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Situational analysis of indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods:

The case of selected food insecure lowland areas of Southern Ethiopia

Nigatu Regassa (PhD) Eden Mengistu (PhD), and

Ansha Yusufe (Msc)

October 2013

DCG Report No. 73

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Situational analysis of indigenous social institutions and their

role in rural livelihoods: The case of selected food insecure

lowland areas of Southern Ethiopia

Nigatu Regassa

Eden Mengistu, and Ansha Yusufe

DCG Report No. 73 October 2013

Drylands Coordination Group

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The Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) is an NGO-driven forum for exchange of practical experiencesand knowledge on food security and natural resource management in the drylands of Africa. DCG facilitates this exchange of experiences between NGOs and research and policy-making institutions. The DCG activities, which are carried out by DCG members in Ethiopia, Mali and Sudan, aim to contribute to improved food security of vulnerable households and sustainable natural resource management in the drylands of Africa. The founding DCG members consist of ADRA Norway, CARE Norway, Norwegian Church Aid, Norwegian People's Aid, Stromme Foundation and The Development Fund. The secretariat of DCG is located at the Environmental House (Miljøhuset) in Oslo and acts as a facilitating and implementing body for the DCG. The DCG’s activities are funded by NORAD (the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation). Extracts from this publication may only be reproduced after prior consultation with the DCG secretariat. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed in this publication are entirely those of the author and cannot be attributed directly to the Drylands Coordination Group.

© By Nigatu Regassa, Eden Mengistu and Ansha Yusufe

Drylands Coordination Group Report No. 73, (October 2013). Drylands Coordination Group c/o Miljøhuset Mariboes gate 8 N-0183 Oslo Norway Tel.: +47 23 10 94 10 Internet: http://www.drylands-group.org ISSN: 1503-0601 Photo credits: cover: T.A. Benjaminsen, Gry Synnevåg. Cover design: Spekter Reklamebyrå as, Ås. Printed at: CDDU Grafisk AS, Oslo

Indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES vii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS viii

ACRONYMS ix

ABSTRACT x

1. INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 BACKGROUND ............................................................................................................ 1

1.2 REGIONAL PROFILE ..................................................................................................... 1

1.3. JUSTIFICATION AND RELEVANCE ........................................................................... 2

1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY ...................................................................................... 3

1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW.................................................................................................. 4

1.5.1 The concept of informal social institutions and livelihoods 4

1.5.2 Types of local social organizations/institutions 4

1.5.3 The Role of Indigenous Social Institutions 5

1.6 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK ...................................................................................... 7

1.7 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY .................................................................................... 8

2. SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY 10

2.1 DATA SOURCES .......................................................................................................... 10

2.2 SAMPLING DESIGN .................................................................................................... 10

2.3 DATA COLLECTION ................................................................................................... 11

2.4 DATA PROCESSING AND ANALYSIS ....................................................................... 11

3. ROLE OF INFORMAL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS IN RURAL LIVELIHOODS 12

3.1 BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STUDY AREA ................................ 12

3.2 BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS .............................. 16

3.3 TRADITIONAL/INDIGENOUS ADMINISTRATIONS: MORAS, YEJOKA AND GADA ................................................................................................................. 18

3.3.1 The Moras of Konso 18

3.3.2 Yejoka of Guraghe 20

3.3.3 Traditional Gedana of the Sidama 21

3.3.4. Contribution of indigenous administrations to food security and natural resource management 21

3.4 CHARACTERIZATION AND ROLE OF INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS ...................... 22

3.4.1 Idir 22

3.4.2 Pooled labor 25


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3.4.3 Share Groups 28

3.4.4 Iqub 29

3.4.5 Other traditional coping strategies 31

3.5 OVERVIEW ON THE STRENGTHS, WEAKNESSES, OPPORTUNITIES AND THREATS (SWOT) OF INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS ................................................ 32

4. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 34

4.1 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ................................................................................ 34

4.2 RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................................................................ 34

REFERENCES 36


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LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES

Figure 1: Simple conceptual Framework of social capital. ........................................................... 8

Table 1: Land size and population of the study kebeles. ............................................................. 12

Table 2: Livestock distribution in the study kebele. ................................................................... 12

Table 3: Major crops grown in the woreda. ................................................................................ 13

Table 4: Number of safety net beneficiaries in the year 2009. .................................................... 13

Table 5: Population of the study kebeles in Guraghe woreda. .................................................... 14

Table 6: Population of the study kebeles in Cheha woreda. ........................................................ 15

Table 7: Livestock population in the study kebeles in Cheha woreda. ........................................ 15

Table 8: Safety Net beneficiaries in the study kebeles in 2009. .................................................. 15

Table 9: Percentage distribution of the respondents by selected background characteristics. ...... 16

Table 10: Percentage distribution of selected household characteristics. .................................... 17

Table 11: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported participation in Idir. ..................... 22

Table 12: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported role of Idir. .................................. 23

Table 13: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported participation in pooled labor. ....... 25

Table 14: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported type of Debo involved. ................ 25

Table 15: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported benefits of the Debo. ................... 27

Table 16 Percentage distribution of respondents by reported shared groups. .............................. 29

Table 17 Percentage distribution of respondents by membership in Iqub.................................... 30

Table 19: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported type of contribution to Iqub. ........ 30

Table 20: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported role of Iqub. ................................ 30


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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

It gives us immense pleasure to acknowledge the unreserved support and guidance we have received from many people and institutions during the course of writing this research report.

First and foremost, we would like to express our deepest and heartfelt gratitude to the DCG for financial support, especially to Ato Abiye Alemu, the coordinator of DCG Ethiopia, for meticulous observations, unreserved input and guidance throughout the research period. The team has no words to express his patience, understanding, friendliness and forefront position, which had an extraordinary contribution to the success of the study.

The team would like to thank the Hawassa University, especially Dr. Tesfaye Abebe, Director of Research and Development of Hawassa University, for facilitating the timely release of the research fund, logistics and series of follow up during the research period.

Our sincere thanks are also due to all the colleagues at the institute of Environment, Gender and Development especially Ms.Yeshewafanos Kibe for actively taking part in data collection, data entry and manuscript preparation.

The team


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ACRONYMS

SNNPRS

The Southern Nations Nationalities and Regional State

FGD Focus Group Discussion

GOs Governmental Organizations

NGOs Non-Governmental Organizations

DHS Demographic and Health Survey

HFIAs Household Food Insecurity Access Scale

OLS Ordinary Least Square

KII Key Informant Interview

HH Household


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ABSTRACT

The study of informal social institutions has become one of the key issues among social scientists during the last two decades. A household level food shortage is one of the most significant effects of population growth and population dynamics affecting multidimensional social and economic life of household members. Close examination and analysis of these social institutions is very important not only from the household economic point of view but also because of its significant role in other livelihood aspects. This study is an empirical study aimed at examining the situations of selected informal social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods among three selected rural communities of Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Region (SNNPR) of Ethiopia.

The study began by reviewing all the available related literature, which later helped the development of objectives and the conceptual framework of the study. In order to collect the required input data, a checklist was developed. The data were collected from 453 household heads that were selected through a random sampling technique. Qualitative data was also collected from 98 key informants and by three Focus Group Discussions in each village, giving a total of 48 FGDs. Upon the successful completion of the fieldwork, the quantitative data was analyzed.

On the basis of the information collected through the qualitative and quantitative approach, it was concluded that the informal social institutions are playing a significant role in enhancing food security and smoothening other livelihood aspects having a long history and interwoven with the livelihood of the community. Moreover, households are members of various social institutions at a time, mainly due to social and economic reasons. Some of these social institutions have more power to influence the behavior, decision-making, values and practices of community members. The study has also identified that the institutions are facing various challenges, which adversely affect the effectiveness and efficiency of their performance. Due to the dynamic nature of the environment, the role of informal social institutions is also changing.

Finally, on the basis of the findings, several policy recommendations are given, which include: Enhancing and promoting some of the informal social institutions in the course of the project development (project identification, implementation, monitoring and evaluation); empowering the informal institutions to enable and rebuild capacities (technical and financial support and providing a legal entity) of the local communities to assume greater responsibilities in the management of natural resources and decisions regarding essential community resources; Improving accountability is one important strategy to sustain the indigenous social institutions thorough formal institutions; and creating a working forum for local government mechanisms and concerned institutions so that they can work together (Yejoka, Gedana, Aba Timba, Idir etc.).


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1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND

With time, there has been some rethinking in development theory and practice. One of the outcomes of this rethinking is the recognition of the importance of the social context in economic development. This means that development is not only an economic issue but also of social, cultural, political and environmental importance. There is an increasing need to incorporate local values, norms, perspectives, knowledge, technology, and institutions (Mikkelsen, 1995; Chambers, 1983). There has been enrichment and broadening of theories of development, shifting from a narrow focus on the importance of money, machinery and technology to a consideration of the role of social cohesion and institutional factors.

Anthropologists, social scientists, economists and development practitioners from different disciplines are currently studying social capital and indigenous institutions. An important aspect of social capital that has received significant attention in research is how members of a community cooperate and work towards a common good as reflected in the formation of associations. These associations can cover a wide range of activities: services delivery, ensuring food access to household members, infrastructure development etc.

The role of institutions in economic development is an important area of research and interventions. This is illustrated in the work of North (1990), who argues that institutions are the “rules of the game” in a society. Institutions are social capital. Patnam (1995) and Krishna and Shrader (1999) define social capital as features of social organization, such as networks, norms and social trust, that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefits. This definition puts the emphasis on networks, norms and trust as the most common elements of social capital. Swamy et al. (1999) defines social capital as the ability of communities to cooperate for mutual benefits, while Woolcock and Narayan (1999) define social capital as the norms and networks that enable people to act collectively. Putnam (1993) describes social capital as development enhancing institutions and the norms and values that sustain them. The basic idea behind the concept of social capital is that human societies possess vital resources in the form of persons, social relations, cooperation, norms, values, trust, networks, and institutions. These resources can be utilized for the development of the socio-economic welfare of society. The World Bank (2002) considers social capital as “the glue that holds society together”.

1.2 REGIONAL PROFILE

The Southern Nations Nationalities and Regional State (SNNPRS) is one of the nine regions that form the federal state of the country. The region is located in the southern and south western part of Ethiopia. It borders Kenya in the south, the Republic of Sudan in the southwest, Gambella region in the northwest and Oromiya Region in the northeast. The regional capital is Hawassa which is about 275 km from Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia. The region is divided into 13 zones and 133 woredas, which includes eight special woredas. More than 56 ethnic groups live in the region.

According to the 1994 census, the population of the region was 15.3 million (20 percent of the country’s population) and 92 percent of this population live in rural area, while the remaining 8 percent live in urban areas 50.1 percent of the population is female. The annual average population growth of the region is 2.9 percent. Of the total population, 49.1 percent is productive


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(15 to 64 years old) and of the productive population about 2.3 million (15.4 percent) are farmers and pastoralists (22 percent). The dependency ratio in the region is about 96.5 percent. Average family size in the region is 5.4 persons per household (CSA and Macro, 2005). The average population density in the region is 117 people per square kilometer, where the highest density is in Gedeo zone (536 persons/km2) and the lowest is in Omo zone (18 persons/km2).

Poverty is one of the most important concerns of the region where about 56.8 percent of the total population is living under the poverty line. It is estimated that about 46.2 percent of the farmers in the region own 0.1-0.5 hectares of land per household whereas the proportion who have a land size of more than two hectares per household are only 4.7 percent. About 53.9 percent of the children are stunted, 12 percent are severely wasted and 52.5 percent are under weight (CSA, 2000). On top of these, the region exhibits one of the lowest health service coverage in the country (SNNPRS, 2001). A lack of good antenatal care, poor postpartum care, malnutrition, anemia, high fertility and the like contributed to the high regional maternal mortality rate. Moreover, sexually transmitted diseases are among the major health concerns of the region.

The economy of the region is predominantly agriculture based, which is the major source of employment, revenue, export earnings and livelihoods. However, mismanagement and improper utilization of the natural resource base are not only threatening the productive capacity of the land and its resources, but also the socio-economic setting of the region, especially the rural communities (BoSP, 2006) The most common impacts of the environmental degradation (such as soil erosion, wet land degradation, deforestation and water resource depletion) are observed through the fact that the region is registered as one of the most food insecure in Ethiopia, with high dependence on food aid (BoSP, 2006).

Among the seventeen zones in the region, the Sidama, South Omo and Guraghe zones have peculiar characteristics in terms of housing multifaceted social institutional elements and arrangements., whereas the first two are representing very low and very high population densities of the SNNPR respectively.(details on the profiles of the three study areas is given in section 3.1).

1.3. JUSTIFICATION AND RELEVANCE

In the process of the pursuit of better livelihoods, the vital roles of informal institutions are manifested in mediating and channeling access to livelihood resources, providing strong social security or safety nets, and facilitating local self-governance. Local institutions can thus serve as gateways to livelihood security. It is well documented that food insecurity at household level is highly correlated with the status of natural resources and climatic disturbances. In addressing such issues, this research team has in the year 2007 conducted an in-depth analysis of the determinants of household food insecurity and coping mechanisms used in three selected zones of SNNPR (namely, Sidama, Guraghe and Wolaita zones). This study has come up with a number of key findings and policy recommendations with regard to ameliorating the high level of household food insecurity in the study areas. One of the most important research gaps identified in this study was the role of informal institutional factors (such as neighborhood institutions, Idir/Dire/Seera, elders councils, Iqub, work groups, friendship networks, shared cropping institutions etc.) in food security and natural resource management. The study therefore recommended that further investigations on these issues should be done in order that the program implementers can best utilize the potentials during the course of interventions.


