social organization, continuity and change: the … of north sikkim 3 sikkim state sikkim, a small...

© Kamla-Raj 2012 J Biodiversity, 3(1): 1-43 (2012)

Social Organization, Continuity and Change:The Case of the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung

of North SikkimVeena Bhasin*

Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, Delhi, India

KEYWORDS Environment. Agriculture. Animal Husbandry. Barter. Transhumant Production System

ABSTRACT All societies are involved in the process of social change. The study of socio-cultural change is thesystematic study of variation in social and cultural change. However, in societies there are structures and processeswhich are more prone to change while there are others that are resilient to change. The structures which do notchange are social continuities. The efforts to improve or bring development cannot ignore culture. T he veryprocess of socialisation is one in which cultural knowledge is constantly transmitted, acquired, and produced.Cultural beliefs and values shape what occurs within formal education systems. Economic and political changes areoften expressed in cultural terms. Meanwhile, culture also works as a force to reshape the environment andtherefore influences economic and political systems. Anthropological perspectives on cultural continuity andchange can thus make critical contributions to more informed and enlightened policies and practices in the newmillennium. The study centres on the two prominent groups of the Bhutias- the Lachenpas and Lachungpas whoare settled in two river valleys of Lachen and Lachung of North Sikkim. The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachungpracticed marginal agriculture and yak, sheep and goat rearing as a part of their subsistence. Maintenance of suchherds was possible only through a skillful organisation of the migratory movements to avail pastures in certainniche or at certain times in the particular environment of the region. High up on the northern borders, marginalagriculture and animal husbandry was not sufficient to sustain the population, so the people of Lachen andLachung indulged in marginal trading activities with Tibetans across the borders. The barter of timber, wood,dyestuffs and dairy products of that region for Tibetan salt and wool formed the basis of this trade. The people ofLachen and Lachung pursued it as an occupation intimately interwoven with their pastoral activities. Thus, as longas trade was unhampered by political restrictions, it enabled them to remain economically independent. However,with the closing of the Tibetan border in 1962, social life changed for these people. Since the closure of the trans-border trade they are facing several problems. The Bhutias have tried to solve these problems with their traditionalsocial organisation. The key aspects of social organisation, transhumant production system, continui ty andchange among the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung have been discussed in this study. Units such as the household,the village or busti, encampments, and dzumsha defined by predominantly local interaction patterns betweenkinsmen and friends are the most important institutions which anchored theses Bhutias to a specific communityand territory. This traditional organisation (dzumsha) has a formal set up to show an example of social cohesionbetween the people with range of activities. Dzumsha , which has been under operation for over 600 years,controls resources and looks after conservation of resources, pasture management for grazing, conflict resolution,social and community mobilisation, traditions and local governance.

Address for correspondence:*Dr. Veena BhasinProfessor (Retired)Present Address:B-2 (Ground Floor),South City II, Gurgaon,Haryana, India

INTRODUCTION

This study deals with the social organisa-tion, continuity and change among the transhu-mant Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung of NorthSikkim. Transhumants present not only differ-ent living lifestyles and means of subsistencebut also various types of social organisation.

All transhumant societies have strong socialorganisation to solve the consistent problemsof articulating herds with their sustaining re-sources of pastures and water. The specialisedsocio-economic niche of transhumance requiresadaptation through complex practices and dis-tributed practical knowledge specialties. The taskand knowledge structures of transhumance re-quire a high degree of network integration, notonly internally but externally as well (Barth 1972).Along with the practical knowledge, the tran-shumant society must have management andutilisation of herds by different members of so-ciety, which requires social mechanisms-divisionof labour, economic transactions, rule of trans-

2 VEENA BHASIN

ference and inheritance. In all agro pastoral so-cieties, a range of redistributive mechanism andinstitutions exists through which resource flowsbetween households are managed and main-tained. During periods of relative stability or pros-perity households are likely to invest in theseinstitutions (through gift giving etc.) as a meansof confirming social status and determine theirright to make claim against them in times of cri-ses or needs (Swift 1989).

All societies are involved in the process ofsocial change. The study of socio-culturalchange is the systematic study of variation insocial and cultural change. Things do not re-main the same. Social continuity cannot be de-fined as absence of change. However, in societ-ies there are structures and processes which aremore prone to change while there are others thatare resilient to change. The structures which donot change are social continuities. It happensthat social continuities like family, religion andlaw also undergo changes. The family has al-ways been the basic foundation of society, itsstructure and composition may vary or go un-der change. The efforts to improve or bring de-velopment cannot ignore culture. The very pro-cess of socialisation is one in which culturalknowledge is constantly transmitted, acquired,and produced. Cultural beliefs and values shapewhat occurs within formal education systems.Economic and political changes are often ex-pressed in cultural terms. Meanwhile, culture alsoworks as a force to reshape the environmentand therefore influences economic and politicalsystems. Anthropological perspectives on cul-tural continuity and change can thus make crit-ical contributions to more informed and enlight-ened policies and practices in the new millenni-um. The paper will discuss the key aspects ofsocial organisation, transhumant productionsystem, continuity and change among the Bhu-tias of Lachen and Lachung.

The study centres on the two prominentgroups of the Bhutias- the Lachenpas and La-chungpas, who are settled in two river valleysof Lachen and Lachung of North Sikkim. Eachvalley has mountain passes to Tibet and pro-vided the main link to the trade route till 1962.The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung practicedmarginal agriculture and yak, sheep and goatrearing as a part of their subsistence. Mainte-nance of such herds was possible only through

a skillful organisation of the migratory move-ments to avail pastures in certain niche or atcertain times in the particular environment ofthe region. High up on the northern borders,marginal agriculture and animal husbandry wasnot sufficient to sustain the population, so thepeople of Lachen and Lachung indulged in mar-ginal trading activities with Tibetans across theborders. The barter of timber, wood, dyestuffsand dairy products of that region for Tibetansalt and wool formed the basis of this trade. Thepeople of Lachen and Lachung pursued it as anoccupation intimately interwoven with their pas-toral activities. Thus, as long as trade was un-hampered by political restrictions, it enabledthem to remain economically independent. How-ever, with the closing of the Tibetan border in1962, social life changed for these people. Sincethe closure of the trans-border trade they havebeen facing several problems. It deprived Bhu-tias of their livelihood and had an adverse effecton their traditional crafts. As long as Tibetanwool was imported in large quantities, weavingflourished and they produced a variety of wo-ven articles. The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachungwere sufferers in another way because of theclosure of the border. The Chinese seized manyof their yak and sheep herds in 1962 during theirseasonal migration under the traditional trans-border pasturage usage arrangements. The Bhu-tias of Lachen and Lachung, were among theisolated Buddhist colonies whose traditionallinks with Tibet, were severed by recent politicalevents. This region saw number of changes withmajor consequences for the Lachenpas and La-chungpas, the transhumants of the area. InNorth Sikkim, the Dzongu area was declared aLepcha reserve and has remained isolated formany years. This political isolation (intended tomaintain ethnic balance) was accentuated by thegeographical position of the area. No such re-serve was declared for the Bhutias of Lachen-Lachung inhabiting two river valleys that domi-nate North Sikkim. However, these areas are es-pecially ‘reserved’ ones where the right to settleor own land is not allowed to outsiders, irre-spective of their ethnic origin. The inhabitantsof theses valleys do not conform to the generalpattern prevalent in Sikkim, even among Bhutiacommunities in other parts of Sikkim. The Lachenand Lachung have a special status with regardto settlement, land revenue and local adminis-tration.

BHUTIAS OF NORTH SIKKIM 3

SIKKIM STATE

Sikkim, a small mountainous state has wit-nessed great changes in its political structure,social structure, economic life and cultural val-ues during the past hundred years. The processof change was quickened from four differentdirections, resulting in multiform ethnic mix. Sik-kim is bordering Nepal, China and Bhutan in theIndian Himalayas with stridently defined andexceptionally steep watersheds. Sikkim, situat-ed in the inner Himalayan mountain range, how-ever has varying altitudes ranging from 300 to8,400 meters (Fig. 1). Sikkim is a former Himalay-an mountain kingdom, that was, until recently,geographically and culturally isolated. It was an-nexed by India in 1975, becoming India’s 22nd

state. Before its assimilation into the IndianUnion, it was ruled by a hereditary Maharajah,who was assisted by large landowners, kajis, inthe administration of the State. Sikkim has beenstrongly influenced by Tibet in its religious andcultural life. Maharajah was Buddhist and Bud-dhism flourished during that time. By virtue ofbeing a protectorate of India until 26 April, 1975,it has been politically and economically inclinedtowards India.

Sikkim with its total geographical area of7096km2*, lying within 270 04’ to 280 o7’48" N lati-tude and 88000’ 58" to 880 55’ 25" E longitudes, isadministratively divided into districts: North,East, West and South. North district is the larg-est in area and least populated. It is a completelyland-locked upland area that opens towards theWest Bengal at the end of the Teesta river basin,with variations in latitude ranging from 300 to8586 metres amsl. Sikkim is the drainage basin ofthe river Teesta, which is fed by numerous trib-utaries. The brown and red hill soils are fine loam,acidic and low to medium in fertility.

The field work was carried out from Septem-ber 1981 to December1983 in Dzongu and Lachenand Lachung in North Sikkim. No anthropolog-ical studies had been carried out in Sikkim afterits integration with India. An effort was made torecord the complex pattern of the Bhutia culturein North Sikkim. Until that time, no ethnographicaccounts were available and few narratives thatwere available were generally travelers’ ac-counts. Negotiations between the British gov-ernment and Tibet were started (1889-1907) forthe construction of a road through this area tofacilitate trade. But the terms were unacceptable

to the Tibetans, so the project never materia-lised. However, after the occupation of Tibet byChina in 1962, this sensitive frontier area be-came highly important. Invasion of northern re-gions by Chinese forces induced the Govern-ment of India to improve transport and commu-nication in this area. Army station units wereestablished in Lachung valley. A fair weatherroad joining the State capital Gangtok withLachen-Lachung was built. The development ofdefense establishment brought about significantchanges in the economic and social environ-ment of the area. The stationing of many civilservants as well as military units has also in-creased the demands on the natural resourcesof the area.

Environmental conditions impose effective lim-its on mode of livelihood, which in turn determinethe dominant values of the people and stronglyinfluence the social organisation. The Bhutias havea subsistence economy with a rudimentary differ-entiation of productive labour and with no ma-chinery for the accumulation of wealth in the formof commercial capital. If wealth is accrued, it is inthe form of consumable goods and amenities or isused for the support of additional dependents.Geographically separate, both Lachen and La-chung have separate social identities. The perma-nent residents identify themselves and are identi-fied by outsiders. The distinctiveness of the bustiis fostered by the ethnocentric prejudice and pre-served by the high rates of local marriages.

STUDY AREA AND SETTLEMENT

Lachen and Lachung are located in the south-ern slopes of western half of the eastern Himala-yas across 27" and 28" N latitude and 88" and89" E longitude, within the temperate zone notfar from the tropics, yet the climate is influencedby the high Himalayas to the north and theGangetic plain to the south (Fig. 2). Sikkim itselflies within the watershed of the river Teesta.Plants grow perennially as there is ample water.There are two seasons, a short dry season last-ing from January through April, and a long wetseason from May through December.

The temperature varies with altitude andslope aspect (generally 6 to 10p c per km). Thetemperature decreases with an increase in thealtitude. Lachen valley in the west is wider where-as Lachung valley in the east is rather short.

4 VEENA BHASIN

Fig. 1. Sikkim - Administrative divisions

BHUTAN

CHINATIBET


Fig. 2. Sikkim - Lachan and Lachung

CHINATIBET

LACHEN & LACHUNG

CHINATIBET

DISTRICTINDIA

6 VEENA BHASIN

Due to inhospitable climatic conditions and ter-rain, the area is sparsely populated.

In the Lachen (Big pass) and Lachung (Littlepass) valleys, the climate is cold and compara-tively dry. The annual precipitation regime ischaracterised by heavy rains during the sum-mer. Annual temperature and relative humidityin Lachen is 13.1 (maximum) and 2.3 (minimum)and 76 at 8.30 in the morning respectively.

Two streams Lachen-chu and Lachung-chuare the sources of water in Lachen and Lachung,respectively. These two streams join Teesta atChungthang which arises from Zemu Glacier.The Lachenchu has many tributaries of its own,and the Zemu in the west is a combination ofmany small streams. The area comprising thesetwo river valleys is comparatively dry, and is inmany ways different from the rest of the State.The slopes here are gradual and valleys arebroader compared to other valleys.The terrainbeing hilly, with frequent occurrences of landslides, major irrigation projects cannot be un-dertaken easily. There has been minimal exploi-tation of surface water. Apart from this, there isdrainage problem in Lachen as the village is sosituated that considerable amount of slush ac-cumulates, in rainy season and when it snows.These conditions cause hygiene problems andpollute the otherwise healthy environment.

The region is covered under the trans-axialbelt and had not been properly investigated.Geologically, it has mobile belts and weal struc-tural features which are known to be the causeof thermal springs, present in this region. Impor-tant hot springs are at Lachen (Tarun hot spring),Lachung and Yumthang.

The valleys of Lachen and Lachung were theprivate estate of the Queen at the time of Camp-bell’s visit, but later it was reported by Das (1896)year that these were assigned to the Dewan. Inthe administrative reports of 1911-12, it has beenmentioned that these valleys were put under thecharge of Jerung Dewan of Chakung by the Brit-ish political officer. As the people of the Lachenand Lachung were not happy with his adminis-tration the valleys were returned under the ruleof Maharaja Kumar of Sikkim (Sikkim 1912: 2).

LAND USE AND VEGETATION ATLACHEN AND LACHUNG

On account of high altitude and extremeweather conditions, land use is restricted. The

climate of the area is suitable for horticulturaldevelopment. Cultivation is restricted to limitedregions which are either below the village or muchabove the residential area. People grow smallquantities of barley, wheat, maize and buckwheat(Fagopyrum tatraricum). They raise yaks andsheep to supplement their subsistence econo-my. The vast open spaces between 4,483 and5,824 metres altitude are used for raising yak(Phoephagusgrunniens)-robust animal that re-quire little care and are perfectly adapted to highaltitudes. The yak provides its owner with milk,meat and wool (for saddle padding, blanket mak-ing) and transportation.

There are different types of land belts in ara-ble areas attached to Lachen and Lachung:-

Leezshieng (apple belt); Kenchongshieng(maize field); Tshowshieng (wheat field); Gnaw-shieng (barley); Keeshieng (potato field); Lap-shieng (raddish field); Pyoshieng (buckwheatfield); and Yugshieng (turnip field). Apart fromthese there is a common land mangsa.

The vegetation of the area consists of fod-der plants, oaks, firewood and dye yieldingplants. The oaks are used for house building,though people have no right to cut them. AroundLachen village, there is abundance of panisej(T. mynocarpa) a plant used for firewood. TheLachenpas do not have to walk for long distanc-es in search of firewood as the people of La-chung have to do. Dye yielding plants in thevicinity provide other sources of income to thelocal people. They collect the plants and sellthem to cottage industry authorities at the rateof Rs. 3 to 4 per kilogram. The Lachen forestsmainly consist of trees, shrubs, herbs and orna-mental plants. The mountain side are clotheswith eight to ten species of brilliantly colouredrhododendrons. The area abounds in Sea buck-thorn (Hippophae salicifolia), a species that hasgreat potential for improving ecological and eco-nomic development in this area. The plant isfound naturally in altitude ranging from 2,337and 3,093 metres on riverside area where geo-physio-chemical parameters like aerial tempera-ture , aerial moisture, soil ph, soil, soil moisturevaries significantly (Basistha et al. 2009).

The Lachung forest consists of both tem-perate and tropical plants. Some very wild grass-es grow there. The Lachung forest abounds indye-yielding plants; important ones are Jugla-na regia (Walnut), Rubio cardifolia, Rumux cris-pus, “chucha” which yield dyes of different


colours. People collect leaves and sell it to offi-cials. Many medicinal plants like Acantum fer-ox, Acorus calamus, Butea monosprms are alsofound in the region. People collect them whilepasturing their animals and sell them at Manganmarket. Besides these, this area harbours manyendemic and threatened species like Acer hook-eri, Anaphilis hookeri and Cypripedium hi-malaicum.

The ecological milieu of these people is de-termined by high altitude, comparatively lessrainfall (than in other areas of Sikkim) and vio-lent local winter winds. The steppe vegetationis characterised by small shrubs. The Teesta cutsacross North Sikkim with its tributaries, namelythe Lachungchu, Lachenchu and Lhanak etc.and divided the region into separate valleys. Onthe Lachung side, the valley opens up to thepasture of Momo-Samdong and Yume-Samdong.Lachungpas fellow a reverse cycle, they moveupstream for grazing only and come to Khedum(below Lachung) for cultivation to their summerquarters.

