Sound Change in the Development of Omagua andKokama-Kokamilla:

Synchronic and Diachronic Evidence

Zachary J. O’HaganVivian M. Wauters

University of California, Berkeley

8 January 2012Society for the Study of the Indigenous Languages of the Americas

SSILA∗

1 Introduction

Goal: In this talk we discuss aspects of a phonological reconstruction of Proto-Omagua-Kokama (POK), namely four types of sound changes that occurred in the history of itsdescendant languages, Omagua (OMG) and Kokama-Kokamilla (KK), two highly endan-gered languages of Peruvian Amazonia. Because there are only two descendants of POK,we utilize external resources that bear on the proper reconstruction of segments with non-identity correspondences between the two languages (i.e., cases in which there is a “tie”to be broken), particularly older documentation of KK (de Castelnau, 1851; Marcoy, 1875;Vacas Galindo, Vacas Galindo), as well as extant and in-progress reconstruction work on theTupı-Guaranı (TG) language family (Mello, 2000).1 In light of this, Omagua is shown to bethe more conservative of the two languages.

Sections 1.1 & 1.2 present the background and phonological inventories of OMG andKK; §2 discusses vowel raising; §3 presents historical evidence for an uncommon process ofaffricativization (ie., /s/ > /ts/ and /S/ > /tS/) in KK; §4 discusses apocope in a series of KK

∗We thank: Omagua consultants †Manuel Cabudivo Tuisima (1925-2010), Amelia Huanaquiri Tuisima,Arnaldo Huanaquiri Tuisima, Alicia Huanıo Cabudivo and Lino Huanıo Cabudivo, all of whom have beeninstrumental in the collection of lexical data as part of the documentation of Omagua (NSF DEL award#0966499 Collaborative Research: Kokama-Kokamilla (cod) and Omagua (omg): Documentation, Descrip-tion, and (Non-)Genetic Relationships); colleagues Lev Michael, Clare Sandy and Tammy Stark (UC Berke-ley); Rosa Vallejos Yopan for her extensive personal communication and the sharing of unpublished lexicaldata on Kokama-Kokamilla; and members of the Tupı-Guaranı Comparative Project: Keith Bartolomei, LevMichael and Mike Roberts (UC Berkeley).1All PTG forms cited here come from Mello (2000) unless indicated specifically otherwise.

1

function words; and §5 discusses KK strategies to avoid vowel hiatus, based on dispreferencesfor onsetless syllables and complex nuclei, as well as a bimoraic minimum word requirement.

1.1 Language Background

- Omagua and Kokama-Kokamilla are two highly endangered languages spoken princi-pally in northeastern Peru (Department of Loreto).

- They are Tupı-Guaranı languages that exhibit a significant lexical and grammaticalinfluence from an apparently non-TG language (as do other languages of the familysuch as Yuki and Guaja).

- All known speakers of Omagua are natives or residents of San Joaquın de Omaguas(Amazon river).2

- Kokama-Kokamilla consists of two dialects (Vallejos Yopan, 2010a, p. 28-33):

i. Kokama (KOK), spoken on the Ucayali, Maranon, Samiria and Amazon rivers;

ii. Kokamilla (KLL), spoken along the upper Huallaga River.

Figure 1: Peruvian Department of Loreto

2Additional speakers were reported in nearby San Salvador de Omaguas (Amazon River) as recently as thelate 1950s (Girard, 1958), although it is unknown if any speakers currently remain there.

2

1.2 Phonemic Inventories

- OMG exhibits an uncommon series of four high vowels and one low vowel (Table 1).

Table 1: Omagua Vowel Inventory

Front Central Back

Highi 1 u

IMiddleLow a

- The vowels /i/, /1/, and /I/ appear regularly in minimal pairs, as seen in (1).

(1) a. w1Ra ‘bird’ – wiRa ‘penis’

b. sIta ‘want, need, like’ – s1ta ‘fry’

c. sisa ‘face’ – sIsa ‘flower’

- Kokama-Kokamilla also exhibits a five-vowel inventory (Table 2).3

Table 2: Kokama Vowel Inventory

Front Central Back

High i 1 uMiddle eLow a

- There is a three vowel maximal distribution, with additional clustering of front highvowels.

i. Note that OMG /I/ corresponds to KK /e/.

ii. This non-identity correspondence forms one of the two changes discussed in §2.