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Thus, the rationale of conducting the current study is twofold:

First, the role of informal social institutions, however imperfect, is not enough understood by researchers and policy makers. Evidence from other countries suggests that when societal mechanisms work well, household specific shocks may not require outside intervention, as community shocks such as crop failure over a vast area due to natural hazards could affect everyone in the community to some degree requiring intervention. Also, implementation of rural development activities at local level, mobilizing local participation, and handling emergencies at the local level with conscious links to reconstruction, prevention and preparedness requires the pivotal role of local social institutions. This study therefore contributes to the understanding of the role of local institutions and organizations in the design and implementation of strategies (such as disaster risk management), as well as the role of local authorities in building community social capital for coping with risks and developing sustainable natural resource management.

Second, there is evidence that in the name of ‘development’, the local institutions, which were once very strong, are now breaking and disintegrating into many parts of rural areas in the region. Hence, addressing the issues in such a region with a melting pot of many ethnic groups, may give insights to researchers and policy makers on how the problem could be curbed.

Finally, the major stakeholders, after the result is shared, are expected to consider the findings in their planning and implementation endeavors. The Hawassa University, for instance, will use the results of the study in classroom teaching and share the findings to students and staff for a common understanding of the problem. The office of Agriculture and Rural Development at local and regional level may take up the most important recommendations related to food security and natural resource management and then incorporate these findings in their planning and implementation activities. The local and regional offices of culture and social affairs may take up some of the most important recommendations related to dynamism and organization of the indigenous social institutions so as to rehabilitate, modernize, and strengthen them. Because the results of the study will be communicated to the ultimate beneficiaries (through scheduled advocacy programs), the public and local leaders may make use of the opportunity to re-organize, rehabilitate and strengthen informal social institutions.

1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The main objective of the study is to examine the existing problems and document the contribution of informal social-institutional arrangements to rural livelihoods (especially household food security) in selected areas of SNNPR. Some of the Specific objectives include:

i) To assess the type of informal social institutions and arrangements existing in the selected areas.

ii) To explore and map out the overall set-up and working mechanisms of the informal social institutions in the study area.

iii) To identify the role of these institutions in ensuring household food security in the study areas.

iv) To examine the major contribution of the institutions in other selected livelihood aspects such as conflict resolution.

v) To create awareness and understanding of problems among policy-makers and relevant stakeholders, and thereby creating alliances and linkages with regard to the issues.


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1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW

1.5.1 The concept of informal social institutions and livelihoods

Informal social institutions are the broadest organizers of individuals’ beliefs, drives and behavior. They are free-standing social units with their own inner dynamic. Indigenous informal social institutions play an essential role in shaping and bringing sustainable development to a country. As they are increasingly being acknowledged, informal institutions such as traditions, customs and social norms are of particular importance, especially in the absence of efficient formal regulations; this is a situation frequently observed in developing countries. Although informal institutions are gradually receiving proper recognition, their exact definition remains challenging. Institutions are humanly created formal and informal mechanisms that shape social and individual expectations, interactions and behaviors (ADB, 2003).

According to Anthpur (2004), informal institutions are difficult to categorize as they are shaped by specific colonial and regional histories. However there are some common features shared by these institutions: all are rooted in traditions, norms and customs, where legitimacy is derived from the status based on predetermined factors such as age, sex, or identity group; they exercise territorial control either over a natural village or settlement where the tribes or clans are spread; they are longstanding; and they continue to perform governance functions at the local level.

According to OECD (2006), informal institutions are the underpinning of each society and thus pivotal to the promotion of sustainable development. Despite their importance for development, one must also be careful and selective in deciding which institutions to keep and which ones to replace by formal regulations.

The indigenous social institutions are given less attention by modern society. It should be stressed that there are no indigenous social systems dominating modern societies today, not because of inadequacies of these systems, but because the indigenous social systems were never given the opportunity to develop to this stage (Christian Conference of Asia, December 2002 -August 2003).

‘Livelihoods’ comprise the capabilities and material and social assets necessary for a means of living. Sustainable livelihoods include the idea of coping with and recover from external stresses to maintain or enhance existing capabilities and assets. Thus, institutions are the basis of organizations, yet are influenced by them at the same time.

Not paying attention to the relevance of informal local institutions in the development process would ignore the identities and particularities of gender, generations, ethnicities, religious groups, and preferences of particular social groups. Therefore, “understanding the relationship among governance, poverty, and vulnerability from the viewpoint of the poor is vital to institutional reform that promotes inclusive development” (Ibid.).

1.5.2 Types of local social organizations/institutions

The type of indigenous social institutions vary based on the nature of members, the type of service they render, the kind of objective to be accomplished, the type of contribution or expected role from members etc.

According to FAO reports, in India, there are many informal arrangements between the poor and better-off households that enable the poor to survive despite very precarious livelihoods and low wage rates. These arrangements are rooted in mutual dependency and social norms, include giving domestic work to the poor, making loans of cash or food, advancing wages to trusted laborers, providing meals and tea to farm workers, and helping with emergencies. The Gram


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Panchayat, a village leader, mobilizes government funds and village donations of labor and money for community projects such as road improvement, school construction and installation of latrines for the poor (FAO, 1999).

In Africa there are many different types of social organization, including those where membership is determined according to: principles of descent (including clans and lineages); seniority or age (elders or youth groups); territorial residence (villages and informal neighborhood social networks); religion (church groups); gender (women's groups and informal social networks); sector or market-based (marketing cooperatives); and some combination of principals (households, initiation groups, farming compounds, and ad-hoc labor groups (IDRC,2010).

1.5.3 The Role of Indigenous Social Institutions

The indigenous social institutions are established to provide diverse services for members and other beneficiaries around the community. They play economic, social, political and other roles (natural resource management, participation in production processes etc.). The importance of informal institutions in Côte d’Ivoire emphasized in a way that they provide approximately 20% of all contributions to social investment and rural development projects. It was also stated that the prevalence of informal institutions in developing countries is primarily a response to malfunctioning (OECD, 2006).

Although informal social networks may seem even more 'intangible' than kinship relations, they are, nonetheless, important coping strategies that provide local women and men with channels of access to resources, knowledge, and moral support. Informal social networks are formed through neighborhood, village, church, market, and gender-based affiliations. They are based on informal reciprocal rights and obligations, which may include the exchange of resources, such as food, cash, informal credit, manure, seeds, information, contacts, transportation, and labor (IDRC ,2010).

The role of indigenous social institutions is stated by Yared (2007), particularly among the peasant communities in its multi-various form: “Relationships of mutual social support are a critical component of peasant livelihood security. Such mechanisms of social support help them meet resource deficits and enhance their capacity of accumulating assets, and include resource exchanges, labor and draft power donations, grain and cash loans, shared animal breeding, rotating credit groups as well as emotional support. They are based on social networks consisting of kinship and community relations. Peasant reinforce these networks through various social activities and associations which take the form of social visits, feasts and religious and burials associations, although such activities decline in times of hardship like droughts. (…) Such social events are a basis of various types of economic and social support among peasants; they are to a great extent reciprocal or collaborative in nature. Such arrangements allow households to acquire resources that they lack in return for those they have, to combine similar resources for mutually beneficial ends and to contribute to common funds that they may use to meet their needs for cases in turn. Thus, they may engage in exchange of labor for oxen, sharecropping and reciprocal labor exchange”.

Local administration:

Informal social institutions differ from each other in the extent of recognition that they enjoy from the state. Some of them, like the traditional authorities found in many African countries are


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recognized by formal state institutions and have authority in some domains such as land allocation, traditional courts and customary justice (Anathpar, 2004).

Role in the development process:

It is well understood that informal institutions influence and shape development in various ways. “In the case of India, they are the basis of self-help groups; a regulatory mechanism for the mini-bus industry in South Africa; a limiting factor to the effectiveness of formal laws in Mali; a restraint for women to participate in social and economic life in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA); and an integral part of current reform initiatives in Chile that try to include marginalized individuals into the formal economy” (OECD, 2006). Pratten (2002) mentioned that, “local institutional legitimacy, transparency and accountability are central, both to the effective representation of community views and to long-term partnerships between local institutions and non-governmental organizations.”

According to the Secretary General of the OECD Informal institutions are the underpinning of each society and thus pivotal to the promotion of sustainable development. Despite their importance for development, one must also be careful and selective in deciding which institutions to keep and which ones to replace by formal regulations. The relevance of informal institutions especially in the context of developing countries can be illustrated by numerous examples. Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in South Africa, Ms. Susan van der Merwe (OECD, 2006), outlined the importance of the informal mini-bus industry that outside of any formal laws and regulations holds approximately 65% of the computer market share in south Africa.

Indigenous social institutions will help to bring social development by bringing attitude and behavior change if they are appropriately utilized. According to Bezabih et al. (2008), indigenous institutions also provide means of avoiding harmful traditional practices that are affecting girls and women and reducing or avoiding social discrimination of the minorities.Informal institutions have not only a direct impact on the economic role of women but also an indirect one through women’s access to resources like education and health care . Among other factors, the deeply rooted social institutions, societal norms, codes of conduct, laws and traditions cause gender discrimination in different communities. The traditional institutions laws, norms, traditions and code of conduct even constitute the most important single factor determining women’s freedom of choice in economic activities. “Traditional institutions can hinder females’ access to resources (land, credit and capital) and constrain the building of human and social capital”

Regarding the nature of informal social institutions, some scholars argue that the presence of informal social instructions is an advantage for women. The analytical framework of informal social institutions indicates that such kind of establishment gives alternative options to women.

The role of local institution in disaster management:

In Ethiopia, local communities have their own indigenous knowledge system, informal or formal, or social institutions with regards to hazards such as drought, conflict and disease epidemics. “For effective disaster risk reduction, it is important not only to have the right policies in place but also to have proper management arrangements”. Where there is drought and a decrease of household assets, the households try to have strategies to cope with the disaster. Among the coping mechanisms, mutual support through the already established informal social institutions can be mentioned as one (IIRR, 2007). Research findings suggested that communities with local organizations have a better chance to cope with problems encountered in their localities.


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According to IIRR and Save the Children (2007), if communities are organized, they deal better with hazard and disaster risk. It was also stated that a strongly organized community has strong local institutions with mutually agreed upon rules and practices. If members of the community organize, there is a possibility to pool resources, experience and knowledge and become cohesive to have coping strategies which enables them to withstand difficult times.

The role of indigenous social institutions in conflict resolution:

The indigenous social institutions have a role to play whenever there is a clash between and within community members. The historical facts and the service they render also indicate the same situation. Ethiopian social institutions have traditionally viewed conflict management as a matter of mending broken relationships (Lederach, 1997).

Informal institutions and Common Pool Resource (CPR) management:

In the past few decades, theorists and practitioners have investigated the different nature of institutions that influence human behavior and hence the sustainability of CPR management (Agrawal, 2003). However, different opinions are found in prioritizing the importance of informal and formal institutions. Some scholars support the idea of North (1990) that both informal and formal institutions are important to achieve sustainable CPR management, although the mechanism of rule enforcement is the most important factor that influences the institutions’ effectiveness (Koku and Gustafsson, 2003). Colding and Folke (2001) have found that long-standing informal institutions, for example, social taboos, have functions similar to those of formal institutions. However, the erosion of informal institutions has increased due to the growing diversity in religious beliefs among users and development interventions overriding the local values and norms associated with the existing practices in CPR management.

The erosion of informal institutions, aggravated by the heavy dependence of the users on CPRs for their livelihoods, has resulted in a further degradation of the CPRs (Anoliefo et al., 2003). Others noted that the collaboration of stakeholders in the decision-making of sustainable CPR management matters more than the type of institutional structure (Bryan, 2004). The presence of informal and formal institutions at the micro-level CPR management, in various rural African communities, was reported (Agrawal and Gibson, 1999; Tilahun et al., 2007). Such institutions ensure the rights of CPR users and prevent outsiders from benefiting from the group’s management activities.

The success of institutions in the CPR management depends on the ability of the user groups to devise rules for access to and maintenance of the CPRs. A strong system of authority within the group of CPR users and external support in the enforcement of rules helps to stabilise institutions that manage CPRs in a sustainable manner (Chakraborty, 2001). Based on the above-mentioned theoretical backgrounds, this article contributes to the theoretical debate by comparing the effectiveness of informal and formal institutions to sustainable CPR management. Subsequently, the social, political and demographic conditions which influence the effectiveness of both types of institutions are also investigated.

1.6 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

In this study, the attempt is made to propose a simple conceptual framework. As described earlier, people with different talents and experiences, norms and values constitute the social capital that may serve as a basis for socio-economic welfare and survival. These social resources


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are canalized through different associations, friendships and family. Macro- and meso-level interactions should further be developed into policy-making processes and program development. The major intent here is how these institutions benefit societal welfare and bring about welfare at household and community level.

According to Grootaert and Bastelaer (2002), there are two forms of social capital, the first, known as “structured social capital” refers to relatively objective and extremely observable social structures, such as networks, associations and institutions, and the rules and procedures they embody. The second form of social capital refers to cognitive social capital” and consists of more subjective and intangible elements such as generally accepted attitudes and norms of behaviors, shared values, reciprocity and trust. They also identified three units of observation (scope): Micro-level (observations at individual and household level); meso-level (the focus is on groups) and macro-level (the focus is on national level institutional and political environments that serve as a backdrop for economic and social activities).

Figure 1: Simple conceptual Framework of social capital.

Macro

Institutions of the state Governance

Structure Cognitive

Local institutions Trust local norms, Values

Micro

Source: Grootaert and Bastelaer (2002)

In analyzing social capital, one may take one or more of these levels as a unit of analysis. In this study, the attempt is made to analyze the working mechanisms of social capital focusing on the micro-level local institutions and networks.