The Lachen area has not been surveyed. InLachung though cadastral survey has beendone, the results have not been finalized. Thefigures provided are only estimates. Forest ar-eas for Lachen and Lachung are not surveyed,so no details are available. The Lachung valleyis rich in ground flora such as primulas, potentil-las, larch, junipers and maple as well. Forty-threesquare kilometre area at the altitude between3,048-4,575 metres has been declared as SingbaRhododendron Sanctuary in Lachung valley.The sanctuary is bounded on its southern pe-riphery by the Yumthang valley known for itsalpine meadows and hot spring. The YumthangRiver flows through the sanctuary, which isknown for its unique abundance of Rhododen-dron trees and shrubs, 40 species of which arerecorded for Sikkim alone.

Floriculture has a tremendous potential butthe State has yet to seek breakthrough. Flowersare perishable and need special arrangementsfor transport and marketing as the consumercentres are located in far off places. The Statedoes not have quality planting materials for largescale production. Multiplication through con-ventional methods is slow due to limited resourc-es, and tissue culture laboratories in both publicand private sectors are still unable to meet therequirements.

In 1892, the Scandinavian Alliance Missionwhich was founded in America in 1890 estab-lished three mission stations, one at Lachung,the other at Mangan and third at Lachen. In1894, two Swedish women were sent to Lachungby the authorities of the Mission. They broughtapple saplings and Christianity. Apple plantsflourished here but due to Buddhist societal andfamilial pressure the Christianity could not flour-ish in Lachen and Lachung and the Missionshad to move to other areas.

BHUTIAS OF LACHEN AND LACHUNG

The two high valleys of North Sikkim-Lachen and Lachung that form part of this studyare inhabited by the Bhutias who are referred toas Lachenpas and Lachungpas respectively. Thefamilies sharing the same family name are notnecessarily relatives. The Bhutias of Lachenand Lachung are called Ha-Pa. Like the peopleof Chumbi Valley in Tibet they claim descentfrom immigrants from Ha in Bhutan and follow amixed agro pastoral and trade economy. Theyclaim themselves to be of the Lopon Lhumdrubcaste. They are more like Tibetans then the Hlo-pa (south people of Bhutan) or other Bhutias ofSikkim. The exact date of their arrival in Sikkim isnot known; though it must have been duringone of the many invasions by the Bhutanese. In1676, the Bhutanese invaded the Chumbi valley,Sikkim and the area south of Sikkim. The Lepchachief was killed, and in retaliation and the Tibet-an Government arranged the invasion of Bhu-tan, perhaps the most powerful undertaken dur-ing the reign of the 5th Dalai Lama. At one timethe Ha-pa were amongst the richest people inBhutan, but, as Eden relates, they took to evilways and fell on bad times. They were living inrobber caves- Pyak che and Au-pyale-and usedit as a base from which to issue orders to roband terrorise peaceful merchants (c.f. White 1887-1908: 113).

The language of the Bhutias of Lachen andLachung is den-jong-ke. It is a Tibetan dialectand is spoken in Ha valley of Bhutan. It belongsto Tibeto-Burman family. However, nowadays,the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung also speakHindi, English and Nepali.

The traditional dress of the Bhutias is “ba-khu” which is a loose cloak type garment withfull sleeves. It is fastened at the neck on oneside and near the waist with a cotton belt. Male

8 VEENA BHASIN

Bhutias put bakhu with a loose trouser. The la-dies use bakhu with a silken full sleeve blousecalled “honju” a loose gown type garment fas-tened near the waist tightly with a belt. In thefront portion they tie a loose sheet of multi co-loured woolen cloth made of special design. Thisis called “pangdin” and is a symbol of a marriedwoman. The ladies are very fond of heavy jewel-ry made of pure gold. Many Bhutias still weartraditional dress but youngsters put on jeans,pullovers and jackets.

The villages of Lachen and Lachung are theheadquarters of their respective valleys. As thetwo valleys are separated by high mountain fea-tures, they lead a more or less independent ex-istence. The presence of lush meadows in thevicinity of Lachen, facilitates pastoral activities.They rely on common property resource (pas-tures, forests and natural waters). The produc-tivity of this region is both marginable and vari-able, and therefore has a benefit-cost ratio thatdiscourages investment in exclusionary, privatemechanisms. Livestock mobility is one of themajor ways in which the Bhutias have manageduncertainty and risk in such environments. Themobility of the animals provides transhumantwith effective ways to meet many needs. Mobil-ity can take care of socio-economic objectives,such as access to a diverse range of markets,symbiotic interaction with the farming commu-nities (for example exchange of manure for leftover fodder in the fields) and culturing gather-ings where livestock are part of the socio-polit-ical transactions, but in Lachen and Lachungthe mobility is necessitated for growing crops atdifferent altitudes besides taking their herds forgrazing in different season. Though the Bhutiasof Lachen and Lachung are found at a height ofnearly 3,000 meters, but as these people lead atranshumant type of existence they travel fromone ecological zone to another. They inhabit dif-ferent climate zones varying from temperate(2,000-2,700 metres) to sub-Alpine (2,700-4,000metres) to Alpine (4,000-5,000 metres) and veryhigh hills with Alpine climate above 5,000 me-tres.

The Bhutias live in houses of stone andwood. The rooms in the Bhutia households areusually spacious since they prefer to have theirhearth, altar, and lounge, dining and sleepingareas in one big room. They prefer to live in two-storied houses built on stone foundations andkeep their domestic animals on the ground floor

instead of a separate animal shed. Kitchen is theepicentre of the Bhutia’s household. It acts astheir hall, dining room, a place where familiessocialise and entertain guests. They have a real-ly large kitchen completely encircled with pots,pans, kettles, cutlery of all shapes and sizes.There are many vessels of all shapes and sizes.

Lachen and Lachung have their own tradi-tional local government system. The provisionof the 1965 Panchayat Act does not extend tothis area. For centuries they had grazed theirherds in Khama Dzong section of the Pahari dis-trict in Tibet during the summer and fall months.Marginal agriculture and animal husbandry wasnot sufficient to sustain a large population, sothe people of Lachen and Lachung indulged inmarginal trading activities with Tibetans acrossthe borders. Thus, as long as trade was unham-pered by political restrictions, it enabled them toremain economically independent. However, withthe closing of the Tibetan border in 1962, sociallife changed for these people. It deprived theLachenpas and Lachungpas of their livelihoodand had an adverse effect on their traditionalcrafts. Such partial transformations of economyhave led to many changes in the Bhutia society.The situation of the Bhutias is unlike that ofother ethnic minorities and it does not conformto the usual pattern of integration into largereconomic and political systems. Political eventsbeyond their control have led to the transforma-tion of their traditional economic system, forc-ing them to reorient it. Variation in economic strat-egies of Lachenpas and Lachungpas emergefrom several factors, showing interrelations ofecology, technology and social organisation.Limiting factors operating in the subsistenceeconomy of the region are elements of the phys-ical environment.

Lachen

Lichen village is located at 2,700 m abovemain sea level on the right bank of the LachenChu, the main feeder of the river Teesta. VillageLachen with an area of 3,635.75 ha. is inhabitedby 2,923 persons (Census of India 2001). Thedensity of population is less than 1person perha. Though Lachen is a scheduled tribe village,the scheduled tribes account for a less than half(49.2percent) of the total population (Census ofIndia 2001). It is largely due to the presence ofRefugee Tibetans and the government servants.


The number of scheduled castes in the village isnegligible. Lachen revenue block is connectedto Mangan headquarters by a 58 kilometre longmetallic road along the Lachenchu. Lachenchuis a gusty torrent and turbid from the vast amountof silt which it carries along has to be crossedby three bridges to reach Lachen from Chungth-ang. Motorable road beyond Lachen extendsup to Thanggu via Zema. Jeeps and trucks arethe chief modes of transportation in the area.Mules and yaks are also used to maintain com-munication with areas where motor vehicles can-not reach. Due to bad weather, the road remainsblocked sometimes, for days together. At suchtimes Lachen can be reached through a hill track.

Lachen is a rectangular shaped place, sur-rounded by giant ridges- which protect it fromhigh winds and give a feeling of security. TheBhutia houses called khin are usually rectangu-lar in shape. The houses are clustered but arenot adjoining. Sometimes, it rains for 7-15 dayscontinuously, causing landslides. In times ofcalamity, people need each other and this justi-fies their clustering of houses. There is a smallcourtyard in front of each house. There are nolanes but only shranga (foot path). Surround-ing the house is a small kitchen-garden and afew apple trees. During 1982-83, Lachen reve-nue block with 234 houses was inhabited by 919Lachenpas, out of which 474 were males and 445females (Fig. 3). It was the headquarters of theLachenpas who moved up and down the streamfor their agricultural and pastoral activities. Thetotal length of their migratory route was about25 kilometres. Families of the Lachenpas accom-panied in these migrations. They locked andsealed their doors. One member of the familywould return after one month to check the prop-erty.

Water comes from two springs-one on thenorthern boundary of the village and other onthe south-eastern boundary. Two kholas runthrough the village. Water is brought to individ-ual households by polythene pipes. It is notused for drinking but only for household work.Houses in Lamteng (Lachen) village whichstands on a grassy and bushy flat are surround-ed by a little cultivation of buckwheat, radishes,turnips and mustard. There is drainage problemin Lachen as the village is so situated that aconsiderable amount of slush accumulates dur-ing the rainy season, and also when it snows.The houses are ten to twenty feet high and forty

to eighty feet long. All are built of upright strongpine-planks, the interstices between which arefilled with yak-dung. The only window is a slitclosed by a shutter. On account of damp cli-mate, they are raised above the ground, and aretied with shingles; the roofs are either of woodor bark, held together by large stones.

For conducting religious ceremonies, thereare two gompas. One is the main gompa and theother is manilhakhang or Nyama Laghang. Nya-ma Laghang has big water driven prayer wheel.The prayer wheel has a hollow cylinder aboutthree metres in height and one and a half metresin diameter filled with about four tons of writtenprayers. It is fixed to a perpendicular shaft ofwood, to the lower end of which horizontal flap-pers are attached, against which water is direct-ed from a shoot; the end is shod with iron, andrevolves in an iron socket driven by the force fthe stream. With each revolution the prayers arebelieved to be performed for the benefit of thebuilder of that particular wheel. Women and oldmen come here to pray. The main gompa was re-roofed in 1923-24 with corrugated sheets andadditions and alterations were made.

Since 1922-23, two state village schools werefunctioning, one at Lachen and the other at La-chung. The students were taught only Tibetanreading and writing at Lachen School while pu-pils at Lachung were taught English, Hindi andTibetan.

Though, Lachen is far off from the districtheadquarters, and has difficult terrain and harshweather conditions, the winds of change hadreached the area even in 1980s. There were twoprimary schools and one adult education centreand one primary health sub-centre. People werealso availing the postal facilities. At that timethere was no electricity in the Lachen revenueblock. Few poles had been erected, but the con-nections were yet to be given. At present, thearea is electrified and village has regular electricsupply. Lachen Micro Hydel project with an in-stalled capacity of 0.10 (MW) was started in 1989-1980. Another Lachen Hydroelectric dam is be-ing constructed on the confluence of Zemu Chuand Teesta. The new power house near villageBonsoi shall have installed capacity of 210 MWto generate 865.94 MU of energy. The Govern-ment has started one Cottage Industries Train-ing Centre to encourage the arts and crafts ofLachenpas. Telecommunication facilities areavailable at the army post at Chhaten, located at

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Fig. 3. Sikkim – North District - Lachen Revenue Block

SIKKIM: NORTH DISTRICTS

LEGENDBlock BoundaryPucca House (Residential)

(Non-Residential)Pucca RoadKuccha RoadRiver of Chi/SpringGompa


a distance of about 5km from the village. Lachenhas post office, police check post and an oldPWD inspection bungalow. Besides, there is ahall for dzumsha (local self governing body)meetings and a government handicraft centre.Lachen has advantage of certain amenities dueto its location near the army headquarters ofMountain Brigade 112.

Lachen has moderately shallow, excessivelydrained, coarse loamy soils on moderate steepslope with gravelly loamy surface and slight ston-iness. Cultivable land at Lachen is almost negli-gible. Neither is there much land for cattle graz-ing. However, stall-fed cattle are reared in al-most every household. There is no apple belt assuch, though a few apple trees can be seen. AtLatong, all the land has been distributed equallyfor a long time. There is no temporary land forfuture generations in Lachen. In this case, pub-lic land beside roads is allotted to landless needypeople at nominal rates. The money from thesale of land goes to a mongngu (Public fund)maintained by the phipun. This fund is used atthe time of some V.I.P. visit or any other generalpurpose. There is an area of two hectares ofpublic common land-mangsha beyond the DakBunglow, but it is useless and used only as wasteland. The Lachenpas have less fertile land at theplaces of migration also. It has been cultivatedfor the last 30-40 years without the addition ofmanure or other fertilizers. Nowadays yield ismuch less than what it used to be. The Lachen-pas are less enthusiastic about cultivation here.As such, the land is divided by the phipun andcouncil members according to people’s needs.Childless couples receive much less than cou-ples with children. There is no demand for moreland at the places of migration because it doesnot yield good crops without the application ofmanure. People prefer local manure (mal) and donot use government provided fertilizers. The landhere is used for grazing. Cultivation is aroundthe houses in Lachen, and in the maize belt inLatong.

The Lachenpas are transhumant. The villag-ers leave Lachen during the rainy season andmove to Thanggu (3,900m above mean sea lev-el) where they have their agricultural and pas-ture lands. For at least four months in a year(June-September) the Lachenpas live in farm-houses or yak-tents in the plateau. Most of theLachenpas own extensive farmlands in andaround Thanggu. These days some of the fami-

lies, owing to fixed jobs at Lachen do not culti-vate their fields. As a result, vast stretches ofland lie uncultivated. The transhumant villagersmove back to Lachen after the harvest of crops,mainly potato, radish and cabbage, and some ofthem make a second move to warmer placesdown south, viz. to Chungthang, Mangan oreven Gangtok to avoid the uncomfortable win-ter months at Lachen and to sell the crops anddairy products. The people of Lachen are hardworking and many of them pursue multiple oc-cupations as farmer-cum-trader-cum-transportoperator. The main and marginal workers ofLachen account for 60.35percent and 7.53per-cent respectively, while the non-workers accountfor 32.12 percent of the total population. UnlikeLachung, Lachen does not attract many tour-ists, but some of the adventure tourists and pil-grims make a stopover at Lachen on their way tothe plateau, glaciers and sacred lakes locatedfurther north. The village wears somewhat di-lapidated look, as most of the villagers do notlive in the village continuously. Of late, a fewprosperous villagers have introduced modernliving in private houses, lodges and hotels atLachen and Thanggu. In spite of economic pros-perity of the villagers, the quality of life at Lachenis apparently not stress-free due to harsh cli-mate. The place requires energy resources andjudicious planning to make it a more habitableplace round the year.

They grow potatoes, turnips, radishes, cau-liflowers and buckwheat. The cultivation of bar-ley, maize and buckwheat is restricted in Lachenup to 2.745 metres but root crops like reddishand potato are grown well up to 3,660 metres asa summer crop. Till 1903, agriculture was practi-cally unknown, and the people devoted them-selves to their yaks and cattle. In 1903, therewere 400 yaks, 40 cows, 100 ponies and 30 goats.However, they grew potatoes, turnips and a lit-tle buck wheat (Freshfield 1903: 94). While a fewhouses have been erected here, rest of theLachenpas stay in their tents. The mean temper-ature of Thanggu in July is little above 90 C. TheLachenpas gradually descend to their own val-ley as the winter season advances to Denga,grazing their flocks on the way at Tallum, Sam-dong, Lachen or Lamteng and Latong.

There is no social hierarchy among Lachen-pas. They do not have artisan class. There were15 sichepa (Tibetan refugee) who substituted

12 VEENA BHASIN

for artisans. Previously, the some sichepas weremaking utensils and agricultural implements forLachenpas with raw material exported from Ti-bet. These sichepa were paid in kind and givenfood. Nowadays, utensils and agricultural im-plements are available in Mangan market. Nowthey are attached to some wealth Lachenpas.They reside near their houses and work for theirbenefactors. These sichepas also worked forGeneral Road Engineer Force as labourers. Onesichepa was working as tsemzopa (cobbler). Atthat time, he was 80 years old and was too old towork. For the last 7 to 8 years, a Nepali carpenterhad been living in Lachen. He had come for theconstruction of gompa, and decided to stay inLachen till the completion of the work. He wasmaking and repairing shoes for the Lachenpas.Later on the Lachenpas started buying shoesfrom Mangan market. The cobbler started mak-ing bakhus of yak hair and thus serves as tailoralso. Otherwise Lachenpas weave and sew theirown clothes.

Previously, Lachenpas refrained from butch-ering animals as it was looked down upon1. Onesichepa worked as shempa (butcher). He waspaid Rs.5 for slaughtering a sheep and Rs.30 fora yak. The shempa stayed with his family atMenshithang. None of his family members havebecome shempa. The Lachenpas could visit hishouse, but could not take food etc. at his place.The shempa is not allowed in the houses ofLachenpa; he can come only up to the door. Theshempa never cuts pork, which only young boysdo. He was not welcome at social events. If hewas invited, he would sit separately.

