cebu and the politicalmilitary government of the Visayas, as well as being the ecclesiastical seat of the geographically expansive diocese of Cebu.1

The province of Cebu, which included several of the smaller islands in the vicinity, was heavily populated (1890:536,221) and had (in 1890) some fifty municipalities, all located on or near the coast. The rugged mountainous interior of the island has resulted in the concentration of the population along the coastal perimeter. In only a few lowland areas can wet rice be grown; the staple of most Cebuanos has long been corn, which is more suited to the porous limestone base and drier climate of the province. The oldest and most heavily populated municipalities were along the east coast, some fifty kilometers north and south of Cebu City. Much of the island's west coast was sparsely populated until the second half of the nineteenth century, when this region was first integrated politically and economically into the province. Much of the contracosta (the west coast), especially the northwest, and most of the inland hills, like much of the interior of Tayabas, served as a refuge for dissident elements of all varieties.2

ILUSTRADO POLITICS by Michael Cullinane. ©2003. Ateneo de Manila Univerity Press 1


In general there were relatively few large landholdings in Cebu. Most of the corn and much of the commercial crops were grown by small and mediumsized landowners (five to fifty hectares) dispersed throughout the province. The largest single landowner in the region was the Augustinian religious order, which possessed several thousand hectares of arable land in the hinterland contiguous to Cebu City. There were other notable exceptions – in particular the large sugar estate of the Osmeña family in Carcar – and by the end of the century a number of sizable landholdings, mostly devoted to sugar cultivation, had developed in several municipalities around Cebu province, especially in the northwest.3

Cebu City (population, 1890:16,398; 1903:31,079) was the premier municipality of the province and region. As such, it was the focal point for the emerging urban and provincial elites during the nineteenth century. At the top of Cebu's indigenous society in the 1890s was an urban aristocracy that had grown out of the Chinese mestizo community of the city's Parian early in the century. In response to the increasing opportunities in commercial agriculture, especially after 1860, members of this urban aristocracy expanded into the municipalities of Cebu and other provinces of the region. They were joined by other Filipinos and Spaniards who settled in the city and province to avail themselves of these same economic opportunities. By the end of the century it is possible to identify a category of provincial, even regional, elites who had their roots in the urban society of Cebu City and had representatives in most of the commercially important municipalities of the province. In Cebu the provincial elites can be distinguished from the municipal elites by their advanced wealth in land and capital and their generally close contacts and relations with the dominant elements of Cebu's urban elites. The representatives of these urban and provincial elite families enjoyed a prestige and influence that transcended a single municipality and the most prominent among them owned considerable urban and rural property and engaged in a wide variety of economic activities from manufacturing and leasing carriages in the city to owning and managing large sugar estates. In the urban area itself, the members of Cebu City's elite served on the city council (ayuntamiento) along with the Spaniards and some



even held highranking bureaucratic posts, especially in the administration of justice.4

Cebu City was also the major educational center for the region. Since the 1860s the diocesan seminary had been authorized to offer a secular, as well as a religious, curriculum, and in the 1880s the SeminarioColegio de San Carlos, administered by Spanish Vincentians, offered a full secondary education under the supervision of the Dominicans at the University of Santo Tomas. Many Visayans who graduated from San Carlos continued their studies at the University of Santo Tomas. Urban and provincial elite families dominated the educational opportunities at the local colegio and became the nucleus of the resident ilustrado community of Cebu City and province (see table in chap. 1). Nevertheless, the presence of San Carlos and other private schools in Cebu City and its environs made it possible for many other Cebuanos to avail themselves of educational opportunities. These educational opportunities, combined with a large demand for urban clerks to fill the many branch offices of the colonial bureaucracy as well as those of many business firms based in the city, gave rise to an urban middle sector in Cebu that was similar in many ways to that which had emerged in Manila.5

Though some of Cebu's provincial and urban elites may have had individual or personal grievances against Spaniards, in general the upper echelon of Cebuano society found life under Spain somewhat satisfying. An "upperclass" lifestyle, defined by wealth and conspicuous consumption, was in full bloom in the last decades of the century.6 Only one prominent member of the urban aristocracy, Julio Llorente, had been active in the Propaganda Movement in Spain in the 1880s. The educated members of Cebu's elite, including Llorente upon his return, preferred to leave propaganda for political reform to Filipinos in Spain and Manila. The political atmosphere of Cebu was considerably more restricted than that of the capital. Few, if any, of the local ilustrados had any known affiliations with Manilabased political organizations like La Liga Filipina and even masonry had barely penetrated Cebu by the end of Spanish rule. There was no known cell of the Katipunan in Cebu in 1896.7



When news of the rebellion in Manila in August 1896 reached Cebu, the response of the urban and provincial elites was one of immediate and, for some, sincere support for Spain. Under Spanish supervision, local militia or loyal volunteers (voluntarios leales) were mobilized to combat the Tagalog rebels. Wealthy Cebuanos made large donations to the Spanish cause and the sons of the elite marched proudly in their voluntario uniforms.8 Life in Cebu was little affected by the unsettling events in Luzon and, having expressed their loyalty, most of the urban and provincial elites resumed their normal livelihoods, seemingly unconcerned about the plight of the Katipuneros or the beleaguered ilustrados of Luzon. It is not surprising then that the elite of Cebu was almost as disturbed as the Spaniards when a local rebellion broke out in Cebu in April 1898.

The revolutionary conspiracy in Cebu province did not have the support of the urban or provincial elites, and only a small segment of the municipal elites were involved. The rebellion was planned and carried out in Cebu City and its vicinity. It was led mainly by outside organizers who, claiming links with the pre1896 Katipunan, gained the support of several disgruntled members of the municipal elite of the suburban district of San Nicolas and representatives of Cebu's urban middle sector, mostly employees of the colonial government and foreign business houses operating in Cebu. The rebel following was drawn from men previously associated with the organizers (through family, patronclient, and office relationships) and included those living in towns south and north of the city and in the surrounding hills, as well as a portion of the city's labor force.9

On 3 April 1898, a large contingent of these dissidents rose in rebellion in San Nicolas and entered the city, overwhelming the Spaniards and forcing them to take refuge in the fort and other large stone structures. In several other municipalities, the breakdown in authority led to violent outbursts against Spanish residents, including priests, and some provincial and municipal elites.10 Alerted to the outbreak, most of the urban elites fled, some hiding in their homes. Others, especially those in the voluntarios, joined the Spaniards in the fort, and still others evacuated to provincial residences. Four days later, Spanish reinforcements arrived and drove the poorly armed



insurgents out of the city after a bloody skirmish. Most of the rebels escaped to the mountainous interior where they stayed until the Spanish departure from Cebu some eight months later. Following their recapture of the city and most of the major municipalities, the Spaniards launched a vigorous campaign to punish anyone suspected of having sympathies with the rebels. Arrests and executions became commonplace and fear and chaos reigned throughout the city and in many towns. Several prominent residents, among them Julio Llorente, were imprisoned at this time by the paranoid Spanish governor; a few of these men were even executed.11 The rebellion of April and its aftermath had brought an end to the tranquil life enjoyed by the elite of Cebu.

The defeat of the Spanish navy and the surrender of Manila to the Americans in the months that followed led to the withdrawal of Spanish forces from Cebu in December. Before their departure, the Spanish governor transferred authority over the city and province of Cebu to a committee of handpicked urban residents led by Pablo Mejia, a wealthy Manilaborn Spanish mestizo

and prominent member of the provincial elite. This group of Spanishappointed officials succeeded in working out a tenuous alliance with the returning rebel leaders who soon reentered the city amidst a jubilant welcome staged by the urban residents. Together, the leaders of both groups formed a provincial government that reestablished an earlier affiliation made by the rebels with the Philippine Republic at Malolos. Unfamiliar with conditions and personalities in distant Cebu, President Aguinaldo and his advisers, who knew of the propagandista Julio Llorente, named this former associate of Rizal as the president of the provincial council. Llorente, who had only been released a few days before the Spanish departure, was recognized by most of the local rebel leaders and took over the leadership of the province by the end of December. The rebel leaders showed great restraint in their collaboration with Llorente and the other provincial and city officials, many of whom had been officers in the voluntarios leales and allied with the Spanish in the months that followed the 3 April outbreak. Although most of the insurgent leaders bowed to the intellectual and social credentials of those



heading the new provincial government, serious tensions soon developed in the ranks of the revolutionary forces (S. Go 1976, 25164, 484).

The removal of the Spanish government, which had been the dominant political force for three centuries, led to a breakdown of authority everywhere. For the first time Cebuano leaders enjoyed full political control without reference to higher colonial authorities. Quite naturally individuals and emerging sociopolitical groupings began to contend with one another for political control. In some municipalities of the province, preexisting social divisions and conflicts led to open hostilities among competing factions of municipal elites who sought to dominate their towns. At the start of 1899, however, the impending conflict with the Americans appears to have contributed to a temporary relaxing of tensions among the various personalities and groups throughout the city and province. Spanish propaganda against the "treacherous" North Americans had apparently convinced many elites, from municipalities to the city, that it was in their best interests to unite in their resistance to Americans. Moreover, the breakdown of authority since early 1898 had unleashed widespread unrest throughout the province, and in some municipalities nonelite leaders, often with charismatic attributes and socioreligious objectives, had emerged to lead dissident elements of lowerclass Cebuanos against the municipal and provincial elites (S. Go 1976, 265314, 36467; Mojares 1976b, 23738). The dilemma facing most local elites was how to transform their longstanding socioeconomic position into political power in order to control the dissident elements and to preserve their property and place in the community. To this end, many looked to the emerging leaders in Cebu City for support. The arrival of an American army determined to subjugate the former Spanish colony would have a significant impact on the emerging political situation.

In lateFebruary 1899 American presence for the first time became a reality for Cebuanos. An American gunboat appeared in the harbor and presented the Cebu leadership with a simple ultimatum: surrender the city or prepare for battle against the American forces. The conservative tendencies of the ruling clique became immediately apparent when, after twentyfour hours of discussion, the city was surrendered to the Americans



without a single shot being fired. Llorente, who saw no sense in resisting the powerful American army, was reaffirmed as governor and soon became a close adviser to the American military authorities. Although it would be almost five months before the small detachment of American troops was reinforced enough to begin the "pacification" of the rest of the province, the early collaboration of several prominent urbanites exacerbated the internal divisions among the indigenous elites.12

The surrender of the city and the collaboration of Llorente and his associates with the Americans resulted in a definite split among segments of the urban and provincial elites. Several of the wealthiest residents of the city, together with a few of their closest allies among the provincial elites, accepted Llorente for the time being and chose not to endanger their positions and property by opposing the Americans. A few members of the urban elite, along with a sizable portion of the provincial and municipal elites, rejected Llorente's leadership and chose initially to resist the Americans. For these urban aristocrats, Llorente was viewed as an intruder, a wealthy and welleducated Spanish creole whose local authority emanated from outside Cebu, first from an uninformed Aguinaldo and now from the invading Americans. The renewed rebel forces, enjoying for the first time the participation and support of members of the urban and provincial elites, gathered in the outskirts of the city and were now determined to resist the invading forces. The most prominent figure among the insurgent leaders was Juan Climaco, a wealthy member of the old Chinese mestizo aristocracy and the owner of a large sugar estate on Cebu's west coast. Although the supreme commander of the army of the Republic in Cebu soon became Arcadio Maxilom, a littleknown principal from the remote town of Tuburan, members of the urban and provincial elites became identified with the struggle through Climaco who, as chief of general staff, became the voice of Maxilom. In spite of the fact that few members of the urban or provincial elites actually joined the resistance forces, as long as Climaco stayed in the hills, he and his associates enjoyed a wide support from both of these elites, as well as from a large segment of the municipal elites throughout the province.13



In June 1899 the deteriorating political situation was underscored by the brazen assassination of Governor Llorente's close friend and colleague in the provincial council, Pablo Mejia. Convinced by this brutal act that he was no longer safe in Cebu, Llorente left for Manila, where he was given a seat on the newly established Supreme Court under General Otis. Llorente was eventually replaced as Cebu governor by Segundo Singson, a very wealthy member of the urban aristocracy who had also favored cooperation with the Americans from the outset. Although Singson was somewhat more acceptable to the traditional urban aristocracy, political divisions continued to persist among leading figures of the city and province.14

Until the American military began its major operations in the province in January 1900, the resistance forces, which had reaffirmed their commitment to the Philippine Republic, enjoyed more influence throughout the island than the provincial government isolated in the city under American protection. As the American forces advanced and established garrisons in many of the municipalities, the political situation became considerably more complicated, particularly for the municipal and provincial elites who came into direct contact with the American military authorities. Continued identification with or support for the resistance led by Climaco and Maxilom would now result in open confrontation with the newly proclaimed colonial masters and the Filipino provincial authorities allied with them. The existence of a military force led by prominent and wellconnected figures of the provincial and urban elites encouraged support for the resistance. Most municipal elites, therefore, chose the precarious path of collaborating with both sides. After expressing their written opposition to American sovereignty, all but a few accepted the American occupation." They competed for and held the local offices established under Americansupervised elections and generally cooperated with the invading troops. At the same time many maintained contact with the resistance fighters and, when necessary, supplied them with food and material to sustain their struggle. For most, however, there seemed to be no real commitment either to the Americans or to the Republic. The decisions and actions of each individual or family were more likely based on personal or familial interests



and their particular responses to the emerging political realities of town and province. To the extent that members of the provincial and municipal elites remained supportive of the struggle, it should be interpreted more in terms of their relationships with personalities and groups within the province than in terms of loyalty to the distant Philippine Republic. Their support for the Americans and Filipino provincial authorities must be viewed in the same way.

Although the resistance in Cebu persisted until late 1901, militarily it was never very intense. After the major battles between the two forces at the beginning of 1900, the resistance army dispersed into a number of guerrilla units that spent most of the time harassing but avoiding contact with American troops. Nevertheless, the presence of these hostile forces which received support all over the island made it impossible for the Americans to claim that Cebu was "pacified." Shortly after the initial military encounters in April 1900, the Americans decided to disband the Filipino provincial government and to establish direct military rule in Cebu. The American commander took over the governorship from Segundo Singson, who was immediately named district judge, and the province came more firmly under military authority. This change seemed only to harden the resolve of the resistance leaders who refused to quit the struggle, even after the defeat of William J. Bryan in the United States presidential elections in November 1900 and the capture of Aguinaldo in March 1901. In April of that year, Dean Worcester described the situation in Cebu as "practically stationary," with neither side willing to escalate the hostilities and bring about unnecessary killing and destruction of property.16

Since the arrival of the Americans in February 1899, there had been no military resistance within Cebu City itself. Nevertheless, from the outset opposition to American presence, similar to that in Manila, found expression in the emerging Cebu press. Much of this journalistic opposition to the imposition of American rule initially appeared to be a more proSpanish than a proFilipino or proRepublic position. The earliest newspaper of this variety was Vicente Sotto's La Justicia, which was printed by the press of the Seminario de San Carlos, still under the Spanish Vincentian priests.



Journalism in Cebu, though tempered by military censorship, became the primary medium for an intellectual opposition to continued American rule. In time its patriotism became more pronounced and its campaigns more focused on obtaining recognition of Filipino capabilities for selfrule.17 By the end of 1900 most of the noncombatant members of the urban intellectual elite, like their counterparts in Manila, seemed anxious to put the military phase of the struggle behind them and to concentrate on a new style of opposition based on critical collaboration and the promotion of more Filipino participation in the political system. Increasingly, educated and wealthy Cebuanos were beginning to realize that the Americans did not intend any significant changes in the socioeconomic system. Moreover, there was ample evidence that collaboration had its rewards, especially in the widening opportunities for Filipinos in the government and bureaucracy. There was little to be gained in prolonging the resistance, since ultimate military victory was felt by most to be out of reach. The most pressing issue in 1901 was how to bring an end to the military resistance.

In April, the Philippine Commission arrived in Cebu to establish civil government in the province. Frustrated by the prevailing conditions in Cebu, Taft sharply challenged the urban and provincial elites to bring an end to the senseless struggle. After meetings with several prominent provincial figures, Taft appealed to the growing sentiment for peace in the province:

The question which the people of Cebu must face is whether they desire 200 men to continue a hopeless struggle, when the insurrection in other islands has collapsed, and by such foolish struggle keep the people of Cebu, an overwhelming majority of whom desire peace, from achieving that desire. It is not enough, however, that the majority desire peace; they must organize to obtain it. What the Commission is here to learn is whether the people have reached the conclusion that the time has come for them to take definite steps to bring about a termination of this unfavorable condition. (RPC 1901, 2:151)

The commission's presence provided some of the leading political personalities of the city with an opportunity to intensify their peace efforts.