One of the drawbacks of studying social capital as criticized by World Bank (World Bank, 2002) is related to its conceptualization and measurement. In this study, the attempt is made to define and measure only selected informal social institutions (the micro-level local institutions and their networks) in relation to livelihoods, especially food security.

1.7 LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

The present study suffers from some methodological limitations. There were also other human and non-human problems the researchers encountered while conducting the fieldwork, some of which were overcome as described below:


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1. The major limitation is the fact that the study is based on data drawn from one cross-sectional survey, where variables are collected at one particular point of time in the life history of an individual. In addition to this, the measurements of various socio-cultural variables used in the study may also suffer from some errors, as it is true for all surveys.

2. Usually, qualitative studies suffer from researchers’ and/or respondents’ related errors, which may affect the results. This study too, is prone to some errors and biases, which may affect its quality, thus the reliability and accuracy of estimates derived from it.

3. Information, particularly from the secondary sources, was not easily available at the selected offices in the study areas especially on the actual membership list of the various social institutions.


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2. SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY

2.1 DATA SOURCES

The study is conducted in three selected zones of SNNPR (namely; Sidama, Guraghe and South Omo), which were selected based on their current demographic profiles and the existence of informal social institutions. It generated the required data from both primary and secondary sources. As to the primary source, information was collected from household heads in selected areas. In order to generate adequate data and examine the socio-cultural practices/attitudes, the bulk of the information was generated through quantitative data in the form of Key Informant Interviews (KII) and Focus Group Discussions (FGD). The study used some secondary sources to augment the findings from the primary data; such as a review of reports at woreda level, a review of related literature and the like.

2.2 SAMPLING DESIGN

As mentioned in the introductory section, one of the main purposes of the study is to examine how rural households’ survival strategies are maintained through the sustained role of local institutional arrangements. It is thus important that the sample subjects to be selected need to cover a wide range of cultural zones which may be determined through appropriate statistical tools (sampling techniques).

Taking a proper sample size increases the degree of precision required for generalization and minimizes waste of time and resource. Accordingly, the sample size determination formula is adopted for this study.

−

−

+

−

=

12)1(21

1

2)1(2

d

ppZ

N

d

ppZ

n

Were ni is the required sample size from a specific categories/zone; p is the probability or risk of becoming vulnerable to food insecurity (selection criteria); Z is the upper 2

α points of standard normal distribution with α =0.05 significance level, which is Z =1.96, d is the degree of precisions (Cochran, 1977). The total sample estimated using the aforementioned formula yield 453 household heads.

The study employed two-stage probability sampling (combining the systematic and simple random sampling techniques). The process of sampling starts with the listing out of all woredas in the three study zones. At the first stage four kebeles from each woreda were selected, giving a total of sixteen kebeles, using a systematic sampling technique. At the second stage the ultimate sampling unit, the households, were selected through simple random sampling technique. The selection of FGD participants strictly followed a purposive sampling technique (non-probability sampling technique). In this case, three FGDs for each selected kebele were arranged giving a total of 12 FGDs in the Konso and Guraghe zone, while in the Sidama zone 24 FGD were conducted. All efforts were made to ensure heterogeneity of each FGD; to constitute youth, adults, religious and elderly groups, kebele administrators and known leaders of the community.


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In addition, six to eight key informants were taken from each selected village/kebele, giving a total of 98 informants.

2.3 DATA COLLECTION

In order to produce a complete set of data for analysis and meet the stated objectives, two data collection instruments were prepared and administered: An interview checklist for households (quantitative), and checklists for focus group discussions and key informant interviews. The aforementioned interview schedules/checklists were cautiously developed incorporating the most important socio-demographic and economic profiles and characteristics of the categories of respondents and households. The fieldwork took in total 30 days (including three days training for data collectors). During the fieldwork; all effort was made to maintain data quality trough intensive field editing. In addition to the actual data collection, two days training on the role of informal institutions was given to 20 participants (farmers and kebele administrators) from each selected kebele.

2.4 DATA PROCESSING AND ANALYSIS

Upon completion of the fieldwork, the quantitative data were coded, entered into SPSS software, cleaned and verified. The entire analyses were done following two levels of analysis: At the first level, all the quantitative data was processed and analyzed separately. In this case, both univariate and bivariate statistical tools were employed depending upon the issues to be examined. In the second level, the qualitative data were scrutinized and integrated into the results of the quantitative data analysis.


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3. ROLE OF INFORMAL SOCIAL INSTITUTIONS IN RURAL

LIVELIHOODS

3.1 BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STUDY AREA

The Konso woreda

The woreda has an estimated total population of 245.400 (51 % female and 49 % male population) where nearly 97% of the population are rural inhabitants, dwelling in 48 peasant associations. With an average household size of 6 persons, the woreda has an average land size per household of 0.25 hectares. The total area of the woreda is estimated to be 2355 square kilometers. The altitude ranges from 500 to 2100 meter above sea level but more than 70% of the total areas of the woreda are found below 1500 meters elevation, which is categorized largely as hot low land (kola). The Woreda has two rainy seasons namely, belg (main rainy season) and meher (minor rainy season) where the main rainfall from mid-February to mid-May determines the success of the crop production for the year. There are minor rain falls from mid-August to end October, but these are only important for the sorghum, teff, and haricot bean harvest in midland areas, giving an overall mean annual rainfall of the woreda of 762mm.

Table 1: Land size and population of the study kebeles.

Name of peasant

association

Land size Population

Mechege 1117 3106 Fasha 1734 8953 Duratete 3387 4793 Tara 3779 3482

Source: Woreda Agriculture and Rural Development office, 2009.

Table 2: Livestock distribution in the study kebele.

Name of

peasant

association

Sheep Poultry Goat Gama Kebte and

Yekend Kebte

Mechege 1955 295 986 657 Fasha 1558 3419 3413 1578 Duratete 1148 920 1470 1158 Tara 625 725 4250 3593


The economy of the woreda is highly dependent on crop production, which accounts to about 90% of the GDP of the Woreda. Major crops grown in the Woreda include sorghum, maize, haricot bean, teff and barley. Crop production is entirely rain fed except in a small number of communities living around the Weyta and Segen rivers, which practice irrigation. Nearly 80% of the annual crops come from the belg or spring harvest.


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Table 3: Major crops grown in the woreda.

Major crops Amount of production in 2008/2009

(In quintal)

Maize 23737 Sorghum 23885 Beans - Teff 52112 Sun flower 430


Regarding services, the woreda has nine clinics and one health center and only one high school. About 50% of the males and 12% of the females have access to education.

The population in the woreda suffers from both acute and chronic poverty and food insecurity caused by a combination of factors. Major causes of chronic food insecurity include: High population density (in mid-land) acute land shortage, poor soil fertility and lack of alternative income sources apart from crop and livestock production. Drought, crop pest, livestock disease and market shocks are the main causes of transitory food insecurity in the woreda. Even in a normal rainfall year, about one third of the woreda population is unable to feed itself for six months. Drought is certainly the major factor responsible for the emergency situation that the woreda is confronted with, but the soaring food prices are also partly responsible, since the majority of households are vulnerable to an increase in staple food prices given their heavy dependence on markets. Even better off households who would normally have purchased food from local- markets after their own crops failed can no longer afford the price, because staple food prices increased by more than 500% particularly since June 2009..

The impact of the drought was assessed by a multi agency team and 75.000 people were identified for relief assistance as of July 2008. Based on the assessment relief food (including cereal, vegetable oil, pulses and supplementary food) enough for 75.000 people has been received and distributed to beneficiaries as of August. The duration of the assistance extended to 73.490 chronically food insecure people enrolled in a productive safety net program. Moreover, the modality of assistance was shifted from cash to food due to high food prices Targeted supplementary food distribution was carried out to 1991 moderately malnourished children under five and lactating and pregnant mothers. The figure was expected to rise to 5502.

Table 4: Number of safety net beneficiaries in the year 2009.

Name of peasant

association

Male Female Total

Mecheke 34 18 52 Fasha 234 194 428 Turayte 127 11 138 Dera 78 13 91



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The Sebat Bet Guraghe, Cheha Woreda

Sebat Bet Guraghe is located in the South West of Addis Abeba about 160 Kilometer away from Addis Abeba on the way to Jimma. The boundaries of the Sebat Bet are Kambata in the South, the Omo River in the West; Butajra in the east; Betcho and Awash River in the north. The size of the Sebat Bet is about 105 kilometers southwest to north east and 85 kilometers stretching east to west. The Sebat Bet includes. Ezha, Geto, Meq’werqwer, Muhre and Aklil, Endegane, Yegre-Angh’et Cheha and Yinemor and Anner. The language of the Guraghe, is Guraghegna, a semitic language derived from people of semitic origins. Despite this fact, there are some differences in dialects among the different clans of the Guraghes.

The woreda is situated at an altitude of 1200 to 2600 meters above sea level. About 21.5 percent of the land area is covered by forest with 40 percent mountainous land and 60 percent farm land. There are three agro-ecological zones highlands (Dega consists of 20% of the area which is 2,300 - 3,200 meters above sea level), midlands (Woina Degaconsists of 75% of the area which is 1,500 - 2,300 meters above sea level, and lowland (Kolla consists of 5 % of the area and 500 - 1,500 meters above sea-level.. According to a recent estimate, the woreda has a total population of 188.921 (92.253 males and 96.668 females) with an average household size of five to seven members. The distribution of the population by religion reveals that that 44% are Muslims, 43% orthodox Christians, 7% Catholics and 6% Protestants.

Table 5: Population of the study kebeles in Guraghe woreda.

Name of peasant

association Male Female Total

Boranna Tuba 1997 2084 4081 Wedro 2715 2801 5516 Girar Dibir 2097 2104 4201 Yeferzye 2464 2582 5046


The houses amidst the tall leaves of enset (Enset Ventricosum) are standing monuments depicting the old Guraghe tradition and culture with a refined architecture and craftsmanship. Although enset is a staple food for all Guraghes, it should be noted that the highlands do not grow it. The main cultivation, instead, includes pulses and other cereals, potatoes and cabbages and various types of corn (Gebreyesus Hailmariam, 1991). The low land dwellers on the other hand grow enset, coffee, maize and some sweet potatoes, the latter only for home consumption.

The Sidama, Dale Woreda

Sidama zone is one of the 13 zones found in SNNPRG. It is found in the northeastern part of the region and it is bordered by Oromiya federal state in the north, east and southeast, with the Gedeo zone in the south, and North Omo zone in the west.

The zone has a total area of 7200 Km2 divided into ten sub-zones , locally called ‘woredas’ and two administrative towns. These ten woredas are: Awassa, Shebedino, Dalle, Aleta Wondo, Darra, Hagere-selam, Arorresa, Bensa, Arbegona, and Boricha; and the two town administrations of Yirgalem and Aleta wondo. Among all woredas, Dale is the largest with a total area of 1.494.630km2 while the smallest is Darra with 263.360 km2.


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Table 6: Population of the study kebeles in Cheha woreda.

Name of peasant

association Male Female Total

Ajewa 2275 2144 4419 Awada 1531 1591 3122 Debub Mesenkela 2383 2331 4714 Chume 2662 2540 5202


According to the recent estimate, the Dale woreda‘s total population is about 242,658 with an average density of more than 300 persons per km2, making it one of the densely populated woreda in the zone. The average household size is 6. The woreda is located at the elevation of between 1626m and 1750m with long term mean annual rainfall of between 1157mm and1357mm, a long-terms mean annual temperature of 15 to 19 degrees Celsius. The moist dega accounts for about 1% and the moist weynadega for 99% of the year. Major crops grown in the area include coffee, which covers 13.215ha, 9.021ha of enset, 496ha of fruit and vegetables, 3007ha of maize, 126.429 of cattle livestock, 32.671 of sheep and goats and 107.253 of poultry. (Woreda Agriculture and Rural Development office, 2009).

Table 7: Livestock population in the study kebeles in Cheha woreda.

Name of peasant

association Cattle Yegama

and yekend

kebete

Sheep and goat

Ajewa 3195 303 Awada 4720 635 Debub Mesenkela 3960 710 Chume 4502 879


Table 8: Safety Net beneficiaries in the study kebeles in 2009.

Name of peasant

association

Male Female Total

Ajewa 249 274 523 Awada 252 264 516 Debub Mesenkela 247 262 509 Chume 265 292 557



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The Boricha Woreda

The Boricha Woreda is located North of Hawassa town, South Dale Woreda, East Shebedino Woreda, West North Omo (Humbo woreda). The woreda has a total population of 241.341

(122.505 males and 118.836 females). The study area, the Boricha Woreda of the Sidama Zone, is one of the most food insecure areas of the region. The woreda is known for its dependence on food aid where there are more than 44.000 relief beneficiaries and 38.166 safety net beneficiaries, giving a total of 82.166 beneficiaries (Woreda Agriculture and Rural Development, 2009). In a study conducted in the area (2006-2007), it was observed that most of the pockets of the area are under continued influence of a high growth rate and density of population. Among other things, increasing population pressure has resulted in land scarcity, which is one of the major challenges for the people. This has led to the fragmentation of farmlands, reduction of fallow periods, shifts in cropping patterns; reduced time spent on farming, acceleration of land use conflicts and competition, and land degradation. The hilly lands of the area are highly affected by water erosion. As much of the natural cover of the area has been destroyed, lack of fuel wood has led to widespread use of manure for burning, while shortage of fodder has forced households to divert crop residues for feeding livestock and burning. Hence, such farm resources which traditionally have been used to replenish the soil are often diverted to meet other pressing needs (Assefach and Nigatu, 2006). All these consequences of population pressure have jeopardized the sustainability of the traditional mixed farming systems and have adverse implications for household food security.

