session 1 - unesco-ichcap.org · session 1 shared values of tugging rituals and games in asia in...

Session 1

Shared Values of Tugging

Rituals and Games

in Asia in Community Viewpoint

SESSION 1 Shared Values of Tugging Rituals and Games in Asia in Community Viewpoint | 163

Presentation 1

Shared Values of Tugging Rituals

and the ICH Community

Hanhee Hahm

Professor, Chonbuk National University

1. Introduction

Although tugging rituals and games are practiced around the world, they are

concentrated mainly in East Asia and Southeast Asia, where they continue to be actively

performed. Tug‐of‐war games, which consist of two sides tugging at opposite ends of a

rope in a contest of strength, take on interesting characteristics by region. According to

scholars, tugging games and rituals in East and Southeast Asia are usually practiced by

people in rice cultivating regions as part of harvest related rituals. So far, China, Japan,

Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Thailand, Indonesia and the Philippines have been identified as

regions in which tugging rituals and games are practiced.1 In Sakurai’s study on the

relationship between ecology and the distribution of tugging rituals and games, a

1 According to Sakurai Tatsuhiko’s map of Asian tugging rituals and games, although examples have been found in South and North America, Africa and the United Kingdom, these rituals and games are mostly concentrated in East and Southeast Asia. Also refer to the world map of tugging rituals and games presented in the study (Sakurai 2010). Tugging rituals and games are actively transmitted in Japan, and are most widely practiced in the Kyushu and Okinawa regions (Jeong Hyeong‐ho 2007).

164 | Shared Values of Tugging Ritual and Games in Asia: ICH Community‐Based Perspectives

correlation to settlement agriculture is suggested. 2 It is meaningful to observe the

distribution of tugging rituals and games across Asia, as well as to compare their similarities

and differences between regions. The findings of existing literature indicate that tugging

rituals are practiced in Asia by agrarian farmers for a variety of purposes‐ to celebrate the

new year, before planting crops, to pray for good harvests at important periods in the

farming calendar, as harvest rituals, thanksgiving rituals or rain calling rituals. Although the

Asian tugging rituals and games share many common characteristics, there are also

characteristics unique to each region, calling for more detailed and comprehensive studies

in the field. The international symposiums hosted by the city of Dangjin have led to an

expansion of studies on tugging rituals and games. Together with comparative studies on

the rituals and games in China, Japan and Korea, there have also been discussions on their

distribution in Asia, their relation to cultural ecology, as well as similarities and differences

between the various forms.3 Recently, there has been a focus on studies comparing

tugging rituals and games in states participating in the joint inscription of the element into

the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, and this

presentation is part of this movement. Thus, the scope of tugging rituals and games

included in this study is limited to cases in Cambodia, Vietnam, Korea and the Philippines.

It is also important to note that the data used in this presentation is secondary data already

released in earlier studies, and not primary data collected by this researcher. Thus this

study should be taken as preliminary essay upon which future studies will be built and

completed. Despite its limitations, it constitutes an attempt to supplement existing

literature by focusing on areas that have been overlooked so far. In doing so, it aims to go

deeper into the consciousness, in other words, the elements that comprise communal

spirit or the source of the energy of communities that perform tugging ritual and games.

2. Literature Review

2 It is less prevalent in slash and burn agriculture communities (Sakurai 2010: 19). Sakurai’s study on the distribution of tugging rituals and games shows higher concentration of the rituals and games in fishing villages that cultivate rice.

3 Refer to collections of studies such as Dangjin Culture Center 2009, Gijisi Juldarigi Preservation Society 2010, Dangjin 2013.


There have not yet been comparative studies on a broad scope of tugging rituals and

games in the Asian region. Thus the topics of discussion have also been narrow in scope.

Majority of existing studies have focused on origin theories, based on the theory of

diffusion. These theories propose that tugging rituals and games originated in China,

Southeast Asia or India, and that they are related to agriculture or Buddhist rituals, In Korea,

the China origin theory has been accepted as conventional wisdom but recent studies have

proposed origins in Southeast Asia (Kim Gwang‐eon 2004, Yuan Li 1998, Pyo In‐ju 2008).

