social reconciliation: re-establish post-conflict social ...sukolilo district. if exploitation is...

Social Reconciliation: Re-establish Post-conflict

Social Ties in Kendeng Mountain Area

1st Hartati Sulistyo Rini

Sociology and Anthropology Department

Faculty of Social Sciences)

Universitas Negeri Semarang

Semarang, Indonesia

[email protected]

2nd Ihda Ayu Maratussholihah

Sociology and Anthropology Department)

Faculty of Social Sciences

Universitas Negeri Semarang

Semarang, Indonesiai

[email protected]

Abstract-This study discusses the efforts of community reconciliation after the conflict in the plan to build a cement

factory in Sukolilo District, Pati Regency, Mount Kendeng

Area.The purpose of this study was to determine the

background of the emergence of a conflict over the plan to

build a cement factory in Sukolilo, to find-out the social

conditions of post-conflict communities, and to discover post-

conflict community reconciliation efforts. This research uses

qualitative research method; based on observation, in-depth

interview, and documentation techniques. The results show

that the emergence of conflicts caused by differences of

opinion related to the pros and cons over the plan of the

construction of a cement factory in Sukolilo District. There

are still suspicions among member of the communities and

they anticipate of the conflict re-emergence. Social relations

among ordinary people of this communities in the began to

improve, but reconciliation was difficult to achieve among

leaders of the movement groups. The top-down

reconciliation efforts have been undertaken by several

parties, namely communities, government, PT Semen Gresik

and the mass media. Besides that, people also improving

bottom-up reconciliation by using their ties in everyday life.

Keywords-cements factory, postconflict, reconciliation,

socialties

I. INTRODUCTION

In 2006 the community began to be disturbed by the

construction plan of a cement factory by PT Semen

Indonesia (PTSI). The need for cement raw materials to

meet national cement needs has prompted a policy to

expand business by building a new plant in the North

Kendeng Mountains area of Sukolilo District.

Positive response was received by Pati Regency

Government and Central Java Provincial Government.

Unfortunately, this is not in line with the wishes and

approval of the local community, especially the residents

of Sukolilo. In the Sukolilo community itself then divided

into two, there are the community groups that refused and

the community groups that supported the cement factory.

Rejection efforts were carried out by holding

demonstrations and legal efforts with the support of the

Wahana Lingkungan Hidup (WALHI) Foundation (NGO)

to sue the environmental permit issued by the

government[1]. Various rejections and lawsuits eventually

made PTSI leave Sukolilo in 2009.

The frictions occurred between groups that refuse and

groups that support cement factories are not only limited

on the building plans a cement factory but extend to

community life activities. Even after the verdict to thwart

the construction of this cement plant, the tensions among

the groups of people in Sukolilo doesn't just disappear. The

efforts are made to bring peace back to the society. Based

on this explanation, this study aims to find out the

phenomena in Sukolilo District related to cement factory

conflict, such as : the background of the emergence of the

conflict: the social conditions of the community after the

conflict; and reconciliation efforts after the conflict.

II. MATERIALS AND METHODS

This study used qualitative research methods.

Symptoms observed in qualitative research are

comprehensive so that qualitative research establishes

research in the overall social situation under study which

includes aspects of places, actors and activities that

interact synergistically[2]. This research was carried out

in two villages that became candidates for the location of

cement raw material mining and the location of the

construction of cement plants, namely Kedumulyo Village

and Baturejo Village. These two villages are the location

of the study because it have the highest intensity of

conflict between their communities among other villages

that are candidates for the location of the cement factory.

Data is generated from primary sources (observation,

interviews, and documentation) and secondary sources

(mass media articles). Data analysis techniques used in

this study are interactive data analysts [3].

III. FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

1. Mount Kendeng and Karst in Socio-economis and

Enviromental issues

Sukolilo District located at the southern of Pati

Regency which is 27 kilometers from downtown Pati.

From all villages in Sukolilo District, there are 7 villages

which are planned to be used as the location for

construction of cement processing plants and mining of

PTSI cement raw materials, namely Kedumulyo,

Gadudero, Sukolilo, Baturejo, Sumberseko,

Tompegunung, and Kasiyan. The location of Kedumulyo

Village is right on the southern path of Pati-Grobogan

which lies extending along the slope of the Kendeng

Mountains with an area of 2,323 ha. Whereas Baturejo

Village is 4 kilometers away with Kedumulyo Village.

