slavery and spatial dialectics on cuban coffee plantations - singleton

7/22/2019 Slavery and Spatial Dialectics on Cuban Coffee Plantations - Singleton

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Slavery and Spatial Dialectics on Cuban Coffee PlantationsAuthor(s): Theresa A. SingletonSource: World Archaeology, Vol. 33, No. 1, The Archaeology of Slavery (Jun., 2001), pp. 98-114Published by: Taylor & Francis, Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/827891.

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Slavery ndspatialdialectics nCubancoffee lantationsTheresaA. Singleton

AbstractSlaveholders anipulatedhe patial rganizationfplantationsotheirdvantagenan effortocontrolhe ctions fenslavedworkers.laveworkers,nthehand, lways oundways oresistplanter egemony.uban laveholders,otonly mployedurveillanceeasuresomparableothose oundlsewheren theAmericas,ut heylsohoused nslaved eople nprison-likeuar-ters. sing oth rchaeologicalata ndwrittenources,his ssay xamineslantationlaverynCubaby nalyzinghedialectalelationshipetweenlaveowners'ontrolfplantationpace ndenslavedaborers'esistancef hat ontrol.

KeywordsSlavery;uba; offeelantations;rchaeology;patial rganization.

IntroductionCuba importedmorethanone million nslavedAfricans romtsbeginnings a Spanishcolony n1511tothe abolition fslaveryn 1886.Of thatnumber, ver 780,000 nslavedAfricans ametothe slandbetween1790and 1867,makingtthegreatest lave-import-ing olony fSpanishAmerica nd the enter fthenineteenth-centuryransatlanticlavetrade otheCaribbean Bergadet al. 1995:38). Slave importationfthismagnituderans-formed he island's economyfrom ne of diverse ctivitiesn whichno singleactivitydefined heslave experience o a plantation conomybased uponracialslavery.As in otherCaribbean slands, ugarmono-cultureueledCuba's plantation conomy,and, in 1840, Cuba became the world's eadingproducerofsugar Paquette 1988:29).Although ugarset Cuba's plantation conomy n motionand determinedts overalldirection, offeeproductionplayed an equally significantole in shapingplantationslaveryn Cuba duringhefirst alf f thenineteenthenturyGonzalez Fernandez1991:161). Even when Cuba was the eadingproducer fsugar, henumber f coffee lanta-tionsoutnumberedugarplantations.One of themoststrikingeatures f theCuban plantations whathistorianMoreno

0,)XV4 World rchaeologyVol.33(1):98-114 TheArchaeologyfSlavery? 2001Taylor Francis td SSN0043-8243rint/1470-1375nlineDOL: 10.1080/00438240120047654

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Slavery ndspatialdialectics 99Fraginalsreferred o as 'its ail-likestructure'1977: 189). This characterizationptlydescribesmany lave-managementractices doptedin Cuba, particularlyhose mple-mented o contain lave activities. ne suchpractice, iscerniblen extant uins fplan-tationbuildings,was the housingof enslaved people in prison-like uarters.Thesequarterswere often ocked at night,nd carefully atchedby guards. uch surveillancemeasures seem extremewhencomparedwiththose of slave societies n AnglophoneAmerica,and therefore aises severalquestions:Whydid plantation lavery n Cubadevelop this ail-like character?Were thesesurveillancemeasureseffective? ow didenslavedpeoplerespond othis ituation? hispaperexamines hesequestions yanalyz-ing writtenources,ruinsof extantplantation uildings nd preliminaryrchaeologicaldatarecovered rom heslavequarters f a former uban coffee lantation.

PlantationlaveryndCuba'scoffeeconomyThe earlySpanishsettlers rought nslavedAfricanswith hemto Cuba, buttheslavepopulation emained ne ofthe owest ntheCaribbeanuntil he econd half f theeight-eenthcentury. uba was slowto develop a slave society ike thoseoftheEnglishandFrench slands for everalreasons:first,heasiento ystemwhichgranted ontracts orslavetrading estrictedhe number fenslavedpersons hat ould enter pecific egionsoftheSpanishempire; econd,thecolonialsettlement attern fsixteenth-nd seven-teenth-centuryuba was designedfor a sparselypopulatedcattleeconomy; hird, heabsenceof a legalmechanism orprivateandownershipndtheSpanishCrown'sprohi-bitions n clearing orestandshampered hedevelopment fagricultureBergad 1990:22-5).The eventualremovaloftheseobstaclescombinedwith hevoid in sugarand coffeeproduction esulting rom hedemiseof slavery n SaintDomingue (Haiti) ushered nfavorable onditions or plantation conomynCuba. A planter lassemerged rom heCuban-bornelite and immigrants romotherCaribbean Islands,NorthAmerica andEurope. Together hey produced a plantation ocietythathistorianRobert Paquettedescribed s the best andworst ftimes' 1988: 35). These bestoftimesfor heCubanplanters esultednthedisplacementf mall-holdinghites ndthebrutal se ofAfricanlabor.Cuba's coffee conomyargely eveloped fromheeffortsftransplanted rench xilesescapingfrom heHaitianRevolution, 791-1802 Perez de la Riva 1944:27-8; GonzalezFernandez1991: 165). Experimentationwithcoffeecultivation, owever,presumablyoccurred s early s 1748 GordonyAcosta 1896:9). Coffeewas producedprimarilynthehilly ndmountainous egions fbotheastern ndwesternCuba,buttheprosperityoftheearlynineteenth-centuryoffee conomywasconcentratednwestern uba intheprovinces fHavana,MatanzasandPifiar elRio. By1830, nvestmentsncoffee roduc-tion nwesternCuba wereequal to those n sugar, nd thenumber fenslavedworkersemployed n cafetales,offeeplantations, as often qual to that n the ngenios, ugarplantationsBergad et al. 1995:29). Thus,coffee roductionwas an importantomponentofthedevelopment ftheplantation lavery fCuba in thefirst alfofthenineteenthcentury.