3.2 BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE RESPONDENTS

Information on the respondents’ background characteristics such as household size, religion, school attendance, operational land size, age, etc. was collected. The percentage distribution of these background variables are given in tables 9 and 10 below. This section classifies the variables into individual and household variables.

Table 9: Percentage distribution of the respondents by selected background characteristics.

Characteristics No Percent Literacy Yes 250 55.2 No 203 44.8 Formal education Yes 228 50.3 No 22 49.7 Grade level of the respondent No education 221 48.8 Primary 105 23.2 Junior high school 48 10.6 Secondary 54 11.9 Diploma 21 4.6 First degree 1 0.2 Others 3 0.7 Religion Orthodox 98 21.6 Muslim 65 14.3 Protestant 207 45.7 Catholic 55 12.1 Traditional belief 21 4.6 Other 7 1.5


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Marital status Married 394 87.0 Single 23 5.1 Widowed/widower 26 5.7 Divorced 5 1.1 Separated 5 1.1 Age of the respondent 15-24 45 9.9 25-50 304 67.1 51-64 58 12.8 Above 64 24 5.3 Total 431 95.1 System 22 4.9

Source: Computed from the collected primary data.

Respondents were asked if they could read and write sentences for identifying their literacy status. Based on the oral reports of the respondents, it was found out that 55.2 percent of the respondents are literate, while the remaining 44.8 percent are categorized as illiterate. The percentage distribution of the husbands by educational status reveals that 23.2 percent of the respondents have an elementary level of education (one to six years). The proportion of males at junior, secondary and college levels account for about 10.6, 11.9 and 4.6 percent of the male respondents respectively.

Another background variable shown on table 9 is religion. The majority of the respondents (45.74%) are reported to be Protestants followed by Orthodox Christian (21.6%), Muslim (14.3%),), Catholic (12.1%) and the rest of the categories make up the smaller proportion of the respondents. The higher percentage distribution of the Protestant religion commensurates with the regional picture, where about 40 percent of the population of the region are Protestants (CSA and Macro, 2005).

The age distribution of the household heads given in table 9 indicates that the majority of them are represented by the age group 25 to 50 years (67.1%), whereas the respondents of the age group 51 to 64 years account for about 12.8 percent. Looking at the percentage distribution of the respondents, it is evident that the majority of them fall in the middle adulthood category.

Table 10: Percentage distribution of selected household characteristics.

Characteristics No Percent

Type of marriage Monogamous 372 82.1 Polygamous 81 17.9

Ownership of land Yes 422 93.2 No 31 6.8

Having rented land Yes 61 13.5 No 392 86.5

Source of energy From market 60 13.2 From agricultural biproduct 254 56.1 The surrounding forest 139 30.7

Household size 0-3 50 11.0 4-6 183 40.4 7-10 184 40.6 > 10 36 7.9

Adult population of the household


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0-3 263 58.1 4-6 147 32.5 7-10 42 9.3 > 10 1 0.2

Ownership of land Landless 28 6.2 0.001-0.5 hectares 243 53.6 0.51-1.0 hectares 117 25.8 1.001-2.00 hectares 53 11.7 greater than 2.0 hectares 12 2.6

Size of rented land Landless 385 85.0 0.001-0.5 hectares 49 10.8 0.51-1.0 hectares 10 2.2 1.001-2.00 hectares 6 1.3 greater than 2.0 hectares 3 0.7

The respondents were also asked to indicate if their husband/wife had other partners or not. The simple and direct forward question was used to estimate the volume of polygamous marriages in the study population. Accordingly, about 17.9 percent of the female respondents were found to live in a polygamous union where their husband/wife had one or more additional partner at the survey date. The computed proportion is six percent higher than the national figure reported in the DHS (CSA and Macro, 2005). The higher rate of polygamous marriages may partly be due to the fact that a larger group of respondents were taken from the older generation who had been traditionally trapped into the system prior to the introduction of Christianity in the areas.

Another household characteristic revealed in table 10 is the operational land size distribution. It is evident from the table that the bulk of the respondents (53.6%) were reported to own less than 0.5 hectares of land, 25.8 percent of them own 0.5 to 1.0 hectares; 11.7 percent of the households own 1.0 to 2.0 hectares, and only an insignificant proportion of the households was reported to own a land size greater than 2.0 hectares (2.6%). As expected, the proportion of landless households accounts for about 6.2 percent which is slightly above the figures reported in many studies. It was reported that about 13.5 percent of the households accessed rented land for different purposes.

The distribution of household size given in table 10 reveals that the majority of the households (40.6%) are reported to have a size of seven to 10 members followed by 4-6 (40.4 %) and only 11 percent and 7.9 percent of the households are one to three and 10 and more sized households respectively. It is also observed that the computed mean household size for the three study sites is about 5.6, which is well above the mean at national level (4.8).

3.3 TRADITIONAL/INDIGENOUS ADMINISTRATIONS: MORAS, YEJOKA AND

GADA

3.3.1 The Moras of Konso

Among the many wonders of Konso that we found most striking during the fieldwork were the densely populated walled villages, of which the sites were chosen for defensive purposes. The Konso settlement seems to have been carefully selected as natural barriers to isolate themselves from their neighbors with whom they have traditionally been in conflict.

Usually, the villages are located on hills where the inhabitants could watch the movement of their enemies in plains. This means that each geographical unit in Konso has to protect the people from outsiders.


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According to Wolde (1994), the Konso villages have peculiar characteristics. First, the compounds create an overwhelming impression of mystery on the stranger as they are made of massive walls which are about seven to eight feet thick. The walls are made of big carved basalt rocks held together without any mortar or cement. They are thick and wide in comparison to their height which is about half a meter high. Moreover, the blocks are well fitted and can not be easily dislodged so that they can survive for an extremely long period of time. Secondly, the entrance is protected and the doors of the compounds are built with security in mind since the inhabitants could easily see and watch out for their foes approaching from the plains. Thirdly, the village sites are easily defended and people can only reach them along narrow and winding paths. The compound walls curve gradually, perhaps because this shape makes them more stable and strong. The various paths within a village interconnect, often leading to a Mora or public place.

The Konso communities have been traditionally accepting the local administration called Generational Leaders. There are three generations of leaders who are well recognized and assume leadership/governance every nine years. The three generations of leaders are locally known as: Hirpa, Melkusa and Gelgusa. The local leaders’ council, led by Aba Timba, which literally means the owner of the drum, takes the lead until the period of nine years elapses. Every nine years, the symbol of the generation, a drum, is transferred from one generation leader to another under a certain defined ceremony. During the transfer of power from one generation to another, the juniper pole – Ulahita – is erected as part of the rites of passage of generations and the naming of a younger generations-set. It is accompanied by the sacrifice of a bull or two goats (one male and one female) by the receiving generation leader (Aba Timba). Among the many functions of the Aba Timba, the following were mentioned by FGD participants: He takes care of the symbol of the generation (i.e the drum) by constantly putting butter and cow dung on it during the nine years of the hosting period to protect it from damage and decay; He is not allowed to go out of the vicinity until he transfers power to the next generation; He ensures that the symbol is not touched by ordinary community members, especially women.

Every nine years, Aba Timba calls for all generation members to celebrate the transfer of power at the defined location called Mora Agugna. Here, a conifer tree is cut from a farm land and kept in the Mora for nine years, indicating the change of generations. During the ceremony, Aba Timba gives a speech and honors the generation members; he makes sure that the slaughtered ox and goat is completely eaten by the generation members within the Mora and he advises the generation members to make sure that no one should cross the Mora for a period of three days. This is done to show respect for the generation; establish a youth committee/group called Helta whose function is to protect the community from any internal and external attacks; to draft laws of the society, concerning marriage and punishment; to make proclamations; to act as judges and determine punishments and make decisions within the community; to establish an elder council within each sub-kebele (Gote) called Shorogita; and to nominate and elect the Morsa who is the spokesmen of the elder council. The Morsa also acts as an auditor and supervisor.

The Konso Mora needs to be considered in terms of size and location. The larger Mora, including the Mora of the regional priests, are always out in the open counter (Hallawdila; Kitole and Mora Bamballe etc.), and are far away from the towns. Town Moras are of different size. Some, such as Cemote, Sagale and Gembello, are large enough to accommodate a dancing floor and a men’s house - Pafta. The smaller ones are simply without a dancing floor or men’s house. The Mora of the regional priests and the Mora out in the country are larger in size than the Mora in town. We find a kobata tree at one end of the large town Mora, the Mora of the regional priests and the Mora out in the country. Most Moras have an Ulahita or sacrificial juniper pole, erected at one end of the dancing floor or by the side of a tree. These poles can be as high as ten meters. In


20

important town Moras with a dancing floor, one sometimes sees up to six, oval shaped stones called Arumda which weigh as much as 30 kilograms each.

The men’s house in the Mora has no wall. The roof stands on several poles on which thick long juniper beams are placed, with a big pillar holding up the roof. The beams support the roof and also carry many thick logs on top. The floor is constructed with flat basalt stones. The dancing floor of some of the important Moras has two gates, entrance and exit, sometimes closed by two long poles.

The FGD participants have identified three types of Mora

• Reconciliation Mora: This Mora is a place where conflicting parties report their case to the elders’ council and calls meetings. These Moras are used for the arbitration of disputes that arise from refusal to pay debts, fighting, manslaughter, adultery and other social ills. The elders hear cases, examine the cases and make decisions. This is a special forum for resolving conflicts within the community. The two parties put 150 birr each to the Shimagle (Aba Timba). The loser pays and the winner gets back the money. Women are not allowed to enter the Mora.

• Playing/ceremonial Mora: This is a place where children and adults play games or discuss issues of common concern; it is a sleeping place for guests, youth members stay the night to protect the community and husbands who fought with their wives stay the night to calm down. Ideally, all men above twelve are supposed to stay overnight in the Mora, guarding the town in case of raids, fires or other incidents. There are also taboos and restrictions in this Mora: No sexual intercourse is allowed, women can never enter into the Mora and animals (especially oxen) can never push any part of the Mora. In case this happens, the ox is immediately slaughtered. The owner of the ox is to be compensated by the community members.

• Oath Mora: In case one of the conflicting parties never admits his/her deed, the Shimagle may force him/her to make an oath at this Mora. It is generally believed that people do not utter lies in the Mora as it is believed that to do so will have grave consequences on the person concerned. The Konso use a stone called Daga Khaka for the act of swearing. It is also said that the Government Court uses these stones on the Mora for witnesses to swear on. In all the FGDs, it was noted that all community members have a strong believe that the curse happens soon if the oath is wrongly made.

3.3.2 Yejoka of Guraghe

Yejoka, the local administrative machinery of the Guraghes, is the name of a place selected for gathering all groups to discuss matters of mutual concern. Yejoka examines all matters of economic, political, social, administrative, environmental and other concerns of the people. It is at Yejoka, where the implementation of orders and administration are checked and adjusted; marriage laws and divorces cases are managed, criminal acts punishments laid down; peace plans discussed and security ascertained (Gebreyesus, 1991).

According to Gebreyesus (1991) and evidences collected during field work, the Yejoka General Assembly has its own rules and procedures. The Yejoka shall always begin with some uttering: “Let the day be a blessed day, the tongue speak the truth, let us be forgiven for our defaults, long live the aged, let there be peace in our land, etc.”

When private matters were brought before Yejoka, after having been thoroughly examined also by certain individuals, a screening body is set up to find out and attest to the severity of the


21

issues, to recommend whether or not such issues were matters of general concern and whether Yejoka had to handle them. If they are rejected for failing to fulfill certain requirements, this is done according to certain guidelines, but if they satisfy the requirements, discussions are opened. The procedures in Yejoka are nearly similar to the court of law. If a private issue or accusation is presented, the defendants present their case to the general public. Then the elderly and illustrious people comment on the issue one by one giving examples or cases, the matter is brought forward to the discussions carefully, analyzed independently and then a final decision is made. The verdict is announced to the public and is without appeal. Such an ad-hoc group is called Yemmsseya Dane which literally means ‘case reviewing and decision making body’.

The fame of Yejoka grew from the day it was established around the sixteenth century. Yejoka evolved all types of remedies for all types of irregularities. The extent of punishment for each part of the body and amount of damages is specified.

3.3.3 Traditional Gedana of the Sidama

Gedana is a Shimagle council leader involved in many affairs of the village: Reconciliation, handling misunderstandings and conflicts, handling cursings and blessings, making proclamations, giving consultations and advice to the kebeles, and praying for rain (traditional prayer). The Gedana is selected by the villagers (Shimagles). They nominate two to three Gedana from the generation. Eight elders of the kebeles take the responsibility of nominating the Geda. The Geda is forced to sit under the worka tree for 30 to 90 days. Women are not allowed to see him. He is given butter and meat during the period. Then his name will be changed to Gedana. At the end of the period, his followers bring him back to his house. They prepare everything and celebrate the event. There are five generational administrations (Luwa, Mogisa, Wawassa, Fulassa, Hirbora, Derara). Each governs for eight years after selecting its own Gedana.

3.3.4. Contribution of indigenous administrations to food security and natural resource

management

As described above, the three traditional or indigenous administrations (Yejoka, Mora and Gedana) have multidimensional roles and responsibilities in the life of the community. Their roles range from being monumental representations that affect the quality of life of the community members through their interventions in conflict resolution, disaster management and protection. In the following paragraphs, the attempt is made to enumerate some of the roles common to the three indigenous traditional institutions.