There has also been a study that seeks to trace their origins to esoteric Buddhism in

Southeast Asia, rather than agrarian culture (Song Hwa‐seob 2009). Others reject the

diffusion theory to propose indigenous origination (Im Jang‐hyuk 2009: 107). Secondly

there have been attempts to classify the tugging rituals and games of Asia through

comparative analysis. Sakurai has identified the following 7 points of similarity between

the tugging rituals and games practiced by Asian agricultural communities which include

slash and burn farmers as well as rice field cultivation farmers. They are 1) function as

agrarian rituals to pray for prosperity, 2) fortune telling for the New Year, 3) symbolic

reenactment of sexual intercourse 4) using the victory of the female side to predict

prosperity, 5) relevance to the heavenly father and earthly mother mythology, 6) rain

calling through the combination of the double ropes which bring about insemination (rain)

from the sky, and 7) the identification of ropes as warriors (Sakurai 2010).

It is especially interesting to compare the various tugging rituals and games in terms

of functions, symbolism, and features such as the form of the ropes. Every ritual has its

own symbolism for the ropes which can represent dragons, snakes, caterpillars or

reproductive organs depending on the community and is accompanied by its own legend

and folklore. Thus it is necessary to develop a classification system for these symbols and

myths. The methods of rope disposal after the tug‐of‐war can also be classified into several

types. Some communities float the rope away on rivers while others tie the rope around

trees or rocks. Rituals in which the rope signifies a dragon are closely related to rain calling

rituals. The Thai people of Con Cuong in Nghe An Province, Vietnam perform a tug‐of‐war

with a name that means ‘pulling the dragon’s tail’, as a rain calling ritual. The ritual calls for

rain in hopes of a full harvest. In the case of Korea, the rope is wound around the village

deity rock after the tug‐of‐war. This is seen as a symbol for sexual intercourse and a fertility

rite.


The timing of tugging rituals and games have been compared against the economic

environment to point out a close relationship between these practices and rice cultivation.

One evidence for this is the use of rice straw to fabricate ropes. However, materials can

vary according to the natural environment of the performance community and ropes may

be made of straw, rattan, bamboo, twigs or animal skin. The timing of tugging rituals and

games vary but they are usually held around the New Year, rice planting season and harvest

season. Although tugging rituals and games consist of a wide range of elements, their

significance ultimately lies in their role as communal rituals for the entire village to pray

for peace and prosperity while strengthening social solidarity.

3. Characteristics of tug‐of‐war communities in the 4 states

State/regional

characteristics Timing Participants

Communal

significance

Teanh Prot

[Cambodia]

Lakeside

agricultural

villages

New Year,

Chlong

Chet

Presided by elders,

male and female

participants

A composite

event consisting

of rituals to

patron deities

and games to

pray for full

harvests, seek

social solidarity

and give thanks

Punnuk

[Philippines]

Riverside

terrace farming

areas

Harvest

Only ritual

practitioners and

male participants

Keo co, Keo

Song, day gay

[Vietnam]

Agricultural

villages

New Year

Presided by elders,

presence of judge,

only male

participants

Juldarigi

[Korea]

Agricultural

villages

Around the

first full

moon,

Chuseok,

Dan‐o

Presided by

preservation

society, male and

female participants

[Table 1] Comparison of tugging rituals and games in the 4 states


The characteristics of the four states jointly applying for inscription in the UNESCO

Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanities can be summarized

as follows.4 Tugging rituals and games are performed all across the rice cultivating regions

of East and Southeast Asia. Typically, they are performed to pray for rain and good harvests,

or to give thanks. The associated rituals have unique characteristics by region while sharing

commonalities in meaning and functions.

1) Teanh Prot [Cambodia]

The villages of Chamres, Kambor Or and Thnol Trong in Siem Reap Province are located

around the lake of Tonle Sap, in close proximity to the Ankor Wat. Tugging rituals and

games are performed during the Chlong Chet ritual, related to the New Year celebrations

to mark the transition into a new period. Village elders prepare for the ritual while young

men and women participate in the tug‐of‐war game. This tugging ritual and games are

known to serve the functions of praying for good harvests and strengthening social

solidarity through games. The cambodian tug‐of‐war is related to the mythology‐ the

churning of the sea of milk, which is recorded as bas relief on the walls of the Angkor Wat

(built in the 12th century). The legend tells of gods and demons tugging on a rope together

to find the amrita‐ elixir of eternal life (Sophiearith 2013).