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100 Theresa . SingletonCoffeewas alwaysa secondary rop to sugarthroughouthe Caribbean,but ithaddistinct dvantages versugar. ts land requirements eresmall, nd large nitial nvest-ments n machinery r buildingswereunnecessary. or thesereasons,coffee ttracted

planters f diverse conomicand social scaleswhereas ugarwas generally estrictedothewealthyTrouillot 993:131). Coffee, owever, lso had itsdrawbacks: epending nthe variety f coffee ttookfour o sevenyearsfor heplants omature Trouillot 993:135). Because of thelag timebetweenthe nitial nvestmentn land and labor and thegeneration f ncome, offeewas also economicallymore complex nd the tradetendedtobe moreerratic hanthat n sugar Bergad1990: 57).Cuba's coffee oom was short-lived,nd severalfactors rought he demiseofcoffeeproductionnwestern uba: in the1830s,Braziliancoffee ecamea majorcompetitorfCuban coffee; rices n the world coffeemarketdroppedto about one-half fpreviousprices; [t]ariff ars betweenSpain and the UnitedStates' (Perez de la Riva 1944:72)caused Cuba to lose theUnitedStatesas an importantmarket or ts coffee. he UnitedStatesraised tstariffn Cubancoffeenretaliation or pain'shigh ariffnflour nter-ingCuba fromheUnitedStates.Hurricanesn1844and 1846destroyed umerous offeeplantations.n the yearsfrom 854to 1859,planters bandonedtheir offee lantations,convertingome nto ugarplantationsPerezde la Riva 1942:704). Severalformeroffeeplantationsnspected orthisresearchprojectwere neverre-occupied; herefore,hesesitesoffer rchaeologistsn opportunityo study lavery nd plantationifefromwell-preserved ontexts.

Cafetaldel Padreandslavery n Cuban coffee lantationsThe primaryoffee lantation iscussedherein sknown odayas cafetaldel Padre. It islocated nHavana province pproximately5kilometersouth-east f thecity fHavanawithin he Alturasde Bejucal-Madruga-Limonar,natural ub-regionf westernCuba,consistingfhills, lateaux nd ow-lying ountain anges Nuffez imenez 959:109-14).In thenineteenthenturyhiswas an importantegionforbothcoffee ndsugarplanta-tions.Coffeewascultivated nthefoothillsfthemountainsndsugar n thevalleys. hishilly errainsapparentn the mmediate icinityfthecafetalwhere heelevation angesfrom 50to 164meters bove sea level (see Fig. 1).At thispreliminarytageofresearch,t s unclearwho first stablished coffee lan-tationat the siteEl Padre. Local traditionuggests hat French mmigrantsegan thecoffeeplantation, armedtbrieflynd laterabandoned t Carlos Suarez Sardifta 000,pers.comm.).Whilethis cenario waitsconfirmationromwrittenources, taccuratelyportraysheexperiences fmanyFrenchplanters, articularlyn WesternCuba,whosecoffee lantations ereconfiscatedrdestroyed. ue totheNapoleonic nvasion fSpainfrom1808 to 1812,Frenchimmigrants ere expelled fromCuba and otherSpanishcolonies Bergadetal. 1995:95-6;Perezde la Riva 1944:33-5). If not founded yFrenchplanters, hecafetalexhibits rench nfluencesn theH-shaped,floorplan ofthecasavivienda theslaveholder'shouse). It is identical o the typical lanof a Frenchhouse'illustratedn a study fCubanvernacular rchitecturePerez de la Riva 1952:372).Duringthe boomyearsof Cuban coffee roduction etween he 1820sand the1840s,




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Slavery ndspatialdialectics 101CAFETALELPADRE

ROADDRYING ENEXTANTRUINSCONTOUR mA WLLED SLAVEVILLAGEB SPECIALIZED UILDING?C SLAVEHOLDER'S OUSEfTALELPADRE

A

1:~~~~ ?0 ETERSFigure CompositeitemapofEl PadreCoffee lantation.

theO'Farrillfamilywned and operatedthecafetal, nown t that ime s SantaAna deViajaca.The O'Farrillswere one of themostdistinguishedndpowerful amilies n nine-teenth-centuryuba (Paquette 1988:45). RichardO'Farrill, he rishprogenitorfthefamily, as born on the slandofMontserrat nd came to Cuba in theearlyeighteenthcenturyFranco Ferran1986:7). He was granted n asientoon slave imports,nd hisprofits erivedfrom he slave trade laid the foundation or his descendants'fortune(Bergad 1990:14).While t s unclearwhichO'Farrillfirstcquiredcafetal anta Ana deViajaca, itbecame thepropertyfJgnacioO'Farrill, Catholicpriest. gnaciowas thegrandsonof Robert O'Farrill. At some later time possibly n the 1900s), the cafetalbecome known imply s 'El Padre', thefather, resumably ecause itwas once ownedbya priest.n addition o thecafetal,gnacioO'Farrillownedtwosugarplantations: anJuandeNepomuceno, lose to thecafetal, nd La Concordia,ocated nTapaste, nearby




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102 TheresaA. Singletondistrictn Havana province, nd twostock-raisingarms. gnacioO'Farrilldied in 1838,and his estatewas dividedequallybetweenhisheirsand his creditorsANC, EMRH,1834).