Every three years, the Lachenpas have topresent a healthy yak for sacrifice to the Mandalof Chungthang as a customary gift for grazingyaks in and around Menshithang area. This cus-tom is known as Chareen or payment of grass.The yak is sacrificed and divided equally amongthe villagers of Chungthang (Tsungthang).

The Lachenpas have not been able to takefull advantage of education programmes becauseof their migratory habits. From June to Novem-ber the Lachen area is totally deserted. Govern-ment started migratory school, that is teacherswere also migrating with the Lachenpa families.Open air classes were held without any black-board etc.

Likewise these people have not been able toavail of the facility of the Primary Health Centresituated in Lachen. They have their own systemof looking after the sick and treating illness.

Postal facilities are also available but are notused much.

The Rural Management and DevelopmentDepartment (RMDD), Government of Sikkim isshortly initiating the installation of Solar WaterHeaters at Lachen in North Sikkim. Sikkim Re-newable Energy Development Agency (SREDA)will be implementing this programme in the con-formity of dzumsha.

In this pilot project, 100 water solar heaterswill be installed at Lachen. The objective of theproposed project is to reduce wood use and im-prove the quality of live of the Lachenpas.Lachenpas have high fuel wood consumptionat household level and the farm level produc-tion of fuel wood is negligible as compared tothe other nearby villages.

Lachung

The Lachung revenue block is situated oneast bank of Lachngchu at 2,745 metres. It isconnected to Mangan town by a 51 kilometremetalled road. Lachungchu is neither deep norrapid and is only 13 metres broad. The averagealtitude of the village is 2,600 m above mean sealevel. 2,805.82 ha. of village area is inhabited by2,800 persons. The density of population is only1 person per ha. About 50 percent of the resi-dents of Lachung is scheduled tribes. The num-ber of scheduled castes in the village is negligi-ble. Approach to the village is by metalled roadalthough bus service is suspended for months(as of May, 2002). However, there is regular taxi(jeep) service to and fro Lachung-Chungthang,Lachung-Mangan, Lachung-Gangtok and ifweather permits, Lachung-Yumthang. The vil-lage has one primary health sub-centre, twoschools of which one is secondary and the oth-er primary, a post office, a forest range officeand a forest bungalow. The village monastery islocated on a spur across the Lachung Chhu.The village extends on either side of LachungChhu and the part of the village on the otherside of the river is known as Shertchu. Both thesides of the village are connected by bridge.The village gets electricity for a limited period oftime but has no access to telephone. There is nosupply line of drinking water but potable wateris available from natural springs. Village has avideo parlour.

Lachung is muddy, filthy and intersected bysmall streams whose beds make shift the roads


and at the same time the common sewers of thepeople. The Lachung revenue block is dividedinto three busties Shertchu, Singring and Beech-chu. About thirty years ago it was struck by aterrible flood and afterwards the area was divid-ed into three parts-Shertchu-the highest area;Singrig-the middle area which is a flat piece ofland two kilometers below Shertchu; and Beech-chu which is the lowest.

The settlement pattern is controlled by thephysiography of the area. Out of three busties,Singrig and Beechchu are situated on road-riverside and Shertchu is across the river on a smallhillock. Houses are clustered in busties, but arenot adjoin. There are no lanes. Houses are con-nected by shranga (footpath) (Fig. 4). Recentlya road has been built in Beechchu, for the mili-tary trucks. Production land is limited to clear-ings in the narrow, rugged mountain valleys atdifferent places at lower altitudes. At the time offield work Lachung revenue block with an areaof 2814.22 hectares was inhabited by 328 house-holds having 1,508 people of whom 787 weremales and 721 females. This population includ-ed institutional and household population. Outof these only 647 males and 673 females wereLachungpas, 6 males and 3 females were Nepa-lis scheduled castes, and the rest were govern-ment officials.

Land Use in Lachung

Exact statistics of land use for these regionswere not available. People have houses andhouse gardens in the revenue village. In Lachungthere were small fields and some apple orchards.The apple orchards were spread over 115.28hectares. Some statistics for Lachung were avail-able. These are presented in Table 1.

Table 1: Land use in Lachung

Type of land Area inhectares

Total dry fields 593.86Banjo (Fallow) 69.50Total area of Bustiwala 663.36Total Government uncultivable 2150.86 land is LachungBustiwala + Government Land = Total area in

Lachung663.36 + 2150.86 = 2814.82

hectares

Out of the total area of 2814.82 hectares, only593.86 hectares are cultivable without irrigation.The Bhutias have adopted culturally to disversenatural landscapes and have established settle-ment patterns and production activities tailoredto the limitations imposed by the region. Threemajor biogeographical provinces of human landcan be identified in Lachung:

(i) Fields and pastures at higher altitudes(5173 metres to 5824 metres).

(ii) The houses and small gardens in front ofhouses at Lachen and Lachung.

(iii) The valley floor, peripheral valley bottomat lower altitudes.

Cultivation is restricted to limited regionswhich are either below the village or much abovethe residential area.

Conditions in the Lachen and Lachung aresuitable for the best quality apples. There is largecrop every year particularly in Lachung at anelevation of 8,610 feet. Apples are one of themain sources of cash income. Large quantitiesare taken to the markets in India. Previously, theapples were taken to the markets of Tibet in Shi-gatse and Yatung along with butter.

The main cultivation area of seed potato isat higher elevation above 1800 metres. It is plant-ed in February- March using previous cropseeds and harvested in August-September. Theyprepare the compost by using collected forestlitter, animal bedding and animal excreta. Thecompost is applied at the time of seed plantingon furrows or pits. Pea is intercropped with itand harvested in May-June. Cabbage is culti-vated at higher altitude as off-season vegeta-ble.

The Lachungpas live in two-storied wood-en houses with four to five rooms. The mainroom of the house serves as kitchen-cum-familyroom. For daily cooking the family normally usesgas but firewood is also used occasionally. Dur-ing winter months, firewood is used both forcooking and heating purpose. Although theyhave electricity connection, they cannot use itfor heating, as the voltage is too low. The La-chungpas use traditional pit toilet as flush toi-lets are considered luxury.

Settlements of the Bhutias are threatened bylandslides, avalanches, and rock fall due to thenature of local slopes, climate, and geology2.The danger of the natural calamities has beenaccentuated by deforestation and grazing. Seis-mic activity, mountain torrents, glacial lake out-

14 VEENA BHASIN

Fig. 4. Sikkim – North District- Lachung Revenue Block


bursts, and other geomorphologic hazardsunique to highland regions may influence set-tlement and land-use patterns. And extreme alti-tude may also affect human physiology, influ-encing fertility and diet requirements in waysthat also have repercussions on lifestyles andbasic subsistence requirements (Moran 1979:142, 147-161).

Like the Lachenpas, all the Lachungpas be-long to one caste. There are no groups or divi-sions in their society. There were no artisancastes among Lachungpas. Some Tibetan refu-gees (gava) used to make utensils and agricul-tural implements for these people. Now, theseentire things can be procured from Mangan mar-ket. The gava were there but had changed theirprofession. They were working as labourers butstill worked for their landlords free of charge.One of them worked as the shempa (butcher).He was paid in kind. The Lachungpas believedthat if animals were slaughtered by the shempa,they are not tortured after death. In case of pigkilling, he was paid according to the length ofthe tail, the bladder and some other internal or-gans. He was given chhang (millet beer) andrice.

There was one big gompa in Shertchu andtwo small ones between Singrig and Beechchu.The monks attached to gompa live on alms anddonations by the Bhutias of Lachung. The do-nations were earned by monks during sicknessand death ceremonies of the Bhutias.

There were two primary schools, one AdultEducation Centre, one Child Welfare Centre andone Primary Health Centre in Lachung Chu. ACottage Industries Training Centre was work-ing in Lachung since 1976. Lachung and othersmall streams pass through the busites (ham-lets). Water is transported to individual house-holds through water pipes from small storagetanks. Postal facilities are also available to thesepeople.

In recent years, Lachung has gained promi-nence as one of the major tourist destinations ofSikkim. As a result, there is a profusion of lodg-es and hotels in and around Lachung. This hasfacilitated infrastructural development in the vil-lage and has brought affluence to the villagerswho joined tourism industry as lodge-owners,taxi-owners and tour operators. The newfoundprosperity of the villagers has improved the qual-ity of life and raised their aspiration level.

HABITAT AND ECONOMY

The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung prac-tice marginal agriculture and yak, sheep and goatrearing as a part of their subsistence. Forest,land, livestock, manpower and the considerableknowledge of the skills necessary to exploit themeffectively are the principle economic resourc-es. Supplementary but nonetheless of consider-able importance, is the income from trading andnon-traditional resources. Traditionally, animalhusbandry was a way of life, and the Bhutias’ wholeexistence revolved around the migration of theirflocks in search of pastures. Their production sys-tem involved raising yaks, sheep, goats and hors-es; harvesting their products; paying a portion togompa as taxes; consuming a portion; and barter-ing yet another portion to obtain grain and othernecessities like tea and other consumables. Ani-mal husbandry is still a way of life but equal impor-tance is given to subsistence agriculture and othernon-traditional ways of earning money. Theyounger generations are shifting towards alterna-tive sources of livelihood like government jobs,transportation, hotel business and other activitiesrelated with tourism. The Bhutias follow a numberof conscious strategies which aim at coping withthe hazards of agro pastoral life and survival in thecold climate. Animal husbandry and agriculture inLachen and Lachung is found effectively exploit-ing the single short growing season during which,high-velocity winds are common. In Lachen andLachung valleys green foliage appears in late Aprilor early May on snowmelt or spring-fed wet mead-ows, riverbanks or lake banks that forms grazingareas.

Ecological factors and extreme weather con-ditions of Lachen and Lachung restrict land use.Steep hills, valleys, grasslands and tablelandplateau however, well suitable for mobile pastoral-ism and is being managed by the Bhutias as such.Like all societies, the Bhutias also have a set ofinstitutions that combine natural resources, tech-nology and labour to produce foods and goods.Division of labour, co-operation and labour playtheir part in the production of food and goods.The climate, the flora and fauna, water supplyand vegetation are the controlling factors ofagro-pastoral economy, which are used accord-ing to the cultural sanctions. Resource manage-ment in a risky environment illustrates the skillsof the Bhutias for survival.

16 VEENA BHASIN

Small-scale agro-pastoral production in theLachen and Lachung is oriented toward guaran-teeing a subsistence livelihood by efforts to at-tain self-sufficiency in food production and toreduce environmental risks. Production strate-gies involve the simultaneous use of severalecological zones each with characteristic cropsor types of pasture. Households are the basicunits of production which allocate land, labour,and capital at their disposal to meet short-termproduction goals. The Bhutias have communalpastureland with strong community regulationof land usage. The headman (pipon) managescommunal pastures and agricultural lands byscheduling agro-pastoral activities and enforc-ing rotation schedules,

The forest still plays an important role in theireconomic life and subsistence economy. It pro-vides them with wood for houses, fuel, fodderand a few edible items. In Lachen and Lachungforests and hillsides herbage supports the flocksand herds, which in turn sustain the populationof the area. The Bhutias have neither crop-resi-due option nor any institutional arrangementwith other communities for grazing their animals.They have only access to their traditional graz-ing in different valleys in summers and winters.Single resource competitors always have frame-work to overcome scarcity and conflicts due tointernal pressures (population growth, growthin herd size and change of activity) and externalpressures (climate changes, political factors andenvironmental degradation) as their resourcesare limited. Spatial mobility is required to achievea balance between man, animals and pastures.The organisation of spatial movements is im-portant in pastoral communities. Among theBhutias these movements are regular and cyclicbetween the areas of summer pastures and win-ter pastures.

Poor soil, steep slopes, and hilly terrain inthe absence of irrigation make agriculture a diffi-cult proposition. Because of poor technology,intensive cropping is difficult. Yields are alwayslow. No well-kept terraces, no crop rotation andweeding is to be seen in most areas. Because ofthis limited potential for energy extraction, thepopulation of the area has adjusted to circum-stances by seasonally migrating to different al-titudes at different times of the year. This tradi-tional social structure is an adaptation to theclimatic and geomorphologic limitations of thehigh altitude environment.

This landscape may have been modified bymilitary settlement in the vicinity and introduc-tion of roads etc. but it cannot be altogethertransformed. The natural environment sets lim-its to human intervention. To utilise the meagrenatural resources, the people have created insti-tutions based on sharing instead of competi-tion.

In this region two major patterns of adapta-tion in subsistence are found –one regional, andthe other local. The regional pattern is one ofintegration of several diverse agro-climatic beltswhich are identified by climate and altitude. Be-cause the belts are altitudinal arranged this typeof integration may be termed “vertical control”.This vertical ecological control is exercised bycommunal ownership and a pattern of extendedmigrations. These two autonomous villages basetheir subsistence from their isolated valleysthrough community control over local resourc-es.

The pattern of adaptation to the environmentmay be understood as local response to suchenvironmental constraints as low energy avail-ability and cold. The most important culturaladaptations to environment constraints focusupon the subsistence system: crops, animals,agricultural and pastoral techniques designedto yield and adequate diet with local resources.The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung follow Alp-wirtschaft type of strategy, associated with themovement of peoples and animals in vertical space,communal control of land and pastures with socialinstitutions that schedule the complex movementin time and space. During the summers, yaks areset free in mountain pastures. The female yaks (bri)ewes and female sheep and goats are kept withhouseholds and taken out each day for grazing.The winters are difficult times for human as well aslivestock population. The Bhutias rely almost en-tirely on standing forage during winter at loweraltitude. The livestock are fattened as much aspossible during the summer, so that they can with-stand the long winter with only scant vegetation,supplemented by fodder that has been cut locallyor purchased ahead of winter. Different animalsalso provide diversified products for self-consump-tion or sale. In terms of productive roles, yaks aremain milk producers as they have long lactatingperiod. Goats and sheep are kept mainly for wool,meat and barter. Only during difficult times, theyresort to selling sheep. They slaughter animals fromthe flock before the winter, so as to avoid wasting


scarce fodder on animals which have outlived theirusefulness.

Crop production of the Bhutias of Lachenand Lachung is intimately linked to pastoralisteven for those families who own little or no live-stock. Annual fertilization of potato fields is anessential activity of the Bhutia agriculture. Ev-erything from composted weeds, forest-floor lit-ter and animal manure is added to the fields. Theavailability of fire wood (from the forest) makesit unnecessary to use dung for fuel as is doneamong Changpas of Changthang, Ladakh. An-imal manure is so important that the route andtiming of herd movements is decided in part onthe basis of where household fields are locatedand when the optimal times are to supply themwith manure. Families without sufficient live-stock of their own either scour the slopes fordung or spend cash to purchase it. Crop pro-duction in turn contributes to pastoralist. Nofodder crops are grown although chaff and stalksare occasionally fed to them. The animals sub-sist on wild fodder, which they forage from theforest trees, brush and grasslands. Thus ani-mals are crucial link in the mountain ecosystem.“ In effect, the animals broaden the food resourcebase of human through the ability to ingest andconvert vegetal materials which humans can-not assimilate into forms they can assimilate”(Andress 1966: 214; c.f. Berreman 1978). Theydo so by transforming wild fodder into food forpeople:

(i) Production of manure for good yield ofcrops,

(ii) cultivation and thrashing (by providingenergy for traction),

(iii) providing milk and meat, and(iv) earning money from sale of wool(food and

other goods can be purchased).

Lachen Economic Cycle

The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung havepermanent houses at their respective villages,but they also use byah (tents) made of yak hairduring migrations to high altitude pastures. Thevillage Lachen at 2700 metres serves as head-quarters of the Lachenpas, from where their mi-grations are directed through community organ-isation. Lachenpas migrate seasonally and haveencampments at different places.

From May to October-November, they stayin higher region and engage themselves in dif-

ferent activities like agriculture, pasturing, tradeand collecting minor forest produce. In Lachenit snows from November to April. After April,only young men and women migrate to highervillages of Zemu, Tallum, Samdong, Yakhang,Kalep and later to Thanggu (Table 2). Almostevery family of Lachen has a piece of cultivableland and a semi-permanent residence. They livein houses made of wood of Rhododendron fromthe surrounding forest (Fig.5). During the sum-mer months when the ground snow melts,Lachenpas sow potatoes, radishes and leafyvegetables. The herd owners move even furthernorth in search of fresh pastures. This month isnot suitable for the migration of children and oldmembers of the family, so after sowing the pota-toes they come back to Lachen and then in thelate May, the entire village migrates to upperranges to their respective destinations. The mi-gration takes places in two different stages, thefirst stage at 4,000 metres, and second stage at4,500 metres along the different tributaries ofLachenchu.