In response to Taft's challenge, many prominent residents of the city and province, among them the widely respected ilustrado Miguel Logarta, took an active part in the campaign for peace. Some of these men actively promoted the expansion of the Partido Federal, which had been founded under Segundo Singson less than a month earlier. Though the Federalistas never enjoyed a wide following in Cebu, enthusiasm for the party grew during the Taft visit and several local branches soon sprouted in the municipalities near the city (El Pueblo, 21 Mar., 18 Apr., 14 May 1901). In June, civil government was extended to Cebu province and Julio Llorente, a founding member of the Federalistas in Manila and now a friend of Taft, was once again named provincial governor. Through the influence of Cayetano Arellano, Miguel Logarta, whose sympathies had been with Juan Climaco and the leaders of the resistance in the beginning, was prevailed upon to accept the office of provincial fiscal.18

The reappointment of Llorente could not have been more dissatisfying to the guerrilla leadership and many of their noncombatant supporters. Llorente and his relatively small following within the city were clearly at odds with those who identified with Climaco. As a result, the rebel forces defiantly ignored the peace gestures and stubbornly remained in the hills. By the end of June, Taft was forced to reinstate military rule in Cebu. Reasserting their authority, the American military officers moved quickly and ruthlessly to terminate the prolonged conflict; the era of "benevolence" in Cebu ended abruptly. Faced with the difficulty of locating the guerrillas and drawing them into battle, the military aimed its operations against noncombatant supporters in an effort to disrupt the flow of supplies and thereby force the resistance forces into the open. In early October, four mayors in towns near the city were arrested and summarily executed.19 The message was clear and the reaction quick in coming.

Two factors became critical in the termination of the resistance in Cebu, and both were inextricably woven into the social and political realities of the city and province. It was important that the guerrilla leaders, in particular Climaco and his associates, be accorded an honorable surrender and that they did not have to suffer imprisonment, despite their refusal to



come in before the amnesty deadline. Equally important, it was essential that credit for obtaining peace not be accorded to Llorente and the small Federalista clique in the city. It was necessary that the credit go to those elements in Cebu's society favorable to Climaco and other leaders of the resistance, Logarta in particular. Between July and October, Cebu was alive with peace committees and campaigns, as negotiations with the leaders of the resistance ensued. When it was all worked out in October, the Filipino military leaders, including Climaco and Maxilom, came down one at a time, presented their arms and men, took their oaths of allegiance to the United States, and returned peaceably to their homes and families. With peace established by the start of 1902, civil government was restored in Cebu and the political struggle entered a new phase.21

The Making of Sergio Osmeña as a Provincial Ilustrado

Sergio Osmeña, unlike his lifelong colleague Manuel Quezon, was born into a family that had long been prominent in the society and economy of his native city and province. His grandfather, Severino Osmeña (d. ca. 1860) was one of the powerful leaders of Cebu City's Parian and later the Chinese mestizo gremio. He left a considerable fortune in rural and urban property to his heirs, but problems soon arose over who would inherit these properties. Don Severino had been married twice and the children of the first wife obtained control over most of the estate. The second wife, Paula Suico, the grandmother of Sergio, was left with two daughters, Juana and Filomena, and a house and lot in the center of the city. Dona Paula was also from one of Cebu's old and wealthy Chinese mestizo families, but the fortunes of the Suicos seem to have dissipated over the years. Although she was anything but destitute, her family survived by maintaining a bakery and a high society gambling parlor, where many of the city's aristocrats congregated for monte, mahjong, or other juegos prohibidos (prohibited gambling games). Sergio Osmeña was born and raised in this house.21

His ties to the original Osmeña line were further complicated by the fact that he was illegitimate. His mother, Juana Osmeña y Suico, never



married; her son took her name and both lived with Paula Suico, on whom they all depended for their livelihood. It is important to stress that, though Sergio inherited the Osmeña name, he did not at first inherit the economic advantages that went along with it. His relationship with the "other Osmeñas" was distant, and he was not clearly accepted by them until after he had established himself as a prominent political figure in Cebu society.22 It is possible to speculate that the young Osmeña's social predicament contributed greatly to his ambitious, nononsense approach to his life and work. Sergio grew up among Cebu's elite, played with them, went to school with them, but it took some time before he was fully one of them.

Like Quezon, Osmeña's early rise to prominence was based on his intelligence and educational attainments. His grandmother apparently devoted much of the profits from her business ventures to his education, first under established tutors of the city, later at the Vincentianrun SeminarioColegio de San Carlos in Cebu, and finally at the University of Santo Tomas in Manila. Crucial assistance was also provided for his formal education by clergymen, both Filipinos and Spaniards, who contributed financial and other aid to the intellectually promising youth. When he and Quezon met at Santo Tomas in 1892, both were livein tutors (capistas), positions they obtained through the influence of priestly patrons.23 Osmeña excelled as a student at all levels; it was his intelligence and ability to express himself that brought him the attention and the assistance of many of his teachers. He mastered Spanish and was considered an accomplished writer at an early age. As late as 1903, his skill as a writer in Spanish was considered his greatest asset. His "elegant style" was developed, we are told, by immersing himself while young in the major works of Spanish literature (El Pueblo, 22 Feb. 1903; Pacis 1971, 1:1920).

His education provided him with the credentials for membership within the rather select group of ilustrados in Cebu. His own drive to attain both exceptional skills in the language and a more than adequate fund of knowledge, however, made him stand out among young Cebuano intellectuals. His years at the SeminarioColegio de San Carlos brought him into contact with many of the future leaders of the central and eastern



Visayas and northern Mindanao, the area served by the school. Santo Tomas opened a whole new vista to him. Cebu was so different from Manila, with its compact and comparatively small aristocratic community, its one secular newspaper, and its dominant religious presence. Although Cebu possessed many of the elements of an urban or cosmopolitan center, it was truly provincial in comparison with Manila. At Santo Tomas Osmeña became acquainted with students from all over the archipelago. His closest friends seem to have been Manuel Quezon, Vicente Singson Encarnacion (from a prominent IlocanoChinese mestizo family of Vigan), and Vicente Madrigal (a Bikolborn Spanish mestizo then residing in Manila). There were also his upperclassmen, who included Rafael Palma and Fernando Ma. Guerrero (from Manila), Jaime C. de Veyra (from Leyte), and Macario Adriatico (from Mindoro), and his classmates Juan Sumulong and Emilio Jacinto (Tagalog), Dionisio Mapa and Ramon Avancena (Ilonggo), Candelario Borja (Boholano), and his provincemates Casiano Causin and Filemon Sotto (Pacis 1971, 1:2425). Most of these relationships had little significance in the 1890s, but within a decade these and other schoolmates would play an important part in Osmeña's successful quest for national political leadership.

When the classes at Santo Tomas were disrupted by the Revolution in August 1896, Osmeña returned to Cebu, where the Katipunan was almost unknown. He continued his studies under the locally renowned tutor, Miguel Logarta, took a parttime job at the Audiencia as a court recorder, and began his journalistic career by writing articles for Cebu's only newspaper of the day, El Boletin de Cebu. Before long, his diligence and talents attracted the attention of the politicalmilitary governor of Cebu, Gen. Celestino Fernández Tejeiro. While Fernández Tejeiro remained in Cebu, Osmeña acted as his personal aide, and when the general was called into action against the rebels in Luzon, he recommended Osmeña to the interim governor, Arturo Pereiro. Under both governors (18961897) Osmeña served as a local propagandista for the Spanish cause. He wrote articles in El Boletin de Cebu, and later in the Manila papers, El Comercio and El Diario de Manila, wherein he boldly expressed the loyalty of the Cebuanos to Spain and recounted the "glorious" deeds of Cebu's voluntarios leales. Whenever possible he also took the



opportunity to heap praise upon his generous patron, Gov. Fernandez Tejeiro.24 Some of his articles from El Comercio have survived and provide rare examples of Osmeña's flowery Spanish prose, his enthusiastic support of Mother Spain, and his professed disdain for the revolutionaries. One such article opens with:

The hearts of all the Spaniards are saddened and grieved with immense and bitter sorrow by the wanton conduct, full of dark ingratitude, of thousands who cross the Luzonian fields. These ungrateful sons spread havoc and grief along their way. The Spaniards are moved with infinite pain by the anguish of the country that, instead of gathering the fruits of its labors, reaps the bile and thorniness of some bastard. (El Comercio, 17 Dec. 1896)

In another long article describing the festivities held for the inauguration of the city's voluntarios leales, Osmeña concluded with a dramatic description of the final cannon salute:

Hurled from these cannons were balls and flames, the same fuming flames and deadly balls that when rising to the heights of the mountain and descending to the plain in search of the enemy, when piercing the body of the foreign invader and when annihilating the spurious son, constitute an inviolable guardian of our inviolable national honor. Long live Spain! (El Comercio, 22 Nov. 1896)

Osmeña's loyalty and dedication did not go unrewarded. In October 1897 his former patron, Gen. Fernández Tejeiro, recommended him for the Medalla de Merito Civil, the highest civilian award given by the Spanish in the Philippines. In February 1898, the GovernorGeneral approved the award for nineteenyearold Sergio Osmeña for services rendered to La Patria.25

Whatever plans the young Osmeña may have had to exploit his newly acquired prestige with the Spanish government were dashed in early 1898 by two events beyond his control: the 3 April uprising in Cebu and the 1 May arrival of Admiral Dewey at Manila Bay. Sometime in late 1897 or early 1898 Osmeña had returned to Manila to resume his study of law at Santo Tomas.



The brevity of his stay, however, permitted him to complete only one course (Pacis 1971, 1:28). He was back in Cebu at the time of the local rebellion in April. Possibly fearing for his life due to his close association with the Spanish authorities, Osmeña fled to the northern towns of Cebu's east coast. There among friends and relatives he waited out the rebellion and its bloody aftermath.26

Little is known about Osmeña's activities between April 1898 and June 1899. Most likely he returned to Cebu City after peace was restored in late April. He played no known part in the events surrounding either the departure of the Spanish authorities in December or the occupation of Cebu by the Americans in late February. It is quite possible that he participated in some of the journalistic activities sponsored by Vicente and Filemon Sotto during the first few months of the American occupation but, if so, he was not in the forefront of these activities (Mojares 1975, 1213, 57, 15758).

In June 1899, before the outbreak of hostilities between Americans and Cebuanos, Osmeña reemerges in the sources as a recent arrival in Manila (El Comercio, 19 June 1899). From there he proceeded to Tarlac describing himself later as a "newspaperman covering Aguinaldo's retreat."27 He is also alleged to have brought news of the conditions in Cebu to Aguinaldo, carried messages from Pablo Ocampo in Manila to the Filipinos in arms, and accompanied the retreat as far as Baguio, where he provided clerical and other assistance to the beleaguered government of the Republic. It was this experience, he later confided, that convinced him of the futility of continued military resistance to the Americans (Villanueva Kalaw 1945, 1011; Pacis 1971, 1:89). During this period in Luzon, Osmeña is said to have met at various times with many of the leading figures in the Republic's administration, among them Aguinaldo, Mabini, Buencamino, Barretto, Miguel Sityar, Gregorio del Pilar, Venancio Concepcion, Manuel Tinio and even his classmate Quezon. Serving as a courier for Pedro Paterno, with whom he stayed in Baguio, Osmeña withdrew from the retreat, returned to Manila, delivered "secret communications" entrusted to him by Paterno to Pablo Ocampo, and soon afterwards departed for Cebu.28



It is difficult to reconstruct with any clarity what Osmeña was actually doing in Luzon during this period. He was apparently involved in some sort of journalistic endeavor, either for the Sotto papers of Cebu (La Justicia and El Nacional) or for the Spanish press of Manila (possibly El Comercio). It is fairly certain that he was not writing for the proRepublic press. Almost all of the articles on Cebu submitted to La Independencia, for instance, were contributed by El Degollado (the pseudonym of an unknown writer) or were reprints of articles appearing in the Sotto papers. On 28 July 1899, a letter from El Degollado appeared in La Independencia which claimed that Sergio Osmeña would soon establish and direct an "autonomist newspaper" (periodico autonomista) in Cebu. Within the resistance movement, advocacy of this compromise position (autonomy under American sovereignty) was anathema. The implication that Osmeña was an autonomista was strongly denied in a letter published in the same paper in late October and signed by J. Villarin (undoubtedly also a pseudonym). Osmeña, insisted the writer, had been done a great injustice by El Degollado, for "he has proven his pure patriotism on a thousand occasions." The editors of La Independencia promptly published a retraction of the earlier article, stating that the readers and the revolutionary government were fully aware of and much appreciated the "sacrifices" made by Osmeña (La Independencia, 28 July, 20 Oct. 1899).

Other important aspects of Osmeña's life at this time can be reconstructed from the fragments of information available. During the first half of 1899, Osmeña's association with Juan Climaco, the leading ilustrado among the Cebu insurgents, first becomes apparent. It was General Climaco's message, not that of the Supreme Gen. Arcadio Maxilom, that Osmeña is reported to have delivered to Aguinaldo.29 His relationship with Climaco was maintained during the more than two and a half years that the latter remained in the mountains resisting the Americans and would be the basis of Osmeña's entry into the political arena in 1902.

An equally important relationship developed by the young intellectual was with Nicasio Chiong Veloso, one of the wealthiest Chinese residents of Cebu. Ch. Veloso, a Christian, and his Cebuana wife, Genoveva Rosales,



headed one of Cebu's most prominent families and had produced eight of the most eligible young women in Cebu society by the 1890s.30 At some point Nicasio became close to the bright young man who lived only a short distance from the Ch. Veloso residence in the central city. Little is known of their relationship or exactly when or how it began.31 By early 1900, however, it was Ch. Veloso and not his wealthy uncle, Tomas Osmeña, who became the financial backer of Sergio's ambitious project to establish the first daily newspaper in Cebu. Not only had Osmeña become the protege of the wealthy chino, but he was also to become his soninlaw. Before their wedding day, however, Constancia Ch. Veloso, the bridetobe, became seriously ill and died. Her death proved only a temporary setback to Osmeña's eventual bond with the Ch. Veloso family. In a little less than a year (on 10 April 1901) Osmeña married Constancia's sister, Estefania, in a grand ceremony at the Cebu Cathedral.32

The wedding to Estefania Ch. Veloso is also the first indication that Sergio had been recognized by the "other Osmeñas." His best man was Arsenio Climaco, whose wife Juanita Osmeña was Sergio's cousin and daughter of the late Victoriano Osmeña, the elder brother of the heir to most of the Osmeña estate, Tomas Osmeña. The bride's sponsor was Januaria Cabrera vda. de Osmeña, the widow of Victoriano. Sergio's marriage to one of the soughtafter Ch. Veloso women opened the door to his becoming an accepted member of the city's aristocratic society, while the presence of Dona Januaria clearly suggests his recognition by the Osmeñas. The wedding is also our first clear indication of Osmeña's close relationship with Arsenio Climaco, the nephew of Juan Climaco. Arsenio Climaco would remain Osmeña's lifelong confidant and loyal supporter. By 1910 Arsenio was also the administrator of the estate of Tomas Osmeña.33

As early as mid1899, Osmeña was apparently contemplating putting up his own newspaper in Cebu. Financial backing from his future fatherinlaw made the project a reality in early 1900, when, after another brief trip to Manila, Osmeña acquired the printing press of the defunct Manila daily, La Opinion. The machinery was transported to Cebu in February and installed in one of the Ch. Veloso warehouses in the commercial district (Quirino 1959,



23, 32; Pacis 1971, 1:35). Aside from the printing press, Osmeña also acquired two competent associates who joined him in this endeavor: Rafael Palma and Jaime C. de Veyra. Palma came to Cebu with Osmeña less than three months after the capture by the Americans of La Independencia and played an important part in the establishment of Osmeña's newspaper. De Veyra, from Leyte, also brought with him considerable writing skills and journalistic experience in Manila (Valenzuela 1933, 13132).34 Together the three, who would remain friends throughout their lives, set out to create the newspaper that would later be called the predecessor of El Renacimiento (T. Kalaw 1965, 4647; M. Kalaw 1927, 28284). On 16 April 1900, the first issue of El Nuevo Dia came off the press. Although there were two other Filipinorun newspapers in Cebu at the time, it was the first and only daily (El Nuevo Dia, 16 Apr. 1900, in Pacis 1971, 1:36).