The cafetalbegan declining efore gnacio O'Farrill'sdeathin 1838,and thereaftercontinued n a downward ath. nterest ccumulated n the unpaidtaxes. Severalcourtjudgementswerefiled oncerninghepayment f the nterestndfor djustmentsothedivision nd liquidation f properties. he final lowto the cafetal ame whenthehurri-caneof 1844 destroyedll thecoffeeworks' ANC, AC, 1849-53).Coffee ultivation asneverrestored.At thearchaeological iteofEl Padre, themost mposing eature s a masonrywall3.35mhigh hat nclosesthe lavevillage Fig.1). Thewall, swellas thetwoother xtantstructures,heslaveholder's ouseand a specializedbuilding f unknown unction, ereconstructedf mamposteria, construction aterial onsistingf stone, ubble ndlime-based mortar. he stone s often overedwith stucco-likeolutionmadefrom combi-nation oflime,water, and and othermaterialsRebelledo 1910:108-10). The exteriorside ofthe wall is coveredwith hestucco-likeubstance,whiletheinterioride ofthewall s not.Test excavationswithin hearea enclosedbythewall yieldedthreedistinctreas ofpost-holes orming hatappearsto be a rowofstructures.he vastmajorityf thearti-facts ecovered romnandaround he tructuresatebetween 800 and1860, ndthere-fore orrespondwith heperiodwhen he itewas functionings a cafetal.Only none ofthree reashas tbeenpossible oestimate heoverall izeofthebuilding, hichmeasuresSmX7m.A seriesofposts pproximatelyn the center f this ectangularpacesuggeststhat n interior all divided he tructurentotworooms. t waspossibly structure ithtwoelements hathousedtwoseparategroups f people.The postsused in the construc-tionwereofvaryingizes,but all wereput nplace either ycuttinghrough rdrivingthe posts through he limestone trata, geologicalformation ound throughoutheCaribbean.These structures erepresumablylavedwellings,nown s bohios.The termbohioappearstobe derivedfrom Taino Indian wordthatgenerallydentifies housebuiltofa timber rame,walledwith ane or clay,roofedwith hatch,ndwith ither nearthen loor r a raisedwoodenplankfloorJopling 988:5-6). On Cuban plantations,bohioreferredo a widevariety f slave housing, utthe termwas most oftenused todescribedetached lavedwellingscabinsorhuts)thathousedenslavedpeople inhouse-holdunitsn contrasto barracones masonrytructuresn which he iving reasofmenand womenwere separatedintoprison-like ells (fora discussionon the distinctionbetween he twotypes fhousing, ee Ortiz1989[1916]: 99-202).Whilethe dea ofenclosing lavehousesbehind wall- higherhan heaverage eilingheight f a modernAmericanhouse - appears an extreme xampleof a slaveholder'scontrolover the living paces of the enslaved, tmayhave been less severe thanthebarracon.By far, hemostnotorious lave quarter dentifieds 'prison-like' yscholarsof Cuban slaverywas thebarracondepatio (Bergrad1990:235;MorenoFraginals 978,2: 74;Perezde la Riva 1952:387;Perezde la Riva,J.1975:29-42;Scott1985:17-19).Thiswas a large, rectangular-shapeduildingusually constructed f mamposteria hatsurrounded patio,an open yard-likerea located n thecenter. ome barraconeswerequite argeandhousedseveralhundred nslavedworkers. lanters eganto buildthese




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Slavery nd spatialdialectics 103barracones n the1840s to curbslave rebellions nd runaways.None of thestudiesonCuban slave housing,however, iscussthepracticeofenclosing lave quarterswithinprison-like all.Consequently,ne research bjective f the El Padreproject s to deter-minetheextent o which he wallrepresentshe actionof one or a few,ndividual lave-holders r is a morewidespread lave-managementractice.At present, olutions o thisproblemare tentative. espite thefactthatscholarsofCuban slavery ave notdiscussedwallenclosures urroundinglavevillages,nineteenth-centurywrittennd visual sources on Cuban slavery uggest nclosing slave villagewithin wallwas a knownpractice. he mostdirect eferenceomes from listofregu-lations hegovernor fMatanzasprovince ssued after slaverebellion nthatprovince.This little-knownebellionresulted n thedeaths offifteen hites nd theburningndlooting ftwenty-fourarmsBergad 1990:239; Barcia Paz 1999, pers.comm.).One ofthe ecuritymeasures equired f all farmswith ohios was tobuildfencingra palisadearoundthe housesbetween4 or5 varas a Spanishmeasurementbout 85m]highwithlockedgateway or ecurity'ANC GSC 1825:4, my ranslation). he requiredheight fthefencing etween3.40mand 4.25m s consistentwith he wall height f3.35m at ElPadre. AlthoughEl Padre is not ocatedinMatanzasprovince oday, twas partofthewesternmost istricts fMatanzas Provinceformost of thenineteenthentury ANCProtocolode Salinas 1829:1671; ANC GobiernoGeneral1878).Therefore,onstructionofthe wallmayhave been a direct esponse o theGovernor's egulations.Another xampleof lavehousesenclosedwithin masonrywall s evident ntheruinsofAngerona.LocatedtodaynearthewesternndofHavana provinceFig.2),Angeronawas one ofthe argest ubancafetales, eputed ohave had 450enslavedworkersAbbot1829: 140). Afterthe decline in coffee, t was converted nto a sugarplantation.Apublished ithographfAngeronawhen twas a sugarplantation epictsdetached lavehousesbehind wall,though hewalldoes notappeartobe as tallas thewall at El Padre(Mendez 1952:8). Today, heruins tAngerona uggest he lavevillagewassurroundedbya wallmade ofmamposteriawith n irongate entryPlate 1). The ReverendAbielAbbotvisitedAngerona n1828when twas still coffee lantationndnoted: thenegrohuts enclose a large square, which s enteredby an irongate. When the plantationbecomes a populousas theproprietor opesitwill, his quarewillbe a littlenegrocity'(1829:144).Although t s notcleartowhatkind fwallsorfences hegatewasconnected,thedescriptionuggests hat wall enclosurewith gatedentrance o theslave villageexisted ven whenAngeronawas a coffee lantation.A third,ndperhaps hemost elling,eferenceoenclosing slavevillagewithin wallorpalisade s found na collection fessayswrittenn the tateofCubanagriculturendindustriesy AlvaroReynoso n1861. n hisdiscussion n slavehousing,Reynosourgedslaveholders o return o the old system f ndividual ohios,butsaid thatthishousingneededto be improved o that t was ingood condition.He felt hat hebarracon ystemwas theworst ituation orhousing nslavedpeople because itwas inefficientnd stillcould notprotect laveholders rom hoseenslavedpersonswhowere inclined o plotagainst laveholders1861:328). In closing, estatedone couldfence ntheentire slave]village,forthebest security, ith largewall,althoughwe are convinced hatsuch aprecaution snotnecessary'1861:330,my ranslation). eynoso'sstatementmplies hatbuilding alisades around lavevillageswas at leastconsidered,fnotexperimented ith