At their first halt, they occupy Yakthang,Samdong, Tallum and Kalep villages on the trib-utaries of the Lachechu at 3,660-4,000 metres,while flocks graze, women cultivate root cropslike reddish and potato (from May to July) andgather wood with the help of children. Men col-lect minor forest produce. From these villages,migration starts after the 15th of July to the nextstage of migration at Thanggu area at 3,965 me-tres. The Lachenpas occupy five different vil-lages-Byamzay, Toga, Tseguk, Chopta and DivuThang along the tributaries of the Lachenchu.Cultivation of root crops is possible in Lachenvalley up to this altitude. From August to No-vember, the Lachenpas inhabit this area. As theydo not apply manure to the fields the yield is notgood. Again women and children collect woodand men collect minor forest produce. In No-vember, they start migrating back to Latong,Denga and Geuma.

Thanggu is the meeting place of migratingLachenpas as they have a yak-tent gompa and acommunal tent kitchen for feast. Dzumsha meet-ing takes place twice a month at Thanggu. It iscompulsory for all Lachenpas to attend thesemeetings. After harvesting in early October theycome down to Lachen for the remaining months.The duties of household members keep onchanging with the changing economic situationsand activities.

18 VEENA BHASIN

Table 2: Stages of migration of Lachenpa

Name of Encampments Cultivablethe place No. of houses landarea in

hectares

First Stage of Migration at 4000 metres Yakthang 2 2 6 Tallum 2 1 8 Samdong I 1 5 2 Samdong II 3 0 Kalep 1 6 3Second Stage of Migration at 4500 metres Toga 2 1 7 Tseguk 7 2 Chopta 2 1 Dirvu-thang 1 6 4 Thanggu 1 5 -

They migrate to lower altitudes during win-ter months (from second week of November tillthe onset of summer). In the months of Decem-ber and January they come down to Latong,Denga and Geuma for grazing their animals andcultivating their fields. The Lachenpas cultivatemaize and wheat in small fields. As a rule, youngpeople accompany their herds to grazing area(dekko), but some of the Lachenpas do take theirfamilies along as they have built houses there.They go down to Donking and Mensithongwhere 20 families of sichepa (Tibetan refugees)are residing who look after the Lachenpas flocks.They are paid in meat and liquor. Simultaneous-ly, the Lachenpas collect fire wood and grasses.They remain here up to the second week of Feb-ruary. After sowing the fields, they come back toLachen. They inhabit Lachen from middle ofFebruary to middle of May (Fig. 6).

They have no grazing rights and pay a nom-inal payment of Rs.1.50 per yak and 0.50 per sheepto the State Forest Department. These sheepgraze in the open pasture during the day and areenclosed in the stone fenced barns during thenight. Fodder is scarce during the winter months.Till a few years back the entire village wouldmigrate from Lachen to Thanggu during the sum-mer months. However, now due to more settledlife, few herders go to Thanggu. Some of theBhutias go further down to comparatively warm-er places where they own cardamom plantations.They also indulge in trading activities when theyare on move. Their mercantile includes raw wool,blankets, rugs, churpi and other dairy products,potatoes, cardamoms and a host of consumergoods that they collect during their visits totowns. The wealthy Bhutias prefer combination

of traditional culture and modern lifestyle. Thetable 2 gives details of the number of housesand area of cultivable land.

The North-South movement of people is nota strategy resulting only due to inadequate lo-cal pasture, but climatic conditions also play partin the movement.

Lachung Economic Cycle

Among Lachungpas there are no encamp-ments as the families do not migrate seasonally.The Lachung revenue block is divided into threebusties (hamlets) Shertchu, Singrig and Beechu-chu. The three busties (hamlets) of Lachung rev-enue block have cultivable lands at Khedum,Leema and Lothen.

Lachung is chiefly a farming village. At thetime of Hookers visit “Rice was once cultivatedat this elevation but the crop was uncertain”(Hooker 1855: 119). Most of the Lachungpasown farmland. Out of the total area of 2,086 ha,660.13 ha are cultivated (unirrigated), 878.17 haare culturable waste (including gauchars andgroves) and 1,267.52 ha are not available for cul-tivation. In Lachung, there are three types ofland: (1) Land in the apple belt; and (2) land inthe maize, wheat and millet belt; and (3) tempo-rary land. Land in the apple belt and maize, wheat,millet belts are permanent. The agricultural landsof Lachungpas are at Khedum, Leema and Loth-en about five kilometers away at lower altitude.The 45 households of Shertchu and 33 of Sin-gring have cultivable land at Khedum and Loth-en, while inhabitants of Beechchu have agricul-tural land in Leema and Khedum. All these plac-es are nearby and the total cultivable land isabout 13-16 hectares. The village of Khedum issituated on a flat terrace several hundred feetabove the river at an altitude of 2,135 metresabove sea level. There are about 50 to 60 hous-es. The crops cultivated are maize, wheat, bar-ley, kodo, kouni, plantain, potatoes, peaches,and peas. Lothen has a splendid pasture. Thereare about 50 to 60 houses inhabited by thesepeople. Leema has about 40 to 50 houses andagricultural land. Surplus production and exportof potato and cabbage have brought prosperityto the village, especially after the introductionof regular vehicular traffic. The cool temperateclimate of Lachung is also favourable for thecultivation of a variety of temperate fruits, applein particular, and if grown on a larger scale, ap-ple can be a major cash crop of the region in a


Fig. 5. North Sikkim – Bhutia: House Type (at Migration place)

Stone wall boundary

20 VEENA BHASIN

few years’ time. A section of villagers tradition-ally graze yak, sheep and cattle. The alpine pas-tures in and around Lachung facilitate animalgrazing. The people of Lachung are hard work-ing and active. The main workers in the villageaccount for 69.18 percent of the total populationwhile 9.28 percent are marginal workers and 21.54percent are non-workers. As farmers the Lachun-gpas are well-off. They grow and sell potatoes,cabbage and apples in nearby towns. They alsosell processed dairy products derived from themilk of yak. On average a household owns 15-20yaks, one-two dzo and pigs. Many of the La-chungpas own Jeep and other vehicles and taketheir agriculture and dairy produce to nearbymarkets themselves. During tourist season theytransport tourists to and from Chungthang andMangan

During the months of November-December,male members go with animals beyond these plac-es. While grazing they collect grasses and fire-wood. They stay there for two months and pre-pare for wheat sowing. Some stay there untilMarch-April for harvest, while others come backto Lachung. In May they take their animals tohigh altitude pastures halting at Yumthang(3,660metres), Yume Samdong (4,880metres) andChholhamo. Lachung is more developed thanLachen. Thus the Lachungpas migrate 6 kilome-tres up the Samdong up to Chholhamo and 6kilometres below Lachung to Khedum, Leemaand Lothen (Fig. 6).

They cultivate wheat, barley, maize, peas,turnips, potatoes and other vegetables. Wheatand barley is planted in November-December.Maize is planted after this, in areas in Lothenwhere apple harvesting has taken place. Maizedoes not grow at higher altitudes in Lachung.Pumpkins and cucumbers are planted betweenrows of maize and squash vines are grown onthe trees as well as on the poles. Towards theend of April, other vegetables such as cauliflow-er, onions and tomatoes are planted. Nettles, bigsources of food grow wild here, but are trans-planted into fields. Lachungpas have adoptednew ways of growing grains and vegetables,which have been introduced by the agriculturaldepartment. The better qualities are grown,which give better yield. With the change of sea-sons, they start moving up wards and go abovethe Lachung up to Yume Samdong. Those Lan-chugpas who do not have houses here stay inyak tents. By the middle of August, the down-

wards migration starts. The family members stay-ing at Lachung move towards Khedum, Leemaand Lothen to make preparations of sowing ofwheat and barely. Maize is harvested. Maizegrown here is not of good quality and is usedfor animal consumption. Apple harvesting takesplace at Lachung. The males and animal herdscome down during the last week of August andthe middle of September. The harvesting of wheatand barely is over; the butts of the harvestedcrops can be enjoyed by the animals. During thenext four months, the animal herds move furtherdown to Mangan forest to utilize pastures. InJanuary-February, they start moving upwardstowards their own village and the cycle startsafresh.

A family that has fewer animals, and cannotspare a person to accompany the herd, can keepthe animals in the village and stall feed themwith the pipon’s permission. A person has topay compensation of Rs. 60-70 per month to thedzumsha for using the communal grazing land.

The chief cash crops of the area are apples,potatoes and vegetables. A few varieties of peas,peaches and cherries have been introduced. On115.23 hectares of land, there are about 36,820apples trees, out of which 3,065 are old, 18755young and new plantation is above 15,000 sap-lings. Apple production has come down for thelast two years because of Black spot disease.The healthy harvest of the area usually is around1.75 lakhs kilogram (1979-80). In 1981-82, theharvest was around 1.50 lakh kilogram. Govern-ment has opened a buying agency at Lachungitself. Apples of the area are graded accordingto the variety as A, B, and C. The rates for theseare Rs.1.60/kg Rs. 1.35/ kg and Rs. 0.75/kg, re-spectively.

Marketing problems have hindered the de-velopment of horticulture. The means of com-munication and transportation pose problems.The apples undergo considerable damage onaccount of carriage of the produce. Due to rainand landslides, the road gets blocked for daystogether.

It can be observed from the Lachen and La-chung economic cycle that though both the com-munities carry out more or less similar economicactivities, but their movement is in opposite di-rection. The opposite directions of movementalso explain some of the differences in the agri-cultural produce and harvesting times of the twoareas under study. The Lachung people are onthe move for the whole year. They do not move


Fig. 6. Lachen -Lanchung - Transhumance pattern.

22 VEENA BHASIN

along with their families as the Lachenpas do.Their families are dispersed, fulfilling their allot-ted duties. The interesting offshoot of this isthat their movement for fuel and grazing is alsoin the opposite direction- Lachenpas goingdown and Lachungpas going upward.

This movement is necessitated by the factthat there is no arable land available in Lachenand Lachung. Out of 2817.22 hectares of La-chung, 666.36 is unirrigated land available forcultivation and 2150.86 hectares is not availablefor cultivation.

Even the season for each crop varies withaltitude, soil, temperature and rainfall. Potato isharvested in September in the high zones ofLachen valley, while it is harvested in the valleyof Lachung only in July. Crop rotation is anoth-er feature of the Lachung valley which is absentin Lachen. In winter, the Lachen valley has prac-tically no agricultural production, but in La-chung, maize is followed by barley and buck-wheat as winter crops. Due to low temperaturesboth the crops cannot be harvested within asingle year. They take more than 15 months tomature, and after two crops the land is kept fal-low for a few months.

Two pipon look after the affairs of these en-campments, which are primary communities ofBhutia society.

A pipon holds his encampment together byexercising his influence in establishing and for-mulating unanimous agreement within the en-campments on dates of migration and begin-nings of agricultural activities (Bhasin 1989,1996).

In the arable areas, agriculture and pastoralland are close together. Agriculture is carriedout in the valley areas while the mountains sup-ply pastures for the yaks and sheep. The nearbyforest fulfils the fuel needs of the people. It iswell known that in agro pastoral economy, tech-nology involves an adaptation to different cli-mate and biotic belts, agricultural technique andsettlement.

The organisation of the Bhutia migration andland use pattern is facilitated by the dzumsha(village council). The Bhutias follow their tradi-tional routes in their seasonal migrations. Theyfollow traditional schedule of departures andduration of occupations of the different locali-ties. The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung havecommunal forest/ pastures and agricultural ofland usage. The village is an important land hold-

ing unit. There is common ownership of grazingand forest land for the use of the villagers. Thesowing and harvesting are synchronised at meet-ings of the dzumsha so as to utilise the fallowland as common pastures. As encampment or-ganisation is looked after by the dzumsha, theindividual Bhutia’s economic organisation ismanaged by the family members with their divi-sion of labour.

The Bhutias’ women have adapted them-selves to play multiple roles as producers, re-producers and consumers. For this they devel-oped and maintained their integrative abilitiesto deal with complex system of household andmigration, community and environment.

Economic Development

The agro-pastoral production system of theBhutias, with its adaptive strategies, is a highlywell-organised response to the insecurity of theirunpredictable natural environment. The aug-mented menace is not related to climatic chang-es, as often has been stated in the past, but ismore a result of events that took place in lastfifty years. The economy was at subsistencelevel. The incorporation of Sikkim in to nationalstreamline called for designing of developmen-tal interventions in Lachen and Lachung.

Since 1954, development programmes fi-nanced and largely administrated by the Gov-ernment of India were put in to effect. The de-velopment in Sikkim was set in motion after 1962by the government agencies. The emphasis wason communications and introduction of essen-tial services for the people. In the wake of con-flict between India and China, this area being ofstrategic importance caught government atten-tion and was exposed to high military activity.Military posts were set up and roads wereconstructed for easy movement of heavy ma-chinery and troupes. Construction of roads,improvement in the means of transportationand opening up of Sikkim for tourists has con-tributed to the exposure of these people to out-siders.

Literacy has increased from less than 5percent in 1950 to 50.6 percent in 2001. Thereis notable disparity in the rates of literacy be-tween male and female and between rural andurban. The literacy rate among males is 55.5percent while in females it is only 45 percent(http://www. Sikenvis. Nic. In/ Repoortsper-cent 20and 20percent Publication).


In Lachen and Lachung, the foremost objec-tive of the government was development of animalhusbandry and subsistence agriculture. For de-velopment of animal husbandry, infrastructure likefodder banks and animal husbandry stations indifferent parts of North Sikkim have been started.Sheep Husbandry Department is helping with feedbanks, lambing shed facilities and enclosures onthe lines of tsapkaks (reserved pastures). The gov-ernment is seeking help and opinions of westerndevelopment experts’. The impetus to increase live-stock productivity by scientific methods is strongin Lachen and Lachung. However, intervening infragile environments with complex ecological sys-tems is a difficult undertaking.

However, all programmes for developmentand subsequent changes were largely centeredon Gangtok and other parts of east Sikkim. Evenafter five decades of independence, the plan-ning commission, central, state and district gov-ernments have not been able to find the precisedevelopment strategies for areas like Lachen andLachung, where environment is harsh and pop-ulation is scarce, scattered and mobile. It is diffi-cult to maintain education and health servicesin these areas.

New Sources of Income

The Bhutias who cease to pursue their tradi-tional occupation either become wage earnersor find government jobs like peons, teaching inschools and in the military. They have openedsmall shops to supplement their incomes. La-chung has emerged as a tourist destination withthe soaring popularity of Yumthang Valley whichis just 25 kms from here. Yumthang is a summergrazing ground, adjoining Singba Forest Re-serve. The high altitudes destinations of Lachenand Lachung- Gurudondmar Lake, Chopta val-ley Singba Sanctuary, Yumthang3 valley andHot springs with curative properties and heal-ing power are attracting many tourists, trekkersas well as those on four wheels. Lachen is thebase from where tours to Guru Dongmar Lakeand Chopta valley are organised. The populari-ty of Guru-Dongmar Lake is changing the for-tunes of the Lachenpas. They have tourism sec-tor to themselves as outsiders are not allowedto buy property in these restricted areas. Lachennow has about a dozen lodges and nearly 50taxis, which are used to ferry tourists. Theselocations are also visited by organised three-

four days tours by tour operators from Gangtokand outside. Tourism has brought local peoplein contact with outsiders.Tourism is a prominentsector of earning money. The Bhutias of Lachenand Lachung are part of it in a big way. Till 1997Lachen and Lachung were traditional villages,after that these high altitude villages were openedto tourism. The North Sikkim Highway, built andmaintained by Indian Army for security reasonshas brought many opportunities for these peo-ple and hospitality trade is one of these. Thesetraditional villages are changing fast with motorroads, vehicles and traditional wooden homes(Tibetan style construction with colourful fac-eted window frames and carved doors) beingreplaced by concrete hotels. They have startedmaking private boarding and lodging arrange-ments for trekkers and tourists who come pri-vately on motorbikes etc. A series of hotels withbasic facilities have sprung up in Lachen andLachung. Though these hotels and lodges havebeen started by the Lachenpas and Lachung-pas, they are being managed by the outsiders aslocal people are not trained in the hospitalitytrade. Many Lachenpas and Lachungpas haveconverted their road side shanties into food stallto supplement their meagre incomes.

Lachungs on the other hand, is the base fortours to Yumthang valley. Almost the entire zoneof North Sikkim comes under the restricted terri-tory; foreigners’ visit beyond Thanggu is pro-hibited. Tourism in the region is at a nascentstage and guests may not get the same level ofservice in north-Sikkim as they would in otherparts of the region. The State Government de-clared the Year 2010 as the Year of Tourism. Co-inciding with the inauguration of InternationalRhododendron festival in North Sikkim on 25hApril 2010, the Year of Tourism was launched.The year witnessed a series of tourism activitiesall over the State. The inauguration of Interna-tional Rhododendron Festival on at SingbhaRhododendron Sanctuary Gate on 25th April2010 was marked by flag off for biking atYumthang- Lachen and also other activities liketrekking, nature camp, bird watching, anglingand short treks amidst the forest.