- OMG and KK consonant inventories are shown in Tables 3 & 4, respectively.4

3Vallejos Yopan (2010a, p. 106)4The Kokama-Kokamilla inventory here is adapted from Vallejos Yopan (2010a, p. 95). We grant onlymarginal phonemic status to /ts/, which appears in one high-frequency form tsI 1sg.fs. Forms containing/tS/ are all explainable via isolated historical palatalization processes (i.e., *ti) or borrowing from Kokama-Kokamilla and Quechua.

3

Table 3: Omagua Consonant Inventory

Bilabial Alveolar Alveo-Palatal Palatal Velar

Stop p t k kw

Nasal m nFricative s SAffricate (ts) (tS)

Flap RGlide w y

Table 4: Kokama-Kokamilla Consonant Inventory

Bilabial Alveolar Alveo-Palatal Palatal Velar

Stop p t kNasal m n

Fricative xAffricate ts tS

Flap RGlide w y

2 Vowel Raising

- Vowel inventories for the two languages differ only in their treatment of POK *e – /I/in Omagua and /e/ in Kokama, as seen in Table 5.

Table 5: Front Vowel Correspondence /I/ ∼ /e/

omg kk Gloss pok

amusI amutse far *amuseIRata eRata keep *eRata

IRuRa ∼ IRuRi eRuRa bring *eRuRiIRusu eRutsu take *eRusu

kakatupI katupe appear *kakatupekupI kupe cultivate *kupe

sInIpuka tsenepuka be blue *senepukasInupua tsenepa knee *senupua

sIsu tsetsu star, dew *sesusIta tseta want, need, like *setatIwI tewe salt *tewe

4

- In principle, two analyses are available:

i. The POK reflex lowering to KK /e/

ii. The POK reflex raising to OMG /I/

- Crucially, only the latter analysis has support from PTG, which exhibits a phonemic**e in cognate forms, as seen in Table 6.

Table 6: PTG Front Vowel Reconstructions /I/ ∼ /e/

omg kk Gloss pok ptg

kwIma kwema dawn *kwema **koPememIna mena husband *mena **menpIwa pewa be flat *pewa **peB

sII tse be sweet *see **tSePesIwIka tseweka belly, stomach *seweka **eBeNuwIwI uwe ∼ uwi fly *uwewe **BeBe

- Although there are no other regular vowel changes, there exist some KK forms in which/1/ has spread across other high vowels in a word, as seen in Table 7.

Table 7: /1/ Vowel Harmony

omg kk Gloss

p1p1Si p1p1tS1 Bactris gasipaes (palm sp.)m1R1ti m1R1t1 fruit sp. (Sp. aguaje)

mIm1Ra m1m1Ra son (female ego)

2.1 Back Vowels

- The only back vowel in OMG and KK is the high vowel /u/, and we reconstruct onlythis back vowel for POK.

- However, given evidence from PTG reconstructions, it is clear that POK collapsed **oand **u (Table 8).

4We use ‘n/a’ to indicate that we have been unable to locate a cognate from currently reconstructed forms.However, this does not mean that a cognate may not exist in the Tupı-Guaranı family.

5

Table 8: PTG **o and **u Convergence in POK

omg kk Gloss ptg

uka uka house **okinupa inupa beat, hit **nupa1w1tu 1w1tu wind **1B1tu

mukuika mukuika two **mokoj

3 Affricativization

- KK underwent two uncommon sound changes /s/ > /ts/ and /S/ > /tS/, evidenced bywordlists collected by three 19th century investigators across ∼50 years.5

i. †Francois de Castelnau (1810 London – 1880 East Melbourne); data from: ∼1845

French naturalist and diplomat6

ii. †Paul Marcoy (1815 Bordeaux – 1888 Bordeaux); data from: 1846 ∼ 18477

Pseudonym for the French explorer Laurent Saint-Cricq

Had previously joined and left the Castelnau expedition in the Urubambariver valley

iii. †Enrique Vacas Galindo (1865 Cotacachi – 1938 Quito); data from: late 1880s ∼early 1890s8