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104 TheresaA. Singleton

HAVANA ROVINCEA CAFETAL* CITIES

Haana. Matanzas'AA~ngerona El Padren4--

.0k ........ 100 km

Figure Location fAngeronandEl PadrewithinavanaProvince.inCuba.Moreover, heextant uins t bothEl Padre andAngeronademonstratehat hispracticedid, ndeed,occur.The previously escribedwritten ources ndicatethatwall enclosureswerebuilttocontainslave activities. imilarly,tone-wall nclosureswere used to keep enslavedpeople induring he Romanperiodand dependent erfsn during he medievalperiod.In bothsituations,heenclosurewall also servedas a materialmanifestationorrecog-nizing he ntentionf slaveflight.Whenenslavedpeoplewere found utside hewall atinappropriateimes,hewallpreventedny mbiguityoncerninglaves' actions Samson1992:33). At thesame time,wall enclosures lso prevented heentry fstrangers. heremainder f thisessay examinesthe circumstances eculiarto Cuba that ed to theprison-likeurveillance fslavequarters ndhow enslavedpeople responded oit.

Spatialdialectics nCubanplantationsSpatialdialectics, concept ttributedo HenriLefebvre 1991),refers o various evelsof space: physical,mental and culturalaspects of spatial arrangementshatcan beanalyzedone byone butultimately ork ogetherna three-partialecticShields1999:160-1). The conceptis used here to begin an analysisof the dialecticalrelationshipbetween laveholders' ontrol f pace andenslavedpeople'sresistance o that ontrol s




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Slavery ndspatialdialectics 105

.. .......i .g . i E i EEdi ...................... f

Plate Ruins fwall nclosuref lavevillagetAngerona. ote:bell ower o eftnd ron ateentranceothe ight.seen in everydayife on Cuban plantations. laveholders verywheremanipulated hespatial organizationof plantations n order to controlenslaved people. Numerousarchaeological, rchitecturalnd landscapestudieshave shown both direct nd subtlewaysplanters ttemptedocontrol lantationandscapes for listofsources, ee Single-tonandBograd 1995:18-20). Nearlyevery spectofplantation pace from he ocationand arrangementfslavequarterse.g. Armstrong990a;Epperson1990,1999,2000) tothedetails f lave-house onstructione.g.McKee 1992)resulted rom onsciousdecisionmaking nthepartofplanters omaximize rofits,xercise urveillancendreinforcehesubordinate tatus fenslavedpeople.JamesDelle's study1998) ofcoffee lantationsnJamaica s themostcomprehensiveanalysis fspatial arrangementsndertaken yan archaeologistna plantation ontext.UsingFoucault's 1979) analysis fpanopticism, elle demonstrates ow theplacementofthe overseer'shouseserved as a central oint nsurveillancenmuchthe samewayaguard ower oes. Withouteaving hehouse andveranda, he overseer ouldmonitorheslave villageuphill,watchenslavedworkerswalk from heirhouse to theirworkandobservethe coffeeworks nd barbecues coffee-dryingens) downhillDelle 1998:159).

According oFoucault, hepanopticmechanismrranges pace nsuchway hat urveil-lance is constant nd takesplace infullvisibility.he panopticon everses heprinciplesof a dungeon,which are intendedto enclose,hide or deprive ight.The panopticonenclosesbut eliminates heneedtohideordeprive ightFoucault1979:200). Given this