El Nuevo Dia (19001902) brought Osmeña into his first significant relationship with Americans. The newspaper became, as Osmeña's foremost biographer described it, "an excellent medium of contact and transactions with the Americans," and provided Osmeña "with a useful basis for the study and observation" of Americans and their way of doing things (Pacis 1971, 1:44). The military governor of Cebu at this time was Col. Edward J. McClernand. In January 1900, Colonel McClernand led the American troops in the decisive victory over the Cebuano forces at the battle of Sudlon in Cebu's interior hills. Nevertheless, McClernand had established good relations with the city's elite. The colonel's aide, Capt. Frank McIntyre, who would later become chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, spoke Spanish and acted as the interpreter and confidant of McClernand. Among the many responsibilities of Captain McIntyre and his staff was to act as censors of the Cebu newspapers. Unlike in Manila, the military authorities in Cebu kept a close supervision over the local press (Valenzuela 1933, 11819).

Osmeña's first encounter with the two American officers was when he first petitioned to establish his newspaper. Newspapers had already proven to be a serious annoyance to the American military in Cebu. Two of the Sotto papers had been closed down as a result of their "seditious" editorials and



coverage of certain prohibited aspects of the FilipinoAmerican War. Vicente Sotto (1926, 1629), owner and editor of El Nacional, had also been imprisoned in Fort San Pedro for two months at the close of 1899. By the time El Nuevo Dia was proposed, the limits of acceptable journalism were well known to local periodistas who, once they knew the Americans were serious, rarely violated the guidelines. The Americans, however, may have had grave doubts about Osmeña's associates in this venture. Both Palma and De Veyra were viewed as antiAmerican with proRepublic sympathies. Nevertheless, the military authorities granted Osmeña and his coeditors permission to publish their daily, but warned that they would censor anything they felt to be undesirable (Villanueva Kalaw 1945, 1014; Pacis 1971, 1:36). When the first number of El Nuevo Dia appeared, its editorial stressed:

We shall not stir up hatreds; we shall not plant distrust: seeking the national good, we shall urge harmony upon two nations that continue to fight in our land, appeasing the fire of war and muffling the roar of artillery with words of peace and phrases of love ... so that all wounds may heal and all rancor may disappear. (El Nuevo Dia, 16 Apr. 1900)

El Nuevo Dia soon gained popularity among the city's Spanishreading public, and Osmeña commenced his relationship with McIntyre and other Americans. Except on "rare occasions," the staff of El Nuevo Dia avoided conflict with the authorities. The most serious infraction they seem to have committed was the practice of inverting the types and printing a black column when McIntyre censored an article too close to the time of publication. Osmeña recalled that they were punished at times by having their publication suspended "for a few days" (De Veyra 1924, 7; Palma 1953, 38; Pacis 1971, 1:3738). None of the editors of the EI Nuevo Dia were ever arrested or jailed and Osmeña, in particular, seems to have maintained quite cordial relations with McIntyre. Palma later attributed the brevity and infrequency of their suspensions to Osmeña's "diplomatic gestures" (Palma 1953, 38; cf. Quirino 1959,2728).



To prepare himself for his encounter with the Americans, we are told that Osmeña accumulated a large quantity of books, some in English, about the United States on his trips to Manila (Pacis 1971, 1:1314). Long before most ilustrados had given much thought to learning English, Osmeña began taking lessons in Cebu in early 1900 from Josephine Bracken, the widow of Jose Rizal. Although these lessons lasted only a short while and he achieved only limited proficiency in the language, he made some efforts to communicate with Americans in English and to familiarize himself with certain aspects of American government (Pacis 1971, 1:2324; El Pueblo, 11 Apr., 16 June 1900). An example of his efforts in this direction can be seen in what is most likely his earliest letter in English. Less than a month after El Nuevo Dia came out it was temporarily suspended. In an effort to reverse this decision with one of his "diplomatic gestures," Osmeña wrote the following letter (probably with the help of Josephine Bracken) to Colonel McClernand:

Sir:

The suspension of the newspaper "El Nuevo Dia," much regretted by all concerned, has been endured with meekness, submission and loyalty.

It seems to be now time for the Editor to crave your indulgence. The chief aim of "El Nuevo Dia" is to work for the instruction, improvement and welfare of the country now entrusted to your wise charge.

It is to be expected that all that works or cooperates with you in the administration of affairs to the benefit of this country should meet with your approval or protection. Such has been, and always shall be the principal object of "El Nuevo Dia."

One of the advantages which the peaceable Filipinos expect to receive from your noble nation is the free enjoyment of their individual rights, inherent to which are the freedom of thinking and the freedom of the Press. "El Nuevo Dia" works peaceably and legally for the intelligence of America and the Philippines, and will always



remain within the bounds of neutrality and strict impartiality. The stoppage of works in this printing office occasions a great deal of loss in business; so the owners and the Editor most humbly appeal to your kind and noble feeling, entreating you to be good enough to allow to continue the publication of "El Nuevo Dia," by doing which you will afford them an opportunity of acknowledging your generosity and justice.

Yours most respectfully, Sergio Osmeña, Editor.35

El Nuevo Dia was soon back in print and Sergio Osmeña and companions again had their public platform.

Most Americans at the time viewed El Nuevo Dia as "decidedly radical" in that it "severely criticized American administration in the islands."36 Since only a few scattered issues of the paper have survived, it is difficult to determine just how "radical" the paper actually was, especially in comparison with other Cebu and Manila papers of the day. Nevertheless, based on the few remaining issues, it is possible to draw some important conclusions about the impact of El Nuevo Dia in comparison to its best known competitor, Vicente Sotto's El Pueblo.

El Pueblo, which came out two or three times a week between 1900 and 1904, had been founded a short time before El Nuevo Dia. Both papers possessed wellinformed staffs with contacts in Manila and elsewhere (even abroad), both covered the same news items, editorialized on the same local and contemporary issues, held the same political ideology, and wrote for nearly the same readership. Moreover, since both papers remained within the bounds of censorship set by the military authorities, neither suffered extended suspensions, nor had members of their staffs punished or imprisoned. If it is possible to make a distinction between the two papers, it can be said that they had different personalities. El Pueblo was more dynamic, more fiery; some might say that it was fearless, but others might say, more accurately, that it was impulsive. El Nuevo Dia was more cautious, more methodical; some might say that it was more conservative, but others



might say, more accurately, that it was more intellectual, more sophisticated, even more elitist. El Pueblo delved openly into sensitive local issues, exposing people by name and collecting libel suits, whereas El Nuevo Dia avoided most local polemics or covered them indirectly and more sensitively, rarely involving people by name and never facing a libel suit. Both were popular, but El Pueblo soon had a number of bitter enemies, while El Nuevo Dia cultivated lasting relationships and antagonized very few. In general El Pueblo reflected less sympathy and familiarity with American democratic ideals; El Nuevo Dia, on the other hand, based its arguments on a firmer grasp of the rhetoric of American government and political traditions. These personality traits were also, of course, those of the two youthful editors, Vicente Sotto and Sergio Osmeña. Both men were ambitious, yet Osmeña pursued his goals in a more silent, calculating manner than did the aggressive, more temperamental Sotto. Sotto, seeming to model his early career after Isabelo de los Reyes, indulged in all manner of other "radical" activities from labor organizations to "seditious" dramas in the vernacular, while Osmeña, more like his colleague, Rafael Palma, demonstrated a greater delicadeza (a sense of propriety) and always kept his inner feelings to himself. Moreover, Osmeña was rarely sidetracked and never lost sight of his goal; he seemed to have little time for the trials and errors of youth.37

The personality traits of Osmeña and Sotto were critical in their interactions with Americans and contributed markedly to American opinions of the two popular Cebuano periodistas. Most Americans appear to have had confidence in the integrity of Osmeña. His objections to American rule were usually well argued and difficult to refute within the context of America's professed ideals. He made his points rationally without invoking animosity and without sensationalism; his sort of "radicalism" could be tolerated. Such a view was clearly expressed several years later by one American who served under Captain McIntyre in the Cebu censor's office. "Even in the old `El Nuevo Dia' days," he wrote to his former superior, "I had a great deal of respect for [Osmeña], and I can recall that he impressed me then as being way above average." "He strikes me," the former censor continued, "as being sincere and conservative." In contrast, the same observer reported with



obvious satisfaction that the other subject of their censors's pens, Vicente Sotto, had fallen into ill repute and suffered political exile.38 This assessment of Cebu's most outspoken "nationalists" was shared by other Americans living in Cebu during these early years.

At the start of 1901 Palma returned to Manila, leaving Osmeña and De Veyra to run El Nuevo Dia. The new year brought few changes for Cebu. The resistance under Maxilom and Climaco continued in the hills and military rule was still in effect over the island. Little by little, however, life in the urban area was returning to normal. Commercial activity was gradually increasing and the city's social life was beginning to revive. Still, an unsettling atmosphere hung over the city, heightened by talk of assassins and spies and the threat of guerrilla raids on the outlying barrios. Most of the anxiety regarding anticipated American treachery, however, had disappeared. The most common complaints against Americans concerned the rude and often destructive behavior of drunken soldiers garrisoned within the city.39 At the higher levels, American officers maintained polite but distant relations with Filipinos of the "better class." Encouraged by the developments in Manila, the Cebu press paid close attention to the activities of the Philippine Commission and was very receptive to the Cebu visit of Taft and his entourage in April. Although Osmeña does not appear to have been actively involved in the events surrounding this visit, the newly established local branch of the Partido Federal entertained the Taft party at the house of Nicasio Ch. Veloso, where only a week before Osmeña's wedding reception had been held (El Pueblo, 14, 18 Feb. 1901; RPC 1901, 2:15157).

The establishment and later removal of civil government and the restoration of military rule provided a major diversion for the Cebu press. After the escalation of the military campaign in Cebu following Taft's visit and the subsequent execution of municipal officials, both El Pueblo and El Nuevo Dia waged vigorous campaigns for peace. At times the two newspapers appeared to be competing over the extent of each other's contribution to the now "sacred" cause. They publicized the activities of the peace committee organized by several prominent citizens to negotiate with the resistance



leaders and lauded the efforts of peace agents who repeatedly went back and forth between the American military headquarters and the rebels' mountain retreats.40 El Nuevo Dia in particular praised the work of the peacemakers, especially Osmeña's old teacher, Miguel Logarta. At the same time, the paper spoke highly of the bravery and patriotism of the guerrilla leaders, especially Osmeña's friend, Juan Climaco, stressing the dignity of their struggle, the futility of its continuance, and the wisdom of their surrender. When peace was achieved in October, Osmeña, in his usual flowery style, concluded it opened the door to the hope for a brighter future.41

No sooner had the year 1902 begun than Osmeña found himself suddenly engaged for the first time in electoral politics. With the reestablishment of civil government in Cebu (Jan. 1902), elections for provincial governor were scheduled, the first of their kind in the province. There were no American candidates and several politically active urbanites were seeking the defeat of the Americanista governor, Julio Llorente. The election, however, received relatively little attention in the local press, for it was at the time less newsworthy than the mass surrenders connected with the final establishment of peace. There was some discussion of qualified candidates by El Pueblo, which was clearly backing Florentino Rallos. Rallos, a one time Federalista, had been presidente (mayor) of the city since 1899 and the leader of the politically oriented Club Popular. Despite his popularity within the city, Rallos had very little support in the province.42 Without the emergence of a candidate who enjoyed a wider following, it was likely that Llorente would be elected by the municipal officials; it was obvious to everyone that he was the Americans' favorite. No one had experience with elections of this kind, and few provincially prominent figures were inclined to do their own campaigning. Many may also have felt that the Americans would only accept the victory of Llorente.

It was at this point that Osmeña entered the contest. Having just returned from a trip to Manila with his wife, he took the initiative to promote the candidacy of Juan Climaco. Apparently without Climaco's knowledge, El Nuevo Dia launched a campaign for the "nationalist" hero. As the deadline



approached for the registration of nominations, however, serious problems arose. Climaco's surrender in October had come too late to qualify him to be a candidate for any office in 1902 (1 May 1901 being the deadline proclaimed by Taft). Moreover, with his residence in the distant town of Toledo, it would be nearly impossible to contact him in time to obtain the approval of his candidacy before the deadline to file. As the story was later told, Osmeña convinced the American authorities to accept Climaco's nomination and then obtained permission from the American commanding officer to use the "military telephone" to contact the former rebel leader to inform him of his candidacy and to verify his acceptance (Villanueva Kalaw 1945, 15; Pacis 1971, 1:4445). On 3 February 1902, a total of 425 municipal officials were conducted to Cebu City to take part in the election for governor. Two days later Juan Climaco was elected by more than a hundred votes over the incumbent Llorente.43 The young editor of El Nuevo Dia had succeeded in his first political campaign.

To most Americans, and particularly to Taft, who was personally committed to Llorente as the leading Federalista in Cebu, the victory of Climaco was a great disappointment. It was, as one American put it, "like turning the government over to the insurrectos."" The electoral victory of Climaco, however, was much more than simply a case of a popular resistance leader triumphing over an unpopular Americanista. In spite of Climaco's affiliation with the Philippine Republic, the electoral struggle was not between resisters and collaborators. Within the context of Cebu's elite society, Climaco's election reflected the triumph of one sector of the urban aristocracy and provincial elite over another. Although Llorente was a very prominent citizen, he was not well integrated into the Cebu urban elite, the nucleus of which consisted of influential members of the now defunct Chinese mestizo gremio. The Llorentes had always identified more with the Spanish community of Cebu. Moreover, Llorente's support came from a small but very wealthy and influential group of the urban aristocrats who had been in opposition to Climaco and others since the beginning of the American presence in Cebu. Climaco, a direct descendant of one of the leading families of the old Parian, was the only potential candidate with both aristocratic



credentials and widespread backing throughout the province. Fully aware of the prevailing conditions and familiar with the electoral procedures, Osmeña and his youthful companions cleverly engineered Climaco's political victory by coalescing the diverse political forces among provincial and municipal elites around his candidacy. Osmeña was championing the cause of the old elite under the new regime, and for the meantime he was content to serve under the leadership of the elder Climaco.

Osmeña's Rise to Local Prominence

Toward the end of 1901 Osmeña had already begun to phase himself out of El Nuevo Dia. The running of the newspaper came more and more under the management of Jaime C. de Veyra, who was at the same time actively engaged in city politics. By the end of April 1902, El Nuevo Dia announced that due to "difficulties and obstructions of all varieties," it was suspending publication. Its final demise was confirmed a few days later. In June, however, El Nuevo Dia resurrected, probably under new ownership. De Veyra was now the editor and the paper's frequency was reduced to three times a week. Thus renewed, it sputtered on to the end of November, when it permanently ceased publication.45 By that time Osmeña was already in Manila reestablishing old contacts and pursuing new directions. Journalism had served its purpose, he was now intent on qualifying as a lawyer and preparing himself for a more influential role under the new colonial regime.

For Osmeña, Manila in 1902 was a different place than it had been when he was simply a diligent provinciano studying at Santo Tomas. His friend and coeditor of El Nuevo Dia, Rafael Palma, was now the editor of the leading Filipino newspaper in the capital, El Renacimiento (Palma 1953, 3744). Through Palma he expanded his contacts with the leaders of the growing opposition to the Federalistas and was soon involved in the ilustrado politics of Manila. Among Osmeña's closest associates were Alberto Barretto, Jose Ma. de la Vina, Fernando Ma. Guerrero and the Lukban brothers (Cayetano, Justo, and Vicente). By September 1902 this group of Filipinos was petitioning Governor Taft for the recognition of their newly formed Partido Democrata, calling for the ultimate independence of the Philippines. The



petition was rejected, but the members of this group retained their informal association in subsequent years, designating themselves as the "consistent nationalists."46 Osmeña continued his affiliation with these and other men in the Manila opposition who formed what was later called "the principal nucleus" of the emerging Partido Nacionalista. At the time, he was the only nonTagalog among them (T. Kalaw in Palma 1923, 19).