Ecuadorean Dominican and amateur historian

Missionized among the Jıvaro of the Morona and Pastaza rivers (Vacas Galindo,1891)

Based on geographic proximity, likely documented the Kokamilla dialect ofthe upper Huallaga

- de Castelnau records zero tokens of /ts/, only /s/ (<s> or <ss>); he records /S/(<ch>) and two tokens of /tS/ (<tsch>).9

5Lexical data here was compiled from Rivet (1910, pp. 152-168) and checked against de Castelnau (1851)and Marcoy (1875) for copy accuracy (with the exception of Vacas Galindo’s unpublished manuscript).

6See Whitley (1974) for further biographical details, available online here: http://adb.anu.edu.au/

biography/laporte-francois-louis-nompar-de-caumont-3993.7The first monographic edition of the work documenting Marcoy’s travels in South America appeared in1869, although it had been published serially in Paris between 1862 and 1867 in Le Tour du Monde. Thefirst English edition appeared in 1873 (see bibliographic references in Chaumeil (2001)).

8It appears that after 1896 Vacas Galindo almost exclusively studied the history of the Ecuadorean-Peruvian border as part of the ongoing territorial dispute between these two countries (see http:

//www.mcnbiografias.com/app-bio/do/show?key=vacas-galindo-enrique). His documentation mustdate from before 1910, at which time the French linguist Paul Rivet had access to a manuscript copy of it.

9In de Castelnau and Marcoy’s data, we assume French orthographic conventions, namely that <ch> corre-sponds to IPA [S].

6

- Marcoy predominantly records /s/ (<s>), but also three tokens of /ts/ (<tz>∼<ts>);he records /S/ only (<ch>).

- Vacas Galindo records /ts/ and /tS/ (<ts> and <c>, respectively), to the exclusionof /s/ and /S/.

- Table 9 shows /s/ and /S/ in Castelnau and Marcoy, in comparison to /ts/ and /tS/in Vacas Galindo (VG) and the modern language (VY = Vallejos Yopan), suggestingthat affricativization occurred in the period spanning the late 1840s to early 1890s.

7

Tab

le9:

Ear

ly19

thC

entu

ryK

KA

ffri

cati

viz

atio

n

Cas

teln

auM

arco

y(1

846∼

1847

)V

G(1

880s∼

1890

s)V

Y(2

000s

)G

loss

siso

u[s

isu]

tsit

su[t

sits

u]

["tse

tsu]

star

scou

api

[se"

wap

i]ts

eguap

e[t

se"w

ape]

[tse

"wep

e]fo

rehea

dch

isa

["Sis

a]ci

tsat

si[t

Si"t

sats

i][t

si"t

sats

i]ey

eso

ute

ma

[su

"tem

a]ts

ute

ma

[tsu

"tem

a][t

su"t

1ma]

thig

hsa

ko["s

ako]

saco

["sak

o]["t

saku]

be

hot

sisi

["sis

i]si

sa["s

isa]

["tse

tsa]

flow

erso

une

[su

"ne]

soni

["son

i]ts

um

i["t

sum

i]["t

suni]

be

bla

cknia

pis

ara

[ñap

i"saR

a]ya

pis

ara

[yap

i"saR

a]nap

itsa

ra[ñ

api"t

saRa

][n

api"t

sara

]m

anya

si["y

asi]

yasi

["yas

i]ya

s?