SOCIAL ORGANISATION

The social structure, social organisation andcommunity life of the Bhutias has emerged out ofthe needs of its individuals and social groups. A

24 VEENA BHASIN

transhumant society like that of the Bhutias whotraverse the difficult terrain all the year long isbound to have social and functional groups toprovide social security to all its members. Amongthe Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung, household,village/ busti/ encampment are a level of socialorganisation, which is an administrative and juralunit. Power and authority is diffused among mem-bers. The different aspects of social organisationand social control of the Bhutias of Lachen andLachung are household, village and dzumsha (anadministrative organisation). These are units ofsocial organisation that are explicitly organised andprecisely defined by the Bhutias. The Bhutias arebundled into units that are multi-purpose, butadjusted to meet different scales of uncertainty.The village or busti elders deals with local prob-lems, pipon-the dzumsha head deals with prob-lems in larger area and with regional issues.

Based on economic activities, the Bhutias havefunctional groups like herding unit, group of house-hold migrating together (friendship groups). At thetime of crisis in the lives of the people, members ofthese groups which are a strong institution of re-ciprocal mutual assistance, extend help. An admin-istrative organisation constituting pipon (head-man), members and elders to look after the inter-ests of transhumant, maintains relations with sed-entary societies and Indian administration apartfrom resolving disputes, organising grazing pat-tern and other community problems. These threeaspects of social organisation and social con-trol- the household unit, busti or encampmentsupport network and the role of pipon-play animportant role in the social and economic life ofBhutias of Lachen and Lachung.

Household

The Bhutias household is the smallest andmost important unit of social organisation. Allfamilies have a recognised head, which repre-sents the household in dealing with dzumshaand busti matters. In the joint family or incom-plete family, the senior male is the head. Onlywhere there are not adult male member in thehousehold, a women is regarded as the head ofthe household, till her son attains maturity.

Household is the economic unit, as well asthe unit of participation in all public, social andreligious projects. Ideally, each household has aseparate house but when two families share asingle dwelling, the hearth symbolises indepen-

dence. The house generally consists of tworooms, one room serves as a kitchen and livingroom and the other as the altar room. On ac-count of damp climate, the houses are raisedabove the ground with lath and plaster walls.The ground floor is generally walled in withstones and is used for keeping goats, sheep andcattle. The kitchen is in one corner with a perma-nent stove made of clay. In the kitchen, utensilsare hung or stacked on sides. The altar room hasseveral statues of Buddha, bowls of water, a lamp,incense and other offerings of grain and butter.Along with the religious objects is wooden pad-dle carved with figures of men and animals.These figures are filled with a paste of flour andwater and after drying; they are taken out andused in exorcist ceremonies. It saves time to havea symbol of evil handy in the hour of need. Theseimages are taken out of the house and are placedat crossroads. Both rooms have lofts with lad-ders made of a log with steps hacked out with anaxe. Bags of millet hang from the roof in bunch-es to dry, to be used in preparation of chhang(Bhutia beer). Many pieces of meat also hangfrom the roof.

Household goods and belongings signifythe wealth of the people. Wealthier people havebetter beddings and rugs. Many families haveexpensive Tibetan rugs. In some houses, saddlebags and bridles, embossed and decorated, im-ported from Tibet during their many migrationsare hung on the walls. Some possess beautifulsilver and gold pitchers and teapots which formpart of the household goods. The Bhutias ofLachen and Lachung cooked food in Tibetanpots of red clay. In addition they used to barterthese for grain with Lepchas of Dzongu and sur-rounding areas. They acted as middlemen be-tween Tibet and lower areas. Cups and bowlswere made of wood and bamboo. The village’sonly piece of iron was used together with a flintto make fire which was shared by all households.Lachen’s main trade with lower areas was Tibet-an salt against grain, rice, maize, buckwheat be-tween regular trading friends. This trade laterexpanded to include pins, needles and metaltools that came from Tibet as well as blanketsand other dairy products that were produced inthe valleys of Lachen and Lachung.

Other items of material culture include mi-lang (a portable stove made of copper and isused for making tea and light beverages);zhamow (a red clay pot used for cooking meat,soup and vegetables); thebu and dorjey (are


bronze objects used during rituals, thebu is abell which is held in the left hand of worshipperand dorjey in the right hand); chuming cherth-up (is a bronze lamp used in rituals); Chuming-cherthup podung (is used for making tea quick-ly, tea-leaves, yak butter and milk are mixed andstirred with a rak (brass ladle); and paheep (awood and silver pipe used for drinking chhang)etc. All these things have been imported fromShigatse- a town in Tibet. They travelled yearlyto Tibetan towns of Shigatse, Khama-Dzong andGnantchi carrying on commercial and pastoraltransactions with the Tibetans, whose flockspastured on the Sikkim Mountains during sum-mer.

As Lachen and Lachung are so high, manythings do not grow at this altitude. People ownland in different sections at different altitudes.They have a ‘second’ house at places of migra-tion. At Samdong area (Yak-thong, Samdong,Tallum and Kalep Busties) the houses are con-structed of stones without any mud or mortar. Itis single storied, roofed with shingles, and con-sists of only one room. Some of the houses areplastered with mud and all have a wooden doorand shutter windows, which are tied up andsealed when not occupied. It contains neitherfurniture nor elaborate beddings etc. The bedsare merely planks and their utensils are bamboochurn, copper, bamboo and earthenware ves-sels for milk, butter etc.

At Thanggu, the houses of Lachenpas arevery small being about two metres high. Theyare made of stone with low pitched shingle roofs,over which a covering of pine-bark is laid, thewhole being held down by rows of stones. Theshingles and battens are made of the wood ofvarious kinds of pines and are prepared all alongthe valley above Lachen. Those Bhutias, whodo not possess houses, stay in yak hair tents.The black yak hair tents are hexagonal, stretchedover six short posts and encircled with a lowstone wall, except in front.

Apart from bamboos, copper milk vessels,wooden ladles, tea churns, pots, goat skins, blan-kets, the Bhutias carry two types of churn- anoblong box of birch wood in which cream ischurned; the other a goat skin rolled about andshaken by four handles. The butter is made intobig squares and packed in yak hair cloth. Thecurd is eaten fresh, or dried and pulverized.

The household occupying a house or tentduring migration is a commensal and property

owing group. Though title to animals and someother valuable items or moveable property maybe vested in individual members of the house-hold, the right to dispose of such is controlledby the head of the household, and the productsof the animals owned by different members arenot differentiated but used in the joint economyof the household. In case of land ownership,Bhutias have no title to land but have only theright to use the fields. A family’s land and ani-mals are considered the property of the house-holder in whose name the house is registeredand who is the member of the dzumsha. He isresponsible for the payment of taxes.

To maintain the migratory mode of produc-tion, in addition to the tent, the household needsrugs, blankets for sleeping, pails and skins formilk, pots for cooking, and pack bags to containall the equipment during migrations. Usually allthese things are owned by individual house-hold as lending and borrowing of such equip-ment is minimal.

The household is the commensal unit andpossesses its own hearth and provides its ownfare. The household depends for its subsistenceon the allotted fields at different altitudes andanimals owned by its members. Among Bhutiaseach household has about 2-3 yaks, 6-12 mulesand horses and on an average about 200 adultsheep and goats. There is normally no loaningof animals except for weaning purposes.

Type of Families

The type of families which predominates inthe social scene among the Bhutias of Lachenand Lachung are either joint or nuclear, supple-mented by some kin or widowed parent. All threetypes of marriage viz. monogamy, polygyny andpolyandry are prevalent among Bhutias ofLachen and Lachung. Traditionally, polyandroushouseholds were the norm but with changes ineconomic activities, changes in marriage andfamily pattern are also apparent. There were nonuclear families a hundred years ago. The nu-clear family unit could not carry out the neces-sary mixed economic activities. Ecological con-straints restricted the cultivation of land and itsdivision was not appreciated. The Bhutias weremostly engaged in pastoral and trading activi-ties and were not at home the year round. Thejoint and polyandrous households had the sizeand composition to look after such diversified

26 VEENA BHASIN

economic activities. Because of the nature offeudal labour U-lag (transportation service) thetax system, involving the need for male labourto fulfil tax obligations, the duties of dzumshathe basic adaptive strategy was to prevent landfragmentation and to maintain a core of males inthe family. Fraternal polyandry and joint familieswere the means to achieve this end. With newsources of income outside the traditional realm,there is no apparent need to stick to old cus-toms, so brothers are opting out of the tradition-al marriage system and breaking up joint fami-lies. Land fragmentation and the nuclear familyhave become extremely common and today thenorm and fraternal polyandry is the exception.In 1982, there were only three fraternal polyan-drous households in Lachen and four in Lachungrespectively. Polyandrous households with fourbrothers are termed as jazhee, with three broth-ers as jasoom and with two brothers as janey.Polygyny is not usual but is practiced when theelder brother dies leaving behind a wife or thefirst wife is barren.

Inheritance

Among Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung thecomponent households are economically inde-pendent from each other. Possession of animals,fields, grazing rights by virtue of his dzumshamembership, household effects as well as thehouse itself it normally vested in the household.Ownership of material property devolves jointlyon a set of blood brothers. The eldest son inher-its the parental house. Ideally, land and otherwealth are equally divided among sons. Thedaughters inherit two yaks, clothes and jewel-lery. Among the Bhutias the father divides hisproperty prior to his death. Marriage ceremonyacts as a pre-inheritance with both partners re-ceiving share of livestock from their parents andclose relatives. The rights of disposal are pre-rogatives of the conjugal family and implicit usu-fructuary privileges are extended to close kin-dred. If there are no sons, adoption (puchop) ofa close relative or anybody from the village ispermitted with the consent of the dzumsha. Theofficial adoption is done by a scroll of a paperkhamza. In special cases where there are onlydaughters, they inherit the father’s property.Heirlooms and other valuables are dividedamongst all the siblings upon the death of thesurviving parent.

Division of Labour

Patterns of gender division are location spe-cific and change over time. Among the Bhutiasboth the men and women share the economicactivities but they do not share the burden equal-ly. The men are responsible for herding and eco-nomic transactions and women are responsiblefor agricultural production and looking after thesmall animals kept at homestead. In the Bhutiahousehold, distribution of authority and divi-sion of labour follows highly elastic pattern, de-pending on the composition of each householdand the working capacities of its members aswas observed by Niamer-Fuller (1994). Accord-ing to him, the actual gender roles in livestockproduction are not always rigidly defined, andthe women are called upon to perform male dutiesmore often than men are called upon to performfemale duties. The male Bhutias following ordersof the pipon take decision about migration datesand the Bhutia females look after the needs of thehousehold members and help their spouses. Boththe spouses and other adult members deal withmatters of kinship, marriage and socialisation ofchildren. Decision to broaden their economicbase and look for earning other means of earn-ing money is an individual family’s concern.

Among the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung,economic activities are clustered into followingcategories: domestic, herding, collecting, trad-ing and other miscellaneous activities. Men usu-ally care for the herds of yak and flocks of sheepand women look after subsistence agriculturewith the help of children. Women involved inagricultural activities, are also responsible forproviding and managing the fundamental ne-cessities of daily life (food, water, fuel, clothing)and are charged with health care, cleaning andchildren in the home.

The division of labour is by sex and age; butthis is not a much formalised do the division,except women practice agriculture and weavingand men the herding. Out of the labour to bedone it may be grouped in the following catego-ries: domestic, agriculture, herding, collectingand other miscellaneous activities.

The primary economic and co-operative unitis the nuclear family with every member takingon responsibilities as soon as he or she is oldenough. In most households the husband andwife can efficiently do all the work, although it isnot easy during the period when there are young


children who must be constantly watched bythe mother until an older child is able to do it forher. A child of ten is considered capable of tak-ing sheep and goats to graze for the day or towatch younger children. Infants are tied into ashawl and carried on the mother’s back whileshe weeds the crops, collects fuel and fodder. Itis also the job of the adult women and teenageboys to clean the animal pens of manure andtake it to the fields. Almost all the women workin the fields. The only agricultural activity theydo not carry out is ploughing.

The work within the household is generallydone by the women and the girls. This includesfood preparation, mending and washing theclothes and looking after the children. Men andwomen share the agricultural work. Herding ismen’s job. It is true that women shepherds donot exist here, however, women look after theirhusbands and family and cook for them whileon migration. When yak milk is brought home,women churn it and prepare butter, cheese etc.Women and children collect arum-roots (tong)and firewood. Firewood, grasses and minor for-est produce are also collected by men when theyare herding the animals. Both sexes participatein the ceremonies but men shoulder the majorresponsibilities

There is practically no task, other than mind-ing small children, which does not require co-operation of both sexes. In the fields the dutiesof the males include preparing soil, digging,ploughing and sowing seeds. While women helpthe men by beating soil after ploughing, manur-ing, weeding, reaping and winnowing.

Instability is relatively constant in the bal-ance between the Bhutias and their livestock.As Stenning noted: Within the life-history of afamily and its herd ... [T]here arises a whole rangeof temporary, partial or potential disequilibriawhich require resolution. (1958: 10). In Lachenand Lachung, the different biological character-istics of herd or flock species; each species re-quiring particular kinds of human management,has certain biological limitations and advantag-es. The social prescriptions and practical con-siderations that govern the division of divisionof labour, the organisation of labour with regardsto livestock is also affected by another set ofbiological and social factors, which being time-dependent, are continually in flux both internal-ly and in relation to each other. The family de-velopment cycle, with its shifting age and gen-

der structure results in changing labour avail-ability and subsistence needs.

All households try to optimise the ratio ofpeople to resources and incorporate males tosupplement the work force. The necessary bal-ance between labour and agro-pastoral activi-ties is achieved in the subsistence economy ofthe Bhutias. This balance is inherently unstabledue to dynamics in human and livestock popu-lation. It is essential to maximise the adult labourforce in order to accomplish both agriculturaland herding responsibilities and recently addedtourism undertaking. Thus, decisions have tobe made accordingly about the number of peo-ple, ratio of sexes and ages and allocation ofduties to extract maximum from the available timeand resources. However, the Bhutias have cer-tain mechanisms for gaining temporary balance.The labour force can be maximised in thesepatrilocal families by birth, adoption and incor-poration. Marriage is not a good option for in-creasing the labour force among the Bhutias ofLachen and Lachung, as it has the opposite re-sult. Subsequent to the marriage of the son, af-ter some time the father has to part with share ofthe property to his married son, so that the soncan start a new household with his spouse. How-ever, it is good for girl’s parents as the boy comesto do service for the girl’s parents for specifiedtime period. To keep labour force in the family,incidences of delayed marriage and delayed sep-aration of offspring from parental householdswere observed among the Bhutias of Lachenand Lachung like the Malian Tamasheq (Randaland Winter 1986), the BaKgalagadi of Botswana(Jerve 1981) and the Gabra of Kenya (Torry 1977).Incorporation of young male relations and prac-tice of bride-service, whereby the bridegroom isobliged to perform bride services, such as tend-ing livestock, for the wife-giving family for aspecified period. When a wife is infertile, polyg-yny is a means to seek an heir; when a woman iswidowed, polygyny (through the mechanism oflevirate that is, the fraternal widow inheritance)is a means to provide her a husband within thefamily retaining her labour and avoiding her sep-aration from the children she has produced fromthe previous marriage. In case of barren mar-riage, adoption (puchop) is allowed in Bhutiasociety. A couple may adopt a close agnate ofthe husband with consent of dzumsha. Childrenare adopted from relatives or close friends. Thesedevices serve to maintain the isolated individu-

28 VEENA BHASIN

al household as viable unit by supplementingits labour pool from outside sources. This alsosolves the subsistence problems of those withmany children and fulfills the labour requirementsof those without. Apart from the need to retainlabour in the household, these social institu-tions effectively delay the splitting of a familythrough bride price and pre-inheritance whichtypically results in imbalances between labourand livestock.

However, to facilitate herding and tendingflocks, functional groups, which migrate togetherto the same place, are formed. The members of afunctional group held each other in economicand social activities. The tents or houses of sucha herding unit are side by side. It is with suchclose neighbours that Bhutias have friendshipand constant interaction. These groups maycontain friends, near relatives or distant ones.These groups are based on interfamily relationsand its pattern keeps on changing as there areno institutionalised cognatic groups or segmen-tary system based on nestling principle. Mar-ried sons initially tend to retain their flocks inthe old herd and stay in the herding unit of theirfather but these are freely broken at any time.

Distribution of authority and division of la-bour among the member show a highly elasticpattern, and it is characteristic that few featuresof organisation are socially imperative and com-mon to all, while many features vary, and reflectthe composition of each household and theworking capacities of its members. Sperling hasshown that the birth order of females and malesin a pastoral family has a critical influence on afamily’ s access to appropriate labour at the righttime, given that livestock management is genderand age-specific (1985). The redistribution oflabour is mediated through specific forms ofsocial and economic organisation which alsoacts as mutual support system.