Having completed the equivalent of three years at Santo Tomas, Osmeña, like many others, was eligible to take the bar examination. To prepare for the next exam in April 1903, he enrolled in the review course being offered by the prominent Manila attorney, Francisco Ortigas. Here he studied the old and new law codes and renewed his friendship with Manuel Quezon and a number of other former classmates. When the results of the exam were announced, Osmeña had easily passed; by midMay he was back in Cebu ready to practice law.47

The years 1902 and 1903 were traumatic ones for Cebu. The end of the war had removed only the most obvious hindrance to economic rehabilitation. Agricultural decline in both food and commercial crops, combined with cholera and other diseases, left much of the countryside miserable. By the end of the year social unrest in the form of bandolerismo was rampant. To further complicate matters, politics had intensified the conflicts among various elite groups everywhere, especially in Cebu City. The local branch of the Partido Federal had nearly disappeared by mid1902 and in its place there emerged among the urban elite and middle sector a number of sociorecreational clubs, all with political orientations, ambitious leaders, and relatively small enthusiastic followings. The focus of much of this activity was to gain control over municipal and provincial offices.48

The removal of military censorship of the press in early 1902 had not brought a barrage of antiAmericanism or proindependence outcries. Instead, the press devoted most of its energy to local politics. One of the most volatile issues in Cebu politics was the struggle between the Catholic Church and its supporters (represented by Ang Camatuoran, 19021912) and the antiChurch elements, many of whom later affiliated with the Aglipayan



movement (represented by Vicente Sotto's Ang Suga, 19011912).°9 Too often, however, this and other controversial issues, as well as various nationalistic sentiments, were employed as rhetoric to legitimize underlying personal feuds and sociopolitical competition. It was this atmosphere of continually escalating polemics that brought the most criticism from the resident American community which felt, like Taft, that politics should be postponed until the more pressing social and economic problems had been solved. This was an unrealistic expectation in light of the importance to local elites of controlling elective posts at the municipal and provincial levels.

When Osmeña returned to Cebu to establish his law office in May 1903, El Nuevo Dia was a thing of the past. He was now one of only twelve practicing attorneys in Cebu City and province and his career as a lawyer began almost immediately.50 Osmeña's successful defense of a former colonel in Cebu's resistance forces in a wellpublicized case of sedition boosted his image as a lawyer and his popularity as a nationalist. By the end of the year, he was recognized as one of Cebu's leading attorneys. No longer was he simply "the intelligent and learned writer" (ilustrado y habil escritor) of the local press; he was now depicted as the "eloquent and distinguished attorney" (elocuente y notable abogado).51

As the retired editor of Cebu's first and only daily newspaper, the close friend of Governor Climaco, a member of the Manilabased "consistent nationalists," and a promising young attorney, Osmeña was rapidly becoming one of Cebu's most noteworthy citizens. The wealth of his wife and her family contributed greatly to his ability to take part in Cebu's high society.52 In September 1903 he celebrated his twentyfifth birthday by hosting a huge banquet and dance at the couple's newly constructed home; it was attended by most of the city's select society. That December, as a sign of his growing prominence, Osmeña was chosen as one of the four speakers for the city's large Rizal Day festivities (El Puebo, 13 Sept. 1903, 3 Jan. 1904).

At the end of 1903, the various political alignments in Cebu were beginning to prepare for the coming election for provincial governor to be held in February. Opposition to Governor Climaco had cautiously but very



definitely surfaced in both the Catholic newspaper, Ang Camatuoran, and its opponent, Ang Suga. There was some reluctance on the part of candidates to oppose Climaco openly, yet a number of potential governors were identified and their qualifications enumerated. Ang Camatuoran and its mostly conservative Catholic backers were promoting Alejandro Ruiz, a powerful, Manilaborn member of the provincial elite from the municipality of Argao on the southeast coast (Ang Camatuoran, 23 Jan. 1904, Nueva Era, 5 Feb. 1904). Ang Suga was once again promoting Florentino Rallos until, in apparent discouragement, the beleaguered former mayor of the city formally withdrew from political life. Subsequently, this popular Sottoowned newspaper shifted its support to Pedro Rodriguez, the brother of the city's incumbent mayor, Celestino Rodriguez (El Pueblo, 29 Nov. 1903, 10 Jan. 1904).

The Climaco supporters, including Osmeña, appeared to be waiting in silence. Since Climaco was the incumbent, he had a better opportunity than other potential candidates to influence the municipal officials and to campaign in private throughout the province. Nevertheless, a few days before the election the Climaco faction burst onto the political scene with two of its own newspapers, Nueva Era (in Spanish) and Tingog sa Lungsod (in Cebuano). The new organs were under the overall direction of Osmeña's friend and associate, Jaime de Veyra, and were managed by his compadre, Arsenio Climaco (Tingog sa Lungsod, 30 Jan. 1904; Nueva Era, 29 Jan. 1904). The first issue of the two newspapers announced the withdrawal of one of the most obvious potential candidates, Pedro Rodriguez, in favor of Governor Climaco. As the municipal officials began to arrive in the city for the electoral convention, opposition to Climaco was rapidly dissipating. Climaco won easily, and the Catholic candidate, Ruiz, graciously congratulated Climaco and called for unity under the newly reelected governor (Nueva Era, 5 Feb. 1904). The opposition had been caught offguard by a welltimed and wellexecuted propaganda campaign combined with behindthescenes political maneuvering. The mark of Osmeña was clearly manifested in this endeavor. "There was nothing," his old friend Palma later observed, "in which Osmeña was interested that he did not obtain." "He knew," Palma added, "how to prepare the means in order to secure a predetermined end" (Palma 1953,



38).53

As an astute observer of the local political scene, Osmeña remained aloof but not dissociated from the political squabbling that consumed so much energy within the politicized community of Cebu City during these early years. Above all, he avoided involvement in the increasingly bitter religious conflict between Catholic and Aglipayan adherents. Privately, the Filipino Catholic clergy and conservative laymen knew he was loyal to the church, in spite of his public advocacy of religious freedom and the separation of church and state. Tingog sa Lungsod gave press coverage to both Catholic and Aglipayan functions and personalities but, unlike Ang Camatuoran and Ang Suga, it expressed no direct preferences for either of the contending faiths or their followings. Personally, Osmeña neither openly supported nor condemned the Aglipayan schism or the Catholic loyalists.

Without publicly taking sides in the struggle, he was able to convey an impression of his private support to both groups. The antichurch press, for example, acted as though Osmeña was an ally and extolled him as a man of the future, exclaiming: "how few young men has Cebu of the merit and caliber of Osmeña."54 Almost all the political elements of Cebu sought his affiliation and recognition, and yet his success was partly achieved by never publicly entering the fray. His friendship and influence with Governor Climaco was well known. As long as he remained close to Climaco there was no need for him to personally align himself with any of the feuding factions. Without campaigning, for instance, Osmeña was elected to Cebu's municipal council in December 1903 and again in February 1904 with the highest vote (El Pueblo, 20 Dec. 1903; Ang Camatuoran, 27 Feb. 1904). A month earlier Florentino Rallos, the head of one of the most vocal political organizations, the Club Popular, proposed the young attorney for the post of city mayor, in order to oust incumbent Celestino Rodriguez, who was from a wealthy landowning family of the northern municipality of Bogo and considered by many in the city to be an "outsider" (El Pueblo, 24 Jan. 1904).

Osmeña, however, had no intention of working his way slowly up the political ladder. He fully intended to skip a few steps, and it was here that his



growing relationships with Americans would prove invaluable. Osmeña's law practice, as well as his close association with Climaco, brought him into direct contact with many influential Americans in the city and province. His obvious abilities, combined with a rational, nonpolemical and businesslike character, soon gained for him the recognition, respect, and support of most of these Americans.

By 1904 there were many Americans in Cebu City. As a major commercial and administrative center, Cebu attracted Americans with varied livelihoods, backgrounds, and political persuasions. Until his untimely death from cholera in April 1903, the most popular and most influential American was Judge Lyman J. Carlock, who took over Cebu's court of first instance in June 1901.55 The local constabulary commander, Col. Wallace C. Taylor, was relatively new to the district in 1902 and was clearly not as interested in political matters as some of his counterparts in other provinces and regions.56

Carlock, on the other hand, spoke Spanish, learned some Cebuano, lived with his wife and two daughters in the populous "native" district of San Nicolas, and established friendly relations with Filipinos. Carlock's popularity stemmed from his unusually close ties with many of the city's elite and his frequently expressed faith in the capacity of Filipinos for selfrule. His closest relationships were with Mariano A. Cuenco, clerk of the district court, Miguel Logarta, the provincial Fiscal, and Governor Climaco. When most Americans were expressing their apprehensions at Climaco's election in 1902, Carlock defended the former guerrilla general and strongly praised him in a report to the attorney general of the Philippines. The conditions in Cebu "are better than American officials had any right to expect" and this state of affairs, reported Carlock, was due to the wise rule of Climaco. Cognizant of the prevailing political situation in Cebu, Carlock insisted that Climaco was loyal to the new regime and was "vitally interested in making his government a success along the lines marked out by the laws of the Commission."57

Carlock was well acquainted with Osmeña through their mutual association with Climaco and Logarta. By early 1902, El Nuevo Dia, among other local papers, frequently praised Carlock, his work, and his positive attitude toward Filipino capacities. Carlock surely had Osmeña and his



associates in mind when he reported in 1902:

There was an element in Cebu rather radical, in favor with what is commonly called the cause for independence of the Filipino people. The tone of the newspapers here improves all the time; and the people themselves, without regard to whether they like or dislike Americans, are undoubtedly learning to love American institutions, and with these they are showing their satisfaction.58

At the start of 1903, three months before Osmeña took the bar examination, Carlock wrote Taft strongly recommending the young Cebuano for the provincial post of registrar of deeds: "Governor Climaco tells me you are considering his appointment, and I wish to say that no native resident of Cebu would be more capable of performing the duties of the office." "He is," Carlock concluded, "a popular, progressive and honorable young man."" Carlock's death brought widespread mourning and long tributes in the local newspapers. A monument was eventually erected in his memory in the heart of the city, and an essay contest founded in his name. The first generation of Englishspeaking Cebuanos competed annually for the Carlock Medal in oratory. 60

After the death of Carlock, Julio Llorente, Grant T. Trent, and Adam C. Carson, among others, served temporarily as district judge in Cebu successively. Not until July 1904, however, when Judge Adolph Wislizenus was assigned to the district, did Cebu have a permanent judge of the court of first instance. Unlike Carlock, Judge Wislizenus, who stayed in Cebu for many years, did not establish close relationships with Filipinos. He functioned more as a judge and less as a tutor in Taft's program of political education (El Pueblo,3 July 1904).61

There were other American officials in Cebu who actively participated in local affairs and attempted to exert their influence on local politics through interactions with Filipinos and contacts in Manila. James J. Rafferty, appointed Cebu's collector of Customs in January 1902, was one such person. He was an active Catholic and friend of the American bishop of Cebu,



Thomas Hendrick (19031909). He maintained close relations with many of the city's leading political and bureaucratic figures. Rafferty was later described by Forbes as "one of these designing and kicking Irishmen who was always maneuvering for personal advantage and couldn't keep out of politics."62 By 1906 Rafferty was a strong and very visible supporter of Osmeña, having formed a positive assessment of the young attorney by working with him during the earlier years. The provincial treasurer and board member, Fred J. Schlotfeldt, was assigned to Cebu in February 1902. A Germanborn American, Schlotfeldt was a less obviously political person than Rafferty, but was well acquainted with Climaco, with whom he worked closely on the provincial board. Before his assignment in Cebu, Schlotfeldt had been chief clerk in the office of the civil governor Taft and was well connected with the staff of the Executive Bureau.63 Dr. Arlington Pond, who later became a very prominent figure in Cebu society, first came to the city as district health officer in early 1904. Pond was from the outset an influential spokesman for the American community and his opinions appear to have carried much weight in American official circles (Nueva Fuerza, 22 Mar. 1917, 1 Oct. 1921; Progress, 19 Sept. 1930).

Probably the most influential Americans in Cebu, especially after the death of Carlock, were Martin M. Levering, the "first American lawyer to `hang out his shingle' in the Philippines," and John M. Switzer, an ambitious and energetic young businessman.' Levering first came to Cebu in October 1901 to set up a branch of the Manila law firm of Early and Levering. A year later he joined another American attorney, Walton J. Wood, to form Levering and Wood, which by 1906 was "probably the strongest [firm] engaged in legal business outside of Manila" (Jackson 1906, 163). Levering, a Californian, was fluent in Spanish and, like his masonic brother Carlock, became very popular with the Cebuano urban elite. By 1904 he was also an active businessman in Cebu. He organized the Cebu Chamber of Commerce (1903), the Cebu Telephone Company (1903) and the Visayan Electric Company (1905). Levering was an authority on all aspects of life in Cebu and his "unofficial" views were widely disseminated. Levering and Wood participated in local politics, attended and spoke at political meetings, and openly expressed their



opinions on many subjects concerning Filipinos and Americans. Levering maintained an intimate friendship with Juan Climaco and was well acquainted with the governor's protegé, Sergio Osmeña.

John Switzer, also a Californian, left his studies at Stanford University to join the volunteers in the war with Spain. He ended up, however, in Asia fighting Filipinos and rose to the rank of captain. After separating from the army, he settled in Cebu where he established a small import firm, Switzer and Company, in early 1901. It was the first American commercial house to be set up in Cebu after the war and soon became a very prosperous business. The company handled a wide variety of merchandise and also operated a small steamer. From the beginning, Switzer, who spoke Spanish, got along well with the "better class" of Filipinos; one newspaper openly praised the young American, describing him as simpático. He soon became a prominent community leader, active in several exclusively American clubs, an organizer of the Americandominated Cebu Chamber of Commerce, and one of the most outspoken promoters of the development of Cebu City. Switzer, like Levering, also took an active interest in local politics. He joined with other Americans in endorsing candidates for city offices and was himself nominated by local political groups – the Club Popular in particular – to run for the municipal council. He was a strong admirer of Osmeña, and in late 1905, when the provincial board appointed Switzer as vice president of Cebu City, he was in an advantageous position to facilitate Osmeña's pursuit of the governorship.65

Unlike Quezon, Osmeña did not require direct intervention from provincial Americans in order to establish himself as the leading political figure in his province. Moreover, in Cebu there was no individual American, like Bandholtz in Tayabas, who combined official position and power with a propensity to influence, if not control, the direction of local politics. The support Osmeña received from Americans took a different form, one which complemented the growing power and influence he was carefully developing within the urban and provincial elites. For Osmeña this support manifested itself in two critical appointments in early 1904. The first appointment as acting provincial governor of Cebu came in April and the second as provincial



fiscal came in May. These appointments gave substance to the political influence he wielded behind the scenes and immediately placed him in the forefront of provincial affairs. It was from these positions that Osmeña built his future career as Cebu's dominant political figure.

For ambitious Cebuano ilustrados, the most soughtafter positions were the appointive offices of judge of the court of first instance, provincial fiscal, and deputy fiscal. Cebu's young abogados in particular aspired to be fiscal, for this was the stepping stone to the prestige of judgeship.66 A brief survey of the history of these appointments in Cebu makes this clear. In 1903 the two most respected men of letters in Cebu province, Miguel Logarta and Mariano Cui, held the posts of fiscal and deputy fiscal, respectively. In the wings were the younger, less experienced, generation of lawyers, among them Domingo Franco (then fiscal of Leyte), Celestino Rodriguez, Andres Borromeo, Casiano Causin, and, of course, Sergio Osmeña, the youngest of them all. In June 1903, Logarta was promoted to judge (he was eventually assigned in Samar) and Cui became Cebu's fiscal. In early 1904, Causin was promoted to deputy fiscal under Cui, and the lines of promotion seemed set. In February of that year, Logarta died suddenly in Leyte, setting off a chain of events that led to the ascendancy of Osmeña. The Cebu press, and especially Ang Suga and Tingog sa Lungsod, devoted much space to tributes in honor of Logarta. These eulogies were followed by a campaign to promote Cui to a judgeship since, the Cebu press argued, he was the natural follower of both Carlock and Logarta. By May, the Philippine Commission appointed Cui as judge (he was subsequently assigned in Capiz).67 Once again, the prestigious position of fiscal of Cebu was vacant. The most obvious choice for the post was deputy fiscal Causin, who after Cui's promotion had been named acting fiscal. The post, however, went to Osmeña.

