social structure and inter-group relations: a case study...

SOCIAL STRUCTURE AND INTER-GROUPRELATIONS: A CASE STUDY OF A VILLAGE

IN NEPAL TARAI

Surendra Mishra

Background of the Study

Caste is defined variously. Hereditary membership, traditional

occupation, commensality rules and purity are some of the major

features of the caste system (Berreman 1972). It is culturally

constructed and is the product of Hinduism. Castes are closed social

groups: one may only marry within one' caste and the children of

the marriage belong to the caste of their parents. Castes arehierarchically ranked on a purity pollution scale according to their

traditional occupations. Castes are groups with a well developed

life of their own, the membership where of, unlike that of voluntary

associations and of classes, is determined not by selection but by

birth. The status of a person depends not on his wealth but on the

traditional importance of the caste in which he has the luck of being

born (Ghurye 1969). According to Berreman (1972) castes are

ranked endogamous division of society in which membership ishereditary and permanent (quoted by Sharma 2004: 129).

Anthropologically speaking, social structure is any enduring pattern

or interrelationship of social elements/entities. In other words, it is

more or less enduring pattern of social arrangements within a

particular society, groups or social organization. In general, social

S.MISHRA : Social Structure and Inter-Group Relations 121

structure is an arrangement of persons in institutionally controlled

or defined relationships (Brown 1952).

Hierarchy is a ladder of command in which the lower rungs are

encompassed in the higher ones in regular succession. Hierarchy in

the caste system is the opposition of the pure and the impure:

superiority and superior purity are identical. It is in this sense that,

ideologically, distinction of purity is the foundation of status.

(Dumont 1980). Nepal is a stratified society consisting of its

hierarchically arranged caste-rankings. Caste has been recognized

as unique socio-cultural phenomena. Nepalese caste rules normally

prescribe isogamies for its members (Sharma 2004).

Nepal is a homeland for a number of ethnic/caste groups with

different languages, religions and cultural traditions. There are over

100 distinct ethnic/caste groups who have been living side by side

over the last 1500 years, maintaining separate yet related cultural

traditions collectively known as "Nepali culture" today. This Nepali

culture, in essence, is the combination of five distinct groups of

people viz; the Hindu groups with caste origins, the Newars, the

ethnic/tribal groups, the Muslims and others (Sikh, Bengali,

Marwari and Christians). The Hindu caste groups comprise both the

Hill and the Tarai groups. The social structure of the Hill caste

Hindus is simple, in comparison to that of the Tarai. In the Tarai

caste Hindus, there are more than 40 distinct cultural groups sharing

mostly a common language and present a more complicated social

structure than the hill caste Hindus (see Dabal 1995: 150; Gunaratne2002).

In the Nepali context, caste has become an institution rooted in the

Hinduized way of life promoted by the state by nurturing

customized laws (Hofer 2004). The religion and rituals prohibit the

inclusion of those considered impure, lowly and untouchable into

the social sphere. Caste, therefore, has in itself become an

122 OccaSiOnal Papers

exclusionary social institution forcing those considered lower caste

or outcaste People to live a life on the margins and struggle to

survive on Ihe crumbs. Ultimately, caste system has become a

process of sOcial exclusion through which participation is restricted

and claims to social opportunity denied (Kumar 1995:48).

It is evident that Nepali society is hierarchical and caste based

where inter-groups harmony and cooperation also remains very

strong. No dOUbt, conflict, clash of interest and competition are the

essence of stratified society (See Caplan 1970). Many studies either

by foreign sCholars or native social scientists have revealed that

there is extretne inequality between high caste and non caste ethnic

groups; confl iet between high caste Bahuns and untouchable caste.

In spite of all these facts the bitter reality is that of multiple caste

groups residing in a limited area for centuries pasi without any vital

communal riot. It is a matter of interest to sociologist and

anthropologi~ts to look into the structure of the Nepali society and

analyze the hierarchical caste system from functional point of view.

The Study Area and Research Method

This paper rnl\kes an attempt to demonstrate how the different caste

groups in a tural village setting are interrelated with each other.