2) Punnuk [Philippines]

The punnuk tug‐of‐war is performed in the Hapao, Baang and Nungulunan barangay

units of the municipality of Hungduan. The tug‐of‐war game takes place on the bank of the

Hapao river. Participants gather at nunhipukana where the river meets its tributary.

Punnuk practiced by the TuwaliIfugao tribe is a ritual to thank the gods for the year’s

harvests and pray for continued blessings into the next harvest. This region is famous for

its terraced rice farms and tugging rituals and games are performed at the thanksgiving

festival to officially announce the end of the year’s farming, The entire community takes

part, with elders and representatives presiding, and men gathering materials for the tug‐

4 Data from Dangjin, 2013, Diversity and Commonalities in East Asian Tugging Rituals and Games (Sourcebook for International Symposium on East Asian Tugging Rituals and Games 2013).


of‐war as well as participating in the actual game. Villagers show their support by holding

a parade to the river bank wearing traditional costumes and waving dong‐ah leaves. After

the tug‐of‐war game, ritualistic bathing in the river takes place to remove all taboos. The

dumupag, selected by consultation between village elders and ritual experts, oversees the

entire process of the punnuk ritual (Respicio 2013).

3) Keco, Ke Song, daygay [Vietnam]

Tugging rituals and games are widely practiced across Vietnam in the northern

provinces and cities of Lao Cai, Bac Ninh, Vinh Phuc, Ha Noi, Thanh Hoa, Nghe An, as well

as southern regions including Ho Chi Minh city. The characteristics, symbolism and rules of

tugging rituals and games in Vietnam vary from region to region. They are usually

performed at spring festivals as rituals to pray for full harvests and express reverence of

natural forces. They are performed in some regions to commemorate historical events,

mythology and historical figures. The role of the elders is also important. Participants in

the game are selected among men based on physical strength. The games are presided by

judges while village elders play an important role. They have to perform associated rituals

and orally transmit the skills and ceremonies to younger generations. Tugging rituals and

games are held in the New Year to pray for good harvests in the year. They are also

accompanied by a variety of events such as cockfighting and wrestling (Nguyen Thi Thu Ha

2013).

4) Juldarigi, Juldanggigi, Julddaenggigi, Julkkeutgi [Korea]

Tugging rituals and games in Korea are widely practiced in the southern regions. The

fabrication of the rope for the annual tug‐of‐war event requires the entire community to

work together for almost a month. Before the actual tug‐of‐war game, an elaborate ritual

is held to pay respects to village deities. Traditionally, the cost of tugging rituals and games

have been borne communally by all members of the community contributing according to

their financial means. This mode of participation strengthens communal spirit and

encourages active participation. The Korean juldarigi is an occasion for village members to

hold rituals to the village deity and other patron deities while participating in joyful


celebrations and games. While the game begins around the first full moon of the lunar year,

villages that use large ropes have to begin preparations a month before. When preparing

the rope or tugging at the rope, villagers are filled with excitement and anticipation for the

game as this is usually accompanied by nongak (farmers’ music) performances.

The tugging rituals and games described above do not constitute a large enough

sample size to be representative of Asian tugging games and rituals. Thus the aim of the

presentation is to analyse them as case studies, and does not extend to identifying general

principles. It proposes a new framework of analysis while noting the associated similarities

and differences discussed in earlier studies. Tug‐of‐war games are communal games in

which large numbers of village members can participate. Although the game is restricted

to males in some cases, women and children still participate actively as spectators who

cheer them on. The role of the village elders or tribal representatives who preside over the

rituals is of crucial importance. They not only transmit the ritual procedures and skills to

the younger generations, they also pass down the associated mythology and folklore,

ensuring the transmission of village history and culture. The fact that village folklore is

transmitted together with ritual procedures and rope fabrication techniques through

tugging rituals and games holds great significance. Thus this study views the mythological

content of tugging rituals and games as the major factor that strengthens communal spirit.

In other words, this study sees tugging rituals and games as transmission mechanisms for

communal mythology, legends, historical accounts and values.