Kedumulyo Village is a village that will be used as a

cement raw material mining location and PTSI factory

construction. While Baturejo Village is used as a raw

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Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 2081st International Conference on Social Sciences and Interdisciplinary Studies (ICSSIS 2018)

Copyright © 2019, the Authors. Published by Atlantis Press. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/).

material mining site. As part of the Kendeng mountain

area, this region has unique natural appearance

characteristics, namely as a karst region. [4]Karst area has

a function as a reservoir of ground water in large

quantities and as a habitat for various types of flora and

fauna, so that if there is mining activity causes damage /

loss of river hydrological functions which include

underground rivers and springs, caves and flora- fauna

found in and around the karst area. Fig.1. shows the

appearance of the Kendeng mountains and surrounding

paddy fields as a candidate for the built location of the

cement factory.

Fig. 1. Site location of cement factory in Sukolilo

2. Sukolilo’s cement conflict

Infrastructure development always carried out an

impact on the high demand for materials in building

construction. One important element is the availability of

cement. This reasoning to be the factors behind the effort

to build a cement factory in a considered potential region.

In this case, certain areas identified as a wealth of natural

resources that are used as raw material for making

cement. Karst natural wealth owned by North Kendeng

Mountains attracts PTSI to invest.

Initially, the community did not know about the

building plan of a cement factory in Sukolilo. The

community only often hears that a lot of land in

GunungKendeng is bought by land brokers who are

building a company to plant castor trees (tanamanjarak).

The castor tree was used to make bio-diesel as alternative

fuels, because there was a scarcity of oil-fuel. After

intense socialization from the company to the village

community, especially for landowners, the community

had realized that a cement processing factory and cement

raw material mining activities would be built in the

Sukolilo District.

The presence of PTSI in Pati Regency was also

welcomed by the governor of Central Java, who at that

time was held by Bibit Waluyo. He stated that the

construction of a cement plant would have a positive

impact on the local community. The positive response

from the government turned out to be inversely

proportional with the response of the local community.

The Sukolilo community is split into two groups, there are

the group that agrees and the group that does not agree

with the plan to build a cement factory.

In accordance with the procedure to every business

activity that have a significant impact on the environment,

it must have an environmental impact analysis (AMDAL).

PTSI as a state-owned enterprise also conducts

environmental research to prepare an AMDAL. In

connection with the emergence of some people's rejection

of the construction of the factory, the results of the

AMDAL analysis were used as arguments by : the

company, the government and those who supported the

construction of a cement factory. PT Semen Gresik

appointed the UNDIP Environmental Research Center

(PPLH UNDIP) to conduct research related to mining

materials exploration and the feasibility of building a

cement factory.

This study states that the Kendeng Mountains are

suitable for mining. The team recommended the

construction of a cement plant as a conditional[5].

Furthermore, it was stated that in the seven villages

planned to be used as mining areas there were only six

water springs and two dry caves.

The people who reject the construction of a cement

plant in this case do not agree with the results of the

PPLH UNDIP research team appointed by PTSI. The

community then conducted their own research in Kendeng

Mountains to examine the number of water springs stored

in there. The study was also conducted by UGM, UPN

and ASC (Acintyacunyata Speleogical Club) UPN. The

contradictive results stated that in this region there are 79

active water springs, and there are 39 springs that have

been measured to have a water discharge of 1,009.36

liters per second and 24 caves, 15 caves of the number of

caves those found to have water sources and 12 of them

are in exploitation areas[6]. Based on that research, UGM

and UPN rejecting the construction of a cement factory in

Sukolilo District. If exploitation is still carried out, it will

threaten the availability of water in Sukolilo District

because the water discharge will decrease every year and

the water will be cloudy during the rainy season.