More specifi ally, this paper attempts to deal with the political,

socIal, economic, ritual and religious relationship between andamong differ'nt caste groups in the Terai region.

The field ~ork for this paper was carried out 10 2003 in

Mahamadpur Village Development Committee (VDC) Rautahatdistrict. This "II . h . f ..I age IS eterogeneous 10 terms 0 caste compOSitIOn.More than 2S f d 'd' . h dcaste groups were oun resl 109 10 t e stu y area.The numeric"ll .

~ y large caste group was Yadav and Bhedlhar. Acouple of SO . I . 1/ hi' I .elO oglca anI ropo oglca technIques were used togenerate data for this study. The total population of the study area

S.MISHRA: Social Structure and Inter-Group Relations 123

was 6553, consisting 3367 male (51.38%) and 3186 (48.61 %)

females.

Table No.1 :Population in Mahamadpur VDC by caste Groups, 2001

Caste Groups Total Population Percentage or the Total Population

Yadav 2197 33.52Kanu 1060 17.17Kalwar 410 6.25Teli 485 7.40Chamar 401 6.11Sonar 371 5.66Kumhar 192 2.92Tatma 139 2.12Dhanuk 122 1.86Barai 119 1.81Bhedihar 114 1.73Hajam 112 1.70Koiri 104 1.58Baniya 88 1.34Malaha 94 1.43Sanyasi 85 1.29Bradhmin 117 1.78Dam 64 0.97Dusadh 64 0.97Lahar 61 0.93Dhabi 57 0.86Mali 58 0.88Kahar 13 0.19Kurmi 10 0.15Kayastha 16 0.24

Total 6553 100.00

Soucre: CBS. 2001

As stated above, there are many caste groups living in the study

area (see table I-I for details) Yadav comprises of 33.1%, the

absolute majority of the population of the study area. The

percentage of other caste groups consists of 16% of Kanu, 7.2% of

124 Occasional Papers

Teli, 6. I% of Kalwar, 6.0% of Chamar, 5.5% of Sonar, 2.8% of

Kurnhar, 2.1 of Tatma, 1.9% Dhanuk, 1.8% of Barai, 1.7% ofBhedihar, 1.7% of Hajam and 1.6% of Koiri.

Fig 1: Hierarchy of various caste Groups in the Study Area: AGeneral Model

I. Upper Caste I.BrahminTagdhari 2. Kayaslha I. Sanyasi

2. Yadav3. Baniya4. Malaha

2. Middle Caste 5. HajamPanichalane 6. Lahar

7. Kumhar8. Mali

3. Lower casle I.Teli 9. KanuPani Nachalane 2. Kalwar 10. Barai• 3. Tatma II. Sonar

4. Dhabi 12. Koiri13. Dhanuk

I. Dusadh 14. Bhedihar4. Lowest caste 2. Chamaar 15. Kurmi

Pani Nachalne 3. Dam 16. Kahar

The local distinguish four different hierarchical groupings of castes

(see figure I). As the general model indicates there are many caste

groups in the middle caste whose water is accepted by all the caste

groups. There are four low castes whose water in not accepted by

middle and high caste groups. Likewise there are three lowest caste

groups in the study area whose water in not accepted by lower,

middle and high caste groups. Not only this the water from the

lowest caste groups is not accepted between among the caste groupsthemselves.


Not all of the above mentioned caste groups are the indigenous

inhabitants of this area. They migrated to this area from Bihar state

in India many generations ago in search of work. They are Hindus

and celebrate rituals and festivals of the Hindus. In general, the

rituals, ceremony and festivals of all the Hindus are similar. The

major festivals they celebrate are Dashain, Tihar, Holi, Chhatha. On

the occasion of workship of Shiva and Satyanarayan Katha, they

offer a big feast to all their fellow caste members in the village.

They decorate their houses by painting and making pictures on the

walls on the occasion of Tihar and marriage.