Osmeña's appointment as the fiscal of Cebu can only be understood in the context of his earlier appointment as acting governor, for the two nominations were clearly part of the same tacit arrangement. Shortly after his inauguration in March 1904 for a second term, it was announced that Governor Climaco would be a member of the honorary commission to attend the St. Louis Exposition. Such an announcement normally would not have



aroused any political activity, but the Climaco forces planned to take full advantage of the governor's absence to promote his young protegé, Osmeña. In early April, Tingog sa Lungsod, the ClimacoOsmeña organ, began a series of articles asking: "Who shall replace the governor?" Never answering its own question directly, Tingog rejected the choice of Ang Suga, Florentino Rallos, for not having the same political philosophy as Climaco. Tingog also stressed that it should be a Filipino, not one of the two American provincial board members (Tingog sa Lungsod, 7, 12 Apr. 1904).

With the stage set, Climaco left for Manila with Osmeña at his side. There, in the capital, the young protegé was presented to GovernorGeneral Wright and recommended for appointment as acting governor while Climaco was out of the country. As the story of their meeting was later reported, Wright was at first reluctant to sanction this somewhat unorthodox proposal, but upon familiarizing himself with Osmeña's qualifications, proclaimed: "You are too young to be even a councilman.... Never mind; you shall be governor just the same" (Norton 1914, 143, cf. Pacis 1971, 1:5152). It is more likely that Wright had already been briefed on this scheme by Climaco and had already formed an opinion of Osmeña through information from provincial Americans, perhaps Schlotfeldt, Trent, Rafferty, Levering, or others. In any case, Wright was personally acquainted with Climaco and was well aware of the governor's conservative policies and his cooperation with American officials in the province. The appointment of Osmeña may have been viewed at the time as a minor concession to a loyal governor. With everything arranged, Climaco prepared to leave for the United States and Osmeña returned to Cebu with a new prestigious office. For its part Tingog sa Lungsod expressed its appreciation to the government for picking just the right man for the job.68

Osmeña wasted no time. This was his chance to demonstrate his abilities, or, as he would later state it, Filipino capacity for selfgovernment. With Tingog sa Lungsod to publicize his every move, he spent the next three months acting out one of the most important dramas of his early career. By now he knew what the Americans wanted: men of energy, initiative, and



efficiency. He was going to give them their money's worth in every category. At his swearingin ceremony, which seemed more like an inauguration, he spoke twice, calling mainly for the honest performance of duty by all municipal officials, a theme he stressed throughout his brief incumbency. As much as possible, he dealt directly and personally with all problems that arose. He inspected the troubled provincial jail and suggested corrective reforms; he vigorously promoted education and school construction projects, personally donating 100 pesos to build a nearby municipal school and authorizing the provincial board to allocate rice to feed the laborers. On 19 June he participated in a joint FilipinoAmerican celebration of the birthday of Jose Rizal as the main speaker (Tingog sa Lungsod, 16, 23 Apr., 19 May, 30 June 1904).

By the end of May, he had scheduled a fullscale tour of nearly all municipalities in the province to deal in person with their specific needs and to review their ordinances. The tour by small steamer began in June and continued well into July. It was the climax of Osmeña's tenure as acting governor and served both political and publicity purposes. Osmeña and his entourage were greeted in each town with a popular demonstration and speech making. They conducted meetings with municipal officials and were hosted by prominent citizens. Throughout the trip his speeches, which were frequently reproduced or paraphrased in the Cebu press, emphasized good government and strict adherence to the municipal code. While on the island's west coast, he gave another 100 pesos to forty families who had lost their homes in a devastating "bandit" raid and continued to make personal donations for school buildings in towns that had none. Before the tour was over El Pueblo and Ang Suga, the Sotto papers, had joined Tingog in praise of the acting governor.69

Less than a month after Osmeña was sworn in as acting governor, the question of Mariano Cui's replacement as provincial fiscal of Cebu emerged as a local issue. Tingog sa Lungsod openly campaigned for Osmeña, though in other papers there was some support for Celestino Rodriguez. Some may have assumed that Osmeña would not be considered for the post, since he was then occupied as acting governor. With the support of Climaco, however,



the probable recommendation of Cui himself, and the strong backing of many Americans, Osmeña was appointed fiscal by the commission." It was a decision that may have already been reached in late April when Osmeña accompanied Climaco to Manila. But, whatever the circumstances, the decision assured Osmeñañ of this prestigious position after the return of Climaco to Cebu.

For reasons that are not entirely clear, Juan Climaco withdrew from the delegation of dignitaries en route to the St. Louis Exposition and returned to Manila in early May. He was said to be ill and, shortly after his departure, turned back to recuperate. He planned to rejoin the honorary commission at a later date. A second attempt to proceed to the United States late in June, this time in the company of his friend Martin Levering, was also aborted. By late July, Climaco was on his way home to Cebu.71

One reason for Climaco's rather hasty return may have been word that his province was being too well governed by his standin. Some of the political elements in Cebu who opposed Climaco were rallying behind Osmeña and were beginning to make the inevitable comparisons between the two men. Even after Climaco returned to his office on 24 July, all the newspapers of Cebu went on for months applauding Osmeña's brief executive tour. Even the usually critical Spanishrun newspaper of Joaquin Pellicena, El Pais, praised Osmeña for his municipal visits and his strong support for education and school construction. His donations were being compared to those of American philanthropist Andrew Carnegie!72 To Climaco's probable displeasure, his protegé had rather suddenly emerged as a symbol for opposition to the governor himself.

The movement against Climaco within the city gathered strength in late 1904 and into 1905. The staff of Tingog sa Lungsod managed to defend Climaco, while at the same time praising Osmeña, thus, preventing the opposition from dividing them. Osmeña's impressive accomplishments were viewed as a continuation of the governor's policies (Tingog sa Lungsod, 24, 31 July 1904).73 Nevertheless, the tension could be felt and it was obvious by the start of 1905 that Climaco's star was fading in the wake of Osmeña's



phenomenal rise. Osmeña's stint as acting governor greatly increased his exposure and gave him the opportunity to establish and consolidate his personal and political ties with provincial and municipal elites. It also brought him the recognition and respect of Americans at all levels. It was the beginning of the momentum that led to his election as governor in early 1906.

Osmeña Takes Control

For Osmeña the position of provincial fiscal would not be – as it was for many ilustrados – a stepping stone to later judgeship or any other high bureaucratic office; rather it was the most direct path to political position and power. Unlike the older generation of ilustrados, Osmeña perceived very early that the positions of power and prestige for Filipinos under the American regime would not be in the bureaucracy as they had been under Spain but in the newly instituted elective offices of the colonial government. From the time he took over the office of fiscal in late July 1904, it was clear that Osmeña had no intention of following the normal bureaucratic path.

During the year and seven months that Osmeña held the office of fiscal, he continued to establish his reputation as a meticulous and energetic public official and to demonstrate his obvious talents for getting things done. The responsibilities of the office also contributed significantly to his growing familiarity with the emerging colonial institutions and to his ability to interact with Americans. As fiscal he was also able to remain regularly in the public's view, always in a favorable light. For the remainder of 1904 he had Tingog sa Lungsod to praise his efforts. By the end of the year it was no longer necessary for his backers to sustain their own political organ, for the other newspapers of the city were regularly providing Osmeña with the same service. Having served its purpose, Tingog sa Lungsod, like El Nuevo Dia before it, ceased publication at the end of 1904.74

As provincial prosecuting attorney, Osmeña was involved in a number of cases that led to his increased exposure and popularity. Two cases in particular received considerable attention. The one that perhaps brought Osmeña his greatest local fame involved a disreputable American lumber



merchant accused of abducting several Cebuana peddlers along the wharf. Osmeña's energetic handling of this case made him an overnight hero as the defender of Visayan womanhood. The American was arrested after a thrilling sea pursuit, in which Osmeña appears to have participated, and was later forced into a favorable outofcourt settlement with the parents of the young women involved. Osmeña's actions in this matter were said to have been guided by his integrity and true patriotism (Ang Camatuoran, 28 Jan. 1905).75

An equally emotional case, and one that received considerable national attention, entered the district court toward the end of Osmeña's tenure as fiscal. This case revolved around an American constabulary officer, Charles Pendleton, who was accused of murdering a city policeman for having halted his carriage late one night because it violated a city ordinance requiring the display of a light. Pendleton, who had been drunk at the time, argued that his shooting of the Filipino policeman was accidental. Serious tensions had existed for some time in Cebu over the drunken and unruly behavior of American soldiers. This tragic incident brought to the surface many of the deepseated resentments of Cebuanos against the worst aspects of American presence in their city. Osmeña's vigorous pursuit of the charge of murder against Pendleton was for many further evidence of his patriotism and his willingness to stand up to Americans. In reality, however, he was simply performing his duties and, as did Quezon in his popular case against Francis J. Berry in Tayabas, Osmeña had the support of numerous local American residents (including the constabulary commander), as well as the American authorities in the attorney general's office in Manila. Osmeña himself later recalled that the case proceeded smoothly "with the American authorities concerned backing me to the hilt." By the time the Supreme Court finally decided on the case, Osmeña had already resigned as fiscal to present his candidacy for provincial governor.76

The daily routine of the job of fiscal was far less exhilarating than these cases and dealt mainly with the preparation of the state's prosecution of a wide variety of litigations in the court of the first instance. Among the cases that crowded the dockets of the district court and consumed much of



Osmeña's attention were those involving bandolerismo, a problem that had been plaguing the province since the collapse of Spanish authority in early 1898. "Banditry" was now the allencompassing legal classification for everything from robbery to continued military resistance and rebellion. Osmeña gained valuable experience in handling these cases, for the problem of bandolerismo would persist and became one of his greatest challenges as governor. Osmeña was able, we are told, to distinguish between outright banditry and "social banditry" – between hardened criminals and those unfortunate individuals driven to this life by the deteriorating economic conditions prevailing in postwar Cebu; his prosecution of these cases is said to have reflected these distinctions and the charges against many accused of bandolerismo were eventually dropped.77

An important outcome of Osmeña's work as fiscal was developing a closer association with American officials both in the province and in the central government. Osmeña's efficient execution of his duties led to his recognition as one of the most outstanding prosecuting attorneys in the Philippines. As a result, Osmeña, like Quezon, became well acquainted with many influential Americans in the office of the attorney general and, in particular, with the then supervisor of fiscals, James Ross. It was apparently on Ross's recommendation that Osmeña's jurisdiction was enlarged in April 1905 to include Negros Oriental. By May, he was the fiscal of both Cebu and Negros Oriental and along with the promotion received a substantial salary increase.78

For those Americans who were familiar with Cebu in 1905, Osmeña had become the focal point of their attention and admiration. More specifically, he had become the champion of both the local American community and those American officials who maintained regular contact with Cebu. Having reached this opinion, many of these Americans contributed in every way possible to his rise to political leadership over Cebu's society.

American recognition and support of Osmeña was manifested in several ways. Early in 1905 he was sent to Manila as Governor Climaco's personal representative to appeal directly to the Philippine Commission for



financial assistance in combating the spread of famine in Cebu. His appeal was convincing enough to obtain an unprecedented monetary contribution directly from the commission (Pacis 1971, 1:60). Although this achievement received welldeserved praise in Cebu, the whole experience was probably more valuable as a means of building his relationship with key figures in the central government, including the Filipino commissioners. His earlier contacts with the commission had impressed upon him the importance of links at the top, for it had been Climaco's representations directly to GovernorGeneral Wright that made possible his appointment as fiscal.

Osmeña's image was particularly enhanced by his frequent and persistent efforts to promote the modernization and development of Cebu City. His progressive ideas regarding such matters as improving and expanding the port facilities and enlarging and repairing city streets and provincial roads and bridges were particularly attractive to the business community, the most vocal representatives of whom were Americans. Local American businessmen regularly attempted to rally support for similar improvements, and Osmeña's positive attitude and public efforts to initiate these and other projects received the enthusiastic recognition and approval of many influential Americans, in particular John Switzer, Martin Levering, and James Rafferty, as well as Spanish Filipinos such as Mamerto Escano. Osmeña conveyed his support for these ideas and schemes through his personal contacts with these and other men and through his public addresses, which were becoming more frequent.79

It was during the early part of 1905 that Osmeña established what was to become his most important and lasting personal relationship with a key figure in the central government, William Cameron Forbes. Forbes, then the secretary of Commerce and Police, had arrived in early 1904 as the newest member of the Philippine Commission. Recalling his first meeting with this "attractive young official," Forbes described Osmeña as "nervous and highly sensitized, but keen and alert." He also remembered that Osmeña was "highly thought of by Americans and fellow townsmen" (Forbes 1946, 478). Their relationship began as a result of a major disaster in the Cebu City, a devastating fire that leveled a large section of the business district in



March 1905.80 Those with an eye to the future proposed that the streets in this heavily congested area be realigned and widened in order to improve the city's appearance and make it more responsive to the needs of a modern urban area. Under Forbes's supervision a committee was formed to study the situation and to recommend an appropriate method of carrying out this plan. Fiscal Osmeña was among the first to be named to this committee, and his farreaching proposals and suggestions soon made him its most active member.81 Although this was a little noticed activity at the time, Osmeña's contributions to this project left a deep impression on Forbes (1946, 478), who later placed this endeavor high on the list of Osmeña's early accomplishments.82

By the end of 1905, Osmeña had the strong backing of nearly all the Americans in the city and province and had already been recognized by several important figures in the central government as the bright star on the provincial horizon. Thus, when Taft arrived in Cebu in August 1905, he was introduced to Fiscal Osmeña. Following a speech by Osmeña at the major public banquet for the visiting delegation, Taft departed from his prepared address to direct some laudatory remarks toward the "eloquent gentleman who spoke first." "If it shall be," Taft declared, "that he is to be called to higher honors, we may be confident that the people of Cebu will lose nothing in his administration of any office to which he may be called." After intimate conversations with Dr. Pond, Treasurer Schlotfeldt, and T. Warren Allen, the public works engineer on the provincial board, James LeRoy, Taft's personal envoy, was more specific about his observations concerning Osmeña's future and wrote in his diary: "[H]e has evidently been groomed by the American officials here as a candidate for provincial governor."83

Despite his closeness to and influence with Americans, Osmeña's success in provincial politics was based more on the careful attention he paid to his personal relationships with the leading elements in Cebu's urban, provincial and municipal elites. In his drive to the governorship, Osmeña not only consolidated his old relationships but expanded his network of supporters to reach every sector of Cebu's elite society. All of this was facilitated by his official position, his increased exposure, and his continued,



though now somewhat strained, association with Governor Climaco."84

An important advantage enjoyed by Osmeña in 1904 and 1905 was the ties he maintained with the "nationalists" of Manila. The nationalist sentiments being expressed in El Renacimiento were increasingly popular among the younger generation of ilustrados in Cebu. Osmeña was at the time the only one among his peers who was affiliated with these Manila oppositionists. His association with the staff of El Renacimiento and the "consistent nationalists" provided him with considerable local prestige. He was also one of the few early "nationalists" to hold an important office and to gain firsthand experience with the emerging institutions, as well as to establish professional relationships with representatives of the new colonial rulers. As a result, Osmeña became well versed in the rhetoric of both ilustrado "nationalists" and American "benevolent" colonialists.

Perhaps the best example of Osmeña's ability to maximize his advantages was the part he played in the events surrounding Taft's August 1905 visit to Cebu. The Taft party, which included GovernorGeneral Wright and other highranking officials in the insular government and a number of American congressmen, spent one full day in Cebu during their tour of the southern islands. Although there were no public hearings, as held in Manila, there were several informal gatherings, banquets, and speechmaking sessions during the day. As Osmeña later noted, a visit by such distinguished officials "was unprecedented in the history of the government of Cebu”85 It was a rare event indeed, and Osmeña and his associates made the most of the occasion to accentuate the young fiscal's leadership and nationalistic credentials, especially among the municipal officeholders throughout the province.

More than two weeks before the arrival of the Taft delegation, "a great convention of Filipinos" was called by Osmeña and his associates in order to adopt and ratify a long series of resolutions to be presented to the visiting American dignitaries. This large gathering was held in Cebu City and was well attended by representatives of the municipal elites of numerous towns. The resolutions "seriously discussed and unanimously approved" had been



drawn up in advance by Osmeña. Subsequently, an elaborate memorial containing twentyfour propositions on thirtyeight pages was drafted by Osmeña himself and "ratified by representatives of the pueblos of this province." At an appropriate time during the visit, the memorial was to be publicly presented to Secretary Taft."86

The whole affair was typically Osmeña in style. While the earlier convention permitted him and his colleagues to stress their nationalist sentiments and project Osmeña's leadership over provincial politics, there was no effort whatever to disrupt or to politicize the wellplanned festivities in honor of the visiting dignitaries. The memorial was respectfully submitted and the rest of the day was devoted to entertaining the guests. Osmeña – "the soul and guiding spirit of the movement" – did not even sign the memorial. Throughout the day he mingled respectfully, but confidently, among the distinguished guests as the popular young fiscal.87 The visit of the Taft party to Cebu allowed Osmeña to express his nationalist sentiments, to recommend constructive changes in the colonial system, to expand his political support network among the electorate, and, at the same time, to retain his image as both a rational spokesman of his people and a friend of the American administration.