These conditions divide the community into two

parties that are conflicting, there are the pros and cons

parties[7]. Each party has a reason to strengthen their

opinion. The pro-cement factory is those who have bought

the land of the farmers in the site of the factory

construction with a very large amount and low prices;

assumption of socio-economic improvement of citizens

after a cement factory; and prosperity issues

(infrastructure will improve and migrants will return to

work in a cement factory). While the counter parties to the

cement plant are those who live from agriculture and are

worried about lack of water as bad impact of cement

factory; people who do not believe in government

promises because they are always used as an objects;

distrust of economic improvement that promising in a

cement factory because they have not had the skills to

work in the industrial sector and local residents will be

replace by the stranger.

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Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research (ASSEHR), volume 208

Each of the pros and cons parties is gathering support

and lobbying with agencies or institutions to participate in

their struggle. In general, [8]the cement conflict in the

Kendeng Mountains divided the group into two camps,

namely supporters (PT Semen Indonesia, the Government,

supporting communities) and rejecters (WALHI, LBH,

JMPPK, community rejecters). The counter party in its

action formed a post and a house of struggle.

Conflict plans for the construction of a cement

factory in Sukolilo Sub district are divided into vertical

conflict and horizontal conflict. Vertical conflicts occur

between the people who reject the cement factory facing

the government and PTSI. Vertical conflict between the

community and the government was triggered by

people's disappointment at the attitude of the Pati

Regency government that fully supported the mining

plan and the construction of the PT Semen Gresik

cement plant by issuing a Regional Mining Permit

(SIPD). The protest action was also directed at the

village government that would be used as a factory

location because the village government was involved in

the process of land acquisition and the socialization of

the plan to build a cement factory. Protests by the

community also often end in violence.

As a result of vertical conflict horizontal conflicts

arise. Horizontal conflicts occur as a result of opposition

between the people who refuse and the people who

support the presence of PTSI. Community groups who

refuse of cement factory concerns about environmental

impacts caused by the mining process and construction

of this factory. In the other side, community groups that

support cement plants tend to have a positive economic

impact on PTSI's presence. Horizontal conflict was

characterized by the destroyed of people social relations.

Meanwhile, the growth of solidarity among groups who

have similar opinions are enhancing.

The contradiction regarding the agreement and

disagreement of the community encourage the planned

construction of the PTSI factory continues to a higher

level, that is the court level. The community alliance

which rejected the cement factory was represented by

WALHI in its lawsuit against the licensing office of Pati

Regency and PTSI. In filing this lawsuit, WALHI

authorized the Environmental Care Advocacy Team

consisting of YLBHI-LBH Semarang and LPH

YAPHI[9]. The escalation of the conflict between the

pro and contra parties of the construction of the cement

factory is also a sign of the strengthening of social ties

within each faction involved in this conflict. The identity

of the in group and out group is also increasingly visible

in this situation, as a result the consolidation in the group

also increases. Thus, conflict without group will increase

internal cohesion within the group[10].

Various processes are passed by the conflicting

parties. Residents who refused through the Kendeng

Mountain Community Care Network (JMPPK) then filed

a lawsuit with the Semarang State Administrative Court

to revoke this exploration study and win, then PTSI

appealed to the Surabaya State High Court and won,

until JMPPK appealed again to the Supreme Court (MA)

in the middle 2009 and won, while PTSI had decided to

leaveSukolilo before an MA decision [11].

3. Social condition of the Post-conflict community

Based on the results of the study, after conflict,

community social condition in Sukolilo Sub district

shows that social ties cannot return to normal. This can

be seen in the public relations that began to blend in but

still insisted on their opinions, and still held suspicion.

Post-conflictSocietyascharacterized by multiple

transition processes from war to peace [12]. The

transformation of war-torn societies into peaceful, stable

and more prosperous ones is an immensely complex

task, often susceptible to contradictory pressures and

concomitant risks of a relapse into violence [13].

The social relations of the post-conflict community

are gradually improving. The community has been able

to adjust and accept the decision regarding the

withdrawal of PTSI from Sukolilo. After PTSI officially

pulled out from Sukolilo, both the people who supported

it and those who refused began to stop the tensions. As

time went on, the dividing divides between the pro and

the people who opposed the cement factory also began

to melt. There is no more tense village atmosphere like

as it ever happened when the conflict explode.