Inter group Relations: Social

Caste is one of the most important social institutions in the Nepal

Tarai even today. Caste behaviours are deeply embedded in peoples

'values, reflecting hierarchy, endogamy, commensality and the

other forms of the day to day interaction of people. Contacts of any

kind touching, dining, sex and other social relations between castes

of equal status are permissible or do not result in pollution. Mutual

acceptability of cooked food, particularly rice and lentils denotes

equal social status between caste groups. A member of the village

community will marry only with the member of his own caste.

Though 2 cases of inter caste marriage i.e. marriage between Tarai

and hill caste group are reported in this VDC, these married couples

are not accepted by the community even today. In other words,

marriages across caste boundaries are regarded as deviations from

an ideal norm of caste behaviour.

Even the type of meat consumed signifies social status; only

mutton, pigeon and fish are consumed by the high caste Hindus.

High caste Hindus are also not supposed to drink any kind of

alcoholic beverages. All of these food items are defiling for them to

maintain their ritual status. The pig raising is considered the most

defiling job in this VDC. This job is done only by the lowest caste


of the untouchable groups like Dom and Dushadh. Even today, the

untouchable peoples mostly Dom and Halkhor are not allowed to

enter the houses of the middle and high caste Hindus of the study

area.

Nevertheless, most of the members of the village cooperate with

each other on certain occasions such as weddings, funerals,

festivals, worship of the village deity and thatching or building of a

new house. For example, in the wedding ceremony of a Sanyasi and

Yadav, most of the village members are invited for feast and Janti.

Likewise, in the marriage ceremony of the Sonar group, other caste

groups like Bhedihar, Lohar, Barai and Sanyasi actively participate

in the marriage procession, eating and drinking. However, members

of the higher caste such as Brahmin eat foods (except rice)

appropriate to their caste which is prepared by persons of equal or

higher status and served in an acceptable manner. Even during the

funeral procession, most of the village people participate in the

procession without much caste feeling. But in the funeral

procession of lower caste and the lowest caste groups such as

Dushadh, Chamar, Dom and Halkhor no high caste groups and few

middle caste groups participate.

It is because of the high caste Hindu model which is operating

smoothly in the village life over the years, some type of social

mobility is gradually taking place in some groups of the Tarai. In

the last one decade or so, with the decline of traditional occupation

and participation in new types of economic activity, some groups

like Teli and Kalwar are gradually upgrading their social stalUs

through wealth. These days, they are treated as the water acceptable

community in the SlUdy area. They are now involved in differenttypes of businesses.

S.MISHRA: Social Structure and Inter·Group Relations 127

Inter group Relations: Economic

On the basis of the survey of the study area, it can be said that most

of the high caste groups such as the Maithili. Brahmain, Kayastha

and middle caste groups like Yadav, Sanyasi, Bhedihar, Teli are the

land owners and most of the untouchable castes are marginal

landowners and landless labourers.

Even though involvement in agriculture is common to all castes

from the Brahmin to the untouchable, certain kinds of occupation

can be performed only by certain caste groups. Certain kinds of

occupations are considered defiling for high caste Hindu groups. In

other words, the economic disparity and caste specific occupations

have resulted in economic interdependence between and among

groups in the slUdy area.

All the high caste, middle caste and the low caste groups come into

contact with the Lohar (carpenter), Hajam (barber), Dhobi(washer

man), Chamar (cobbler), and Dom (basket maker). Their services

are considered indispensable in the village community. All of these

groups come into contact with other groups usually in a non ritual

context, mostly economic but there are exceptions. For example the

Hajams, Lohars and Chamars, services are essential in certain ritual

and social occasions of the community.

Some of the caste groups of the study area provide their services in

the traditional Jajamani system. Jajamani is a service rendered by a

person to his client in cash or kind or both. Two types of Jajamani

services are prevalent in the study area.

I. Services provided by the Maithil Brahmin Priests to their

clients, particularly the high caste, middle caste and the lower

caste Hindu groups except the lowest caste groups such as

Chamar, Dushadh, Dom and Halkhor.