To start with, the three traditional administrations are typically known for their services as bridges between the community members and the local government administrative machinery. In almost all the FGDs and discussions held with the key informants, it was clear that the traditional administrations are whole-heartedly accepted by nearly all community members, and hence, any communication of serious nature (such as the call for a campaign, human resource mobilization, etc.) are easier and more successful if done through these traditional administrations. It is seldom that people object the information flowing through these channels.

Among other things, the role of these administrations is more pronounced when there is a call for natural resource conservation (tree plantation, soil mulching in the rugged profiles, a disease eradication campaign, etc.). In such a community mobilization, the elders play key roles as coordinators by using their cursing and blessing powers.

During the FGDs, it was reported that the administrators of these informal institutions make an open call to all community members to congregate around central points and pass decisions on all


22

matters. The presence of these administrations is also felt when there is chronic food shortage in the locality. While the local governments usually fall short of addressing food shortages, the traditional administrations call for resource sharing and support for the weak and poor.

3.4 CHARACTERIZATION AND ROLE OF INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS

The term institution is conceptualized by different authors in different ways. Most definitions, however, translate the term by referring to structures, mechanisms and processes as well as rules and norms that govern human behavior and social order. In this report, the definition by Douglas North (1990) is used as the main point of reference, because it emphasizes the differences between the informal and formal natures that institutions could have. Informal institutions are systems of rules and decision-making procedures which have evolved from endogenous socio-cultural codes and give rise to social practices, assign roles to participants and guide interactions.

Households in developing countries face a variety of shocks that can adversely affect their well-being. It is also well understood that households use a variety of mechanisms for addressing these shocks. In rural areas, for example, households may decide to grow a mix of crops that embody various levels of susceptibility to climatic shocks and returns. Crops may be grown in different locations, may be temporally diverse or may be intercropped. Similarly, the household might diversify into off-farm activities or casual wage labor. The existence of interlinked transactions, such as sharecropping, where access to land, labor, and possibly capital and marketing are tied together, is another example of how the presence of shocks causes households to adopt strategies that protect consumption even at the cost of lowered incomes.

Some of the most commonly practiced indigenous social institutions in the study area include Idir, Iqub, pooled labor, share cropping etc. These have been in place for several years, are used as insurance and play significant roles in food security and for livelihoods.

3.4.1 Idir

In the study areas, the alternative to banks and insurance companies as sources of insurance and saving is Idir. The Idir is a grassroots insurance program administered by a community or group to meet emergency situations. It is an informal association of people who share a common interest such as family membership, friendship, residence in the same district, religion, affiliation by employment, and membership in the same ethnic group for the purpose of securing mutual aid and financial assistance under certain conditions. The original purpose of the Idir was to provide the financial wherewithal for the burial of the dead, but it has evolved into an association that offers a multitude of services for its members. These services include financial, material, social and psychological support. The modern Idir helps the poor to deal with such risks as funeral expenses, financial assistance to families of the deceased and, in some cases, coverage of other risks such as medical expenses. They are also an important forum of discussion on burning issues of the community, including HIV/AIDS, gender issues and other development issues. Currently, they are used as means to mobilize the community for a range of activities and programs.

Table 11: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported participation in Idir.

Characteristics Number Percent

Membership in Idir Yes 435 96.0 No 18 4.0


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Number of Idir memberships 1 102 22.5 2 167 36.9 3 102 22.5 4 and more 17 3.8 None 65 14.3 Duration of Idir membership No membership 20 4.4 1-5 years 78 17.2 6-10 years 96 21.2 11-20 years 100 22.1 More than 20 years 159 35.1

Table 11 above reveals the percentage distribution of respondents by reported participation in an Idir. It is seen that the majority of the households (96 %) are members of at least one Idir, whereas about 77 percent of them are reported to be a member of two and more Idirs. About 35 percent of the householders joined the Idirs 20 years ago, suggesting that such collective mutual support sustained in the study areas for a longer period of time.

Table 12 lists three major roles of the Idirs in the study areas. The most commonly cited role of the Idirs (regardless of their type and nature) is the kind of support they provide to individual households during the death of household members (mentioned by 88.5%); the support given during sickness (40.6%), the role of the Idir in relation to purchasing agricultural inputs (such as fertilizer and seeds) (66.9%) and its role as labor support especially during harvesting, land preparation and other demanding times (74.2 %). Borrowing money from the Idir is a unique practice for most kebeles in Guraghe. The money taken from the Idirs is used to manage any household problem. The money is free of interest and of long duration. In other cases, quite high numbers of the community members borrow money from local lenders with interest rates of 20%.

Table 12: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported role of Idir.

Characteristics Yes No

Support given during death of household members 88.5 11.5 Support given during sickness of household members 40.6 59.4 Borrowing seed money for purchasing input 66.9 33.1 Labor support 74.2 25.8

In Konso, Idirs are commonly practiced social groupings. They are a form of providing assistance to households during the occurrence of death. The assistance may take different forms like cash, the provision of fire wood, the provision of water, cattle feeding and herding during an extended period of time and supporting sick members of the household. There are three types of Idir reported by the FGD and KIIs: Relgious Idirs, clan Idirs, and neighborhood Idirs. Similarly, the FGD participants in Guraghe reported four types of Idirs:

1. Clan Idirs: They are made up of both males and females of the same clan. There is no limited number. The contribution is made every month amounting three to five birr. If death occurs a member gets 1000 to 2000 birr. This type of Idir is getting stronger through time.


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2. Religious Idirs: There are different types of memoriam Idirs, demanding between two and five birr per month. If death occurs, a member gets 600 birr (girar deber kebele) other yegebriel Idir.

3. Kebele Idirs: They consist of all the kebele members (males and females), require a contribution of three to five birr per month and provide 1500 to 2000 birr during the occurrence of death.

4. Close relatives Idirs: This is another facet of a clan Idir, which consists of females. This Idir is active not only during death, but also extends its service to assisting its members during births and weddings, and provide financial assistance.

In general, the FGD participants pointed out that there are three major types of Idirs in place:

1. Food based Idirs called Sera: The people organized under these groupings are Got (sub-village) members. These group members prepare food and provide it to the victims’ households for a period of one month. This is mainly done in view of protecting the household from economic instability. Neighbors also take dinner to the victims’ houses.

2. Money based Idirs: This is a collection of people who live within the same Got, but are of the same clan.

3. Labour or service based Idirs: This is a group of people who assist each other during death through labor, water fetching, fire wood collection etc.

During the discussions held with FGD participants in all the kebeles surveyed, it was noticed that Idirs of any kind have multifaceted roles in wide range of livelihoods:

• Provide money to the members in case of the death of registered members.

• Make food available to the victim household when death occurs in view of protecting the family from the economic crisis after the death.

• Idirs are used as a form of social security in cases of emergency such as sickness, education expenses for children or purchase of cows/oxen. Such transfers of money from the Idirs’ accounts to its members is made free of interest with long periods of loan return. Idirs provide special assistance to women if they get widowed, in the case of sickness, during pregnancy and birth.

• Idirs play an important role in community infrastructure development such as school construction, bridge building, the ploughing of school farms and the provision of teaching material supplies. In Yeferziye kebele, female FGD groups disclosed that the Idir has built eight houses for those who lost their house by fire.

• Idirs receive appeals and punish households who resist to sent their children to school.

Similarly, the study areas in Sidama reported that there are religious, village, women’s and kebele Idirs. Idirs are involved in conflict resolution and people never go to court without the consent of the Idir. In the year 2001 about 12 cases were resolved by the Idirs there. The biggest Idir has 300 members and the members contribute between two and 10 birr per month. Other contributions include: labor contribution for seven days, food delivery and farming. In Awada kebele, the biggest Idir is 23 birr per month and it is involved in reconciliation and peace-making. When there is a special cause (e.g. school construction) the Idir contributes money.


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3.4.2 Pooled labor

Table 13 below reveals the percentage distribution of households for membership of working groups. It is seen that more than 80 percent of the households are member of one or more of the working groups or pooled labor networks. The nature of working groups are either food based, money based or a combination of both.

Table 13: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported participation in pooled labor.

Characteristics Percentage

Membership in local working group Yes 60.3 No 39.7 Number of working groups you are a

member of

No membership 39.7 One 38.0 Two 11.3 Three and more 11.0

As it is indicated in table 14 below, 11.5 percent of the households are members of money based working groups where the labor receiving household gives out the compensation in cash of a meager amount just as a sign of thanks to the people in the network. The amount to be given out to an individual member in the network does not normally exceed 10 birr (about 0.80 US dollars) a day. Those groups that practice food based networking account for 5.5 percent of the respondents. The money and food based groups make out 2.9 percent of the households. Contribution of free labor to the people in the network accounts for a significant proportion of the respondents (39.7%).

Table 14: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported type of Debo (pooled labour

share) involved.

Characteristics Percent

Membership in money-based Debo Yes 11.5 No 88.5 Membership in food based Debo Yes 5.5 No 94.5 Membership in money & food based Debo

Yes 2.9 No 97.1 Contribution to working groups free labor Yes 39.7 No 60.3


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There are multifaceted social groupings in the Guraghe culture. In all the kebeles surveyed, the following indigenous social institutions were enumerated.

• Yegegne are social groupings among peer groups who contribute money or kind to give it to a groom. They are one time groupings appearing only when a marriage ceremony is arranged. These informal social groupings are said to be more supportive of the poorer households as they usually fall short of money and materials during the marriage of their sons or daughters.

• Jez is a social grouping formed by women to produce Jiba (a local carpet made of grass). The Jez is usually a group of ten women selected on the basis of interest, neighborhood and ability. It is a permanent grouping becoming very active during the rainy season. The women sell the Jiba to generate income for the families. One Jiba is locally sold at about 20 birr. It takes two months to complete to produce one Jiba, as the are only working part-time.

• Enset Debo is a social grouping formed by women to process the painstaking job of Enset. This group is formed on the basis of interests that usually are close to each other. Enset harvesting is done throughout the year and demands a lot of labor. If the household is to pay for labor imparted by others, it amounts to four birr per person per day. Through an Enset Debo, which is free labour, a household saves about 40 birr per episode.

• Coffee Debo is a social grouping of usually four to five households that congregate together and drink coffee. In this ceremony, various issues are discussed: HIV/AIDS, radio programs, meteorology, community issues and others. The Coffee Debo is mostly held in the homestead of the elders of the group members. The Coffee Debo is among other things very useful to bring conflict parties to the table. This Debo gives assistance to lactating mothers through the provision of household items, to preparing food, cleaning and handling all household chores. The Debo members see each other as family members. The research team has learnt that the extension workers make use of this assembly for extension teaching.

• Damada is a social grouping formed by women, of which the number of members does not exceed ten. This group meets every week and collects butter (1/4kg) through their chairperson. The collected butter is given to one of the member and she uses it for holidays or special occasions. This is believed to be a good opportunity for women to save money.

• Antrosh – the mothers’ honor day – is celebrated every year by children. In this ceremony, children give out gifts to their mothers (kocho

1, cheese, cabbage, areki2 and clothing).

According to the female FGD participants in Wodro kebele, this practice is diminishing through time. It was said that the practice had been embedded in the Guraghe culture for generations as a way of recognition and respect for the mothers. The female FGD groups further stressed that the dying out of this practice was mainly due to individualism style of life among the youth.

• Yejeweche is a social grouping where married youths provide gifts in the form of a calf, Debo, blankets, sheets and clothes to the father and local dresses, scarves and shoes to the

1 A local food made from the Enset tree. 2 Local alcohol common in Etiopia.


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mother only once after marriage. This practice is common during the epiphany holiday. According to female FGD groups in Wodro kebele, this practice is dying due to increased costs of living.

• Herding Debo is formed by about 15 to 30 households whose aim is to manage the herding of their cattle. A member takes this responsibility every round and is responsible to take care to the cattle (provide water, food, etc.). There is a central place (main road to the village) called Jefferro from where the cattle are gathered and delivered to the owners. In case a Debo member is found to be lactating, she will be excused from herding duty. The most elders are also excused from the herding activities. These Debos are instrumental in providing support to their members during housing construction and borrowing oxen.

• Wokia is a cattle sharing group. It is formed by two households who share cattle (sheep, oxen, goat, chicken, cows etc.). The agreement is made orally either in front of a witness or not.

From the discussions with key informants and focus group discussion participants in Konso, it is understood that the Konso also have different pooled labor net works. However, unlike the networks in Guraghe, these are limited in both size and functions. The pooled labor groups, which the local people call it development groups are three in Konso:

• Parka consists of men and women and has 10 to 20 members. This group is basically formed to work on agricultural activities through a pooled labor system. This is an important grouping during agricultural peak times.

• Alumala is made up of men and women and formed during peak times once or twice a year. The members pool their labor to generate some income. While the rate of payment varies from work to work, an average of between 1.50 and 10 birr is paid per person per day. This group has its own specific name such as Kekesha which means fast, Awasha (tough) or Ketala (not fearful/bold). These groups have their own secretary and cashier.

• Uganda is made up of close relatives. It is a form of Debo for pooled labour formed for different purposes like farming, construction of houses, terrace making, etc. The household who pooled the labor has the responsibility to prepare Cheka (local alcoholic drink) and Nifati (roasted beans).

Respondents in the study areas have a wide range of perceived benefits. It is seen in table 16 below that about 54.5 percent of them reported that the pooled labor net workings are highly beneficial during harvesting and cultivation when a single individual may require additional labor to collect the products within minimum possible time. About 53.9 percent reported that they benefit much during house construction, 48.8% mentioned increased productivity, and 52.5% claimed that they had developed a sense of team work. 51.7% appreciate that they are saving time and labor and 53.2% that they are strengthening their social bonds and relationships.

Table 15: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported benefits of the Debo.