The memorial itself reflected Osmeña's mastery of diplomacy and compromise. Unlike similar petitions presented to the visiting congressmen in Manila, the Cebu memorial did not openly express the desire for independence. Instead, it dwelt on the mutual desire of both Americans and Filipinos to work for the continued progress of the Philippines and, especially, to promote the wellbeing of the Filipino people. The memorial's boldest resolution asked the Congress to "declare its intention with regard to the future and definite status of the Philippines." This request reflected Osmeña's character, as well as his awareness of prevailing opinions in the American Congress regarding the Philippines. The discussions in Manila in early 1905 had convinced most ilustrados, even a large proportion of the Federalistas, that American politicians had no intention of incorporating the Philippines into the Union and that the question of statehood was not an issue. Rather than antagonize the Americans with another cry for



independence, Osmeña settled on the more pragmatic demand: that the U.S. Congress make a decision on the future status of the Philippines. This compromise position was balanced with firm statements on several longheld ilustrado aspirations, among them more local autonomy and a larger role for Filipinos at all levels of the colonial government. Even these were presented as being in harmony with the professed policies of both Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt and, in particular, of "the popular Mr. Taft."88

The memorial also demonstrated the remarkable degree to which Osmeña had come to understand American government and poment cited the Constitution of the United States, the American Declaration of Independence, the acts of Congress, and other sources of American legal and political traditions. The memorial also demonstrated a thorough familiarity with the insular government and its operations, from the acts of the Philippine Commission to the workings of municipal governments. In spite of this, the memorial also remained in harmony with the prevailing political sentiments among the ilustrados of Manila. It stressed the use of Spanish (not English) as the official language, the "onerous and unjust" land taxes being prematurely assessed on Filipinos, the desire to abolish the unpopular tariff act then in operation, the need to reorganize the constabulary, the importance of bringing about a just and rapid solution to the friar lands question, and the urgency of establishing a Philippine Assembly. In all, the document was an eloquent expression of ilustrado nationalist aspirations within the context of collaboration. It was testimony to the extent of Osmeña's preparation for the role he would play for the next thirtyfive years.

Osmeña's most remarkable political achievement at this time, however, was his ability to obtain the support of the two main political factions that had emerged in Cebu City and were spreading through the province. By 1905 the local branch of the Partido Federal had all but disappeared. In fact, no local branches of any Manilabased political organization existed in Cebu. What existed instead were several "recreationaleducational clubs" (centros recreoinstructivo), such as the Club Popular, Circulo Cebuano, Club Kagawasan, Club Rizal, Club Gente Nueva, and Club Mabini. Each of these "clubs" represented one or another socio



political faction within the urban area and each was led by politically ambitious ilustrados.89 The oldest and perhaps the largest of these organizations was the Club Popular, founded in February 1899 by Florentino Rallos. The Club Popular enjoyed the early support of Vicente Sotto and his newspapers.90 Most of the other organizations of this variety grew up after the surrender of the main body of the resistance leaders at the end of 1901. Many of these associations were concentrated in one or another of the city's districts, and most were composed of young men from the upper and middle echelons of the urban society who possessed, by local standards, considerable education.

It was not until early 1903 that an organization aimed at challenging the Club Popular emerged. This group, the Circulo Cebuano, was made up of numerous urban elites who were clearly opposed to the RallosSotto faction's efforts to control Cebu municipal politics. The central figure in the Circulo Cebuano was Mariano A. Cuenco, the incumbent clerk of the district court (El Pueblo, 22 Feb. 1903). Although these two urbanbased factions represented competing segments of the city's electorate and both professed adherence to "nationalist" ideals, the dominant issue in their political struggles during the next few years was religious in nature and focused on the Philippine Independent Church. The support and sympathy that Rallos and especially Sotto extended to the Aglipayan movement in Cebu incurred the wrath of men like Cuenco, who were avid defenders of the Catholic Church.91 Most of the smaller "clubs," which had overlapping memberships, were associated with one of these two larger sociopolitical factions that divided the urban area. The obvious political purposes of these associations became clear in the municipal elections in December 1903 and early 1904, when some of them sponsored "popular assemblies" and actively proposed and supported candidates for city offices.92

The RallosSotto faction, along with its several smaller affiliated groups, was fairly successful in dominating city politics. Though this political faction possessed several members of the urban aristocracy (among them, Andres Borromeo, Pacito Velez, and Vicente Aldanese), its support in the urban area appears to have been drawn mainly from the urban middle



sectors and in particular from middle and lowerlevel bureaucrats and smaller merchants through out the city. The Club Popular was predominantly an urbanbased political association with few significant roots among the municipal elites.

The Circulo Cebuano, or what might be called the Cuenco faction, tended to dominate the higher appointive offices in the provincial bureaucracy and clearly represented the wealthy urban aristocrats, most of whom had been active in the establishment of the local branch of the Partido Federal in 19011902. Prominent among its early members were Miguel Logarta, who died as a district judge in early 1904; Leoncio Alburo, the Americanappointed provincial secretary since 1901; Segundo Singson, the provincial governor and district judge under American military rule; and Mariano Veloso, perhaps the wealthiest Cebuano of his day. Mariano A. Cuenco, who acted as secretary of the Circulo Cebuano, became the group's most articulate promoter and, as editor of Ang Camatuoran, led the frontline assault against the RallosSotto faction.

The Cuencos had not been part of Cebu's urban aristocracy. Mariano migrated from Capiz in the latenineteenth century and built a career as a competent clerk, mainly for the Escaños, a wealthy SpanishFilipino merchant family based in southwestern Leyte and later in Cebu City. His local fame derived from his exceptional writing skills in both Spanish and CebuanoVisayan. It was through these skills and his relationships with many of the wealthy urban aristocrats that Cuenco acquired the position of clerk of the district court in mid1901. Cuenco quickly gained the respect and admiration of most of the Americans with whom he worked. It was his passionate commitment to the Catholic Church that appears to have led him into politics, especially in early 1903, when the Philippine Independent Church spread to Cebu under the auspices of the "freethinking" Vicente Sotto.

Despite the wealth and influence of its leading members, the Cuenco faction did not dominate elective offices in the city. It took some time before its aristocratic supporters learned to play the new politics. Nevertheless, the



socioeconomic ties of its most prominent affiliates throughout the province allowed this faction to enjoy far more influence in most of Cebu's municipalities than the RallosSotto faction. More importantly, as the political struggle increasingly developed into a religious controversy, the proCatholic forces proliferated in most municipalities through the founding of Churchsponsored political organizations known as Centros Catolicos. Each local chapter of the Centro Catolico was organized by the parish priest and leading members of the municipal elites and each functioned as a municipalbased political organization. By 1904 the Centros Catolicos had become effective political forces in many towns where their leaders controlled municipal offices.93 It is not surprising then that in late 1904 Governor Climaco was elected the president of the provincial Comite de Caballeros of the Catholic Church. His acceptance of this honor led to an uproar by the RallosSotto forces who argued that this was a clear infringement of the separation of church and state. Though Climaco had been associated for some time with the Cuenco faction in city politics, he was never publicly affiliated and always maintained a cordial relationship with the members of the Club Popular. Climaco's acceptance of the presidency of the province's leading Catholic lay organization was undoubtedly what led to the rapid deterioration in his relationship with the RallosSotto forces, who began openly to attack the governor in early 1905.94

Given the intensity of the ensuing struggle between these two dominant factions, it was extremely difficult to avoid taking sides. There were advantages and disadvantages to affiliation with either political group. To side with the RallosSotto faction would have guaranteed considerable support from the highly politicized electorate of the city and several of the nearby municipalities, but would surely have brought opposition from some of the wealthiest urban aristocrats, large segments of the provincial elite, and from those members of the municipal elites affiliated with the equally politicized Centros Catolicos. To side with the Cuenco faction would have guaranteed wide support from most of the municipal elites (the electors for the provincial governor until 1908), but would surely have led to severe criticism in the popular Sotto newspapers, to a loss of support in the city, and



to a deeper involvement in the escalating polemics of urban politics. For Osmeña, who was clearly aiming for the governorship, it was imperative to keep his distance from this struggle that was consuming so much energy among the politically active residents of the city and province. As the conflict between his patron, Governor Climaco, and the RallosSotto faction became more intense in early 1905, however, a neutral posture became increasingly untenable. In his efforts to maintain this middle ground, Osmeña demonstrated his welldeveloped talents as a maturing politician.

Osmeña never joined or publicly expressed his sympathy for either of the two competing factions or any of their smaller affiliated groups. Nevertheless, he maintained close contact with individuals in both factions, but especially in the various associations allied with the RallosSotto faction in the city. Many of his closest friends and associates were active in these "clubs." Marcelo Regner and Filemon Sotto were leaders of the Club Gente Nueva; Dionisio Jakosalem and Regner were both prominent figures in Vicente Sotto's Club Kagawasan; and Jaime de Veyra was the president of the Club Rizal (El Pueblo, 12 Apr., 24 May, 20 Sept., 15 Nov. 1903).95 In addition, one of Osmeña's first acts as fiscal had been to work for the appointment of Andres Borromeo as his deputy. Borromeo, who was a contemporary and classmate of Osmeña, was the scion of one of the leading families of Cebu's urban aristocracy and a prominent political figure, being an active leader in the Club Popular. On Osmeña's recommendation, Attorney Borromeo, who had passed the bar together with Osmeña, was soon named to the post (El Pueblo, 31 July 1904). With a law degree, a solid elite background, and a leadership position in the most powerful political organization of the city, Borromeo was clearly a potential rival to Osmeña. Rather than allowing the rivalry to develop, Osmeña quickly brought Borromeo under his wing. In so doing, Osmeña reaffirmed his ties with one of the most politically active groups of ilustrados in the city, those in the RallosSotto faction, who viewed the nomination of Borromeo as a victory for their forces.

Any observer of the Cebu political scene in 1905 would probably have concluded that the most obvious rival to Osmeña was Vicente Sotto. Sotto



had acquired a wide popularity in Cebu City and its environs, something akin to that enjoyed by Dominador Gomez in the greater Manila area. Sotto had many things in his favor: He was the owner and editor of two of the most popular newspapers (Ang Suga and El Pueblo); a talented writer and playwright in Spanish and CebuanoVisayan; an organizer of several local labor organizations affiliated with the Union Democratico of Manila; and the selfappointed spokesman for the largest and most vocal political coalition in the urban area.96 These same activities, however, had also made him many enemies. Furthermore, Sotto's roots in Cebu's urban society were not as deep as they might seem. His father, a Tagalog, had come to Cebu in the 1860s and, though he acquired some wealth and both rural and urban property (probably through his marriage to the daughter of a wealthy Chinese merchant), and held the position of capitan in the city's gremio de naturales, the Sottos were clearly on the periphery of the urban elite at the turn of the century.97 Vicente Sotto, like his elderly political mentor, Florentino Rallos, did not enjoy the inherited status of the traditional Cebuano urban elite.

Osmeña and Sotto had been classmates at San Carlos and shared many of the experiences and contemporary nationalist ideals that emerged out of the Propaganda Movement, the subsequent revolutionary struggle, and the FilipinoAmerican War. Yet, while Sotto did not at first return to his studies, Osmeña pursued his law degree and passed the bar in 1903. Moreover, Osmeña had established firm links with Manila's ilustrado oppositionists, the future Nacionalistas, used his relationship with Climaco to acquire an early position of authority in the new government, and also emerged as the political favorite of the American community. Though both men were perhaps equally ambitious, Osmeña was by 1905 in a far more advantageous position to promote himself politically. Despite Osmeña's close ties with most Americans and his praise of American institutions, his equally close ties with Manila's political "radicals" and his ability to present himself as a nationalist made it difficult to criticize him. Although Sotto aspired for the same recognition, the fact that Osmeña had already acquired that recognition by 1905 placed Sotto in what must have been the very uncomfortable position of having to join the Osmeña bandwagon. For his



part, Osmeña avoided confrontation with Sotto, maintained close relationships with many of the political activists within the RallosSotto faction (especially with Vicente's older brother Filemon Sotto) and succeeded in emerging as the Ang Suga/El Pueblo candidate to replace Climaco as provincial governor (cf. El Pueblo, 21 May, 8 Oct., 30 Dec. 1905).

By maintaining his links with Sotto, Osmeña ran the risk of antagonizing the Cuenco faction. Osmeña's "radical" leanings and associations undoubtedly led to his being put under careful scrutiny by the politicized Catholic leaders of the city and province. Osmeña, however, was fully aware that the growing number of Centros Catolicos throughout Cebu took their lead from several prominent members of the clergy and Catholic laymen whose opinions were regularly expressed in Ang Camatuoran. To avoid a collision with the Catholic leadership, Osmeña, who had never expressed public sympathy for the Independent Church, began to take a more visible role in Catholic Church affairs during his tenure as fiscal. His family and personal background contributed significantly to his relationship with the Catholic clergy.98 Moreover, his inlaws, the Chiong Velosos, were generous contributors to the church and were very visible in religious sodalities, festivities, and charitable activities. For her part, Estefania Ch. Veloso de Osmeña was active among the prominent Catholic women of Cebu's society. In lateOctober 1904, Dona Pepang, as she was known, was the leading sponsor for the consecration by Bishop Hendrick of the newly constructed church of Madridejos. For his part, Osmeña allowed himself to become associated with the leading Catholic laymen. In midNovember 1904 he was listed in Ang Camatuoran as a ranking member – along with Andres Borromeo of the church's Comite de Caballeros. In March the following year, the couple's association with the church was once again publicly displayed when their third child, Edilberto, was baptized in a grand ceremony at the Cebu Cathedral.99

By mid1905, Osmeña had established a reputation as a loyal Catholic. Nevertheless, the only opposition to his political aspirations would come from the proCatholic forces, and in particular from Mariano A. Cuenco. Cuenco,



the father of Osmeña's most persistent political rival in the coming years (Mariano J. Cuenco), was reluctant to give Osmeña the support of Ang Camatuoran. His objections to Osmeña, which never completely surfaced, were presumably based on the young fiscal's continued relationship with Vicente Sotto, Cuenco's most bitter personal and political enemy. Osmeña may well have appeared to Cuenco as a young upstart, whose liberal ideas and associations were potentially threatening. Though both were prominent members of the Comite de Caballeros and coworkers in the district court, the elderly Cuenco seemed unwilling to accept Osmeña's leadership. Ang Camatuoran (cf. 13, 17 Apr. 1905) always placed its praise for Osmeña in the context of his relationship with Climaco, who was clearly a more acceptable political figurehead to Cuenco and his colleagues. Nevertheless, for these men there were no other political alternatives in 1905.

The movement to promote Osmeña as the next provincial governor of Cebu began in earnest in February 1905. On the 12th of that month El Pueblo, which was revived for the occasion, began what was to become a series of scathing attacks on Governor Climaco. In the initial salvo, Sotto severely criticized Climaco's inability to cope with the growing problems facing the province: rinderpest, agricultural decline, human misery, banditry (bandolerismo), and bossism (caciquismo). Climaco's three years of "idleness" was contrasted with Osmeña's energy. The latter was described as "a man of action who can manipulate the machinery of government" (El Pueblo, 12 Feb. 1905). Soon afterwards similar criticisms of Climaco surfaced in the Filipino press of Manila, presumably sent to these newspapers by Sotto himself. The attack and its coverage in Manila humiliated and angered Climaco, who promptly filed criminal charges against Sotto. When Climaco was informed that Sotto's action did not constitute a crime, Climaco then filed a twenty thousandpeso libel suit against the editor of El Pueblo.100

The mounting opposition to Climaco was finally answered in May, when Ang Camatuoran began a series of articles in his defense. Throughout the series, the Cuenco paper quoted freely from earlier statements of Osmeña in support of the governor's enlightened policies and actions. For the next six



months El Pueblo/Ang Suga and Ang Camatuoran debated the merits and demerits of Climaco's administration. Sotto continued to argue that Osmeña did more in three months than Climaco had done in more than three years, while the governor's supporters continually stressed that Climaco made significant strides in solving most provincial problems and that Osmeña's accomplishments – which were indeed admirable – must be viewed as an extension of Climaco's enlightened government.101 Although Osmeña never publicly participated in this debate, there is little doubt that he intended to seek the governorship with or without Climaco's approval. In October, El Pueblo announced that Osmeña's election to the governorship was guaranteed: "almost all the municipalities," the paper proclaimed, had sent the fiscal "messages of adhesion" (El Pueblo, 8 Oct. 1905).