2. Services provided by the lowest untouchable castes and Middle

castes to the higher, middle and lower caste. In return of their

services, these groups are provided grains on an annualcontract basis.

Services provided by the low castes to the members of their own

caste and high and middle castes (known as Jajmani) is locally

known as Soli system. The caste groups who are engaged in Soli

system in the study area are Hajam, Lohar , and Chamar.

Hajam

By providing their traditional services of shaving, a Hajam is paid

20 kg of paddy annually per person. A Hajam visits the households

of his client once or twice in a week. The wives of Hajam also visit

their client's households during delivery, Bratbandh and death ritual

to cut the nails (of hands and feet) of women. In the study area,

almost every Hajam household has 30-40 clients and collects 6-8

quintals of paddy per annum. They also get cloth, grain, and money

on special occasions such as bratbandh (sacred thread wearing

ceremony), marriage, mundon (hair shaving ceremony), and death.

Lohar

The Lohar is a carpenter in the local context. For their services,

they charge cash or sometimes grains on a piece work basis. Unlike

hill group, the Lohar also does the iron work and contract their

clients on a fixed amount of grains to be paid annually. They charge

40 k. g. of grains per plough per household.

Chamar

The Chamars are also engaged in the Soli system. Each Chamar

household is paid 5 k.g. of grains annually for disposing the dead

animals. Every household who has animals like ox, cow, buffalo


pay this grains annually whether an animal dies or not. The Chamar

ensures his clients that his services are guaranteed when it is

needed. A Chamar household has 20-25 households as clients and

collects about a quintal of grain annually from every household.

Nowadays the Soli system is gradually changing. The Chamars are

not paid grains annually; instead they are paid in cash on the basis

of the dead animals. They charge NRs 50 to lOOper dead animal

for disposing the carcass.

The Chamars play musical bands in different rituals and festivals

occasions, for which they are paid cash and grains.

The Maithil Brahmins provide their priestly services both from

whom they accept water and some of the middle castes from whom

they do not accept water. In this respect, they can be treated just

like the barber and the carpenter. However, the basic difference

between them is that the Brahmins are not paid annually; they are

paid on piece-work basis for their services. Moreover, the amount

to be paid is not fixed; it depends upon the economic status as well

as the generosity of the clients. Nevertheless, the priest is an

important member of the village organization and maintains good

socio-economic relationship to the members of almost all the water

acceptable caste groups.

The other form of economic interrelationship and economic

interdependence is the source of credit to cope up with the food

shortage and to meet the household's incidental and contingent

expenses. A number of poor farmers in this VDC take loans.

The sources of institutional credit in the study area are the local

landlords such as Brahmin, Sanjasi, Bhedihar, and Yadav. Loan is

taken in two forms:. cash and grain. The interest rate is high,

ranging from 48 to 60 percent per annum. Normally, the loan taken

in grains must be repaid in grains only with high interest. As many

farmers are landholders in the study area, they repay loans by


working in the fields of landlords either in planting or harvesting

seasons. Most of the loans are borrowed against gold, silver and

land as surety.

Some poor people also work as ploughmen or agricultural labourers

as desired by the landlords because they have been provided some

land to subsist themselves without rent. However, the landlord also

provides them their daily wage (Rs. 50/- and 2 meals per day for

working from the morning to the evening) while working. They are

also free to work in other s land when there is no work in the house

of the landlord. In other words, labour scarcity is creating economic

interdependence between landless farmers and the landlords.

Inter-group Relations: Political

The Tarai as a whole was considered sensitive politically by the

ruling elites of Kathmandu throughout history. Because of their

close affinity with India and the Indian people, the Tarai people,

particularly the Indian origin people were mistrusted and wherever

possible they were excluded in the national politics of Nepal. For

the first time, King Mahendra realized this political sensitivity of

the Tarai people and gradually incorporated the Tarai indigenous

groups as well as other caste groups into the mainstream of the

National politics of Nepal. King Mahendra encouraged directly or

indirectly to settle down the hill people into the Nepal Tarai to

harmonize the process of "Nepalization" and national integration so

that no hatred feelings could be developed towards each other, i.e.

between the hill and the Tarai people.