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106 TheresaA. Singletondefinition,he wallenclosures t Angerona ndEl Padre appear antitheticalo panopticsurveillance. et, some variation fpanopticor otherform f surveillancewould havebeennecessary oobserve nslavedpeople withinhevillage, t thecoffeeworks nd else-whereon the plantation. he panopticonwas rarely sed in ts pureform, utvariationson itproliferated,nd it became an importantechnologyound nnumerous, isparaterealmsof capitalist ocietyEpperson2000: 59).Wall enclosuresncombination ith anoptic urveillance ere establishedt thenine-teenth-centuryactory nd townofHarpersFerry,WestVirginia. rickwallswere builtto reorganize hespace,restrictmovements ffactory orkers nd control ntry o thefactory ard.Monitoringctivities ookplace from central ocation,presumably romthe superintendent'suartersocatedon one ofthe highest oints n Harper'sFerry ndwith commanding iewof thefactory rounds Shackel 1996: 74-8). The walled slavevillages t Angeronaand El Padre may have operated n a similar ein. The bell towerpicturednPlate2 possibly erved s a panoptic urveillance eviceat Angerona.Panop-tic surveillances less obvious atEl Padre, butmay have takenplace from heroofor asecond evel of the slaveholder'shouse.An imprint f a stairwayhatonce ascended toan entrance bove theceilingevel of the first loor s visible n theexteriorouthwallofthe slaveholder'shouse (Plate 2). Cuban,French-styledreathousesoccasionallyhad asecondfloor, ut the stairswere ocated nside he house,oftennthe iving oom placedwithinhe center ftheH-shapedfloor lan Perez de la Riva 1952:372). Whether r nottherewas a second floor o the slaveholder's ouse atEl Padre,a stairwayxisted t onetime that ascended above the first loor, erhapsto the roof.That theroofcould haveservedas a pointofsurveillance ainsadded support rom hepreliminarybservationsof rchitecturalistorianMiguelHerrera,who noted tructuralndicationsfbalaustrada,a balustrade t theroof evel of the house alongthe exterior orthwall in 1999 (pers.comm. 001).A rooftop errace, nown s anazotea, s an architecturaleature ften eentodayon colonialperiodbuildingsn thecity f Havana (Weiss1989:317, fig. 81).Fromsucha rooftop erraceor similar onstruction,t wouldhave been possibleto observeactivitiesaking lacewithin heslavevillage s well as other ocations n theplantation.In addition ocontainingctivities, all enclosureswerealsodesigned omake entrancea hindrance Samson 1992:29). Cuban slaveholders esired okeep awayfrom nslavedpeople anyonewho would disrupt he work routineor the established ocial order.Maroons,slaverunaways,ould be particularlyroubling or laveholders ecause theywould liberate enslaved people, take plantation uppliesand destroyproperty.Well-organizedmarooncommunitiesived nthemountain anges urroundingoffee lanta-tions ntheSierrade los Organos n theprovince f Piftar e Rio (Paquette 1988:73-5)and SierradelGrillo n Havana provinceLa Rosa Corzo andPerezPadron1994). Begin-ning n ate1837andcontinuinghroughout838,maroongroups ttacked everal offeeplantationsLa Rosa Corzo andPerezPadron1994:104-7;BernardBosch et al. 1985:66).A cafetalnamedSantaAna belonging o the O'Farrillswas included mongtheseplan-tationsLa Rosa andPerezPadron1994:103);presumablyhiswas SantaAna deViajaca,thesite ofEl Padre.Planters lso desiredto keep slave raidersawayfrom heir nslaved aborers.Slaveraidingwas a problem, articularlyuring eriodsof aborshortages. he great holeraepidemicof1831-3wipedout thousands fAfricansnCuba, and it occurred t a time




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Slavery ndspatialdialectics 107

' . . .......jR..,ir

Plate Traces f stairwayn the outhernxterior all f laveholder'souse.

when ugarpricesweresoaring.MorenoFraginals uggests hat laveraiding rom offeeplantationsbecame the solutionto thisproblem,and he identifies lave raiders asdisplacedwhitepeasantswho became rancheadores pursuersof slave runaways. naddition opursuingunaways,hese lave catchers rganized angs nd stoleblack abor-ers from ne plantation nd would sell themto anotherplantationMoreno Fraginals1976: 133,138). Planterswerewary f rancheadores ecause they ouldneverbe certainthat fa runawaywas captured hathe or shewouldbe returned o theoriginal wner.Although egulations ere nstitutedor heproper apture ndreturn f laverunaways,a walledslave villagecould serveas a deterrento all slave raiders,whether heyweremaroonsor rancheadores.




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108 TheresaA. SingletonSlaveresistancen CubanplantationsIn Cuba, as elsewheren the Americas, nslavedmen and womenwere engaged nmanydifferentorms f resistance,ncludingevolts, omicides, uicides,maroonage s wellascovert ndcultural esistance see Barcia Paz 1998). The barracones nd thewalled slavevillageswere obviously uilt o prevent lave revolts ndrunaways,woof themostovertforms f resistance hatcarried hemost severepunishment. et, despitethepotentialconsequences,bothrunningway and revoltswere significantlyighon Cuban planta-tions. n Matanzasprovince lone 399 acts of violence, ncludingttemptedevolts,werereported rom 825to 1850 Paquette1988: 72).The most overtformof resistance dentified husfar at the property f IgnacioO'Farrilloccurred t the sugarplantation f San Juande Nepomuceno,whichwas closeto thecafetal antaAna de Viajaca. In 1841,forty-fivenslavedworkers anfar waytoan inaccessibledistance nthe sierras' ANC GSC 1841).They apparently led he plan-tationbecause ofthe poor treatmenthey eceivedfrom new plantationmanager.Allbut eight f the enslavedworkers eturnedo theplantation.A party f armedmen withdogs,undoubtedly ancheadores,aptured ome of them,while theothers urrenderedthemselveso the authorities.Certainly overt cts ofresistance, uch as feigningllnessor misplacing ools, werecertainlymorecommonplace hanovert esistance. overt cts ofresistance lso had theadvantageof takingplace, yet goingundetectedby slaveholders nd managers.Thearchaeological tudy f slave villages s mostcapable of uncoveringvidence of covert,everyday esistance.n thearchaeological tudy fplantation pace,thisform f resist-ance is most videntnmodificationsnslavedpeoplemadeto their ouses oryard reas.On many outhern lantationsn the UnitedStates,enslavedpeople dugundergroundstoragepitsbeneath thefloorboards f theirhouses to storefood and othervaluables.Slaveholders ried ostopthis ctivitynvariousways, or xample, yraising he houseson buildingpiers,but enslavedpeople continued o dig thepitsdespiteslaveholders'prohibitionsSingleton 1998: 179-80). In Jamaica,enslaved people challengedtheimposedEuropeannorms or he patial rrangementftheir illages ydevelopingheirown nside-outside ouse-yard ctivityhathad itsoriginsnAfrica, utwas adaptedtotheJamaican nvironmentArmstrong999:178;ArmstrongndKelly2000).Written ourceson Cuban slavery uggest hat enslavedpeople also modified heirlivingpaces. n thepreviouslymentionedssaybyAvaroReynoso, ne examplehegivesto illustratehe nefficiencyf the barraconeswas that in their oomsthe blacksestab-lishdivisionsndsubdivisions,onstructofts rgranarieso store heir arvests;ddition-ally, heyoften ook in their oomswithout uilding ppropriate toves forpreventingfire' Reynoso1861:328,my ranslation). therhistoricalources ndicate hat, ontraryto theplanters' ictate f eparatinghe ivingreasofmale andfemale laves, ntire lavefamilies ivedwithin he one-roomcells of the barracon Scott 1985: 19-20). Even inprison-likeuarters f thebarracones, nslavedpeople foundwaysto altertheir ivingarrangements.Archaeological estingt theslavevillageof El Padrehas not beensufficiento datetoidentifyuggestionsf slave-inducedmodificationsither o the excavated tructurer totheyardarea. Manyof therecovered rtifacts,owever, ffernsightsnto theways n