Benefits from working groups during cultivation Yes 54.5 No 45.5 Benefits from working groups during house construction


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Yes 53.9 No 46.1 Benefits from working groups in increasing productivity Yes 48.8 No 51.2 Benefits from working groups in developing the sense of team work Yes 52.5 No 47.5 Benefits from working groups in saving time and labor Yes 51.7 No 48.3 Benefits from working groups in strengthening social bonds and

relationships

Yes 53.2 No 46.8

In almost all the kebeles visited in Guraghe, it was seen that the community has a strong bond of attachment and support systems for the poor, aged, handicapped, mothers (who newly gave birth) and other minority groups.

Aged people are taken care of by their elder sons, the neighbors and relatives give all kinds of care to the aged free of charge through labor pool systems (for herding, ploughing or house construction). During holy days such as Epiphany and Arefa, the aged household members are provided cooked food and supplies. Also, their cattle and land are managed by relatives for an indefinite period. In Yefereziye kebele, male FGD participants said that aged people (who do not have other family members, to support them) are given meat during Meskel free of charge. FGD participants in Yeweregoji kebele further stressed that those poor households who do not have enough to eat, are provided with matured live enset on demand, free of charge by their neighbors. In the case that the recipient lacks the capacity to process the enset, the providers and neigbors provide free labor.

In Yezereziye kebele, male FGD participants further indicated that chicken and eggs are used mostly by women to cover school expenses. In Borena Tuba kebele, the male and female FGD participants indicated that the production of local carpets ( Jiba), which are made up of grasses during the rainy season and are produced by women through a labour pull system (called Jez), is fully controlled by the women.

3.4.3 Share Groups

Operationally, the concept of social groupings is understood as a collection of two and more people/households on the basis of neighborhood, religion, clan or friendship who wish to share resources or enter into an agreement either in the presence or absence of witnesses. Such informal arrangements are commonly observed in sharing of livestock, poultry, land (crop sharing) and food.

In view of this, respondents were asked to report the type of share groups they are members of. Accordingly, it was observed that the respondents are members of one or more of the different share groups. It is seen in table 16 below that 35.1 percent of the households are member of shared resources groups. With regards to the perceived changes, about 29.1 percent of the respondents believe in the existence of at least some changes. About 31.1 percent of the households believe that their being member of a social network has brought about improvement


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in household food security, 31.6 percent mentioned an improved income and a very small proportion claimed changes in the household assets.

Table 16 Percentage distribution of respondents by reported shared groups.


Membership in shared resources 35.1 64.9 Crop sharing 7.7 92.3 Cattle sharing 9.9 90.1 Crop and cattle sharing 3.3 96.7 Contribution to shared resources 29.1 70.9 Changes observed in improving the income 31.6 68.4 Changes observed in household utilities 0.2 99.8 Changes observed in improving food self-sufficiency 31.1 68.9 Membership in land renting group 6.2 93.8 Role of land renting for food self sufficiency 6.0 94.0 Role of land renting for income generation 5.3 94.7 Role of land renting for improving overall household 6.0 94.0 Membership in religion based groups 65.8 34.2 Changes made in conflict resolution 38.0 Changes made in mutual support 61.1 38.9

Cheka as share group in Konso

The Cheka is a local drink made up of sorghum and maize, traditionally used as a staple drink and food. Cheka is prepared by women at least two times a week in almost every household. The purpose of preparing Cheka is either for household consumption and/or income generation.

Traditionally it was said that no one feels comfortable to go out of home without drinking Cheka, regardless of age and sex. Unlike in other traditional practices, the Konso, women have an equal right to consume Cheka both in the household and in local drink houses in their village. This indicates that Cheka serves the household members as one of the required daily meals in the locality. The ingredients used in the preparation of Cheka, particularly sorghum and maize, are considered as stimulants and energy providers during different activities such as terracing, stone fencing, weedingdeath ormarriage ceremonies, Uganda (pooled labor for housing construction), Parka (pooled farm labor), Alumela (pooled labor with some amount of payment) and in the process of peace making and reconciliation.

According to the FGD participants, the landless and very poor members of the community have access to consume Cheka during different occasions and this implies that they have some security during food shortage seasons.

Apart from its prime purpose (i.e as source of food during chronic food shortage), the Cheka tradition is the basis for generating income for the women, and a building block for unity, peacemaking and mutual sharing of resources.

3.4.4 Iqub

One of the most important informal financial institutions practiced in the study areas is Iqub. These partnerships are formed by a group of participants who make regular contributions to a fund, which is given to each contributor in turn until each member has received the fund. The


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allocation procedure of such financial networking determines the net benefit that each member gets and is thus an important factor in its success. Usually, the leaders or coordinating households collect the money from the members in the network and decide who should get it first or this process may be done through a lottery method (random drawing of lots) and the winning member receiving the pool of funds will be excluded from the next draw. Such networking is highly benefiting the members during market failure and is used as risk sharing. It can be used to purchase durable goods, agricultural inputs, food items, cover school fees or any other pitfalls. Most members of Iqub in the research area indicated that their contribution is in cash, while others (particularly women’s Iqubs) have contributions in kind.

Table 17 reveals that 32.7 percent of households participate in Iqub (Rosca), out of which 67.1 percent are seasonal members (i.e they get on and off). About 89.8 percent of the participating respondents reported that they joined this network during the last five years, indicating that such informal institutions are becoming more popular and acceptable.

Table 17 Percentage distribution of respondents by membership in Iqub.


Membership in Iqub Yes 32.7 No (seasonal membership) 67.3 Number of Iqubs if you are a

member including temporary

seasonal Membership

67.1

1 24.3 2 7.9 3 and more 0.7 Duration of Iqubs 1-5 years 89.8 6-10 years 10.2

Among the study kebeles in Sidama, Iqub is more common during coffee harvesting. Members contribute five to 10 birr every week and collect 200 to 500 birr. About 15 to 30 people take part in a single Iqub. The money collected from Iqubs is in most cases mainly used for food and clothing. It was reported that the Iqub has no significant contribution to other immediate needs. Iqub has been weakening during the last 12 years (since 1993) with the onset of famine. Since 1993, there are observable changes in production due to climatic changes. People do not have any extra money to participate in Iqub, contributing only 40 to 120 birr during September to December. It was reported that Iqub is weakening from time to time as a result of the introduction of modern saving and credit. Women are the ones who still participate in Iqub, while men seldom take part in this social grouping. Iqub has no significant contribution to the livelihoods.

Table 19: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported type of contribution to Iqub.


Membership in Iqub through money contribution 30.9 69.1 Membership in Iqub through kind 0.9 99.1 Membership in Iqub through money and kind contribution 1.8 98.2

Table 20: Percentage distribution of respondents by reported role of Iqub.


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Role of Iqub in saving 30.5 69.5 Role of Iqub in reducing seasonal food shortages 79.2 20.8 Role of Iqub in the education of children 25.4 74.6 Role of Iqub in promoting small scale investments 5.7 94.3 Role of Iqub as insurance during sickness etc. 16.6 83.4

3.4.5 Other traditional coping strategies

In almost all kebeles surveyed in Guraghe, migration of adults and youth was reported to be an important mechanism to curb household food shortage. Since recently, migrants are moving towards the nearby town as investors are flourishing. In Borena Tuba, the male and female FGD participants believed that the migration rate is declining with increasing job opportunities in private farms (such as fruits and flower farms), where many rural youth (age 15 and above) are migrating temporarily to generate income for their families. It is reported that they are paid between seven and 20 birr per day. In Girar Dibir kebele, female FGD participants indicated that women and mothers usually migrate to these working places during February to July and are replaced by the boys and girls as of July since the latter are free from school. Areke (local alcoholic drink) and Injera selling are commonly known petty trading. In addition, other food items such as Shiro (local sauce), coffee and vegetables are brought to the market by women.

In Konso, food insecurity at community level has been repeatedly occurring during the last 20 years (since the 1980s) mainly due to erratic rainfall. As a result of a high rate of population growth in the woreda, deforestation is increasing. Today, more than 90% of the households in the kebele are facing serious food shortages.

Since the last 10 years, massive labor out-migration in response to food insecurity occurred in Konso due to a serious shortage of land and food. Many youths and adults (age 15 and above) have left Konso and migrated to different places. The most commonly known places of destinations are Yabello, Moyale, Dawa and Shakiso in Ethiopia or the neighbor country Kenya. Only the male members of the community migrate to work in gold mines as day workers.

The use of Packana (Kolto), a root crop available in the forests, was also reported by FGD participants in Konso as indigenous strategies used during serious shortage of food. Other food types include the drought resistant Cassava, Agela (local root crop) and Bedena (local root crop), a plant which also has leaves used during food shortage.

The Konso are typically known for the local drink Cheka. The Cheka is made up of maize and sorghum and undergoes fermentation for a week using traditional mechanisms.The watery part is given to the children and the residues are taken by the adults. This is regarded as the most important staple drink/food among the Konso. Many women were found selling Cheka and generate income.

Other coping strategies in place include: A buffer stock, food aid from relatives and neighbors, reducing the daily food consumption, drinking the leaves of the coffee, firewood collection, and daily labor of the household heads. Particularly husbands are engaged as daily laborers in the nearby town (Karat) and and are employed as part time farmers.


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3.5 OVERVIEW ON THE STRENGTHS, WEAKNESSES, OPPORTUNITIES AND

THREATS (SWOT) OF INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS

It is understood that informal social institutions have traditionally been embedded in the culture of each study community, and play defined functions regardless of their size. Each of the informal institution described in section 3.4 have their own particular strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. It is important to briefly describe the SWOTs of these informal institutions in general terms.

With regards to the main strengths of theses informal institutions, it was understood from the various discussions held with the FGD participants and key informants that these institutions (be it the traditional administration or the other social groupings) are culturally embedded and universally accepted practices as they are also based on the felt needs of the community. For instance, it was observed that community members prefer to be fully governed by the traditional elder administrations than by the formal and modern bureaucratic organs, especially on important matters (such as land, natural resource sharing etc.).Because many of the informal institutions are basically emanated from the norms, values and traditions of the community and are accessible to community members they are powerful in influencing the behaviors of each member.

The key informants agree on the fact that these institutions provide equal footing to each member during public hearings, decision-making and disaster and conflict management. Because these institutions have long and enriched experience on environmental protection, the local government is making use of these institutions. For instance, Idirs in Konso and Guraghe zones contribute some funds from their reserves every year and support the construction of road, schools, health facilities and other development activities.

More and more can also be said with regards to the observed weaknesses of these informal institutions. To begin with, the field survey results and discussions have witnessed management and administrations of these informal institutions seems to be left to the elders (men) and little or no room is left for women and young boys/girls. On the contrary, however, women are the ones who take active part in the natural resource management during chronic food shortage.

Almost all informal institutions, including those indigenous/traditional administrations, lack formal or written rules and regulations for governing the community members. Some key informants at each study zone disclosed that absence of formal documentation might have sometimes given undue power and extreme flexibility to the elders and opened room for abuse of power. On top of this, these institutions lack regularity (date of meeting, location, management of cases etc.), making auditing or accounting of activities at some intervals difficult. For instance, it was observed in all the study kebeles that most Idirs and Iqubs (which are presumed to have some organized structure and record keeping) are actually having no organized data and accountability.

There are also some opportunities counter balancing the weaknesses and potential threats of these informal institutions. The clear government policy guidelines on promoting the informal institutions ( such as Idir and Iqub) may give impetus to the growth and transformation of these institutions to a modern ones ( such as Rosca).The fact that the informal institutions, in most instances, are still loved by the community members, may give rise to easy transformation and sustenance. The best practices among some informal institutions in other zones where Idirs flourished and expanded into big unions can be replicated in the study areas so that they can better contribute to the advancement of livelihood in the study community. The transformation of


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small Idirs into bigger dev elopement unions in Hawassa and Addis Abeba towns can be taken as cases in point.

Finally, the field work also witnessed some major threats on these informal institutions. One peculiar threat is that the informal institutions, despite their irreplaceable roles in the lives of the community (such as effective management of disasters, conflict resolutions, environmental protection and rehabilitation etc.), are not well recognized by the local administrative machinery. In other words, the institutions do not have a clear cut line of communication and regular/formal networks. The local government offices make use of these informal institutions only in case of matters of urgency during peak times. In addition, the growing modernization thinking coupled with strengthened local government administrations have brought about changes in the behavior of some community members, shrinking the role and influence of these institutions. It is also important to note that most of the informal institutions (such as Idir and other social groupings) in the study areas have very little financial capital and reserves (which is not well audited and accounted, either), which in turn undermines potential growth and expansion into modern financial schemes.


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4. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

4.1 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

This study is primarily devoted to identify the major informal social institutions operating in three selected zones of SNNPRS and their roles for livelihoods. As described in section two, the input data for this study was collected from 453 randomly selected households, 36 focus group discussions and 98 key informants. The required information was collected using two sets of checklists as discussed in section 2.3.

Due to the nature of the topic, and as the bulk of the information was generated through qualitative data gathering tools, there might be some shortcomings, due to human and non-human factors, which might have adversely affected the results of this study. Results of this study thus should be viewed against the limitations explicitly mentioned in section 1.7 above.

On the basis of the information collected from the 453 households and taking into account all the methodological pitfalls, this study has come up with the following plausible conclusions:

• Informal social institutions are playing a significant role to enhance food security and affecting other livelihood aspects. There is also a variation on the type, nature and functions of indigenous social institutions across the three cultures considered. Some of the indigenous social institutions have more power to influence the behavior, decision-making, values and practices of community members.

• Despite the fact that t informal institutions are in some instances not functioning in an organized manner, community members become part of them due to a vivid social and economic rationale. Nevertheless, they lack formal or written rules and regulations in the course of governing the community members.