The Tarai people are coming more and more closer to the hill

people but also engage in debate about participating in the national

politics of regionalism which also harbouring some sort of hatred

feeling towards one another. Moreover, factions within Tarai

groups i.e. between high castes and low casts and Yadavs verses


other are also on the rise in recent years. The prominent groups in

the Tarai politics today are the Yadavs and the Muslims.

In Tarai politics, Rautahat district is no exception in regard to

political power becoming the privilege of the economically better

off people. Rauthat district is controlled by Yadavs-over the last

four decades or so. The district president was Yadav and one of the

members of the parliament in the lower house was from Yadav

community in this district.

One of the important qualities of the Yadav community is that they

always form a close-knit group vis-a.-vis other castes. They possess

wealth and also demonstrate muscles to take control of politics. The

Yadavs have been the successful political leader in this VDC from

the time of Panchayat period. There are many reasons why Yadav

could hold the active leadership in this VDC. For instance,

Mahamadpur VDC is composed of diverse caste groups and the

number of highest and many of the lower castes are landless. These

landless and marginal hand holding people always need financial

and other kinds of moral support services. These support services

are provided to the people mostly by Yadavs of the area.

The Yadavs of this VDC are rich compared to other caste groups.

They are helpful. They not only help others in the village but also at

the district level. They go with the people to district headquarters

and help there wherever needed. The local people therefore trust

them for economic and social security.

Nevertheless, in the village election, different castes hold the

positions of ward chairman such as Bhedihar, Sonar, Chamar,

Yadav, Barai. But the position of VDC chairman is held by the

Yadav only. During the election period, though there is caste

feeling, people cast vote considering the party after the restoration

of democracy. In other words, inter-groups relationship is gradually

increasing in the larger political context of the society. The people


help and try to understand each other to make the village

environment peaceful and developed.

Inter-group Relations: Ritual and Religious Context

Though there is an overlap of social and religion activities, there are

distinct caste services which are indispensable in certain religious

and ritual occasions of the village life. Such groups who provide

their religious services are the barbers, Brahmins, goldsmith (sonar)

and Chamars.

The barbers' services are necessary in most of the ritual occasions

of middle caste, lower caste and the high caste Hindu groups. A

barber acts as a ritual purifier during birth, marriage and death.

Shaving is required for a man in many ritual occasions such as

'Upanayan' ceremony, death of any member of a family, during the

ancestor worship and at the time when a person takes part in a

ceremony. During delivery, a woman is ritually purified on the 6th

day when her nails of hands and feet are cut and also after the death

of any member of a family her nails are cut down on the JOth day ofthe death by a Hajam woman.

A Maithil Brahmin is respected in the ritual context even if he may

be very poor. In every ritual such as birth, marriage, Upanayan,

construction of a new house, worship of any god, new vehicle and

death, all castes, expect the lowest caste group of the Tarai invite

the Brahmin. The goldsmiths (sonar) are invited to ritually pierce

the ears of young boys and girls of high caste Hindus. Similarly, the

Chamars play with their drums in many rituals occasions such as

the Mundan (hair cutting ritual) Upanayan, worshipping of thevillage deity.

There are many caste specific festivals and ritual occasions such as

the "Madhusrawani" by the Maithil girls in the month of Shrawan,

and the worship of Salesh by the Dushadh in the month of the


Kartik. On the other hand, there are certain festivals and rituals

which are celebrated by most of the caste group of the village

community. Some of the common Tarai Hindu festivals and rituals

are listed, where inter-group relations can be observed distinctly.

Chaurchand

Almost all caste groups celebrate chaurchalld in the month ofBhadra. They worship the moon by offering rice pudding, fruits and

curd. On this occasion, they also invite close relatives and friends

for a feast at home.