["yat

s1]

moon

musa

per

ika

[musa

pe"

Rika

]m

uts

apuer

eka

[muts

ap1"R

eka]

[muts

ap1"R

1ka]

thre

eic

uac

hi

[i"k

waS

i]ik

uac

i[i

"kw

atSi

][i

"kw

atSi

]ye

ster

day

yaquis

a[y

a"kis

a][y

a"k

1tsa

]hai

rya

chou

care

[yaS

uka

"Re]

[ya"

tSuka

]nec

kes

se-w

asso

u[e

se"w

asu]

[1ts

1"wat

su]

dee

rsa

sasi

ma

[sas

a"si

ma]

[tsa

tsa"

ts1m

a]sh

out

equer

asse

[eke

Ra"s

e][1

k1R

a"ts

en]

child

chip

ati

[Si"p

ati]

[tSi

"pat

i]pal

msp

.se

nip

e[s

e"nip

e][t

se"n

epa]

knee

(kok

)ypas

sou

[i"p

asu]

[1"p

atsu

]la

keso

upia

["supia

](?

)["t

sup

ja]

egg

puis

ape

[pis

a"p

e]finge

rnan

ilsi

nip

uka

[sin

i"puka

][t

sene"

puka

]b

eblu

esa

ichim

i[s

aj"S

imi]

[tsa

j"tSi

mi]

skir

tm

ichir

a[m

i"SiR

a][m

i"tSi

Ra]

roas

t

8

- Table 10 exemplifies the three forms in which Marcoy records /ts/, as well as the twoforms in which de Castelnau records /tS/.

i. This suggests that affricativization was an incipient change as early as 1846 ∼1847, or that /s/ and /S/ were variably realized as /ts/ and /tS/ at that time.

ii. Note that de Castelnau’s form for ‘sun, day’ quaratsche shows an affricate whereMarcoy’s does not, which contradicts an otherwise tidy documentation of soundchanges from Castelnau forward; this is similarly suggestive of a period of timeof variable realization.

Table 10: Earlier 19th Century Tokens of KK Affricativization

Castelnau (∼1845) Marcoy (1846 ∼ 1847) VG (1880s ∼ 1890s) VY (2000s) Gloss

tayassu [taya"su] tahuatzu [ta"watsu] [ta"yatsu] peccary sp.seiri ["seiRi] tsiriahi [tsiRi"ai] ["ts1Ri] be cold

hipuitza [i"pitsa] epuetsa [e"p1tsa] [1"p1tsa] night

tschouranani [tSuRa"nani] ["tSuRa] smallquaratsche [kwaRa"tSe] cuarachi [kwa"RaSi] kuaraci [kwa"RatSi] [kwa"RatSi] sun, day

4 Apocope

- Apocope is a widespread process in KK that leads to a shift in stress one syllableleftward following standard penultimate stress assignment, which is a salient differencebetween the two languages.

- A small set of KK forms that have undergone apocope attract final stress as if a finalCV were still present, indicated by an acute accent below.

- It is predominantly functional items that undergo apocope (Table 11).

- A limited set of lexical items have also been subject to apocope.

- All cases truncate a syllable beginning with POK *w (Table 12).

- No functional items ending in Ra or Ri undergo apocope (Table 13).

10The alternation of =tsu versus =tsui is a dialectal distinction. With certain classes of pre-verbal person-markers, =tsu attracts stress to the final syllable, as if an additional CV were present (patterning similarlyto =a remote future). Note that the form =tsui becomes homophonous with =tsui ablative in KK.Interestingly, KK preserves a full form -tsupe, which now functions as an applicative suffix on verbs.Espinosa Perez (1935) gives -tsupi where Faust (1972) and Vallejos Yopan give =tsu, suggesting that thedeletion of pi may be a relatively recent process, which itself helps explain why this form varies alongdialect lines (Vallejos Yopan, 2010b, pp. 91-95, 104).

11Rodrigues (2010, p. 6).

9

Table 11: Apocope of KK Functional Words

omg kk Gloss pok

=aRi =a progressive (omg); remote future (kk) *=aRiinami ina prohibitive *inami=kati =ka allative, locative *=kati

=katikatu katika while, until (omg); ‘until’ (kk) *=katikatu-katu -ka regressive omg; reiterative (kk) *=katu