• Informal social institutions face various challenges, which affect the effectiveness and efficiency of their performance. One of the commonly observed factors is that informal institutions are not well protected, insured and sustained by the local formal institutions. Informal institutions do not have mutual relations with the formal government machinery in local areas. They neither are nourished and supported in their own rights nor transformed into modern formal institutions (such as saving and credit schemes). This implies that these institutions are prone to perishing and breakdown.

• The women’s participation in leadership positions in informal institutions is limited. Due to the lingering, entrenched cultural pressure women continue not to freely and openly participate in meetings and talks. This factor is contagious to the community.

4.2 RECOMMENDATIONS

• It is essential to consider informal/indigenous social institutions in development activities such as project identification, implementation, monitoring and evaluation. Informal institutions help in managing community natural resources, land use, ownership and lease. Thus, those concerned institutions could work hand-in-hand with the major identified informal social institutions andlocal administrators (Yejoka, Gedana, Aba timba, Idir etc.).


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• Indigenous social institutions should be empowered to enable and rebuild the capacity (technical and financial support and acceptance of legal entities) of the local communities to assume greater responsibilities in the management of natural resources and improved decision-making regarding essential community services.

• Community dialogues at different levels will help to appreciate the existing informal social institutions and create ground for social and attitudinal changes in all development work. A significant effort should be made by all concerned bodies to increase the understanding of people regarding the role of local level institutions in the sustainable development process at grassroots level.

• Adult and older males still continue to play dominant roles and influencing the rights of women and the youth. More income generating work for women should be devised and credit services should be intensified. Women and the youth should be given trainings in horticulture so that they can earn additional income for their families.

• NGOs should concentrate their efforts more on building capacities and rehabilitating informal social institutions through training and offering revolving funds so that the institutions may get involved in more relevant development activities such as natural resources conservation and food production.

• More research projects need to be designed to address and study issues that seem to have been ignored in the natural resource utilization and conservation areas such as the women’s and the youth‘s views and perceptions of natural resources use and conservation; more effective means of bringing about behavioral changes among the youth vis-à-vis the environment and natural resources; socially and culturally sound and relevant means of livelihood promotion; diversification for disadvantaged groups; ways of environmentally friendly socialization of children; documenting the rich indigenous knowledge systems relating to the fauna (ethno-zoology), flora (ethno-botany), medicine (ethno-medicine), drugs (ethno-pharmacology), customary environmental laws, etc.


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Agrawal, A. 2003. Sustainable governance of common pool resources: Context, methods, and politics. Annual Review of Anthropology 32: 243-262.

Agrawal, A. and C. Gibson 1999. Enchantment and disenchantment: The role of community in natural resource conservation. World Development 27(4): 629-649.

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List of Publications

Reports:

1 A. Synnevåg, G., Halassy, S. 1998: “Etude des indicateurs de la sécurité alimentaire dans deux sites de la zone d’intervention de l’AEN-Mali: Bambara Maodé et Ndaki (Gourma Malien)”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

1 B. Synnevåg, G. and Halassy, S. 1998: “Food Security Indicators in Two Sites of Norwegian Church Aid’s Intervention Zone in Mali: Bambara Maoudé and N’Daki (Malian Gourma)”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

2 A. Aune, J.B. and Doumbia, M.D. 1998: “Integrated Plant Nutrient Management (IPNM), Case studies of two projects in Mali: CARE Macina programme and PIDEB”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

2 B. Aune, J.B. et Doumbia, M.D. 1998: “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux (GINV), Etude de Cas de deux projets au Mali: Programme de CARE Macina et PIDEB”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

3 A. Berge, G., Larsen, K., Rye, S., Dembele, S.M. and Hassan, M. 1999: “Synthesis report and Four Case Studies on Gender Issues and Development of an Improved Focus on Women in Natural Resource Management and Agricultural Projects”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

3 B. Berge, G., Larsen, K., Rye, S., Dembele, S.M. et Hassan, M. 1999. “Rapport de synthèse et quatre études de cas sur Les Questions de Genre et Développement d’une Approche Améliorée concernant les Femmes et les Projets d’Agriculture et de Gestion des Ressources Naturelles”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

4 A. Sydness, M., Ba, B. 1999: “Processus de décentralisation, développement institutionnel et réorganisation des ONG financées par la Norvège au Mali”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

4 B. Sydness, M. and Ba, B. 1999: “Decentralization Process, Institution Development and Phasing out of the Norwegian Involvement in Mali”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

5. Waktola, A. and Michael, D.G. 1999: “Institutional Development and Phasing Out of the Norwegian Involvement, the Case of Awash Conservation and Development Project, Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

6. Waktola, A. 1999: “Exploratory Study of Two Regions in Ethiopia: Identification of Target Areas and partners for Intervention”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

7. Mossige, A. 2000: “Workshop on Gender and Rural Development – Training Manual”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.


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8. Synnevåg, G. et Halassy, S. 2000: ”Sécurité Semencière: Etude de la gestion et de l’approvisionnement en semences dans deux villages du cercle de Ké-Macina au Mali: Kélle et Tangana”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

9. Abesha, D., Waktola, A, Aune, J.B. 2000: ”Agricutural Extension in the Drylands of Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

10. Sydness, M., Doumbia, S. et Diakité K. 2000: ”Atelier sur la décentralisation au Mali”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

11. N’Dior, P. A. et Traoré, N. 2000: ”Etude sur les programmes d’épargne et de crédit au Mali”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

12. Lode, K. and G. Kassa. 2001: ”Proceedings from a Workshop on Conflict Resolution Organised by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG), November 8-10, 2000 Nazareth, Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

13. Shiferaw, B. and A. Wolday, 2001: “Revisiting the Regulatory and Supervision Framework of the Micro-Finance Industry in Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

14 A. Doumbia, M. D., A. Berthé and J. B. Aune, 2001: “Integrated Plant Nutrition Management (IPNM): Practical Testing of Technologies with Farmers Groups”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

14 B. Doumbia, M. D., A. Berthé and J. B. Aune, 2001: “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux (GINV): Tests Pratiques de Technologies avec des Groupes de Paysans”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

15. Larsen, K. and M. Hassan, 2001: “Perceptions of Knowledge and Coping Strategies in Nomadic Communities – The case of the Hawawir in Northern Sudan”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

16 A. Mossige, A., Berkele, Y. & Maiga, S., 2001: “Participation of Civil Society in the national Action Programs of the United Nation’s Convention to Combat Desertification: Synthesis of an Assessment in Ethiopia and Mali”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

16 B. Mossige, A., Berkele, Y. & Maiga, S., 2001: “La Participation de la Société Civile aux Programme d’Actions Nationaux de la Convention des Nations Unies sur la lutte contre la Désertification”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

17. Kebebew, F., D. Tsegaye and G. Synnevåg., 2001: “Traditional Coping Strategies of the Afar and Borana Pastoralists in Response to Drought”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

18. Shanmugaratnam, N., D. Mamer and M. R. Kenyi, 2002: “From Emergency Relief to Local Development and Civil Society Building: Experiences from the Norwegian Peoples’ Aid’s Interventions in Southern Sudan”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

19. Mitiku, H. and S. N. Merga, 2002. “Workshop on the Experience of Water Harvesting in the Drylands of Ethiopia: Principles and practices”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

20. Tesfai, M., V. Dawod and K. Abreha, 2002. “Management of Salt-affected Soils in the NCEW ‘Shemshemia’ Irrigation Scheme in the Upper Gash Valley of Eritrea”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.


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21. Doumbia, M. D., A. Berthé and J. B. Aune, 2002: “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux (GINV): Tests Pratiques de Technologies avec des Groupes de Paysans- Rapport de la Campagne 2001”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

22. Haidara, Y., Dembele, M. et Bacha, A. “Formation sur la lutte contre la désertification atelier organisé par groupe de coordination des zones arides (GCoZA) du 07 au 10 octobre 2002 à Gossi (Mali)”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

23. Aune, J. B. 2003. “Desertification control, rural development and reduced CO2 emissions through the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol - an impasse or a way forward?” Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

24. Larsen, K. and Hassan, M. 2003. “Sedentarisation of Nomadic People: The Case of the Hawawir in Um Jawasir, Northern Sudan”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

25. Cissé, I. et Keita, M.S. 2003. “Etude d’impacts socio-économique et environnemental des plaines aménagées pour riziculture au Mali.” Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

26. Berkele, Y. and Mossige, A. 2003. “Indicators to Promote Civil Society’s (NGOs and CBOs) Participation in the implementation of Ethiopia’s National and Regional Action Programs of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. A guideline Document”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

26B. Berkele, Y. and Mossige, A. 2003. “Indicateurs visant à promouvoir la participation de la société civile (ONG et OCB) à la mise en oeuvre en Ethiopie des Programmes d’action national et régionaux de la Convention des Nations Unies sur la lutte contre la désertification”. Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

27. Assefa, F., Dawd, M. and Abesha, A. D. 2003. “Implementation Aspects of Integrated Pest Management (IPM): Policy and Extension Gap in Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

28. Haile, A., Selassie, D.G., Zereyacob, B. and Abraham, B. 2003, “On-Farm Storage Studies in Eritrea”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

29. Doumbia, M.D., Berthé, A., Aune, J.B. 2003, “Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux (GINV): Tests Pratiques et Vulgarisation de Technologies”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

30. Mossige, A. and M. Macina 2004, “Indicateurs visant à promouvoir et suivre la participation de la Société Civile (ONG et OCB) dans la mise en œuvre des Programmes d’Action National, Régional et Communal de la Convention des Nations Unies sur la lutte contre la désertification”, Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides et Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

31. Tesfay, Y. and Tafere, K. 2004. “Indigenous Rangeland resources and Conflict Management by the North Afar Pastoral Groups in Ethiopia. A Pastoral Forum Organized by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) in Ethiopia, June 27-28, 2003, Mekelle, Ethiopia”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

32. Kebede, D. and Retta, S. 2004. “Gender, HIV/AIDS and Food Security, Linkage and Integration into Development Interventions”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

33. Kidane, A., Araia, W., Ghebremichael, Z, and Gobezay, G. 2004. “Survey on striga and crop husbandry practices in relation to striga management and control of sorghum (Sorghum bicholor) in the Goluge sub zone: Lessons to be learned and creating awareness”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.


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34. Kibreab, G., Berhane, T., and Ghezae, E. 2004. “A Study to Determine the Extent and Use of Environmental Impact Assessment of Agricultural Development Projects – A Case Study from Eritrea”, Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

35. Meehan, F. 2004. “Female Headed Household in Tigray, Ethiopia. A Study Review”. Drylands Coordination Group and Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway.

36. Doumbia, M. Berthe, A., Aune, J. B. 2005. “Integrated Plant Nutrient Management in Mali. Summary Report 1998-2004”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

37. Kaya, B., Traoré, C. O., Aune, J.B. 2005. “Etude d’identification des prototypes d’EcoFermes au Mali. Rapport diagnostic et plan d’action pour 2005“. Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides, Maison de l’Environnement G9, Norvège.

38. Nedessa, B., Ali, J., Nyborg, I. 2005. ”Exploring Ecological and Socio-Economic Issues for the Improvement of Area Enclosure Management. A Case Study from Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

39. Makenzi, P. 2005. “Natural Resource Management in the Didinga Hills. A Baseline Study from Budy County, South Sudan”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

40. Ogbazghi, W., Bein, E. 2006. “Assessment of Non-Wood Forest Products and their Role in the Livelihoods of Rural Communities in the Gash-Barka Region, Eritrea”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

41. Kouyaté, S., Haidara, C. M. 2006. “Etude sur la Problématique des Périmètres Irrigués Villageois au Nord du Mali”. Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides, Miljøhuset G9, Norvège.

42. Haile, A. 2006. “On-Farm Storage of Chickpea, Sorghum, and Wheat in Eritrea”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

43. Ask, V. 2006. “UNCCD and Food Security for Pastoralists within a Human Rights Context”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

43B. Ask, V. 2006. « La CCD et la Sécurité Alimentaire des Pasteurs Dans le Contexte des Droits de l’Homme ». Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway

44. Desta, M., Haddis, G., Ataklt, S. 2006. “Female-Headed Households and Livelihood Intervention in Four Selected Weredas in Tigray, Ethiopia.”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

45. Araia, W, Haile, A. 2006. “Baseline study on crop husbandry, in-situ conservation and informal seed supply system in Eritrea”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

46. Emana, B., Gebremedhin, H. 2007. “Constraints and Opportunities of Horticulture Production and Marketing in Eastern Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

47. Malifu, E., Tefera, H., and Mekiso, M. 2007. “Evaluation Report on Training of Trainers on UNCCD/NAP”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

48. Assefa, D., Belay, M., Tsegay, D., and Haile, M. 2007. “Transplanting Sorghum as a Means of Ensuring Food Security in Low Rainfall Sorghum Growing Areas of Northern Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

49. Tsegaye, D., Balehegn, M, Gebrehiwot, K.,.Haile, M., Samuel, G.,Tilahun, M., and Aynekulu, E. 2007. “The Role of Dobera glabra for Household Food Security at Times of Food Shortage in Aba`ala Wereda, North Afar: Ecological Adaptation and Socio-economic Value. A Study from Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

50. Teklehaimanot, G. and Haile, M. 2007. “Women in Backyards: Root Crop Production and Biodiversity Management in Backyards”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.