Village leaders also provide a role in efforts to

restore the condition of the community. Although village

leaders also have divided in to different sides, they also

give an understanding to the community. The

understandings were given to the community not to re-

open the conflict of the cement factory in overt way.

Relations between communities gradually returned to

peace even though it was difficult to eliminate feelings

of hatred in the hearts of the community towards other

groups. Conflicting communities begin to blend in and

interact well, but these two groups are still unable to

unite opinions. The people who reject the cement plant

remain adamant in their opinion regarding the rejection

of the construction of the cement plant, and vice versa.

In addition to the negative effects felt by the

community, the conflict also had a positive impact on the

local community. As a result of the conflict caused by the

arrival of PTSI the community became more aware of the

legal process and the growing awareness to protect the

environment.

In terms of understanding the legal process, the

community becomes more aware of how the law works

along with the stages. The opening of public knowledge

about the crucial legal decisions that have binding and

formal legal powers is also being understood by the

public. This then made the participation of the community

strong in guarding the dispute trial process with PTSI

which at that time was running. They are not reluctant to

take to the streets and provide support for the proceedings

that are in the court.

The awareness aspect of preserving the environment

also began to be felt by citizens in relation to this conflict.

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Incessant environmental issues are always voiced by

community groups who reject cement factories to

encourage public awareness to preserve the natural

environment of the Kendeng Mountains. This makes

people see the importance of planting culture, and the

culture of caring for plants. Without the availability of

water, surely this will be difficult to materialize. As a

result, there will be a threat to the decline in food

availability for residents and the increasingly difficult life

in the village. The threat of reduced water supply that

residents can enjoy is also a serious problem if the cement

development project is continued. These environmental

and water issues also have an impact on awareness of

timber theft behavior. That the preservation of forests,

flora and fauna in them is an important part that supports

people's lives.

Leaders in the mass of rejecters and those who support

cement factories are the key figures in the society's

opposition. Communities that only become mass

movements will be easier in the stage of conflict recovery.

The community has begun to make peace and can interact

with each other intensively, the community also no longer

identifies themselves as members of one group. Different

conditions are shown by figures who are the motor of

movement. The figure who had been the leader of the

community movement in an effort to refuse or support the

cement factory was still in a good distance with fellow

figures and the general public. For example, people who

only become a mass of repulsive cement movements have

been able to blend in and have a good relationship with

the mass movement of supporters of the cement factory,

but this cannot be fully done with the figure who is the

motor of movement to support the cement factory. There

are still boundary dividers between the general public and

movement figures in the cement problem, even though

they have interacted like mutual greetings, people who

reject cement factories still limit themselves and are

suspicious of the activities of cement supporting figures.

Likewise, the community that supports the cement factory

is still limiting themselves to the figure who is the motor

of the movement to reject the cement factory.

4. Conflict reconsiliation efforts

The period after the verdict is an important period of

society because it is in the initial condition towards the

direction of reconciliation. Awareness of improving social

ties is very important for each community group. Both

community groups must agree to close the conflict and

restore peace. Communities who are pro-cement must

accept the fact that PTSI is not feasible to establish a

factory in Sukolilo District. Likewise, the people who are

counter-cement must accept the pro-cement community in

their social relations.

The social conditions of the post-conflict community

have not been able to fully recover as it was before the

emergence of the cement factory issue. Therefore, post-

conflict reconciliation efforts continue to be carried out in

order to achieve peace in the community. Reconciliation

is a process of mutual acknowledgment of past suffering

and changing of destructive attitudes and behavior into

constructive relationships toward sustainable peace[14].

Reconciliation is a long-term process to overcome

hostility and mutual distrust between the two conflicting

groups[15]. Reconciliation was taken to restore the

harmonious condition of the community as usual.

Reconciliation is a process through which a society moves

from a divided past to a shared future and is more useful,

as a process that redesigns the relationship[16].

Reconciliation was taken by various parties including

the government, community, PTSI and the mass media.