4. Perspectives on cross‐cultural study on tugging rituals and games

Largely two different approaches can be taken in a comparative study on tugging

rituals and games. It is possible to take either a typological approach in making

comparisons as presented above or a structural approach, which is to explore the minds of

the tug‐of‐war performer/ group/ community by analyzing the symbols and meanings of

rites, myths, and legends concerning tugging rituals and games.

There are many variations in the type of tugging rituals and games as mentioned above.

The differences of tugging rituals and games are highlighted by researchers through the


analysis of what constitutes each culture. It is illustrated that types of tugging rituals vary

greatly in different localities in terms of rope materials and types, rope making process and

methods, performing place and time, separating groups, ritual formalities and symbolism.

It also turns out that there are far more differences than the similarities in view of the

regions of Southeast Asia where tug of war is a game prevalent. Thus, some are critical of

the view that tugging rituals and games are Asia’s common intangible cultural heritage.

However, their argument looks only at the aspect that tug of war is a game using a rope

without considering the fact that there are varying characteristics and ritual meanings in

different localities.

This paper tries to explore the cultural commonality of tugging rituals and games from

the perspective of community members’ awareness. To this end, structural framework for

analysis has been employed. It is valuable but has its limitations to identify structural

homogeneity in cross‐cultural comparison from the viewpoint of isomorphism. However,

it seems useful to provide isomorphic framework for comparative study on tugging rituals

and games prevalent throughout Asia given that it attracts attention to the new aspects to

the study while overcoming diffusionism and acculturation.5 Perspectives of diffusionism

or acculturation pay attention to the similarities and differences of cultural phenomenon

or surface structures. In contrast, structuralism pays more attention to the cultural

homogeneity or variations through the deep structure of human minds.

In an attempt to analyze a language Ferdinand de Saussure posited that the sign

consists of two separable elements which are a form of the sign (the signifant) and its

meaning (the signifié). It was Levi‐Strauss who sought to apply the structural linguistics of

Ferdinand de Saussure to mythology. In the analysis of mythology he identified auditory

images of myths as the signifiant, and the value and concept as “the signifié”. Taking the

5 In general, cross‐cultural studies tend to converge into diffusionism and acculturation. The former is

a theoretical framework for an attempt to understand the nature of culture in terms of the origin of culture traits and their spread from one society to another. The latter focuses on the changes in a culture brought about by another culture. The two stances are in a contrasting relationship in various levels especially in that units of cultural analysis differ from each other. A global perspective works to the advantage of diffusionism and a regional perspective, acculturation. Those approaches are in contrast with each other in actual research although it should be reciprocal in their relations due to the difference in the dimensions of analysis. The advantage of acculturation is to analyze cultural phenomenon within a region specifically in that it focuses on the dynamic processes of what happens to a whole culture. Often, the differences between the two approaches in which one endeavors to discover the origin of culture traits while another emphasizes cultural diversity caused political confrontation beyond academic interests on the subject.


subject of linguistic and auditory analysis further, Roland Barthes argued in his book

“Mythologies”(1957) that visual signs are the signifiant and the connotations and

implication hidden behind the images are “the signifié”.

The ritual act of tug of war can be broken down in its concept to the visual signs as the

signifiant and its connotations as the signifié. In case of the tugging rituals and games, the

signifiant becomes the act of entertainment by participants measuring their strength in a

competition. It seems possible to draw in‐depth analysis on the signifié, its connotations

and implication behind the act of tug of war.

I would like to stress the importance to identify the meaning of diversity in the

signifiant (the sign) of the tugging rituals that has been pointed out by existing researchers.

In other words, an attempt has been made to look into the participants’ consciousness

structure through the meaning of the rite, the signifié since it would be a valuable discovery

to identify underlying thoughts.

Tug of war consists of the elements of mythology and the act. The semantic structure

of these two elements becomes more evident when analyzed using structural framework

than when the mythology alone was under analysis. It can be known how the mythology

works in human society in reality due to the additional element of the act of people in the

rite. That leads to in‐depth interpretation of the correlations between the structures of

mythology and human minds from the dimension of semantic analysis. Existing studies

have put much focus on the typological aspects of the tugging rituals – rope, materials,

participants, offerings etc. ‐ but happened to have holes in the logic of the statement that

those aspects symbolizes social solidarity, pray for abundance and fecundity.