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51. Bengtsson, Frida. 2007. “Review of Information Available on Seed Security and Seed Aid Interventions in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Mali and Sudan”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

52. Tesfay, Haile. 2007. “Assessment of Institutional Setup and Effect of Household Level Water Harvesting in Ensuring Sustainable Livelihood. A Case study of Kobo, Almata and Kilte Awlaelo Woredas in Amhara and Tigray Regions of Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

53. Elias, E. 2008. “Pastoralists in Southern Ethiopia: Dispossession, Access to Resources and Dialogue with Policy Makers”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

54. Meles, K., Nigussie, G., Belay, T., and Manjur K. 2009. “Seed System Impact on Farmers’ Income and Crop Biodiversity in the Drylands of Southern Tigray”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

55. Mengistu, E., Regassa, N and Yusufe, A., 2009. “The Levels, Determinants and Coping Mechanisms of Food Insecure Households in Southern Ethiopia: A Case study of Sidama, Wolaita and Guraghe Zones” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

56. Emana, B., Gebremedhin, H., and Regassa, N., 2010. “Impacts of Improved Seeds and Agrochemicals on Food Security and Environment in the Rift Valley of Ethiopia: Implications for the Application of an African Green Revolution”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

57. Traoré, C.O., Aune, J. B., and Sidibé, M. M., 2010. “Rapport Final du Projet Ecoferme au Mali. Synthèse des quatre années 2005-2008”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

58. Megersa, B., 2010. “An epidemiological study of major camel diseases in the Borana lowland, Southern Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

59. Bayu, W., Bayissa, M., Manjur, K., Yeshanew, A., Agdo, E., Sime, G., Tolera, A., Belay, T., Meles, K., Aune, J. B., Ayele, A. A., 2010. “Results of Ecofarm Action Research Activities in Three Project Areas in Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

60. Coulibaly, A., Aune, J. B., Sissoko, P., 2010 “Etablissement des cultures vivrières dans les zones sahélienne et soudano sahélienne du Mali”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

61. Tesfay, G. 2011. “On farm water harvesting for rainfed agriculture development and food security in Tigray, Northern Ethiopia: investigation of technical and socioeconomic issues”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

62. El-Hag, M. A. F., Osman, A. K., El-Jack, F.H., Wagiyalla, N. A., Mekki, M. A., and Khatir, A. A., 2011. “Changes and threats facing nomads under drylands – the case of the Shanabla tribe in Western Sudan”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

63. El-Dukheri, I., Oyiki, C. O., El Wakeel, A., S., Meseka, S., K. 2008. “Review of the Food Security and Natural Resource Situation in Sudan”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

64. Kebede D. and Adane H. 2011. “Climate change adaptations and induced farming livelihoods”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

65. Regassa, N. and Taye M. 2011. “Impact of Resettlement on the Livelihood, Food Security and Natural Resource Utilization in Ethiopia.” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

66. Gebreyohannes, G. and Hailemariam, G. 2011. “Challenges, Opportunities and Available Good Practices Related to Zero-Grazing in Tigray and Hararghe, Ethiopia.” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

67. Osman, F. M., and Abdel Kariem A. 2011. “Livelihood Assessment of the Dryland Community, Um Jawasir - Sudan.” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.


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68. Haji, J., Gelaw, F., Bekele, W. and Tesfay G. 2011. “The ‘Black-Box’ of Ethiopian Agricultural Produce Price Formation and its Determinants within the Current Liberalized Market Policy.” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

69. Hameed, A. A. K., Alebaid, S. A., El Hassan, H. M., Abdella, S. I. and Musa, F. S. 2011. “Review of literature on drought in Sudan.” Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

70. Relief Society of Tigray, Research and Policy Unit. 2012. “Can Provision of Household Agricultural Extension Packages Reduce Rural Food Insecurity and Poverty in Tigray?” Drylands Coordinaton Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

71. Osman, K.A., Elhag, F.M., Mekki, A., Abdalla, Elgailani A. and Aune, J.B. 2012. “Ecofarm Research Project – Kordofan Region – Sudan” Drylands Coordinaton Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

72. Coulibaly, M., Doumbia, M. D., Fassikoye, F. B., Diarra, D., Traore, K. M. et Reij, C. P. 2012. “Le captage des eaux de pluie”. Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides, Miljøhuset G9, Norvège.

73. Nigatu, R., Mengistu, E. and Yusufe, A. 2013. “Situational analysis of indigenous social institutions and their role in rural livelihoods: The case of selected food insecure lowland areas in Southern Ethiopia”. Drylands Coordination Group, Miljøhuset G9, Norway.

Proceedings:

1. Drylands Coordination Group. 2000. Seminar on the Formation of DCG Ethiopia-Sudan. Proceedings from a Seminar organised by the Drylands Coordination Group in Nazareth, Ethiopia, April 10-12, 2000. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

2. Drylands Coordination Group. 2001. Seminar on the Formation of DCG Eritrea. Proceedings from a Seminar Hosted by the National Confederation of Eritrean Workers (NCEW) in Asmara, Eritrea, March 26th-28th, 2001. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

3. Amha, W. 2001. Revisiting the Regulatory and Supervision Framework of the Microfinance Industry in Ethiopia. Proceedings from a Seminar Organised by the Relief Society of Tigray (REST), on behalf of the Drylands Coordination Group in Ethiopia and Sudan, In Mekelle, August 25, 2001. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

4. Mossige, A. and Berkele, Y. 2001. Civil Society’s Participation in the National Action Program to Combat Desertification and Mitigate the Effects of Drought in Ethiopia. Proceedings from a Workshop organised by the Drylands Coordination Group (DCG) in Ethiopia, Debre Zeit, September 13-14, 2001. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

5. Maiga, S. et Mossige, A. 2001. Participation de la Société Civile dans la Mise en Oeuvre Programme d’action pour la Convention Sur la Désertification (CCD) au Mali. L’atelier Organise par le Groupe Coordination sur les Zones Arides (GCOZA) Au Centre Aoua Keita, Bamako, Les 5 et 6 novembre 2001. GCOZA/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

6. Drylands Coordination Group. 2002. Do conventions need civil society? A critical review of the role of civil society in the implementation of international conventions. Proceeding from a Seminar Arranged by the Drylands Coordination Group and Forum for Development and Environment (ForUM) in Oslo, January 15th, 2002. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

7. Berkele, Y. 2002. Workshop on training of trainers in UNCCD/NAP implementation in Ethiopia. Proceedings from a workshop arranged by the Drylands Coordination Group in Ethiopia, Nazareth, June 10-15, 2002, DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

8. Drylands Coordination Group. 2002. Sustainable livelihoods of farmers and pastoralists in Eritrea. Proceedings from a workshop organised by DCG Eritrea in National Confederation of Eritrean Workers


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Conference Hall, Asmara, November 28 –29, 2002. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University Of Norway, Ås.

9. Drylands Coordination Group. 2003. DCG networking seminar 2002, 15th-22nd November 2002, Khartoum, Sudan. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

10. Soumana, D. 2003. Atelier d’information, d’échange et de réflexion sur l’élargissement du Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides (GCoZA) au Mali, Au Centre Aoua Keita, Bamako, Les 18 et 19 février 2003. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

11. Ati, H. A.and Nimir A. A. H. 2004. Training Course On The Role Of Local Institutions In Regulating Resource Use and Conflict Management, Um Jawaseer, June 2003. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

12. Berkele, Y. and Ayalew, B. 2004. Training of Trainers in Implementation of UNCCD/NAP in Ethiopia. Third Round, 10-14 Nov. 2003. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

13. Macina, M. 2004. Atelier National et Campagne d’Information et de Sensibilisation sur la CCD. Un Atelier organisé par la Coordination des Associations et ONG Féminines au Mali (CAFO) en partenariat avec le Groupe de Coordination des Zones Arides (GCoZA). Les 29-30 novembre 2004 à Bamako, Mali. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

14. Musnad, H.A. and Nasr N. K. 2004. Experience Sharing Tour and Workshop on Shelterbelts and Fuel Wood Substitutes in Sudan. DCG/Noragric, Agricultural University of Norway, Ås.

15. Gakou, M. 2005. Atelier d’information et de formation des ONG membres de GCoZA sur le montage des projets/ synergie entre les conventions de la génération de Rio et de la convention de Ramsar. Le 28 décembre 2004, à Bamako, Mali. GCoZA, Oslo.

16. Berkele, Y., Mossige, Anne. 2005. Awareness Promotion and Experience Sharing on the Implementation of UNCCD-NAP to Enhance Pastoralist Areas Development. Workshop organized by the Drylands Coordination Group Ethiopia for the Pastoral Affairs Standing Committee and the Natural Resource Development and Environmental Protection Standing Committee, Members of Parliament - Ethiopia. December 17-19, 2004 in Nazareth, Ethiopia. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.

17. Esheteu Bekele, E., Azerefegne, F., and Abate, T. 2006. Facilitating the Implementation and Adoption of Integrated Pest Management (IPM) in Ethiopia. Planning Workshop, 13-15 October 2003, Melkassa Agricultural Research Center, EARO. Jointly organized by the Association for Advancement of IPM (ASAI) and the Ethiopian Agricultural Research Organization (EARO). DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.

18. Kodio, A. 2006. Atelier de Formation des Membres du GCoZA Mali à l’Approche Epargne Crédit Musow ka Jigiya Ton (MJT) au Mali. Atelier organisé par CARE Mali et le GCoZA Mali du 1er au 5 août 2005 au Centre Gabriel Cissé de Ségou au Mali. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.

19. Belal, A. A. and Hussein, F. S. 2006. Awareness Raising Workshop on the Implementation of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. Workshop organized by DCG Sudan for the Parliamentarians and other Stakeholders. December 28th and 29th 2005 in the Green Hall of Sudan’s Parliament, Omdurman, Sudan. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.

20. Dembelé, T., Berthé, A. et Yattara, M. 2006. Atelier de formation en matière du Guide Programme Communal d’Action Environnementale (PCAE) et des techniques Gestion Intégrée de Nutriments Végétaux (GINV). Atelier Organisé par GCOZA Mali et le Consortium Synergie –AMAPROS ACD pour les membres de GCOZA et des trois communes (Saloba, Souley et Sana). Du 20 au 22 juin 2005 à la Maison du Partenariat à Bamako, Mali. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.

20B. Yattara, M. 2006. PCAE ani GINV baarakqfqqrqw dùnniyaw dqmqnan lajqkalan kùnùkow sqnsqnnen. Lajqkalan sigilen sen kan GCOZA Mali ani xùgùndqmqjqkulu AMAPROS ACD fq, ka xqsin GCOZA tùndenw ni Saloba, Suleyi ani Sana komini saba kùnùmùgùw ma. K’a ta san 2005 zuwqnkalo tile 20 ma, ka se a tile 22 ma Mali la, xùgùndqmqjqkuluw ka soba la Bamakù. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.


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21. Touré, B. 2007. Atelier de Renforcement des Capacités des Organisations de GCoZA Mali sur les Mécanismes de Financement des Projets et Programmes pour la Mise en Oeuvre de la Convention des Nations Unies sur la Lutte contre la Désertification (CCD). Atelier Organisé par la Coordination des Associations et ONG Féminines du Mali (CAFO) et GCoZA Mali pour les membres de GCoZA Mali. Du 11 au 13 septembre 2006 au Mémorial Modibo Keita à Bamako, Mali. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.

22. Negassi, A. and Beyene, Y. 2007. Bridging the Gap Between Research, Extension and the Farmer in Eritrea. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.

23. Anage, A. and Lulu, M. 2007. Awareness Raising Workshop on UNCCD/NAP and Experience Sharing Sessions on Drylands Development Issues in Ethiopia. Workshop organized for the Pastoral and Natural Resources and Environment Affairs Standing Committees of the Parliament of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia. December 8th -10th 2006, Adama Mekonen Hotel, Nazareth, Ethiopia. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.

24. Sterling, L., Nagoda, S., Tveteraas, A. 2008. Moving from emergency seed aid to seed security - linking relief with development. Workshop organized by the Drylands Coordination Group Norway and Caritas Norway, in collaboration with Norad and The Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Oslo May 14th 2008. DCG, Miljøhuset, Oslo.

25. Anage, A. 2009. Capacity Building for Regional Council Members, Sector Offices & Academic Institutions & CSOs of Oromya, Gambella and Benshangul-Gumuz National Regional States on UNCCD/NAP in Ethiopia. Workshop organized by EACD and the Drylands Coordination Group Ethiopia. July 3rd and 4th 2008 at Nekemte Municipality Hall, Wollega Zone, Ethiopia. DCG, Miljøhuset. Oslo.


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Drylands Coordination Group Addresses in Norway:

Secretariat of the Drylands Coordination Group Mariboes gt. 8, 0183 Oslo, Norway Tel: +47 23 10 94 90 E-mail: [email protected] ADRA Norge Postboks 124, 3529 Røyse, Norway Tel.: +47 32 16 16 90, Fax: +47 32 16 16 71 E-mail: [email protected] CARE Norge Universitetsgt. 12, 0164 Oslo, Norway Tel: +47 22 20 39 30, Fax: +47 22 20 39 36 E-mail: [email protected] Development Fund Mariboes gt. 8, 0183 Oslo, Norway Tel: +47 23 10 96 00, Fax: +47 23 10 96 01 E-mail: [email protected] Norwegian Church Aid Postboks 7100, St. Olavs plass, 0130 Oslo, Norway Tel: + 47 22 09 27 00, Fax: + 47 22 09 27 20 E-mail: [email protected]

Norwegian People’s Aid P.O. Box 8844 Youngstorget, 0028 Oslo, Norway Tel: + 47 22 03 77 00, Fax: + 47 22 17 70 82 E-mail: [email protected] Noragric, Department for International Environment and Development Studies University of Life Sciences, P.O. Box 5003, 1432 Ås, Norway Tel: +47 64 94 99 50, Fax: +47 64 94 07 60 E-mail: [email protected]

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