Family Formation

New families are formed and old familieschange in type when family members adopt newarrangements. Families change in type throughdemographic changes. The gain or loss of mem-bers as the result of births, marriages and deathsoften change a family type. The crucial problemof the continuation and replacement of thehousehold units as a process spanning the gen-erations is that the household units of Bhutias

are based on elementary families. A woman joinsher husband or husbands upon marriage andlives with her in-laws. But the new couple’s pe-riod of residence is usually brief and rarely ex-tends beyond the birth of the first child. Afterthis they establish themselves in separate house-hold. As such they form an independent eco-nomic unit, and to be viable as such they mustpossess the productive property and control thenecessary labour force to pursue the differenteconomic activities. The Bhutia society makesarrangement whereby productive property in theform of land, herds and equipments and addi-tional labour force are provided to secure theviability of newly established incomplete ele-mentary families.

A family’s land and animals are consideredthe property of householder in whose name thehouse is registered and who is the member ofdzumsha. All sons inherit equally. The land in-heritance pattern is such that a father’s land isdivided equally among his sons and their’samong their sons. Though the herd of a house-hold is administered and utilised as a unit, indi-vidual members of the household, usually holdseparate title to the animals. When things aregoing good, fathers frequently give a few ani-mals to their sons and daughters.

Marriage is an important event in the life ofBhutias, and indeed a financial problem for par-ents, who lose their children’s labour, have tofinance their weddings and give them their shareof property. The expense of contributing direct-ly, of setting up the new household is carried bythe groom’s father, who provides a cash bride-price which the bride’s father is expected in partto use to equip his daughters with bakhus(gowns), rugs, blankets, jewellery and house-hold utensils.

In cases where there are no sons, female in-heritance is common. In the absence of maleheirs, a female is kept in the natal family and anadaptive bridegroom is brought in (uxorilocalmarriage). In normal situation, females who mar-ry out receive a portion of their family propertyin the form of a dowry or share. This share how-ever does not include immovable property suchas land.

These customs contribute to the setting upof the married couple in a separate house; butthey do not provide the new household with thenecessary flock. This is achieved by anticipato-ry inheritance, whereby the sons at marriage re-


ceives number of animals from his father’s herdwhich he would receive as an heir after the deathof his father. In such division, the right of widowand unmarried children is recognised; otherwiseonly sons are considered. A man often keeps forhimself a share equal to that allots to each son.

After the death of the father, the remainingestate is divided. If the old man was living with amarried son, or even a married daughter, all house-hold property is regarded as the property of theresident spouses. Heirlooms and other valuablesare divided amongst all the siblings upon thedeath of the surviving parent. If a household isdissolved by the death of its head, his heirs di-vide the property.

In addition to flocks and household proper-ty, the land is passed on while the owner is alive,but is divided by his heirs on his death. Themarried couple can claim the land which is notalready divided and kept for the future genera-tion. An area of 55x55 dhams (Land measure) istemporarily allotted to the married couple. Thisallotment is redistributed and re-allotted afterevery three years. As soon as man gets fieldsand establishes a separate household, he be-comes a dzumsha member and has to fulfill hisdzumsha duties.

A Bhutia of Lachen and Lachung first be-longs to a household that gives him an inherentright to become member of dzumsha and that inturn gives him right to live in the village and tocultivate the land of his forefathers and grazehis herd in the forest. He also belongs to a patri-lineage from which he inherits a network of kin-ship that distinguish relatives from potential af-fines. Patrilineal kinship is the vehicle for thetransmission of some rights and bonds of soli-darity. The patrilineage forms an exogamous unit.The maternal uncle (ashang) has long term re-sponsibilities towards his sister children, partic-ularly his niece after marriage. He is her support-ive relative. He is like a god father, who will lookafter her in case she loses her parents. The sametype of special relationship was observed amongthe Gaddis of Bharmour, Himachal Pradesh be-tween maternal uncle (mama) and sister’s son(bhanja). Newell (1962) described this specialrelationship as method of reconciling the con-flict inherent in any rigorously enforced unilin-eal descent system (Bhasin 1988). The relation-ship between affines is thus a strong and impor-tant one, which people try to maintain throughthe generations and which is used to reinforce

even close matrilateral bonds. The affinal rela-tion in a sense implies shared rights in the wom-an herself. A women’s father or brother havecertain residual rights over her for example, incase of widowhood, she can return to her paren-tal house. Her kinsmen thus retain interest in amarried woman and maintain good relation withher husband. They are: agnatic kinship in a ram-ifying descent system, and matrilateral and affi-nal relations.

Marriage

Among Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung,marriages are locally endogamous, but marriag-es with closely related individuals are prohibit-ed. Few marriages have been conducted withnon-local women. Tradition prohibited marriag-es between close kinsmen-a custom that appearsto have been honoured till now. Thus minimaldescent lines cannot perpetuate their affinal alli-ances across adjacent generations. In otherwords, the children of two sibling sets, unitedthrough one or more marriages, are barred frommarrying one another. The preferential local en-dogamous marriages influence the formation ofinstitutionalised, intravillage affinal factions andraise a potential crop of helpmates in their af-fines. Analysed as a particular case of descentgroup organisation, the Bhutia structure wouldseem to be highly fluid, extremely” loose” andrather enigmatic.

In Bhutia society, the household and thebusti as an entity influence all aspects of sociallife. The whole Bhutia society is a composite ofoverlapping egocentric kindreds. The diversi-fied kinship ties bind together the householdsin an emergent entity-the busti.

By tradition, marriages are arranged by theparents of the boy and the girl, but the wishes ofboth are also respected. Three types of marriagepatterns are prevalent among Bhutias viz. mo-nogamy, polyandry and polygyny. All threetypes of marriages have been taking place formany generations, and changes are only in re-gard to the relative number of each. The basicrituals and ceremonies performed for these mar-riage types remains the same. Marriage ceremo-nies are important social events where relativesand friends join. The ceremony is financed bythe boy’s parents and held at their home. Theinitiative for the alliance is always from the boy’sside. Perhaps a boy has seen a girl at a gompa

30 VEENA BHASIN

festival and is interested in her. The boy’s fatherapproaches the girl’s parents, who weigh thepros and cons of the alliance. If it clicks, theyagree to perform ‘nung-chan’ (asking for a girl).Marriage rituals are traditionally elaborate andfestive, officiated by a pipon (dzumsha chief) asopposed to Buddhist lamas.

Both Lachenpas and Lachungpas are endog-amous groups. Before the closure of the Tibet-an border, marriages used to take place with Ti-betans also. There are no structural groupingslike caste or class among the Bhutias of Lachenand Lachung. The individual households arerelated by unilateral consanguinal ties. The sit-uation becomes more complex and relations over-lap as the marriages within the society occurregularly. The endogamous marriages in theBhutia society necessarily establish potentialalliances, thus giving rise to factions. Thoughmarriages are contracted randomly, the differ-ences in family size or number of boys in familydo create latent affinal groupings. For examples,at the time of marriage bride price is paid. A fam-ily with few sons or only one is able to pay agreater bride price and is always a welcomecatch. A family with many sons is unable to paythe required bride price, and so naturally theboys cannot have desired girls. These little thingsare the source of latent tensions. Though Bhu-tias emphasise that they have no preferentialmarriages, nevertheless, preference for an onlyson offering a good bride price is always there.Similarly, the girl from a rich family is soughtbecause at the time of yancyapshea (marriage)the bride’s parents give bakhus (the girl’s dress)and the numbers of bakhus increase with thestatus of the parents. They also give dyapa (kindof shawl mode of local wool), a long coat, one ortwo yaks, one or two horses and cash present.But the wedding expenses are borne by the boy’sparents.

The so-called Bhutia equality can also beseen in the method of land distribution. In La-chung, people redistribute the fields every yearby drawing lots. The richer people draw for thelarger plots and poorer villagers for the smallones. Grazing lands are divided similarly. At thetime of feast sponsored by plaintiff and defen-dant or other community feasts the pipon andvillage elders always receive preferential treat-ment. In all these activities, there is only a formalemphasis on equality, which works to the ad-vantage of the rich. As such the distinction be-

tween rich and poor does exist but it is not insti-tutionalised and there is no structured class sys-tem. Apparently, all form of conflict is avoided.However, the differences in family size and wealthdo create latent affinal groupings but they arenot recognised as operative groups.

Earlier, Bhutias with more sons and limitedresources went in for fraternal polyandry as thedominant from of marriage. Though fraternalpolyandry functioned to conserve land and la-bour in the family yet it managed to produce apool of unmarried females. However, accordingto traditional inheritance laws, each male hasrights to a portion of his family’s land.

Despite the lack of development, the age-old system of utilisation of land and herds alongwith the isolation of the region, the Bhutias ofLachen and Lachung have undergone substan-tial and fundamental changes. New economicopportunities that do not require significant in-vestment are available. The result has been thedisintegration of the traditional polyandrous fam-ily and marriage system. Apparently, these ar-eas look traditional and undeveloped, but thissuperficial appearance is deceptive. Their socialand economic structures are in the process ofirreversible change as an indirect consequenceof changes in India.

Encampment

These encampments of Lachenpas are in realsense the primary communities of Bhutia soci-ety; they correspond to busties of Bhutias inLachung. The members of encampment make upa clearly bounded social group; their relation toeach other as continuing neighbours are rela-tively constant while other contracts are gov-erned by chance. Every day the members of theencampment must agree in their decision on thevital question of economic strategies, such asdivision of cultivable land at different places,grazing facilities, seasonal migration of commu-nities and other social matters.

Such agreements are achieved by mutualconsent through compromise by all concerned.The composition of encampment will thus indi-rectly be determined by the available meanswhereby the movements of economically inde-pendent household can be controlled and ordi-nate. In a sense, an encampment does not con-sist of permanent members, but is always a sta-ble group. This is simplified by the existence of


pipon (headman) and dzumsha (village council).Both the communities are governed by head-men (pipon), by the council of village elders andby an assembly of all the people.

As previously discussed that the Bhutiasof Lachen/Lachung have communal forest/pas-tures and agricultural and with family owner-ship of land but with strong community regula-tion of land usage. The encampment is an im-portant land holding unit. Though, the arableland is held by individual families, the work pat-tern is managed by village council (dzumsha).The sowing and harvesting are synchronized atmeeting of the dzumsha so as to utilise the fal-low land as common pastures. There is no dif-ferential access to resources through private andownership and no specialisation of labour be-yond that by sex; hence no market system tointervene in the direct relationship between pro-duction and consumption. The basic principleof this type of society is that people make deci-sions about the activities for which they are re-sponsible. Consensus is reached within when-ever group is carrying out a collective activity.However, the system does not depend on anydelegation of power from high to low.

Social Network

Though the household is the smallest andmost important unit of production and consump-tion in the Bhutia society, there are activitiesthat demand collective participation viz., roof-ing, marriage, birth and funeral ceremonies andcommunal works like repairing of paths, con-struction of gompa, dzumsha house etc. In anarrow sense the household unit might be calledthe economic unit, but it is not self-sufficient,and participation in a wider group in necessary.The Bhutia households supply and receivegoods and services, to and from each other onregular basis. They range from consumer goods,food items to labour. Between family and friendsthere is no question of charging money for suchthings. These relations are of exchange and rec-iprocity type. Polanyi (1944) defined three typesof exchange: reciprocity, redistribution and mar-ket exchange. Among the Bhutias, it exists in theform of reciprocity and it means the non-eco-nomical transfers between friends and relations.The Bhutias’ reliance on family and friends isgreat as they count these people as resources.

During periods of relative stability or prosperityhouseholds are likely to invest in these institu-tions (through gift giving etc.) as a means ofconforming their right to make claims againstthem in time of needs. Lomnitz described it as“the reciprocity network.” According to Lom-nitz, “this is not a social group or institution;rather it is a social field defined by an intenseflow of reciprocal exchange between neigh-bours” (Lomnitz 1977: 20).

Co-operation is found among neighbourswho may or may not be kinsmen. There is alsomutual assistance even when co-operation isnot essential to the performance of a task, forexample, in weeding and harvesting, for it isconventional to ask people for help, the obliga-tion to assist being part of customary relation-ships. It must be understood, that all economicactivities in agriculture, grazing and migrationsof the community passively participates in themby the dictates of the head of the dzumsha-pi-pon and elders who decide the dates of depar-ture and arrival to appointed places. All the Bhu-tias can carry out their economic activities, be-cause they are members of dzumsha signifyingtheir belongingness to community. The socialorganisation dictated by traditions and customsof the Bhutia community has potential strengthfor coordination and security necessary for ac-complishing the functions of its productive sys-tem. All the people of the village have commoneconomic interests. It must be emphasised thatenvironmental conditions and transhumant wayof life necessitates relations beyond the limitsof a village.

Though, the inherent need for cooperationis less evident among the Bhutias but in case ofneed, standing groups larger than the house-holds yet smaller than the village are available.As households are in need, they tend to makeclaims for assistance (in the form of labour orresources) on other households within the bus-ti. These are adhoc gatherings of relatives andfriends impermanent united to assist a person inwhose interest the group carries out a definedjob. Chuchi, the mutual aid group consists al-most entirely of groups of neighbours, kinsmenrelated in one way or another to the personsconcerned. It is important to note that thesemutual aid groups are not based on kinship ingeneral, but on residential and customary line.Kin are special people, who can be relied uponbut mutual aid groups are more important in the

32 VEENA BHASIN

working of society. The Bhutias include rela-tives on both sides as their kinsmen. Close rela-tives like mother’s brother, father’s sister or fa-ther’s brother are invited by dompo (invitation).People from daro (friendship) group, also sup-plement labour in case of need. The help extend-ed by friends at marriages, funerals etc. is calledthogram. It is with such close neigbours thatBhutias have friendship and constant interac-tion. These groups may contain friends, nearrelatives or distant ones. These groups arebased on interfamily relations and its patternkeeps on changing as there are no institutiona-lised cognatic groups or segmentary systembased on nestling principle. Some neighboursmay be excluded from this group not for anystigma or status factors but because they justdo not fall in the customary line of relation for-mation. All families of the group are obliged togive each other gifts of foodstuffs, and person-al labour at times of festivity or need. Help isneeded at the time of house building or repair-ing, at various times of the agricultural cycle,and in the preparation and serving of large scalehospitality. They give money and grains as con-tributions to each other’s hospitality expensesat time of marriage, birth, illness and death. Theymay also be called upon for help or contribu-tions in unusual situations of need. Contingentexpenditure, contribution of gifts and labour areseen as investments and are fully reciprocal overtime.

A person can be a participant in more thanone group. Whenever the situation arises forco-operative work, according to the nature ofthe work, a message is transmitted by the house-hold member to the members of the group. Onthe stipulated day, the members arrive early inthe morning and start working. No one is theleader of the party; everybody knows what todo and does it accordingly. If it is a male workinggroup, women will come to prepare the food tobe served at the end of the work. Snacks and teaare provided during day time and in the eveningchhang and a meal is served. The structure ofthe group exists in the “cognitive map” of thepeople. But it is not a regular, corporate and in-stitutionalized group. In house building, oneperson from each household of the group, pref-erably a man, is informed. If the head cannotcome, he sends his substitute. If the work loadis heavy, both men and women are invited. Achild cannot replace the person provided he has

a valid reason for this absence, and the wageswill be paid by the person who is unable to re-ciprocate the labour. A person from anothergroup may not be welcome as replacement ifrelations between the host and replacement arenot cordial. It may be concluded that as suchthere is no replace ability without a valid reason.If a person absconds from such reciprocal obli-gations without a valid reason he may be takento dzumsha. Though chuchi is an informal group,violation of its rules may lead it to formal level.However, this rarely happens, as it is consid-ered bad to create ill-will in such a small commu-nity. Thus we may say that among Lachenpasand Lachungpas, these are customary “quasi”groups- mutual aid groups based on reciprocity,bigger than the household and smaller than thevillage which emerge at the time of need or someexigency. The environmental conditions andpastoral pursuits cause modes of dispersal andconcentration and this seasonal movement caus-es wide interdependence, which is met withinthese customary quasi-groups, creating a senseof community and preparedness to cooperate.

All families of these groups are obliged togive gifts, khadas (white scarves) and bottle ofliquor. These relationships are somewhat asym-metrical to the economically autonomous nucle-ar family. Though family units are private prop-erty holding units, yet the production from theproperty has an important collective dimensioninvolving the labour of neighbours, kin andfriends.

Besides these quasi-group involvement eachfamily is involved in busti reciprocity with a wis-er group- the members of the dzumsha with whomone has obligations of token exchange. Partici-pation in this wider network, as well as the smallergroup is basic to full membership in the commu-nity. The busti reciprocity emerges at the time ofdeath. It is compulsory of the members of thedzumsha to be represented at the thurey (crema-tion grouds) with their essential contributionsof wood, grain and butter5. The busti people donot give personal labor to one another on recip-rocatory basis. If one needs labour beyond hischuchi, one has to hire people from the busti,who are ready to work for money or food. Theboundaries of the chuchi effectively mark thelimits of one’s reciprocal aid-relationship.