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Slavery nd spatialdialectics 109which nslavedpeoplefashioned heir uarters, nd, at east one artefact a ceramicdisc- can potentially e consideredwithin he realm of cultural esistance.n general, heartefacts ecoveredfrom he El Padre slave quarter re similar o and, in some cases,identical o the kinds f artefacts ecovered rom lave quarters oth ntheUnited Statesand on otherCaribbean slands.British efined arthenwares, rimarily earl-wares ndwhite-wares,re thepredominateablewares. imilarly,s is the case atother lavesites,less expensiveundecoratedor minimally ecorated wares (e.g. shell-edged eramics)occur n higher uantities han the moreexpensive,decoratedwares. Of thedecoratedwares, nnular/mochaaresare morecommon han ither and-paintedrtransfer-printceramics.Curiously,moretransfer-printeramics themostexpensiveof theEnglishwares wererecovered hanmay6licas, in-enameled aresmade in either painorLatinAmerica.The Englishwaresmayhave been preferred,ecause theywere more durableand sometimes ost less thanmay6lica Arrazcaetaet al. 1999:45). The only may6licaidentified husfar s Trianapolicromo, ware made inSeville,Spain.The major differencen the ceramic nventorytEl Padre from ther lavesites ntheAmericas s that llthecoarse earthenwares sed for ooking ndstorage re ofHispanicorigins n both manufacture nd in vessel shapes. These coarse earthenwares re ofvarying izes and shapes, some glazed and othersunglazed.No slave-madepotterycomparable to either colonowares (Ferguson 1992) or Afro-Caribbeanwares (e.g.Armstrong 999;Peterson tal. 1999)has been identifiedt El Padre oranyotherhistoricsite n WesternCuba. The onlyhand-builtarthenwares ecovered rchaeologicallyreassociated withthe former boriginalpopulations see Dominguez 1984, pers.comm.1999). In additionto ceramics,other artefacts ecovered nclude bone buttons,glassbeads, ron-kettleragmentsnd stub-stemipesofSpanishmanufacture.All the recoveredartefactsuggest hat enslavedpeople on Cuban plantations,ikeother enslaved peoples elsewherein the Americas,acquired these objects throughpurchaseor trade, nd thereforeepresent,o some extent, heir ersonaltastes n self-presentation.hatthesehouseholdobjectswereacquiredthrough urchaserather hanissuedas provisionss supported romAbbot'sobservationstAngerona:

It is themaximwith heproprietorhatnegroes hould havemoney nd spend t. Toencourage he atter artof thisplan,hefurnishes shop n an apartment f thebuild-ingnext o themill,with verythingheywish obuy hat sproper or hem; loth heapand showy; arments ayandwarm; rockery; eads; crosses;guano, or the Americanpalm, hat heymake neat hatsfor hemselves;ittle ookingpots, . He putsevery-thing t lowprices; ndno peddler spermittedo show hiswares on the estate.(Abbot 1829:141)The plantation hopatAngeronamayhave had a uniquesituation t the time f Abbot'svisit, ut, n laterdecades, plantation hopswerecommonon large Cuban sugar estates(Scott 1985: 184-6). The reference opeddlersnotbeingallowed on the estate,however,suggests hatenslavedpeople regularlyradedwith uchpeddlersduring he heyday fcoffeeplantations.Enslaved people could exercise some choice in the objects theyacquired forthemselves, ut the selection made available to them was limited, nd,perhaps,influenced y stereotypednotions of theirtastes,as suggested n Abott'sremarks.




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110 TheresaA. SingletonA ceramicdiskmeasuring cm n diameter nd made of Englishblue-on-whiterans-ferprint s the one artefact hatcould be considered n exampleof cultural esistance.Culturalresistance s used hereto refer o shared practices hatserved to critique he