The mediation are taken by the government in conflict

reconciliation efforts. Mediation was carried out by the

local government of Pati Regency by bringing together

supported and opposed groups in the cement factory

building plan. Reconciliation was also carried out by

cooperating with security forces. Security forces, both the

police and the TNI, were deployed to maintain the peace

of actions carried out by the villagers, for example during

demonstrations by both the people who refused and

supported the cement factory. The security apparatus is

also assigned to maintain the conduciveness of the village

community and prevent violence between conflicting

parties. Reconciliation carried out by certain institutions

or the government is a reconciliation approach that is

carried out by a top down system [16] and usually a

stronger party will resolve the conflict politically[17].

Reconciliation with a top-down approach results only in

the surface layer and does not touch all levels of society.

This reconciliation approach by the government only

focuses on negotiations between the conflicting parties

and not trying to improve social relations in the

community. The top-down tendency of reconciliation to

conflict puts the community in the position of being an

object without being able to build awareness of

reconciliation originating from the potential of the

community itself[18].

Reconciliation was also carried out by PTSI by

creating a community peace institution. The job of this

institution was to facilitate the meeting of the two

conflicting groups in joint deliberations. This mediation

activity was carried out by the company as a form of

corporate responsibility towards the Sukolilo community.

The mass media as parties outside the conflict were

also involved in reconciliation efforts during the conflict

over the construction of a cement plant such as mediation

carried out by Kompas. Unfortunately this mediation and

communication effort finally failed because between

groups of people could not find a solution to the problem.

The involvement of the mass media in several cases in

African countries has had a significant influence.[19]

Through the television program, that recognition of the

other was an important part of the conflict resolution

process as workshop members recognized their “enemies”

and Kenyans from disparate parts of the country as similar

to themselves in their experience of the violence. But

apparently the use of mass media was not quite successful

in the Kendeng case.

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In other ways, the community also takes part in the

reconciliation process. Reconciliation carried out by the

community through the economic and social fields. In the

economic field, reconciliation is held in agricultural and

trade activities. After the conflict in the construction of a

cement factory, cooperation between the community,

especially in agriculture, no longer links individual

alignments in the conflict of the cement factory. Farmers

from the pros and cons parties are willing to work with

people who are in need of their skill. They are no longer

consider about the partisanship of landowners in past

conflicts. Whereas in trade activities, reconciliation was

carried out by the community by removing the shop label

for pro people and shops for those who refused cement.

Reconciliation in trade activities aims to increase

community interaction as a seller and buyer.

Reconciliation carried out by the community also took

place in the community social field. Some of these

activities are patrol (ronda/siskamling), RT meetings,

mutual cooperation, and daily interactions in coffee shops.

The patrol itself is carried out per dukuh in Kedumulyo

which is held regularly every night. Each RT also held a

meeting to minimize the impact of the conflict on the

community. This activity aims to build a sense of

togetherness and harmony in the community. The activities

carried out by the community as a media for reconciliation

involve the principle of mutual cooperation among

residents, such as sambatan and rewang. Sambatan is

mutual cooperation carried out in the construction of

houses. Rewang is cooperating in preparing individual

important events, such as : marriage party, circumcision

party, funeral. Interaction in the coffee shop is also quite

important, considering that this place which used by the

community to talk about daily life, on the sidelines of

farming. Fig. 2. shows how the everyday life’s interaction

and conversation was tied in the coffee shop.

Fig. 2. Interaction in coffee shop

The people who originally felt awkward and distant,

gradually dissolved in quite intense conversation. To

reduce tension, the conversation starts with light things and

is related to everyday life. Each party in this condition

refrained from discussing matters related to prior bias.

Reconciliation by the community is included in a bottom-

up approach model[16]. The bottom-up approach is more

to take advantage of cross-community improvement

relationships for conflict healing. From this approach it is

expected that the parties to the conflict have the space to

be together and communicate so that solidarity is expected

to be created in the community. Reconciliation efforts that

arise from the community itself tend to be more effective if

both parties are voluntarily conflicting and agree to resolve

the conflicts that have occurred and restore the harmony of

society as before.

This reconciliation effort carried out by citizens is also

related to the forgiveness model[20], which is in the

redefinition phase of social identity and the phase of

willingness to build new relationships. In this phase of

redefinition of social identity, the community is willing to

not identify too much into a particular community group.