Still there is a tendency that researchers are more interested in more tangible aspects

of the tugging rituals and games that are intangible cultural heritage. In other words, they

fail to reach a structural analysis making the consciousness of participants’ operate due to

their tendency to stick to the tangible elements of the rite such as a rope, materials, tools,

time and techniques. This paper also has the limitations on the analysis because of the

scarcity of mythology collections and therefore further research is necessary for richer

interpretations in the future. Firstly, the paper attempts to conduct a structural analysis

using quotable mythologies.

It is argued that mythology consisted of situations that are considered historical

according to Levi‐Strauss, which in theory is a series of infinite historical events. It would


be easy to recognize even without citing the statement of Levi‐Strauss how free and

unstrained the components of mythologies are. Notwithstanding the fact, each individual

society/group construct mythologies upon the selection of ‘distinctive’ materials, in other

words, appropriate event which is distinctive to its society (Levi‐Strauss 2005:116).

Accordingly, physically feasible materials and techniques are chosen in the act of

entertainment that are suitable for its society/group. It can be assumed that those games

of entertainment distinctive to individual communities have evolved through this process

in different regions.

In the game and myth of tug of war, competition and solidarity appear as a theme and

this theme inevitably forms variations. As can be seen in diverse variations on a theme in

music, a variation on a theme can be developed endlessly. Myth is the most useful resource

for inducing the union of performers and performing groups. In fact, tugging rituals

embrace various myths, folk tales and history in every region. For example, in the

Cambodian ‘Churning of the Ocean of Milk’, the god and devil co‐operate in order to find

treasure, and a centipede and a serpent die together after fighting in the myth of Gijisi,

Chunchung Province in South Korea.

[Figure 1] The structure of tug of war

In the basic structure of confrontation between men and women; god and devil;

uptown and downtown; villages in both banks of a river; potter and tiler, the unrestricted

variations relate to the freedom of the community members and their creativity. Again,

this confrontation is connected to the harmony between men and women; male and

female; and god and devil. It is important to note that this confrontation is more holistic

rather than conflictive. The community members are aware of the proposition that they


can be united through the confrontation in a mythic play. In other words, through myths

and mythic actions, tug of war community can either secure their identity or internalize

their communal life.

5. Conclusion

It is hard to recognize the commonalities of tugging rituals and games through the

signs (the signifiant) of cultual elements. The signifiant includes a rope, materials, siding

groups, space and time, proposal, and offerings. The paper has made a suggestion that the

performers' mental structure should be followed through the signifié in order to

understand the fact that the tugging rituals and games are truly intangible cultural heritage.

Previous studies have focused on and explained from the aspect of the reason 'why' the

tugging rituals create the unity in a community. The paper, however, has tried to point out

'how' performers perceive that they are a member of community through the ceremony

since it is regarded that the question of 'how' rather than 'why' is more of a significant and

meaningful approach to understand the intangible heritage community and the member’s

behavior. Also, the unconscious structure proposed by Lévi‐Strauss seemed important in

understanding the commonalities of tugging rituals and games. Lévi‐Strauss stresses that

we do not attempt to suggest how men think in mythologies but how mythologies are

thought within the human minds unaware of the knowledge(Lévi‐Strauss 2005:110).

In the case of intangible cultural heritage, it is possible to analyze the deep structure

of the symbols, language and human behavior, which makes favorable for in‐depth analysis

in comparison to the analysis of mythologies. It is also possible to conduct in depth analysis

of linguistic expression as well as behavioral image. Therefore, it should be noted that the

tugging rituals and games present the performers the ways of thinking without their

awareness as Levi‐Strauss pointed out.

The paper has focused on how a series of stories and acts of the tugging rituals and

games shape the consciousness of the members of a community. The members should be

able to learn what and how to make contributions to their community through the

ceremony. It also provides an opportunity to recognize the value of a community, the

importance of communal labor and life. The tugging rituals and games, beyond the scope


of communal solidarity and praying for abundance, is the embodiment of an act which is

descriptive of what it means for the members to make a meaningful contribution to their

community.

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