Apart from the above, there are specialfriends who are part of a co-operative enterprise.These persons may or may not be from the same


neighbourhood. A certain degree of intimacy isthe basis of daro (friendship) relationship andinvolves the giving of help, including materialitems and services, as well as psychological sup-port. Loans of basic food stuffs (small amountsof barley, salt, tea, candles and matches) occurregularly within the encampment and reflect theneed for mutually supporting exchanges in anenvironment isolated from the market. The loansare taken and paid back on frequent basis. Loansof meat and dairy products are less common.However, wealthier neighbours or relatives domake the gifts of meat and dairy products topoorer household. Although characterised asloans, they in fact constitute a food security netfor the receiving households who usually arenot able to pay back. Among close relatives,such relation is implicit rather than explicit butsuch relations between non-related householdsare based on the exchange of labour for live-stock products. The exchange of goods and ser-vices through informal networks of kins andfriends is significant in the life of the Bhutias.The pattern of such networks is the key elementin the economic structure. These social networkscan be seen as an adaptive response to variabil-ity of transhumant way of life that is both pre-dictable and unpredictable change.

Each family contributes to the ceremoniesperformed at the busti gompa. Compulsory workand contributions are expected when festivalsare held and ritual performed to ward off evilspirits and natural calamities.

SOCIO-POLITICAL SYSTEM

The indigenous systems of prestige andpower in these two societies are based on rela-tive egalitarianism, as these societies are largelyunstratified. These systems differ from “kinshipsocieties” as well as there are no divisive char-acteristics of a kinship system overpowering thesocio-political system. There are no social class-es, and the whole population carries out the samekind of economic activities. Normally there is nohereditary political authority, rank or status. It islargely open to any man to advance himself so-cially by his own merit and charismatic qualities.Here is a case of society where social and polit-ical systems overlap and the political systemhas strains of democratic republic.

The socio-political system of the Bhutias ofLachen and still conforms to the age-old system

of community organisation. Both communitiesare governed by the dzumsha (village council).The dzumsha’s council of representatives (lhey-na) is composed of the headmen (pipon), thecouncil of village elders and an assembly of allthe people. The administration through dzum-sha started in these societies in the early 19th

century in order to provide structural cohesive-ness in these far-flung societies which were awayfrom the rules of the Sikkim’s central authority.Similar cases of self- governance were reportedamong Te of Nepal (Ramble 1990) and Nyi-Shangof Nepal (Sagant 1990); the Changpas ofChangthang Ladakh (Bhasin 2011). Tradition-ally, the Chogyal of Sikkim recognised the dzum-sha and pipon (village chief) of Lachen and La-chung and used these means of delegating hisauthority. Though, the administrative systemdzumsha is inherited from the past, it has sur-vived to this time by adapting itself to changingcircumstances. After the integration of Sikkimwith the Indian Union, the valleys of Lachenand Lachung were spared the imposition of thePanchayat system. The dzumsha was officiallyrecognised by the Government of India in 1985and continues to prove its worth till today byadapting itself to changing conditions. Howev-er, in case of Nyi-Shing in Nepal, the Panchayatsystem was imposed on the obtainable systemin 1977.

Dzumsha (Village Council)

The dzumsha is the traditionl administrativesystem of the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung,which literally means gathering place. It is anassembly composed of the heads of the sepa-rate household. The dzumsha corresponds tothe council of members referred to as lheyna. Itis composed of pipon, gen-me, chepas andgyapon. These heads of the households havea voting right to select two pipon. Membershipand affiliation in dzumsha is founded on the for-mal recognition of both descent and residencerules. A person is allowed to sit in the dzumshaassembly, if he has fulfilled his duties as a mem-ber of the society. This assembly meets in a publichall-mong-khyim. Special community events arecelebrated here and it serves as a focal meetingplace for the people. The dzumsha election takesplace yearly. It elects two pipon (headmen), twogyapans, who act as constables, messengers andodd job men and two chepa, who act as store-

34 VEENA BHASIN

keeper assistants. The chepa are recent addi-tion to village administration, as no previousaccounts are available about these. Village el-ders gen-me (Gen-elder, Me-men) and genthi-lenge (respectively known among the Lachen-pas and Lachugpas) assist pipon in the effec-tive working of village administration. Their num-ber varies from three to five. Previously therewere eighteen elders among the Lachenpas.

Functions of the Dzumsha

The dzumsha exercised three functions: landholding, resource management and communityorganisation. However, all three functions are infact normally exercised through committee, thecommunity representatives. Another duty of theassembly is that of assigning who is going tojoin gompa to become a monk.

The dzumsha has many social responsibili-ties to fulfill. It has strong judicial role. It set uprules to be followed by all the people. The imple-mentation and enforcement of the rules is alsothe duty of the dzumsha. As these rules werenot compiled, the enforcement was not proper.In 1991, these rules were on paper in the regis-ter-deb-chen. The Bhutias abide by the rules ofthe dzumsha. Before the opening of Police Sta-tion in the area, the dzumsha had the authorityto arrest the person in case of his criminal activ-ities. The Bhutias can be fined for being late forthe dzumsha meeting or being absent from it with-out a valid reason; for not following the dates ofmigration for agricultural and pastoral activities;for not participating in community work or fornot contributing cash or kind to the communitycause; for not contributing butter for the gom-pa’s lamps and for their absence at thurey (cre-mation ground) with their essential contributionsof wood, butter and grain. In the course of time,some new rules have been added like the peopleare not allowed to attend the dzumsha meetingsor dances at gompa under the influence of alco-hol. The Bhutias are fined for fighting, gamblingetc.

After the integration of Sikkim with India,there is change in the administrative set-up andthe duties of the dzumsha have increased. Thedzumsha has to look after the interest of its peo-ple for using resources in the area as these re-sources are also being shared by the army es-tablishment. The loss of Tibetan pasture afterthe closure of border is overtaxing the existing

resources in Sikkim. New forest rules and re-strictions on collection of natural forest producehave continuously reduced the extent of forestuse by the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung. Asa result of this the Bhutias are opting for tour-ism, contract work and government jobs.

Dzumsha ghar or Mong-khyim

Dzumsha ghar or mong-khiym is a placewhere the Lachungpas meet to discuss theirproblems, to hear the authorities, to elect a pi-pon and to take important decisions.

Pipon keshe (Election)

In this democratic form of government, thepublic elect pipon by voting* (damto), in De-cember after the Lama dance. The first electionof the pipon took place in 1978-79, before thatthe pipon was nominated by the group of re-spected, responsible and honest people(theumi). In Lachen two pipon, are elected forthe administration of the society. There are noofficial members in the pipon system. However,each pipon is assisted by one gyapon who actas constable, messengers and odd job man. Thegyapon are selected by the pipon. The chepaare selected by the public by lottery system.The pipon lochee (tenure) is for eleven months.In this short period he has to prove his calibre.The tenure has been reduced from three yearsto eleven months, as the post of pipon does notcarry any remuneration and a person has to sac-rifice his own work in favour of public work. Thepost carries a lot of prestige, but no economicprivileges, thought the possession of greaterthan average wealth may be a criterion of thequalities or status required for pipon’s post, forin this economically homogeneous egalitariansociety, accumulation of wealth depends on per-sonal qualities. The elders who assist pipon areex-pipon, one ajopao (shaman or sorcerer) andone Lama.

In Lachung, as there are three busties, onepipon looks after Shertchu and Singring bustiesand the other is the administrative head of Bee-chu busti. Because of the topography of therevenue block and distance between busties, twopipon are essential for better administration.Moreover, the migration of Lachungpa to Khed-um, Leema and Lothen, for agriculture can bebetter looked after by pipon. Both the pipon


take care of their respective busti problems dur-ing migration and non-migration periods. (Fordetails see Bhasin 1990). The gen-me are alsoelected.

The dzumsha meetings are called to conductpublic business. The most important decisionsregarding the economic strategies are taken bythe dzumsha, such as division of cultivable landat different places, grazing facilities, seasonalmigrations of communities and other social mat-ters. The dzumsha is the perfect form of demo-cratic government, wherein all decisions are tak-en by the consent of the people of the communi-ty.

Disputes, arising chiefly from the theft ofgarden crops, animals and women that is, adul-tery and related offences are tried to solve bythe pipon and the village elders informally. Theyalways try to solve disputes at this level. If itcannot be solved at this level, then the case isofficially brought to mong-khyim. A rupee andkhada is paid as a court fee by both parties.Even here, a committee is formed and mediationis tried to reach a compromise. If the settlementis not agreeable to both the parties, then theofficial procedure takes its course. The trimptonsor a jury of ten persons including two pipon areselected; one of the trimptons is head Lama(chutimpa) and another sorcerer-ajopao. Theyall come to mong-khyim with their beddings, asthey are not allowed to move out during theproceedings which may last from two to ten days.

All will take oath from the chutimpa and ajo-pa. The house is divided into two groups forand against. Both parties plead their case andthe trial is held inside the mong-khyim. If anagreement is reached the guilty party is fined. Itthe agreement is not acceptable to him he canapply to the Deputy Commissioner through thepipon, but this rarely happens. The pipon has aseal and he can forward the sealed papers of theproceedings of the case of the Deputy Commis-sioner at Mangan.

Powers, Authority and Duties of Pipon

The pipon as head of its people is alwaystreated by his subjects with a good deal of out-ward respect. He can decide upon communitypolicy and make regulations binding upon hissubjects. However, the pipon is more concernedwith maintaining the existing laws than to mod-ify them. He determines upon and arranges for

the execution of all important public works. Muchof his time is spent in the dzumsha house, wherehe listens to news, petitions and complaints frompeople, and given order for whatever action maybe necessary. He must protect the rights of hissubjects, provide justice for the oppressed andpunish wrong doers. He controls the distribu-tion and use of the tribal land, organises largecollective feasts, and regulates grazing timingsand those for sowing and harvesting crops. Withthe extension of the Indian Penal Code, the pi-pon’s administrative duties have increased to agreat extent. He is responsible to the administra-tion for maintaining law and order, preventingcrime and collecting revenue. He must carry outall official orders and instructions from above.He is expected to co-operate with the DistrictCommissioner and its office in all sorts of eco-nomic, social and educational developmentalschemes. His formerly undivided control overevery aspect of public life has thus been divid-ed among various governmental departmentswith superior authority. To meet the individualexpenditure of his own visits to Gangtok or Man-gan, he has to spend from his own pocket. How-ever, during the visits of VIPs or senior govern-ment officials, feasts are arranged from the pub-lic fund. People contribute to this fund in thehope that the pipon will persuade officials toprovide for more developmental schemes andsubsidies. Besides contributing money to thisfund, people help in arranging the feast, erect-ing welcome arches, burning of “dhoop” (in-cense) and presenting scarves etc. In this waypeople show their faith in the pipon and the el-ders.

The pipon has to generate funds by othermeans also. Every year, during lhosar festival inthe month of December, Lamas perform ritualsand pooja (prayer) for the community welfare.Everybody in the village participates in this bycontributing one phe (a measure) of rice, chur-rah (parched cereals), chhang (local drink), ghee(clarified butter), vegetable, meat etc. to the go-mpa. The pipon and his family have to look afterthe people and the arrangements for the feast.The contributions are utilised for food and ritu-als, and what remains is auctioned. The dak (auc-tion) takes place at Mong-khyim after the com-pletion of pooja and other celebrations, the high-est bidder gets the things and the money raisedthrough dak is deposited in the same publicfund.

36 VEENA BHASIN

Collection of taxes is another duty of the pi-pon. The pipon, with the assistance of thegyapon collects government levies such as landrevenue and forest tax, and is the representativeof the community in government dealings. Thereis no prescribed schedule or rules for the impos-ing taxes. It is at the discretion of the pipon. Hehas to deposit a lump-sum of money as revenueto authorities. People have faith in the pipon,that whatever he demands is fair. The individu-als, who do not want to migrate with their ani-mals to the winter place, have to seek permis-sion of the pipon and pay extra money for thegrass, as the grass belongs to the community.People have to start moving for grazing on thedate fixed by the pipon. Whosoever breaks therule is fined by the pipon depending on the num-ber of animals he possesses. Nowadays, the pi-pon has also to regulate the collection of jata-manshi and kutiki (minor forest produce). Fromthe last ten to twelve years all the villagers startfor collection at the same time. Previously, peo-ple were not bothered with the minor economicactivity because other sources of income weresufficient for subsistence.

The pipon plays an important role in negoti-ating the compensation when the governmentacquires land of the Bhutias for road construc-tion. The pipon also plays a crucial role in tak-ing action against those who violates the law oftheir society. He has the authority to fine fromRs.20 to Rs.5000 or 100 strokes of the cane. Peo-ple appreciate the pipon’s services and honourhim by offering gifts- “chhang-ring” likescarves, chhang and money. This gesture fromthe villagers puts the pipon in good spirits.

People who pay no heed to the dzumsha arethreatened by social boycott and removal of theirnames from the dzumsha roll-call. Social boy-cott is a disaster in these areas, where the prom-inence of the dzumsha is supreme. This type ofsocio-political system derive from the culturalfact that all decisions, to a greater or lesser ex-tent, involve people who are bound to each oth-er in a network of common obligations and cul-tural goals. Law, as a social phenomenon, can-not be easily separated from its cultural matrix.

Kyarzthoo Dentuk (Impeachment of Pipon andSelection of New One)

Though the pipon is an executive head, andhas a lot of power and authority, he is not the

supreme authority. To check him, the village el-ders are always there. If he tries to misuse hispower or is corrupt, a vote of no confidence ispassed and he is removed from office. In thisregard village elders are more powerful than thepipon. If people are not satisfied with the pi-pon’s administration, meeting is called by vil-lage elders, and the pipon is asked to appear.This process of impeachment is called piksheand the election of a new pipon before the com-pletion of the term of old one is called kyarzi-hoo dentuk.

Apart from legal recourse, in case of moreserious offences the Bhutias avail the servicesof the pau (sorcerer) to discover by divinationand punish the guilty party. The pau performscho-chapshe, which is considered a very pow-erful weapon, the curse of which is believed toaffect nine generations. Cho-chapshe is per-formed wherever an individual or group is ac-cused of crimes against society which have tobe punished by the devils. The crimes could beembezzling of public funds, disobeying of pi-pon’s order, a big theft in the area or abductionof an engaged girl by somebody not engaged toher. Cho-chapshe can be employed against thepipon also, if he betrays his people or is guiltyof fraud or nepotism.

Confronted with extraordinary or continual-ly repeated offences, the villagers act as a cor-porate group and exact penalties, otherwise mosttransgressions are viewed simply as acts againstindividuals, which compel the person concernedto rally the support of his friends and close kins-men, to a dzumsha meeting for the mediation ofpipon and elders. The Bhutias have gompa so-ciety, to look after ritual offences.

Intra-village violence, if not negligible, isrestricted. Village elders and kinsmen exert in-formal influence upon both parties to exchangetokens of goodwill and cease hostilities. Theparties, under the force of public opinion andvillage morality often suspend hostilities on theirown. The coherence, integrity and solidarity ofthe village are preserved as there are no intra-village groups and there are no institutions togive rise to rivalries. As there are no competitivegroups, individual antagonists have no groupbacking. But in contrast, loyalty to the commu-nity takes precedence over any issue in which itis involved. To understand the organisation ofBhutia society, the central role of individualhousehold in the conduction of daily life must


be appreciated. A caste and/ or class system hasnot developed as there are no cultural and eco-nomic divergences.

Mechanism Which Lead to Settlement

Underlying these customary laws, which putpressure on the parties to settle a dispute, is theconstant pressure of common residence. Forcommon residence implies a necessity to co-operate in maintaining peace, and that peace in-volves some recognition of the demands of lawand morality. It also involves mutual tolerance.These demands are backed by constant inter-marriages which go on in a limited area. TheBhutia are lined in a web of kinship ties and newmeshes are constantly being woven in this webwith each marriage. These webs of ties unitemembers to form groups. Local groups havecommon local interests.

These common local interests are recipro-cated by category of arbitrators who may becalled on to help settle disputes. The arbitratorsare village elders. Though they have no forcefulpower of coercion, but related by kinship andcommon interests. The agreement is generallyand easily reached and compensation paid orpromised. The kinship status of “elders” is theconjoint between kinship and politics.

Conflicts are a part of social life and customappears to exacerbate these conflicts: but indoing so customs also restrain the conflicts fromdestroying the whole social order (Gluckman1960: 2). Smaller societies have such well estab-lished and well known codes of morals and laws,of convention and ritual.

Mechanism which lead to settlement of con-flicts are the ecological necessities which forcepeople to co-operate; the narrow limits of econ-omy which force them to work in groups for theproduction of food; common residence and;code of conduct. On the one hand they havecustomary law and code of conduct and on theother their socio-political system has character-istic of a Democratic Republic where impeach-ment of the pipon is possible, if his work is notsatisfactory.

Status of Women

Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung are follow-ers of Buddhism. Buddhists on the whole havea more liberal attitude towards women, particu-

larly in respect of their work. Buddhist womendo not observe Purdah. In the matters of di-vorce and remarriage of widows too, they exhib-it much less rigidity of attitude. In Hinduism, awoman has no individuality of her own and herposition in the society is generally as wife ormother. Buddhism stands for individual rightsfor women and secular conception of marriage.Marriage, according to Buddhism, is essentiallya mundane affair, something of a social contractwith the right to divorce. Though, marriage isnot regarded as a sacrament, yet it plays an im-portant part in the life of the people, as it is acontract as well as an institution with definesrights and duties. Buddhist law favours theequality of sexes and in many ways treats mar-riage as creating partnership in goods (ShyamKumari Nehru “Legal form of marriage in India”c.f. Indian Women Though the Ages- P. Tho-mas).