Durga Puja

Durga puja is also widely celebrated by the Tarai caste Hindu

groups in the month of Asoj or Karlik (Oct! Nov). Unlike the hill

people, who put tika on their forehead and move to the households

of relatives for tika, blessings and feast, the Tarai people worship

Durga only to get tika and blessing from the priest (Brahmin). They

worship goddess Durga by offering sweets and by sacrificing goats

and pigeon. The people of other castes of this VDC receive jamara

from the Maithil Brahmin- the local priest.

Tihar

All the caste groups celebrate the Tihar festival by worshipping the

goddess Laxmi in the month of Karlik. However, the Teli, Baniya

and Kalwar (all of them are the business groups) celebrate this

festival lavishly.

The Kayasthya worship Chitra Gupta (who is believed to write

peoples fate during birth) in Tihar while worshipping inkpots and

pens. The festival follows a feast, inviting the relations and

neighbors.


Chhath

All the Tarai caste groups celebrate this festival in the month of

Kartik. The people celebrate this festival for two days. On the first

day they worship the setting Sun god and on the second day they

worship the rising sun god in the morning.

In brief, a Village Development Committee (VDC) in the Tarai is

not necessarily a homogenous community today. It shows

considerable diversity in terms of language, religion and culture.

Though there is tremendous diversity among the Tarai caste groups,

they, however, co-exist together because of the following economic

factors:

I. In a board sense, a single culture area in the Tarai constitutes a

region in the sense of a common language. The people speak

ing the same language have certain degree of commonalities

which bind them together. For example, the Maithil Brahmins

and the untouchables speaking the same language have certain

culture forms in common, though they pace themselves in two

extremes in the hierarchical model of the Hindu caste structure.

2. It is also difficult to isolate a particular culture trait as social,

economic or religious as one trait complement the other in an

organic, functional character of the society. Nevertheless, the

other most important binding factor is the economy of the

people itself. Historically, the economy of the Tarai is

governed by two groups of people, the big landlords and the

peasants or landless farmers. This economic model is operating

up to now. Similarly, certain caste groups are permitted to do

only certain type of caste specific occupation. In other words,

the economic disparity and caste specific occupations forcepeople to line together for survival


3. Historically, the Hindu caste hierarchical structure has

remained as a model to co-exit. The various caste groups have

remained as a basis of social interaction among the majority of

the Tarai people.

4. Rituals and festivals which are celebrated locally by thepeople, always help to minimize the structural cleavages

between and among groups.

5. Finally, the Tarai social structure is little dynamic as a wholeOver the last 200 years of the settlement history of the Tarai,

only few groups like Teli, Sudhi, and Kalwar are able to raise

their social position from the water unacceptable group. The

nature of struggle is economic rather than social. As these

groups earned good money in the local context through

business, and started sending their children to better schools

these socio-economic mechanisms have helped them to raise

their social status as water accepted community. In this VDC

the local people, except the Maithil Brahman started accepting

water from these caste groups only during the last decade or

so.

Conclusion

The Tarai villages in general and Mahamadpur village in particular

are not the homogeneous communities. However, this Village is

more homogenous in its social structure. If we analyze the socially

defined boundaries of kinship. caste, ethnicity, language. economic

condition, duration of stay and religious values, this village shares

many of these features in common. Though a clear account of the

history of many of the caste groups under study is not available, it

is however clear that most of the caste group under study came

from the neighbouring states of Bihar in India. All of the caste

groups in the study area are Hindus. They celebrate Hindu festivals


and worship Hindu gods and goddesses on different occasIOns.

They speak local Maithili language. Their marriage and kinship

patterns are similar and they are closely tied with the Tarai Hindu

caste, hierarchical model.

Though the caste solidarity is more pronounced among the caste

groups, politics is controlled more by the Yadav in the study area.

The Yadavs are economically well off and also stressing their

horizontal tiller across the village boundaries.

All the caste groups in the study area have harmonious social

relationship. They participate in feasts of each other, worship of

village deities, marriage ceremony and death ritual. The social

solidarity is seen on the occasion of Holi festival in which all the

caste groups irrespective of political ideology and local personal

differences gather at a public place and exchange their best wishes

by distributing red colour and cardamom, nuts and betel.

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