powerofthedominants well as to create world emoved rom heoppression fevery-day life Scott 1990; e.g. Singleton1998; Thomas 1998 on slave resistance nd archae-ology). On Cuban plantations, ultural resistance was manifested n various ways,including ong,dance,folktales,eligion nd medicinal ractices Barcia Paz 1998:23-8).The ceramic diskwas most likelymade from broken fragmentf ceramic that wasreworked y moothing heedges nto rounded orm. imilar rtefactsave been recov-ered from lave sites n the southernUnited States (e.g. Russell 1997: 75) and in theCaribbean Armstrong990b:137-8; Pulsipher ndGoodwin 1999:30). On the slandofMontserrat,modernMontserratians escribe game they all ChineyMoney' in whichthese eramic isks re used. n thegame, hree eramic ieces arethrown n a table, ndthe arrangementn which hepieces fall determines he thrower's core Pulsipher ndGoodwin1999:30,n.57). Another ame,using owrie hells, nown s Paw Paw', playedbyAfro-New nglanders n theeighteenthentury,lso involved hrowingaming ieces(cowrie hells)and thepositionn which hepieces anded determinedhe hrower'score(Pierson 1988: 102). Both of thesegames were possibly erivedfromAfrican ivinationpractices.A key principle fAfricandivination nvolvesthrowingbjects e.g. beads,cowries, eeds, etc.) and using hearrangementn which he pieces and either o predictthe future r to determine course of action for the person seekingadvice from hediviner.Given the mportancefdivinationn theAfro-Cuban eligion anteria, t shouldnot be surprisingo find rtefactsuggestive fdiviningnd of otherAfrican eligiouspracticesfrom Cuban slave quarter. Religious paraphernaliahas increasinglyeenfound t sitesoccupied by people ofAfricandescent n the Americas e.g. Brown andCooper 1990; Ferguson1999;Wilkie1997). Throughout heAmericas, nslavedpeoplereliedupon religion s a source ofempowermentgainst heir ay-to-dayppression.Summarynd conclusionPlantation lavery ame late to Cuba comparedto its Englishand French Caribbeanneighbors, utthe slandbecame the center or he slave trade ndplantation laverynthe nineteenth-centuryaribbean. In an effort o curb the rebelliousactivities f agrowing lave population, laveholders dopted management ractices hat resembledprison ife.This ail-likecharacterwas particularlyvident n the built environmentfslave quarters nd thespatialorderofplantations.Whilethe barracones nd thewalledslave villagesserved as deterrents o overtformsof slave resistance, heywere notcompletelyffective.nslaved menand women stillranaway,plannedrebellions, ooktheirowners' ives as well as theirown lives.Throughvarious forms f everyday ndculturalresistance, nslaved people covertly hallenged gruelingwork routinesandinhumaniving onditions.

Slaveholders, ike Reynoso, recognizedthe failure of the prison-like pproach toslavery,nd urgeda morepaternalisticpproach comparableto that dvocatedby pro-slavery eformersn the outhern nitedStates.Reynoso'swritings ere similar nscopeto those of the southern eformists ho championednotionsof 'ideal' treatment or




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Slavery ndspatialdialectics 111enslaved laborers,but, in reality, he conditionsof most enslaved people remainedunchangedSingleton 988:354-5;Chappell1999:242-3). All slaveholders esiredhard-working,oyal,well-behaved nslaved aborers.Reformistseasoned that hisgoal couldbest be achievedthroughmprovementsnhousing, oodorhealth are.Whatslavehold-ers failed orecognizewas that nslaved aborershad their wnnotions f an ideal exist-ence. They did not wantto be enslaved underanycircumstances. onsequently, heysought ariouswaystounderminelaveholder uthority.AcknowledgementsI am verygrateful o Dr Eusebio Leal Spengler,historian or theCityofHavana, forprovidingwithme the opportunity o conductthisresearchthrough heArchaeologyDepartment, ffice f theHistorian or heCityofHavana, Cuba. I thank hefollowingpersonsfortheirassistance and generosityn makingthisresearchpossible: RogerArrazacaetaDelgado, Dr LourdesDominguez,CarlosAlbertoHernandezOliva,LisetteRoura Alvarez,KarenMahe Lugo Romera,Sonia MenendezCastro,AniciaHernandezGonzales,Dania HernandezPerdices,BeatrrizAntoniaRodriguezBasulto,FrancisSeraAlvarez,Ivalu RodriguezGil, AntonioQuievedoHerrero,Aldo PrimianoRodriguez,NestorMartiDelgado, JuanCarlosMendezHernandez,AdrianLabrada Milan,Alejan-dro RamirezAnderson,JorgeLuis Garcia Baez, JorgePonce Aguilar,Ramon ArtilesAvela,CarlosSuarezSardifta, anuelBarciaPaz, Leida FernandezPrieto,Dr Gabino laRosa Corzo, Marta Z. TroncosoHernandez, smaelPerezPerez,ConsueloBueno Perez,MarkHauser,StephanLenik andMiguelHerrera.Thispaperhas also benefited rom omments receivedfrom resentations gave attheMaterialCulture/VisualultureWorkingGroup at theUniversityfMaryland ndtheDepartment fAnthropologyeminarSeries,SyracuseUniversity. amindebted oPaul Shackelforhissuggestions. am totally esponsible or nyerrors rshortcomings.The field esearch t El Padrewasundertaken uringmy enure ttheSmithsoniannsti-tution hrough Scholarly tudiesGrant,Office fFellowships ndGrants, mithsonianInstitution, ashington,C. DepartmentfAnthropologySyracuseUniversityReferencesAbbot, Abiel. 1829.LettersWrittennthe nterior fCuba. Boston,MA: Bowles Dearborn.ArchivoNacional de Cuba (ANC). Archivo:de Cortes (AC), Fondo: Escibania (E) 1849-53,Legajo: 227,No. de orden:7.ANC Fondo: EscribaniaMayorde Real Hacienda (EMRH), 1834 Legajo: 142,No 2662. Testa-mentaria elPresbitero . IgnacioO'Farrill, 8de Febrero FathergnacioO'Farrill'swill nd lasttestament,8February 834].ANC: Fondo:GobiernoSuperiorCivil GSC) 1825,Legajo 1469,No 57999.Reglamentode PoliciaRuralde la Jurisdiccionel Gobiernode Matanzas,Octubre22 de 1825.ANC: Fondo: GSC 1841,Legajo 617, No. de Orden19712.