=pupI =pu instrumental *=pupe=pupIkatu -puka when *=pupekatu

=RaSi -Ra conditional *=RaSi=sInuni -tsen purposive *=senoni

=supi =tsu(i)10 goal (omg); dative (kk) *=supi

Table 12: Apocope of Lexical Items

omg kk Gloss pok ptg

sawa tsa leaf, hair *sawa **oB ‘leaf’, **aB ‘hair’uwIwI uwe fly *uwewe **BeBe

1y1w1ta 1y1 roast *1y1w1 ‘be cooked’ **y1B11‘be cooked’1p1w1 1p1 be soft *1p1w1 n/a

Table 13: Function Words Without Apocope

omg kk Gloss

-k1Ra =k1Ra diminutive=kwaRa =kwaRa inessive, locative

-miRa -miRa purposive=puRa =puRa focus=suRi =tsuRi distal past-taRa -taRa purposive

-waRa -waRa agentive nominalizer

5 Resyllabification

- POK vowel hiatus was the result of two underlying syllable structures VV and V.V,which are preserved in OMG but reduced in in KK, resulting in distinct resyllabifica-tions.

- VV are diphthongs of falling sonority whereas V.V show an onsetless syllable that isof rising sonority in relation to the preceding nucleus, as in Table 14.

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Table 14: Proto-Omagua-Kokama Vowel Hiatus

(C)VV (C)V.V

*ai *u.a*ui *i.a*1i *i.u*a1 *1.a

*u.1*e.a*e.u12

- In OMG, V.V sequences differ from VV diphthongs in showing a shift in stress place-ment one syllable rightward when additional morphology is suffixed or cliticized to aroot; diphthongs, on the other hand, do not exhibit such a shift.13

- POK diphthongs were monophthongized in KK via the deletion of the first vowel,except when disallowed by a bimoraic minimum word requirement (Table 15).14

- Note the resultant stress shift one syllable leftward in KK forms.15

- As seen in Table 16, the initial V of V.V sequences in KK was preferentially glided, butdeleted if gliding violated phonotactic constraints, with some differentiation betweendialects, as follows:

i. In Kokama and Kokamilla, /u/ and /i/ glided following all stops, to form complexonsets.

ii. In Kokamilla, /u/ deleted following /R/, /n/ and /y/, but in Kokama it waspreserved following /R/ and /n/, forming a closed syllable.

iii. In Kokama and Kokamilla, /i/ glided following /R/ and /n/, forming a closedsyllable.

iv. The vowel /1/ never underwent gliding, deleting in cases that would not lead tosemantic ambiguity (cf., §5.1.2).

- Note that Kokama and Kokamilla differ in their treatment of /u.V/ sequences, withKokama remaining more conservative in gliding, but not deleting, /u/.

12The POK sequences *e.a and *e.u, which occurred in a very small number of forms, have undergonethe expected raising of *e > /I/ in OMG. However, KK cognates represent an uncommon and irregularcorrespondence of OMG /I/ ∼ KK /i/, and thus pattern like all other KK /i.a/ and /i.u/ sequences. Assuch, they are not discussed further in Table 14.

13Contrast [a"mai] / [a"maina] ‘this / these (FS)’ with [miRi"k1a] / [miRik1"ana] ‘sister(s)-in-law (male ego)’.14The orthographic representation of KK forms that preserve a VV diphthong has been standardized to<VV> (streamlining <VV>, <Vy> and <Vj>, depending on the source), as this does not reflect adifference in the underlying form.

15In Tables 15, 16, 19 & 20, we do not indicate POK reconstructions, as the OMG forms show no changesfrom the proto-forms.

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Table 15: Reduction of VV Diphthongs in KK

vv omg syll. omg kk gloss ptg

ai

cvv["kai] ["kai] monkey sp. **kaPi["sai] ["tsai] tooth **aj

(c)v.cvv[u"mai] ["umi] see n/a[s1"Rai] ["ts1Ri] be cold n/a

(c)v.cv.cvv[ipi"Rai] [i"piRi] Pygocentrus piraya **piRaj

[s1sa"Rai] [ts1"saRi] forget **etSaRaj

cv.cvv.cv[ti"paiRi] [ti"piRi] sweep **peiR[ti"paisa] [ti"pitsa] broom n/a

ui

(c)vv["ui] ["ui] manioc flour **uPi

["mui] ["mui] snake **moj

(c)v.cvv[a"mui] ["ami] grandfather **amoj

[mu"nui] ["muni] peanut **manuBi

(c)v.cv.cvv[uku"kui] [u"kuki] fall n/a

[yapu"kui] [ya"puki] row **p1kuj

1icvv ["s1i] ["s1i] sweat **1Pajcv.cvv [s1"k1i] ["ts1ki] pull **ek1jcv.cv.cvv [yan1"k1i] [ya"nuki] slowly n/a