Although it appears that Climaco never officially withdrew from the gubernatorial race, he did not campaign for reelection. Osmeña and his political associates, however, actively engaged in a vigorous campaign to promote his election to the office. At the end of the year, shortly after the municipal elections, a special issue of El Pueblo was published to announce what the promoters called the universal support for the candidato popular, Sergio Osmeña. This special issue was sponsored by a coalition of prominent city residents which included Osmeña himself (El Pueblo, 30 Dec. 1905). As the momentum built, it was as though Climaco had simply stepped aside as the crowd rushed forward to enshrine Osmeña. Early in January, when William J. Bryan made a stop in Cebu, he spoke at a large public gathering at the Plaza Rizal. Bryan was introduced to the large crowd not by the governor of Cebu but by the popular candidate Sergio Osmeña (Manila Times, 12 Jan. 1906).

In the beginning of February the municipal councilors began to arrive in Cebu City for the election on the 5th. By this time most of the political maneuvering had already been concluded. With no significant opposition, Osmeña was swept into the governorship by a wide majority. Out of the 404 electors, 378 cast their votes for Osmeña; twentyone electors reaffirmed their loyalty to the incumbent governor, Juan Climaco; four selected Vicente Sotto



(who was not a candidate); and one vote was cast for a strong proCatholic resident of the suburb of San Nicolas (Pacis 1971, 1:68).102 After the voting was concluded, most of the municipal officials and numerous others marched to Osmeña's home, led by the American businessman, John Switzer, and accompanied by two bands. One after another, several speakers rose to praise and congratulate the newly elected governor. Among the speakers were Switzer, Andres Borromeo, Vicente and Filemon Sotto, and other prominent provincial personalities. This was followed by a triumphant procession through the streets of the city and other festivities that lasted well into the night (Ang Camatuoran, 7 Feb. 1906).

In the days that followed, the newspapers of the city indicated that the election of Osmeña had the support of virtually everyone in the city and province. El Renacimiento rejoiced at his victory, which was attributed to the "fervent enthusiasm" generated for Osmeña by the "youth of Cebu." Even The Manila Times (8 Feb. 1906), which was initially alarmed by the successes of the "Nationalists" in 1906, commented favorably on Osmeña's victory and informed its readers that he "is spoken of as a very good man and a warm admirer of the American government." Only Ang Camatuoran inserted a subtle editorial barb when, after extending its congratulations to the new governor, expressed the hope that Osmeña would not suffer the same fate as his predecessor, that of falling from the heights of election day glories into a dismal abyss by the end of his twoyear term (Ang Camatuoran, 7 Feb. 1906).

Osmeña had no intention of basking too long in the glitter of victory. He was already aware that glory could be fleeting and that lasting success required hard work and an occasional act of humility. His inauguration as governor in early March was an occasion for soothing strained relationships and mending political fences. Part of the grand festivities was to honor his former patron, the outgoing Governor Climaco. In Climaco's own address he first praised the energy and talents of his youthful successor, and then devoted the remainder of his long discourse to the accomplishments of his own administration and to his recommendations to the new governor for the continued progress of their beloved province (Ang Camatuoran, 7 Mar. 1906).



Acknowledging Climaco's contributions and their long friendship, Osmeña humbly but firmly took over the reins of authority.

In early 1906, Osmeña's lot was cast: Politics was to be his path to position and power. While he was being inaugurated as the elected governor of Cebu, the prominent local ilustrados of the last century were beginning to fade from the local scene. Miguel Logarta was dead, having achieved the honorable goal of judgeship. Mariano Cui and Julio Llorente were district judges and far removed from Cebu's political scene. Florentino Rallos and Segundo Singson were aging bureaucrats of an earlier era and, though they still maintained some local influence as elder statesmen, they posed no real political threat to the leading representative of the new breed of politicians. Osmeña embarked on his term as governor as the leading ilustrado and dominant political figure in Cebu society.

§



Notes to Chapter 8

1. For general historical overviews of Cebu city and province see Fenner 1985; S. Go 1976; Mojares 1983, 1999; Cullinane 1982, 1990; Cullinane and Xenos 1998.

2. Velasco 1892, 25; Cullinane and Xenos 1998; Vandermeer 1967; Mojares 1976b,1999.

3. Cullinane 1982, 261, 26973; Fenner 1985, 9092, 127; Mojares 1985, 26.

4. Cullinane 1982, 26880; Fenner 1985, 7172, 79, 9394; Mojares 1983, 435. For a colorful depiction of the leading Chinese mestizo families of Cebu, see Briones 1983; the population figures for 1890 are from Velasco 1892, 25; those for 1903 are from 1903 Census, 2:156.

5. See Resena Historica 1917, 934,25556 (133217 provide brief biographies of most of the prominent Cebuanos who studied at the SeminarioColegio); Cullinane 1982, 275, 280; for a complete list of the students enrolled at the SeminarioColegio de Cebu see "Libros de matricula del seminariocolegio de San Carlos," 18801890, Seminary of Cebu, Mabolo, Cebu. See also Mojares 1996a.

6. Cullinane 1982, 27680; Briones 1983, 512; Velasco 1892, 1124.

7. S. Go 1976, 11214; Cullinane 1982, 28081; T. Kalaw 1969, 8182.

8. S. Go 1976, 11419,433; Enriquez de la Calzada 1951, 6162. See also Sergio Osmeña's series of revealing articles on Cebu's voluntarios in El Comercio, 22 Nov., 17 Dec. 1896.

9. S. Go 1976, 13176; Enriquez de la Calzada 1951, 2940, 5360, 6366,7475; Cullinane 1982, 281.

10. S. Go 1976, 177208; Enriquez de la Calzada 1951, 7996, 102.

11. S. Go 1976,20829,245,24850a; Enriquez de la Calzada 1951,12225.

12. S. Go 1976, 31418, 34063, 36883; Taylor 1971, 2:42025; LeRoy 1914, 2:11216; Mojares 1999, 1725. See also "Documentos referentes a la toma por los americanos de la ciudad de Cebu" (a collection of documents mostly written by or for Luis Flores in Feb. 1899) in NLP (accession no. 6408f).

13. On Juan Climaco, see Cebu Protocolos, PNA, 12, 21 Jan. 1891, 26 Mar. 1894; S. Go 1976,48687; Ang Camatuoran, 17 July 1907; Manila Times, 20, 26 July 1907. See also Mojares 1999, 2636.

14. La Justicia, 25 June, 2 July 1899; La Democracia, 2, 6, 17, 19, 20 June 1899; La Indepedencia, 27 June 1899; Taylor 1971, 42425.

15. See "Protests against American civil government in the Island of Cebu, Philippine Islands," Senate Document No. 234 (27 Feb. 1901), in USNA, BIA, RG350 (file 30193); Taylor 1971, 42426; Dean C. Worcester, "Notes and documents," 33745 (1619 Apr. 1901), in WPC, UML; RPC 1901, 2:15157.



16. See "Protests against American civil government in the Island of Cebu," ibid.; the quote is from Worcester, "Notes and documents," 337, in WPC, UML.

17. Copies of some of the earlier issues of Sotto's La Justicia and El Nacional can be found in the periodical collections of NLP; for a brief account of these early Filipino newspapers in Cebu see Mojares 1975, 1112.

18. Nueva Era, 15 Feb. 1904; RPC 1901, 2:157. For another account of the commission's visit to Cebu, see Williams 1913, 21927.

19. Act No. 173, 17 July 1901, of the Philippine Commission restored military rule to Cebu; El Pueblo, 16 July 1901; for the original announcements of the killings of the four mayors, see El Pueblo, 3, 8 Oct. 1901; El Pueblo 8, 29 June, 2 Nov. 1902, reopened the case of these killings by U.S. military forces, and other atrocities committed in Cebu, in an editorial that eventually brought an investigation by the U.S. Adjutant General's office (see USNA, RG94, files 482616 [AC], 455906).

20. Accounts of this activity can be found in El Pueblo, 23 July, 13, 17, 20, 27, 31 Aug., 24 26, 28 Sept., 1, 8, 15, 22, 24 Oct. 1901; with the Oct. surrenders, the commission voted to restore civil government to Cebu on 1 Jan. 1902, see RPC 1902, 3:100.

21. Pacis 1971, 1:1518; S. Go 1976, 120; Briones 1983, 515, 2023. Most of this chapter derives from Cullinane 1990. Details on the Osmeña family genealogy derive from Cebu Protocolos, PNA, 18601898. A great many biographical references exist for Osmeña, the most useful for this study being Pacis

1971; Villanueva Kalaw 1945; Reyes 1908, 37; Tuohy 1908, 9; Nieva 1908, 7677; Norton 1914, 13852.

22. As with most illegitimate children at the time, Sergio Osmeña was given his mother's family name; thus, when he enrolled at the University of Santo Tomas in 1894, he was listed as Sergio Osmeña y Suico (see Cullinane 1975).

23. Pacis 1971, 1:15, 1823; S. Go 1976, 12024; David 1968, 2223, 87. Sources vary as to who provided the young Osmeña with the financial support necessary to continue his education at the higher levels (secondary and university): his rich uncle, Tomas Osmeña; his grandmother (through the revenues of her bakery business); a number of priestly patrons (e.g., Vincentians like Narciso Vila and Filipino seculars like Pablo Singson and Juan Gorordo); and/or Chinese merchant benefactors (in particular Gotiaoco and later Nicasio Chiong Veloso). After Osmeña's rise to prominence, many seem to have attached themselves to his rising star; the direct descendants of Gotiaoco, for example, claim that their grandfather held a receipt for Osmeña's university costs at Santo Tomas. As a capista, Osmeña was about as close as one can come to being a working student at the time.

24. See Norton 1914, 14142; El Pueblo, 22 Feb. 1903; Buenaventura 1941, 4, who was a Tagalog lawyer with long residence in Cebu and is here reflecting the undercurrent of discontent toward Osmeña and Quezon in the 1930s, including some of less flattering stories about the two powerful leaders circulating at the time. See also El Comercio, 12 Feb., 3 Mar. 1897, where two later articles of Osmeña were published. On El Boletin de Cebu, see Foreman 1890,479; Velasco 1892, 1056, 11922, 13537; Valenzuela 1933, 80. On the



voluntarios, see S. Go 1976,12426. Osmeña's article on the Cebu volunteers appears in El Comercio, 22 Nov. 1896.

25. See "Relacion de individuos que se proponen para la Medalla del Merito Civil, Cebd," 4 Oct. 1897, and related documents, in Sergio Osmefia Personnel File, PNA. The actual award was authorized on 23 Feb. 1898.

26. S. Go 1976, 12526. It is interesting to point out here that throughout Osmeña's career, he was depicted by cartoonists in female dress (usually in the traditional butterflysleeved gown); the origin of this depiction dates to this period in his life, when local tradition records that during the April rebellion in Cebu, he escaped from the city dressed as a woman and took refuge on his father's lands in Borbon, along Cebu's northeast coast.

27. Osmeña 1959,12,4. See also Villanueva Kalaw 1945,710; for a more dramatic, legendmaking portrayal of this trip see Pacis 1971, 1:114,2930.

28. Osmefia 1959,3; Villanueva Kalaw 1945,710; Pacis 1971,1:89. Osmeña is mentioned as one of the members of the Aguinaldo party in retreat in the diary of Santiago Barcelona in midNovember 1899, see Villa and Barcelona 1963,112.

29. In his several long interviews with Osmeña, Pacis (1971, 1:23, 51) names Climaco as the one for whom he was delivering a report to Aguinaldo; in his 1959 article on Aguinaldo's retreat, Osmefia does not mention Climaco by name.

30. Information on the Chiong Veloso (normally written: ('h. Vclar+t)l lntnlly derives from the Cebu Protocolos, PNA, 187(>1898; interviews with family mom hers; and careful readings of surviving newspapers of Cchu ('ily, in pill lirulau ! I Pueblo, Ang Suga, El Nuevo Dia, and Ang Camatuoran, 1900 11) 10.

31. In this context it is perhaps important to mention that Nica,ic~ Vrlow was also a recipient of the Spanish colonial government's Mcdulla tie Morito ('1v11 along with Osmeña; see n. 25 above; see also Pacis 1971, 1:3032.

32. On the first anniversary of the death of Constancia Ch. Vcluso, her /4 Pueblo, 25 Apr. 1901; on the announcement of the wedding of Osmefia and I{.rleliutla Ch. Veloso, see El Pueblo, 11 Apr. 1901; see also Villamor 1948, 27 ,31,

33. El Pueblo, 11 Apr. 1901; Pacis 1971, 1:303 1. On Arsenio ('limnim, see El Pueblo, 15 Feb. 1903; S. Go 1976,454; Camasura 1932, 295;,/11(. BuUrlrri 119341, 159. The role of Arsenio Climaco in facilitating Osmeña's ucquisiuun III 'f omas Osmeña's estate in Carcar is detailed in part in "Si Osmeña Huyan ( iuhulun sa lyang mga Anak," Bagong Kusog, 28 Aug. 1925; "Ang Masabang Huruka," Bagong Kusog, 28 Oct. 1932; "The Osmeñas in Another War," l'rrcgrr,v.c, 211 Nov. 1938; "Three Miracles of Sergio OsmeiSa," Progress, 11 Feb. 1934; "Memo randum for Honorable Sergio Osmefia in connection with the opposition W 1110 heirs of Dona Estefania Ch. Veloso to the probate of his will now pending ill tile court," Court of First Instance of Cebu (14th Judicial District), Sp. Proc. No, I(104R, In the Matter of the Petition for the Probate of Hon. Sergio Osntrilu, ,111 July 1963, Annex 6, in the Cebu Provincial Capitol, Cebu City.

34. For personal accounts of the organization and operation of /s/ Nuc•vcc Uiu, see



Palma 1953, 3738; De Veyra 1924, 7, 12; see also Juan Singson, "Srrgici Ostnena y El Nuevo Dia," La Prensa, 8 Sept. [1954], clipping in the Jose Ma. Cuenco Collection, Jaro, Iloilo City.

35. Sergio Osmefia to Military Governor of Cebu (Col. Edward J. McClernand), 2 June 1900, USNA, RG 395 (file 2607); most correspondence between Filipinos and Americans was in Spanish, making this early exchange somewhat unique.

36. See "Memorandum for Major McIntyre [on] Sergio Osmeña," Apr, 1908, USNA, BIA, RG 350 (file 17845); see also Grant T. Trent to Attorney Cicncral, 30 Oct. 1902, USNA, BIA, RG 350 (file 6731), 6.

37. These observations are based on a thorough reading of all the known copies of these newspapers between 1900 and 1902; observations on Sotto and his journalistic pursuits can be further emphasized as a result of an equally thorough survey of his vernacular paper, Ang Suga, for the period 19011904; see also Sotto 1926, 115 ("Ang Unang Pamantalaang Binisaya"). In most of the standard accounts of this period (e.g., as those of T. Kalaw 1965, M. Kalaw 1927, and Palma 1953), Osmeiia's El Nuevo Dia has become legend and Sotto's El Pueblo and Ang Suga mostly ignored, when the Sotto papers were far more last• ing and had a more substantial impact on political affairs, as well as on the devel

upmrnt of local literature and social movements. The significant role claimed for lsl Nuevo Dia is clearly based on the important role that Osmefia came to play in tile ilustradoled nationalist movement and on Osmeiia's close associations with the Manilabased intellectuals and political leaders. On Sotto's contributions to ('ebuano language and literature, see Mojares 1976a, 1014; Mojares 1977, 911. See also Mojares 1992, the best biography of Vicente Sotto.

38. See Hyman M. Cohen to Frank McIntyre, 23 Oct. 1911, USNA, BIA, RG 350 (file 205518).

39. These observations are based on reading a nearly complete run of El Pueblo for the first half of 1901.

40. See El Pueblo, Apr.Oct. 1901; see, for example, 24 Sept. 1901, which describes a large peace assembly held in the city.