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112 TheresaA. SingletonANC: Fondo:GobiernoGeneral1878,Legajo: 32, Expediente1283ANC: Fondo: Protocolode Salinas 1829. mposicionde IgnacioO'Farrill Don NicholasManuelde Escovedo y Rivero Imposition f gnacioO'Farrill oNicholasManuelde EscovedoyRivero].Armstrong, . 1990a. The Afro-Jamaican ouse-yard: n archaeological and ethnohistoricalperspective. loridaJournal f Anthropology,pecial Publication, : 51-63.Armstrong, . 1990b The Old Village and the GreatHouse: An Archaeological nd HistoricalExamination fDrax Hall Plantation,t.Anne'sBay,Jamaica.Urbana: Universityf llinoisPress.Armstrong, . 1999. Archaeology nd ethnohistoryf the Caribbean plantation.n I, Too,AmAmerica:Archaeological tudiesofAfrican-Americanife (ed. T. A. Singleton).Charlottesville:Universityressof Virginia, p. 173-92.Armstrong,. and Kelly,K. 2000.Settlement atterns ndthe origins fAfrican amaican ociety:SevillePlantation, t. Ann'sBay, Jamaica. thnohistory,7(2): 369-97.Arrazcaeta,R., Quevedo, A., Rodriguez, . and Cueto,T. 1999. Ceraimicanglesa en la Habanacolonial.Opus Habana, 3(3-4): 45-9.Barcia Paz,M. 1998.La Resistencia sclava en Las PlantacionesCubanas,1790-1870:Pinar delRio,Cuba: Vitral.Bergad,L. W. 1990. Cuban Rural Society n theNineteenth entury: he Social and EconomicHistory f Monoculturen Matanzas.Princeton, J:PrincetonUniversityress.Bergad,L. W., glesiasGarcia,F. and CarmanBarcia,M. 1995.The CubanSlave Market 790-1880.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityress.BernardBosch, L., Blanco Conde,V. andRives Pantoja,A. 1985. La Manuela:Arqueologiade uncafetal abanero.Havana: Editorialde CienciasSociales.Brown,K. L. andCooper,D. 1990.Structuralontinuityn anAfrican-Americanlaveandtenantcommunity.istoricalArchaeology, 4(4): 7-19.Chappell,E. 1999.Museums ndAmerican lavery.n I, Too,Am America:Archaeological tudiesof African-Americanife (ed. T. A. Singleton).Charlottesville: niversity ressofVirginia, p.240-58.Delle, James. 998.An Archaeology fSocialSpace:Analyzing offee lantationsnJamaica's lueMountains.NewYork:Plenum.Dominguez, . 1984.Arqueologia olonial ubanadosestudios. avana: EditorialCienciasSociales.Epperson,T. 1990.Race andthedisciplinesf theplantation. istoricalArchaeology,4(4): 29-36.Epperson,T. 1999.Constructingifference:he social and spatialorderoftheChesapeake Plan-tation.In I, Too, Am America:ArchaeologicalStudiesof AfricanAmericanLife (ed. T. A.Singleton).Charlottesville:niversityressofVirginia, p. 159-72.Epperson,T. 2000. Panopticplantations:hegarden ights fThomasJeffersonndGeorgeMason.In TheLines that ivide:HistoricalArchaeologies fRace,Class,and Gender ed. J.A. Delle, S.A.Mrozowski ndR. Paynter).Knoxville:UniversityfTennesseePress,pp. 58-77.Ferguson,L. 1992. UncommonGround: Archaeology nd Early AfricanAmerica,1650-1800.Washington,C: Smithsoniannstitutionress.Ferguson, . 1999.The cross s a magic ign:marks n eighteenth-centuryowls n SouthCarolina.In I, Too,Am America:Archaeological tudiesof African-Americanife (ed. T. A. Singleton).Charlottesville:niversityress ofVirginia, p. 116-31.Foucault,M. 1979.Discipline ndPunishment: heBirth fthePrison.NewYork:Vintage ooks.Franco Ferrain, .L. 1986.Esquema historicoobre a tratanegrerayla esclavitud.n La Esclavi-tuden Cuba. Havana: Instituto e CienciasHistoricas, ditorialAcademia, pp. 1-10.




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114 TheresaA. SingletonScott, .C. 1990. ominationndtheArts fResistance:idden ranscripts.ewHaven, T: YaleUniversityress.Scott, . 1985. laveEmancipationnCuba: The TransitionoFreeLabor, 860-1899.rinceton,NJ: rinceton niversityress.Shields, . 1999. efebvre,ove Struggle:patial ialectics.ondon:Routledge.Shackel, . A. 1996.Culture hange nd theNew Technology:n Archaeologyf theEarlyAmericanndustrialra. NewYork: lenum.Singleton,.1988.An archaeologicalrameworkor laverynd mancipation.n TheRecoveryfMeaning: istorical rchaeologyn he astern nitedtatesed.M. P. Leone ndP.B. Potter, r.).Washington,C: Smithsoniannstitutionress, p. 345-70.Singleton,. 1998.CulturalnteractionndAfrican mericandentityn plantationrchaeology.In Studiesn Culture ontact:nteraction,ulture hange,nd Archaeologyed.J. G. Cusick).Center orArchaeologicalnvestigations,ccasional aperNo.25.Carbondale:outhernllinoisUniversity,p.172-88.Singleton,. andBograd,M. 1995. he rchaeologyf heAfricaniasporan heAmericas. uidesto he rchaeologicaliteraturef he mmigrantxperiencenAmerica,o.2.Tucson, Z: SocietyforHistoricalrchaeology.Thomas, . W.1998. ower nd ommunity:he rchaeologyf laveryttheHermitagelantation.Americanntiquity,3(4):531-51.Trouillot, .-R.1993.Coffee lantersndcoffeelavesn theAntilles:he mpactf secondarycrop.nCultivationnd Culture:abor nd he haping f laveLifen he mericanseds .BerlinandP.D. Morgan). harlottesville:niversityfVirginiaress, p.124-37.Weiss, .E. 1989. a Arquitecturaolonial ubana.Havana:Editorial uebloyEducacion.Wilkie, . 1997. ecret nd sacred: ontextualizinghe rtifactsf African-Americanagic ndreligion. istoricalrchaeology,1(4):81-106.

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