Reconciliation in this phase is carried out with

communities who begin to change their point of view

towards other groups and try to accept the presence of

community members from opposing groups in their social

life. This phase is characterized by the absence of debates

that cause friction between groups of people who reject

and who support the cement factory. Members of

community groups have received and are aware of the

conflicts that occur by removing sentiments towards other

groups. Kedumulyo and Baturejo villagers actively

engage in intensive interaction even though social ties

have not returned as closely as before. This community

reconciliation process is also based on forgiveness efforts

from both parties.

In the phase of willingness to build a new relationship,

reconciliation is marked by community efforts to build

more intense relationships or social contacts between

groups. People in this case must be open to each other and

offer new life that is more harmonious, or at least live side

by side, mutual respect and tolerance. The return of

cooperation and mutual cooperation to the villagers of

Kedumulyo and Baturejo indicates that there is a desire

from the community to improve relations after the

conflict. Especially supported by the social conditions of

the people who share the Javanese culture so that it is

easier to unite the community.

Facilitating post-conflict dynamics of forgiveness and

reconciliation may be helpful for promoting sustainable

peace, restoring human relationships, and bringing to an

end the spiral of violence [21].

The reconciliation process in this community also

faces obstacles that are reflected in various forms of social

vulnerability. The first forms of community vulnerability

is the anticipation of the community against the return of

the cement factory. Anticipation is still being carried out

by community groups that reject cement factories because

of the natural resource wealth possessed by the Kendeng

Mountains region. There is still the potential for other

threats to the sustainability of Kendeng Mountains. This

form of anticipation is carried out while maintaining the

vigilance of the community groups who are members of

the JMPPK while still carrying out routine meetings or

they called it Selapanan.

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The second form of vulnerability is the existence of

suspicious among the people. For example : pro-cement

activities are also considered to be still funded by the

company. These suspicions remaining the hampered in

reconciliation process among community groups.

Rebuilding peace in post-conflict community held

through strengthening social capital could starts with a

trust contextualization between communities[18].

Therefore trust is an important factor for the process of

reconciliation. The third form of vulnerability is the many

problems that are always associated with the conflict.

Many moments in the community are then always

associated with the pros and cons of the cement factory.

One of them was during the election of the village head in

Kedumulyo Village to the election of the regional head of

Pati Regency. The election of village head is also separate

based on each candidate's partiality in the cement factory.

The social relations which had been destroyed by the

factory construction have yet to be fully recovered.

Improvement of post-conflict social relations can be done

gradually with the commitment of both parties to the

conflict to work together so that social harmony can be

achieved. Reconciliation is more about improving the

quality of communication and trust among group

members. So there needs to be a special effort

continuously which is aimed at improving communication

and understanding between identity groups [22].

It can be argued that reconciliation, at least in its full

form, presupposes conflict resolution: a long-term,

cooperative relationship, based on mutual acceptance and

respect, is not likely to take hold without a peace

agreement that addresses the fundamental needs and sense

of justice of both sides [22]. For this reason, a consistent

peace effort is needed to maintain a conducive situation in

the community. Because reconciliation is not only limited

to the elite or community leaders, it requires a

comprehensive commitment from all elements of society,

in this case the general public also plays an important role

in reconciliation efforts to restore peace and maintain

social harmony. In the technical context of implementing

reconciliation, at least it contains elements of change such

as : long, deep, and broad [16]. As a long-term process,

there is no quick fix to reconciliation, and society needs

time. A deep procces demands changes in our aspirations,

our emotions and feelings, perhaps even our beliefs. It

also a very broad process, applies to everyone, to

community.

IV. CONCLUSION

Through various reconciliation processes, initiated by

the government; PTSI factories and the community itself;

a bottom-up reconciliation process was considered as

most improving people’s interaction. Significant results

can be achieved by reconciliation with a bottom up

approach because there is active participation from the

community. The characteristics of rural communities

based on mutual cooperation and kinship are also things

that are able to encourage the reconciliation process. The

challenge that must be faced by the community at this

time is there is still a social distance between villagers,

especially occurring among the figures of the movement

of each community group. This community reconciliation

process still faces vulnerability, given the dynamics of the

conflict regarding the establishment of this cement can

still continue.

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