The status of women can be ascertained byeducational achievements of women, legal rightsand status given to them, employment opportu-nities and demographic characteristics of wom-en in socio-cultural terms. If we see Bhutia wom-en in regard to their educational achievements,legal and political rights, employment opportu-nities and demographic characteristics, they donot have high status. Literacy rate among Bhu-tia female is a low as 13.35 per cent in compari-son to Bhutia male literacy rate of 37.33 (Bhasin1990) against India’s female’s literacy rate of24.82. Girls are not sent to school as they areneeded at home to look after the small childrenor to other odd jobs at home. The sex ratio amongBhutias of Lachen and Lachung is 965 whichindicate the excess of males in the population.

The Bhutias women’s lack of control overresources and lesser say in a community life maygive impression of a lower status but their con-cealed power in the working of society is notdenied.

In traditional Bhutia community, the womenhave an important role to play. Gender princi-ples are central to the organisation of traditionalcommunities. Gender and the division of labourthat depends on its recognition, are decisive el-ements giving mountain societies stability andcohesiveness (Illich 1982; Abu-Lughod 1985).The analysis of women’s status in society isinseparable from the analysis of social-econom-ic structure as a whole. There are complex cul-tural and social processes which are operative

38 VEENA BHASIN

at the village level, and the linkage which existsbetween them, effect the position of women. Forinstance economic and social mobility affectthose processes, various development pro-grammes of rural change introduced by the gov-ernment and voluntary organisation affect theposition of women at different economic andsocial levels.

All families have a recognised head, whichrepresents the household in dealing with dzum-sha and busti matters and strangers. In the jointfamily or incomplete family, the senior male isthe head. Only where there are no adult malemembers in the household, is a women regardedas the head of the household. The male controlof animals creates a predilection for patri-orien-tation in residence, filiations and heritage. It alsotends to reduce the social role of the womenthough not their economic value. In respect ofdecision in the sphere of household activitiesthere is much equality between men and womenand the various divisions which affect thehousehold are taken to mutual adjustments.

It can be concluded from the above descrip-tion that among the Bhutias, ‘busti’ is an admin-istration and jural unit. It remains the most inclu-sive level of political activity. It is recognised bythe Indian Government as an electoral ward andwithin its limits as a self-governing community.It has its own headman pipon, its own means forsettling disputes and effecting collective deci-sions. Dzumsha is the village body, formed bythe head of each household. Dzumsha is a localcommunity-based village-governance system.Dzumsa is a formal legal body that is elected/selected by the villagers, and has well definedrole (written in deb chen) on socio-religious andsocio-economic prospects and issues, socio-political situations and challenges, resourceownership and land use systems, and resourceextraction and use.

CONCLUSION

Communities like Lachenpas and Lachung-pas whose food production activities involvevariable localities and settlements “are actuallyconceptual isolates rather than being fully self-sufficient system” (Frantz 1982: 57). It seems moreprobable that ecological adaptations are the de-termining variable (in the sense of a limited num-ber of options available) and the Bhutias re-sponded by exploiting one or another adapta-

tion based on economical, political and otherconsiderations. Here, adaptation has been un-derstood as a process whereby the Bhutias ofLachen and Lachung have modified their social,cultural and economic life to suit the needs ofthe new setting that is, after the closure of theTibetan border and integration of Kingdom ofSikkim with Indian Union.

In a land use strategy perspective, theseadaptations are necessarily interdependent.Historically, the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachunghave proven resilient to pressures. However, inthe last century, their economic systems haveexperienced many socio-economic changes thathave increased vulnerability of local livelihoods.The current drives of changes that affected thesystem’s components and indicators of vulner-ability are the socio-political factors. The keyfactors of socio-economic changes have beenthe change of governance and introduction ofdevelopment plans in the area. The livelihood ofthe Bhutias has always been dependent on thenatural resources and sensitive to climatechange. However, such events can be easily sep-arated from the major issues like pasture degra-dation and policy changes. The Bhutias havealways known and felt that their lives are affect-ed by harsh climate and variability in the climatein the past also. However, social-political fac-tors of closure of border after Indo-China war,shrinkage of pasture, stationing of army, restric-tion of grazing in border areas and opening ofarea to the tourists have brought changes in theBhutias’ life. Adaptation is a necessary strate-gy at all levels to compliment changes. Accord-ing to Burton et al. (1993), the term adaptationcovers eight categories: bearing losses (doingnothing), sharing losses, modifying the threatand thus preventing effects, changing use,changing location, assessing new researchbased technologies, disseminating knowledgethrough education to behaviour and restoration.Others have classified adaptation as anticipato-ry and reactive adaptation, private and publicadaptation and autonomous and planned adap-tation (IPCC 2001).

In high altitude areas like Lachen and La-chung where ecological production is highlyvariable over time and heterogeneous in space,indigenous land tenure systems rests on main-taining flexibility of access to critical grazing,browse and other resources by means of mobil-ity over a large grazing source which is held in


common. This common grazing source is actual-ly undividable, in view of the fact that risks arepooled at the level of the social group as a guardagainst individual failure. It is true that commonproperty rights are constraints on development,but compared with alternative (private) forms ofland tenure, indigenous tenure arrangementsrepresent the best guarantee of sustained opti-mal resource exploitation by herding communi-ties under unpredictable varying ecological con-dition (Standford 1983; Swift 1988; Dyson-Hud-son and McCabe 1990; Niamir 1990).

This line of reasoning suggests that the plan-ners for development should start from and buildon indigenous land tenure arrangements thatare adapted to ecological variability (PALD 1993).

The recently emerging ‘new ecology’ ques-tions the core assumption of the science of ecol-ogy, including that of equilibrium ecological the-ory (Botkin 1990; Allen and Hoekstra 1992). Clas-sical equilibrium theory is unable to capture theuncertainty and variability in arid ecosystem(Behnke et al. 1993; Scoones 1994) making suchconcepts as carrying capacity and stocking rateineffective in predicting ecosystem productivi-ty and dynamics at the scale necessary for locallevel management. Davis (2004) makes a distinc-tion between ‘coping strategies’ (fall back mech-anisms to deal with short-term insufficiency offood) and ‘adaptive strategies’ (long term orpermanent changes in the ways in which house-holds and individuals acquire sufficient food orincome). Coping mechanisms involve social,economic and institutional preparedness to dealwith social effects of climatic disasters. In caseof excessive snow, the government and non-government organisations come to their rescue.However, after the closure of border and sta-tioning of army in the area, the Bhutias facedsupply-induced scarcity, when the previouslyused resources across the border declined inquantity, individuals and households faced dif-ficulties in gaining and maintaining access tosufficient food, they did not rely on short termsof coping, they also looked for alternative meansof earning livelihood. The domestic livestock ofLachen and Lachung was threatened due to thereduced grazing niche already occupied by largebodied herbivores.

During the reigns of chogyals, these areaswere isolated due to its geographical positionand lack of communication. For their sustenancethe Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung depended

on the natural resources which were managed inan institutionalised way through dzumsha. Thechogyal gave concessions for grazing and wildharvesting. The dzumsha strictly banned poach-ing of musk deer and other animals. If poachingrules are broken, one would have to pay fine oreven could face extradition from the dzumsha.To conserve bioresources, the chogyal regulat-ed hunting with the help of religious belief, whichdisallowed the consumption of meat at a speci-fied time which coincided with the breeding sea-son of birds and animals. When the Indian Wild-life (protection) Act 1972 became applicable inSikkim, the State Forest Department along withthe dzumsha, declared ban on hunting, organ-ised trap demolition and apprehended MuskDeer poachers. The dzumsha along with gompaauthorities banned wild extraction of honey.These institutions were also responsible for con-servation of water sources-chulumbo or devith-ans for wildlife. Like the Changpas of Changth-ang, Ladakh, the Bhutias of Lachen and Lachungconsider the migratory Black-necked crane (Grusnigricollis) a holy bird. It is known as Tcha-Tung-Tung and is not hunted. Likewise, anothermigratory Bird- Bar-headed goose (Anser indi-cus) is also protected by dzumsha order. Thetraditional system of sky-burial practiced by theBhutias was instrumental in conserving the dif-ferent species of high altitude vultures such asBearded vulture (Gypaetus barbatus) and Hi-malayan griffon (Gyps himalayenis)

The Bhutias animatedly adjusted themselvesto changed socio-political environment. Theirown social and livelihood pattern played an im-portant in making alternative ways of earningmoney a viable way of life. Their traditional econ-omy was agro-pastoral associated with trade.However, they were not highly dependent onagriculture and pastoralism though these werevery important parts of their economy. The Bhu-tias specialised in long distance trade. Their traderelations with Tibet helped them to keep a highstandard of living which otherwise would nothave been possible through agriculture and pas-toralism. After the closure of border, there was adifference between the strategies of the Lachen-pas and Lachungpas, one reduced its number ofsmall flocks and carried on with yak herds onlyand played more attention to agriculture andtourism while the other maintained both agricul-ture and pastoralism. In the study area, livestockare a depository for saving, a reserve for con-

40 VEENA BHASIN

tingencies, a self-reproducing asset, a source ofsubsistence and current income and a source ofenergy for fields (through the cycling of nutri-ents through crop residue and manure).

With the recent changes in the region, the tra-ditional Bhutias society practicing an overpower-ingly barter economy with socially fixed economicexchanges has transformed to an economic sys-tem characterised by monetised trade and specia-lised exchanges. Need for cash has increasedamong the Bhutias as they have to buy grainsfrom PDS shops, fodder from government agen-cies at Rs. 898 per quintal, pay for schooling ofchildren, clothes, tents, equipments and shoes,health care, medicines and veterinary care. Pash-mina, which was a traditional barter product, hasbecome like a cash crop and is sold for cash.

It may be noted that the Bhutias of these twovalleys are a close knit and very cohesive group ofpeople. They help their fellow men in times of need.Their participation in the dzumsha- the socio, eco-nomic and political institution at the group leveland societal level has helped them to adapt to thenew set-up. The association of clustering of theBhutias through the dzumsha institution hashelped to perpetuate their culture. The dominantgeographical feature of the surrounding naturestrengthens their positive image and signifies con-tinuity.

Because of above-mentioned factors, theBhutias have to look for new strategies in addi-tion to traditional strategies of mobility and herddiversification to make ends meet. Reducingherd size and increasing the number of goats ina herd and wage earning are strategies to copewith population growth, and conservation poli-cies and shrinking winter pasture. Income diver-sification is an important means for herders tomanage risk. In order to maintain household via-bility, individual members may migrate to seekemployment elsewhere in order to relieve theirpastoral household of a member and to earnmoney to contribute to overall household in-come. If the household losses are too great, en-tire households are compelled to migrate, leav-ing a few animals with the relatives. There is adifference between strategies of the poor pasto-ralists who have lost a major part of their herd,and often look for other sources of income andthose better off who remain in the sector but arediversifying to complement and sustain theirresources.

Units such as the household, the village orbusti, encampments, and dzumsha defined by

predominantly local interaction patterns betweenkinsmen and friends are the most important in-stitutions which anchored theses Bhutias to aspecific community and territory. This tradition-al organisation (dzumsha) has a formal set up toshow an example of social cohesion betweenthe people with range of activities. Dzumsa,which has been under operation for over 600years, controls resources and looks after con-servation of resources, pasture management forgrazing, conflict resolution, social and commu-nity mobilisation, traditions and local gover-nance.

A great deal of their life still proceeds inde-pendently of outside influence. However, thesethree structures are being transformed by an in-terrelated series of changes. Outmigration, theacceptance of a wide range of technological in-novations, changing pattern in education andcommunication, commercialisation of and intro-duction of tourism appears to be more relevantcombination of factors which are making for areorganisation of patterns of living. Once thelocal economy is linked through the market withfamily consumption and family consumptionstandard linked directly to constantly raisingaspirations, a powerful impetus for change hasbeen introduced.

There are many features that demonstrateboth continuity and change in the Bhutia soci-ety. Beliefs, values and life styles: gender rolesand status of men and women; social institu-tions and family life show continuity and change.The basic structure remains the same but theactions of individuals, organisations and socialmovements have an impact on society and maybecome the catalyst for social change. Socialcontinuity cannot be simply defined as the ab-sence of change, things remaining the same,because social change is a continual process inall societies. In his study, Datta-Roy (1980: 212)shows the transformation of local village lead-ers into national democratic leaders by ironical-ly pointing to the enormous gap between thelocal way of governing and talking to the peopleabout their own affairs, and the complete brain-washing which must be learned by those whowant to appear on national scene.

The transhumant herders in this region arefacing many problems because of restrictionson entering with their herds in traditional graz-ing areas near international border. Apart fromthis army has occupied many of their traditional


pastures for making army camps. There is noproper fencing of landmine areas; consequent-ly, many herders have suffered landmine casual-ties without any compensation. As the area isrich in medicinal plants, the transhumant herd-ers have been carrying out collecting activitiesalong with their pastoral duties. It was an addi-tional way of earning money in this extreme cli-mate. The Bhutias have special values, practic-es and regulatory frameworks governing accessto natural resources and other customary and/or formal institutions governing the managementof the agro-ecosystem and its benefits. Howev-er, there has been over harvesting of medicinalplants, poaching of wildlife plants and timber byoutsiders.

With the outside help like subsidies and ra-tion supply, the Bhutias who have shown resil-ience in difficult times are succumbing to easieraccess to basic amenities by State Government.They have started depending on military estab-lishments for small favours. Their dependenceon military resources of date expired tinned food-stuffs and other amenities is another matter ofconcern. Stricter vigilance by field staff of For-est Department, which should make sure thatstaff, has incentive, plus all the basic field equip-ment, training rules, regulations, procedures andgood transport for high altitude. They shouldprovide trainings and skill development for WoolIndustry (sheep wool; yak hair, under wool) MilkProcessing Centre (viable only in summer)Cheese Plant (viable only in summer) Solar En-ergy Appliances, Wind Energy Appliances,Leather processing, Handicraft and Handloom,Herbal Gardens and products.

The Bhutias of Lachen and Lachung are nolonger in favour of isolation. There was a timewhen the Bhutias looked up to the Tibetan aris-tocrats and religious leaders for their worldly aswell as spiritual developments. There were reg-ular exchanges across the northern and easternborders and every Bhutia family of the regionaspired to adopt the life style and standards setby the Tibetan elites.

With the closure of borders, the focus grad-ually shifted to the south. The merger of Sikkimwith India took some time to settle in the psycheof the local communities. Reservation and inhi-bition in adopting Indian ways of developmentis still not uncommon. But after more than threedecades of association, the trends are changingand there is a conscious effort to learn and adopt

the best of methods suited to their well-being.Nowadays, even the remote villagers are get-ting used to electricity instead of oil lamp, con-crete building instead of wooden cottage, flushtoilet instead of pit toilet, cooking gas (LPG) in-stead of fire wood, packaged

Current educational problems and dilemmastestify to the ever-present tension between ed-ucation for cultural continuity and change.School attendance inspires children to questionand challenge traditional social roles. Herdingfamilies in Lachen and Lachung, for instance,may want their sons to gain the skills of basicschooling in order to better defend their inter-ests or bargain with traders, but they still expectthe boys to assume the ritual responsibilities ofthe society and master the herding enterprise.Yet the boys learn about the wider world andoften aspire to professional careers in the largercities. Their individual mobility up the social lad-der may be perceived as coming at the cost ofsolidarity with the kinship group or village. Like-wise, girls aspire modern careers, and cite theaspirations of their school peers, to press forpermission to pursue advanced schooling in-stead of embracing the culturally traditional op-tion of early childbearing and domestic profi-ciency. The Bhutias are in favour of infrastruc-ture development but not at the cost of losingthe traditional life style and culture. They valuetheir religion and culture much more than mate-rial comfort. As long as there is no conflict be-tween their religiosity and technology, the localpeople do not interfere with the developmentalactivities.

NOTES

1. Now many Lachenpas have started butchering an-imals.

2 Sikkim suffered a massive earth quake on 18th Sep-tember 2011.

3 In Yumthang hot water r ich in sulphur emanatefrom a small spring and are diverted inside a hutwhere two pools are made for the bathers.

4 Sagant (1990) reported that in other HimalayanBuddhist Societies the village chiefs were chosenby the ritual.

5 The members of the dzumsha are obliged to attendthe funeral of anyone in the village along with theessential contribution of one ching (scented Juni-per, kept on left shoulder), fifty paise, one pitha(measure) or rice, one pitha of roasted grain, onenyago (measure) of butter and bundle of firewood.The pipon keeps a record of attendance at funer-als. Each family has to be represented by an adultmale; absentees are fined by the pipon.

42 VEENA BHASIN

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