41. El Nuevo Dia, 31 Oct., 7 Nov. 1901; see also Osmefia 1959, 5; El Pueblo, 9, 16 Nov. 1901.

42. El Pueblo, 12 Nov., 5 Dec. 1901; 24, 31 Jan. 1902; see also S. Go 1976.

43. A report on the Cebu gubernatorial election results of 11 Feb. 1902 is located in USNA, BIA, RG350 (file 301915).

44. Manila Times, 22 Mar. 1902. Shortly after his electoral defeat to Climaco, Llorente was appointed judge of the first instance by Taft.

45. See El Nuevo Dia, 30 Apr. 1902; El Pueblo, 4, 18 May, 25 June, 16, 23 Nov. 1902; Ang Suga, 2, 19 May, 7 July, 8 Sept. 1902, 22 Feb. 1903.



46. See M. Kalaw 1927, 28795; T. Kalaw's notes in Palma 1928, 19; Forbes 1928, 2:1023.

47. Pacis 1971, 1:46; El Pueblo, 19 Apr. 1903. Osmefia was listed as one of those taking the bar exam in Sept. 1902, but apparently did not pass at that time, since he was not later listed among those who passed, see El Comercio, 3, 23, 25 Sept. 1902.

48. These observations derive mainly from the local press of this period, in particular El Pueblo/Ang Suga and Ang Camatuoran; see, for example, El Pueblo, 21 June, 29 Nov. 1903.

49. On these two newspapers, see Mojares 1975, 5758.

50. Of the twelve attorneys, three were Americans, one was a Spaniard, and three others were not natives of Cebu (a Boholano, a Pampangan, and a Tagalog). Information on the resident attorneys derives from the existing docket books of the court of first instance of Cebu for 19031905 located in the Cebu Provincial Capitol and from ads in the local press of the period.

51. El Pueblo, 17 May, 16 Aug. 1903. On the above legal case, see El Pueblo, 6, 20 Sept. 1903. Based on the court dockets during this period, it is clear that Osmeiia did not take on anywhere near as many cases as other Cebuano lawyers, such as Celestino Rodriguez and Casiano Causin, or as the two popular American law firms of Levering and Wood; quite likely, Osmefia carefully selected his cases.

52. On the wealth of the Chiong Velosos, see Briones 1983, 20; Pacis 1971, 1:30,32.

53. Osmeña's directorship of El Nuevo Dia, stressed Palma, demonstrated "his great ability for managing people."

54. El Pueblo, 22 Feb. 1904. For other praise of Osmefla in the Sotto press, see also 17 May, 16 Aug., 13 Sept. 1903. For examples of praise from the Catholic press, see Ang Camatuoran, 22 Oct., 19 Nov. 1904; 28 Jan. 1905.

55. On Carlock, see El Pueblo, 20 June, 3 July, 24 Oct., 2, 21 Nov. 1901, 2 Jan., 18 Mar., 1902, 11 Jan., 22 Mar., 26 Apr. 1903; Manila Times, 23 Mar., 20 Apr. 1903; "Diary of Lyman J. Carlock" (19001901) in the Lyman J. Carlock Papers, LCMD, Box 1.

56. On Taylor see Grant T. Trent to Attorney General, 30 Oct. 1902, USNA, BIA, RG 350 (file 6731); Bandholtz to Harbord, 7 Oct. 1906, BP1, MHC.

57. Trent to Attorney General (quoting Carlock), 30 Oct. 1902, USNA, BIA, RG 350 (file 6731); on Carlock's friendship with Logarta, see El Pueblo, 27 Nov. 1901, 2 Jan. 1902.

58. Trent to Atty. Gen. [quoting Carlock], 30 Oct. 1902, USNA, BIA, RG 350 (file 6731).

59. Carlock to William. H. Taft, 10 Jan. 1903, Carlock Papers, box 1, LCMD.

60. See, for example, El Pueblo, 26 Apr. 1903, 30 Apr. 1905; Manila Times, 20 Apr. 1903; on the monument see Manila Times, 9 Oct. 1903, 7 Mar. 1905; "The Carlock Monument," The Filipino 1(July/Sept. 1906), 10; on the medal see "Rizal Medal," The Filipino 1(May 1906), 6; Manila Times, 26 Dec. 1906.



61. For a series of complaints against him, see Ang Camatuoran, 19 Jan. 1907.

62. The quote is from Forbes Journal, entry for 16 Jan. 1907, 2:174, LCMD; on Rafferty, see Manila Times, 17 Jan. 1903; Ang Camatuoran, 28 Dec. 1907; Cuenco 1909; Archbishop J. J. Harty to Judge Peter Hendrick, 24 Aug. 1914, in the Thomas A. Hendrick Papers, Nazareth College, Rochester, New York.

63. On Schlotfeldt, see Manila Times, 20 Feb. 1902; 17 July 1906 (this last article describes the grand despedida for Schlotfeldt at the Ch. Veloso home, attended by more than 200 of Cebu's finest; at the dock when he and his wife departed were more than a thousand Cebuanos and "half a dozen bands").

64. On Levering, see Jackson 1906, 163; Manila Times, 6 Feb. 1902; El Pueblo, 22 Oct. 1901, 22 Mar. 1903, 8 May 1904; Ang Camatuoran, 27 Apr. 1904; Tingog sa Lungsod, 3 Sept. 1904.

65. On Switzer, see El Nuevo Dia, 20 Feb. 1901; El Pueblo, 15 Oct. 1901, 3 Aug., 16 Nov. 1902, 19 Apr., 29 Nov. 1903, 24 Jan. 1904, 19 Nov. 1905; Ang Camatuoran, 7 Feb. 1906; Manila Times, 11, 22 May 1906; The Cablenews American, 5 Aug. 1904; Forbes Journal, entry for 16 Jan. 1907, 2:174, LCMD; Gleeck 1974,3,21315.

66. In a 1928 interview with Federico Mangahas (1959, 66), Osmefla claimed that "the crowning ambition of his life was to get a distinction in the Philippine

judiciary." "He never thought," Mangahas recorded, "of getting into politics." Throughout his career, Osmeña expressed these ilustrado sentiments towards politics, an endeavor that a true intellectual would shun; the events of his early life as a public figure in Cebu, however, suggest rather strongly that politics and political maneuvering were primary motivating forces for nearly everything he did. For examples of the awareness and competition for these posts among ilustrados in Cebu, see Tingog sa Lungsod, 19 May 1904; El Pueblo, 15 May 1904.

67. These changes can be traced in the Cebu press: Ang Suga, 16 July 1902; Nueva Era, 15, 17 Feb. 1904; El Pueblo, 15 Feb., 3 May, 5 July, 22 Nov. 1903; 28 Feb., 4, 20 Mar., 10 Apr., 15 May, 3 July 1904; Tingog sa Lungsod, 14 May, 30 June, 2 July 1904; see also Manila Times, 26 June 1903; Pacis 1971, 1:5354.

68. See Official Gazette, 2 (27 Apr.1904), 313, indicating that Osmeña was named acting governor on 15 Apr.; in Mar. 1902, Wright had made an official visit to Cebu where he was entertained by Climaco and Carlock, see Ang Suga, 20 Mar. 1902; Manila Times, 22 Mar. 1902; Tingog sa Lungsod expressed its satisfaction with this decision on 23 Apr. 1904, and praised Osmefia as he began his stint as governor on 14 May 1904, as did El Pueblo, 14 May 1904.

69. Tingog sa Lungsod, 26 July 1904; El Pueblo, 31 July, 9 Oct. 1904; see also Norton 1914,14344.

70. See El Pueblo, 19 June, 31 July 1904; Tingog sa Lungsod, 26 July 1904. Official Gazette 2 (22 June 1904), 518, indicates that Osmeña was named fiscal upon Climaco's return, which was officially 14 July. For a discussion of the fiscal position see Tingog sa



Lungsod, 21 May 1904; El Pueblo, 15 May 1904. See also Pacis 1971, 1:54.

71. Tingog sa Lungsod, 23 July 1904. Accounts of his withdrawal from the delegation can be found in the Cablenews American, 3, 28 May 1904.

72. El Pais quoted in El Pueblo, 9 Oct. 1904; see also Tingog sa Lungsod, 6 Oct. 1904; Pacis 1971, 1:53.

73. See also El Pueblo, 21 May 1905, for general criticism of Climaco; on Climaco's aborted trip see the Cablenews American, 3, 28 May 1904; Tingog sa Lungsod, 7, 14, 21 May, 12, 25 June 1904; El Pueblo, 8 May, 5 June 1904.

74. The last issue of Tingog sa Lungsod seen by this author was dated 3 Dec. 1904.

75. See also Pacis 1971, 1:5860, where the author confuses this case with the Pendleton case (see below), but provides another view of the impact of the litigation on Osmeña's local popularity).

76. On the Pendleton case see El Pueblo, 30 Dec. 1905; Manila Times, 5, 28 Dec. 1905; the quote is from Osmefia 1957, 10.

77. Pacis 1971, 1:55; on bandolerismo in Cebu, see Mojares 1976b; 1999, chaps. 1416.

78. Pacis 1971,1:5657,63; see also Public Act no. 132 (1 May 1905).

79. Osmeña and Levering, for example, were the main speakers at the wellpublicized dedication ceremony for the Carlock Monument in the heart of the city (see El Pueblo, 30 Apr. 1905). Some of Osmeña's interactions with Americans and their opinions of him are summarized by Pacis 1971, 1:5667.

80. Ang Camatuoran, 24 Mar. 1905; Manila Times, 11, 13, 29 Mar. 1905.

81. See Pacis 1971, 1:6162; Manila Times, 22 Mar., 11 Sept. 1905; The Cablenews American, 12 Sept. 1905, 19 Mar. 1907; see also Juan Climaco to W. H. Taft, 29 Aug. 1905 (especially, "Project of reform of the municipal regimen of the city of Cebu"), in USNA, BIA, RG350 (file 20551).

82. A similar view is expressed in Forbes to Taft, 1 Feb. 1910, FP, HLHU, Confidential Letter File, 1:107; see also Hardman 1916, 88283 (here the author stressed that what makes this project (the realignment of the city's street and private plots) "remarkable" was not its technical aspects, but "what appears to be highhanded juggling of private property," suggesting that this required a significant degree of personal and political intervention, just the area where Osmeña excelled, as explained by Forbes in his 1 Feb. 19 10 letter to Taft.

83. Taft quoted in LeRoy, "Manuscript of travelogue," entry for 22 Aug. 1905, 2, 45, in LP, MHC.

84. In the context of Osmeña's declining relationship with Climaco, it is interesting to note that in Aug. 1905, Climaco sent three propositions to Taft for his action. Among the three was a proposal to raise the age of eligibility to run for office to thirty (from twentysix); if approved, Osmeña, who was at the time only twentyseven, could not have run for the governorship in 1906. In the same letter to Taft, Climaco outlined several of the reforms of the city that would result from the rebuilding of the burned out area, but at no point did he



mention Osmeña's contribution to this project. See Climaco to Taft, 29 Aug. 1905, in USNA, BIA, RG350 (file 20551).

85. See Osmeña's report as provincial governor of Cebu in RPC 1906, 1:246.

86. The quote is from Osmeña's report in RPC 1906, 1:256; the original of the memorial in Spanish and English translation ("Memorial to the Congress of the United States and to the Philippine Commission," dated Cebu, 15 Aug. 1905) is located in USNA, BIA, RG350 (file 123950); as a part of his 1906 report, Osmeña appended the entire document, see RPC 1906, 1:25468; see also M. Kalaw 1927, 284.

87. The quote is from Zafra 1959, 7; at the time of the gatherings with Taft in late August, it does not appear that LeRoy was aware that Osmeña was the author and "guiding spirit" of this document or movement, see his comments on how smooth the sessions were in "Manuscript of travelogue," entry for 22 Aug. 1905, 4, LP, MHC; see also Manila Times, 22 Aug. 1905, for another glowing account of the events surrounding the Taft visit to Cebu.

88. LeRoy, "Manuscript of travelogue," entry for 22 Aug. 1905, 4, LP, MHC; Manila Times, 22 Aug. 1905.

89. On the lack of support for the Partido Federal see Trent to Attorney General (quoting the district commander of the constabulary), 30 Oct. 1902, USNA, BIA, RG350 (file 6731).

90. For a small sampling of data on the Club Popular and its affiliated groups see La Justicia, 25 June 1899, El Pueblo, 2 July 1901, 2 Nov., 2 Dec. 1902, 12 Apr., 3 May, 21 June, 23 Aug., 20 Sept., 29 Nov. 1903, 17 Apr. 1904; Ang Suga, 2 Aug. 1902.

9 1. Ang Camatuoran, 23 Dec. 1904 (where Sotto is referred to as the "soul" of the Independent Church in Cebu, and where the case against him is summarized); the feud between Ang Camatuoran, the proCatholic newspaper run by Cuenco, and El Pueblo/Ang Suga, run by Sotto can be traced by existing copies of these newspapers; the conflict between Sotto and Cuenco reached a high point in early 1905 in a downtown fist fight between the two editors that was eventually broken up by Osmeña (see Ang Camatuoran, 5, 12 Apr. 1905; Ang Suga, 26 Sept., 15 Oct. 1906); although Sotto and Rallos defended the Independent Church and promoted its activities, neither one of them actually joined or became Aglipayanos.

92. See, for example, El Pueblo, 15, 29 Nov. 1903; Nueva Era, Feb. 1904.

93. See, for example, Nueva Era, 12 Feb. 1904; Ang Camatuoran, 13, 20 24 Feb., 16, 23 Apr. 1904; for a sample of the highly politicized feud between members of the Centro Catolico and the Aglipayan group in a municipality near the city see Tingog sa Lungsod, 19 May 1904; El Pueblo, 22 May 1904; see also S. Go 1980; Salgado 1978.

94. El Pueblo, 20 Nov. 1904, 12 Feb., 21 May, 18 Nov. 1905; Tingog sa Lungsod, 3 Dec. 1904; Ang Camatuoran, 13, 17 May 1905; the conflict between Sotto and Climaco may have originated in early 1904, when Governor Climaco sent a circular to all the municipal mayors informing them that El Pueblo, Sotto's newspaper, was no longer to serve as the "official journal" of the provincial government and, as a result, they need not subscribe to it any



longer; El Pueblo was apparently selected as the official paper at the end of 1901 at the recommendation of an assembly of municipal mayors; see El Pueblo, 12 Dec. 1901; 20 Mar. 1904.

95. In Nov. 1904 Osmeña resigned, along with several others, his position on the highly politicized municipal council of Cebu City.

96. On Vicente Sotto see n. 37 above; in later years, Sotto emerged as the most outspoken political enemy of Osmeña and continued to resist him throughout their political careers.

97. On Sotto's father, Marcelino Sotto (d.1890), see Cebu Protocolos, PNA, 26 Apr., 11 Aug. 1862, 20 July 1896, 7 Oct. 1897; see also Fenner 1985, 184; Ang Suga, 4 Feb. 1910.

98. Osmeña's grandmother had been very close to the priests of the Cebu Cathedral, the city's central church and the seat of the bishopric, and to the Spanish Vincentian fathers who ran the SeminarioColegio de San Carlos, and, it appears, that she supplied many of these priests with baked goods; one version of Osmeña's early life even suggests that his family was grooming him to be a priest (see David 1968, 2223, 87; see also S. Go 1976, 12024).

99. On the family's public interaction with the Catholic Church, see Ang Camatuoran, 22 Oct., 16, 19 Nov. 1904, 8 Mar. 1905; El Pueblo, 21 May 1905; T ingog sa Lungsod, 31 May 1904. Of particular significance in this regard was the close relationship that Osmeña maintained over the years with Fr. Juan Gorordo, who became the first Cebuano bishop of Cebu in 1909; Gorordo at this time was already an influential figure in the local Church and one of the two advisers of the American bishop, Thomas Hendrick (see for example Mojares 1983, 112).

100. Manila Times, 14 Mar. 1905. The case was eventually dismissed from the court of first instance by an American judge (see El Pueblo, 18 Nov. 1905).

101. For samples of the debate, see El Pueblo, 12 Feb., 21 May, 8 Oct. 1905; Ang Camatuoran, 13, 17 May, 10 June 1905.

102. Here Pacis cites a document in the Eduardo de la Rosa Collection.


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