a1vv ["a1] ["a1] sloth **aP1v.cvv.cv [u"ka1Ra] [u"k1Ra] be stingy n/a

- Given that these two resyllabification processes resulted in the disappearance of CVVin polysyllabic and CV.V in words with three or more syllables, we propose that bothcomplex nuclei and onsetless syllables were dispreferred in KK:

i. A dispreference for complex nuclei accounts for monophthongization (Table 15).

ii. Avoidance of onsetless syllables in non-initial position accounts for the gliding of/u/ and /i/, or their deletion (Table 16). In the latter case, this resulted in eithercomplex onsets (following /p/, /t/ and /k/) or closed syllables (following /R/ and/n/).

- Note that KK does permit word-initial onsetless syllables. In cases where OMG showsa second, onsetless syllable, KK appears to have consistently phonemicized a medialglide (e.g., OMG piata / KK piyata ‘ask (for)’).

- Interestingly this epenthesis did not occur in those forms in which the minimum wordrequirement was at work, i.e., it occurred only in words of three syllables or more (e.g.,KK p1a ‘liver’, but 1yata ‘swim’ (cf., OMG 1ata)).

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Table 16: Reduction of V.V Sequences in KK

v.v omg syll. omg kok kll gloss ptg

ua

cv.v["pua] ["pua] hand **po["nua] ["nua] be big n/a

xx.cv.v[ai"kua] ["aikwa] be sick n/a[ya"pua] ["yapwa] be round **apuPa

...Rua [m1"Rua] ["m1Rwa] ["m1Ra] navel **p1Rua

...nua [1m1"nua] [1"m1nwa] [1"m1na] long ago n/a

...yua [a"yua] ["aya] shoot n/a

ia cv.cv.v[pu"tia] ["putya] chest **potiPa[su"pia] ["tsupya] egg **upiPa

iucv.cv.v

[ka"niu] ["kanyu] be weak **kanePo[ya"tiu] ["yatyu] mosquito **jatiPu

(c)v.cv.cv.v[ama"niu] [a"manyu] cotton **am1niju[watu"Riu] [wa"tuRya] Opisthocomus oatzin n/a

1acv.v

["t1a] ["t1a] be wet n/a["p1a] ["p1a] liver **p1a

cv.cv.cv.v [yam1"m1a] [ya"m1ma] grieve n/au1 cv.v [su"1] [tsu"1] blood **uw1

5.1 Unexpected Lack of Reduction

5.1.1 No Monophthongization of /ai/

- A class of KK roots that is not constrained by the bimoraic minimum word require-ment shows no reduction of /ai/ when that diphthong is in the first syllable (listedexhaustively in Table 17).

Table 17: Preservation of KK /ai/ in First Syllable

omg syll. omg kk gloss pok

(c)vv.cv

["aisI] ["aitse] be evil/ugly *aise["taiRa] ["taiRa] daughter (male ego) *taiRa["yaiSI] ["yaitSi] paternal aunt, mother-in-law *yaiSe

["saimI] ["tsaimi] be sharp *saime[wai"nu] ["waina] woman *wainua

(c)vv.cv.(c)v

[ai"kua] ["aikwa] be sick *aikua[kai"suma] [kai"tsuma] manioc beer *kaisuma

[mai"numa] [mai"numa] hummingbird *mainuma[tai"tatu] [tai"tatu] Tayassu tajacu (peccary sp.) *taitatu

13

5.1.2 No Reduction of /1.a/

- In OMG there exist 10 roots with final /1.a/.

i. The reflexes of two of these (p1a ‘liver’ and t1a ‘be wet’) do not show reductionsin KK due to the minimum word requirement.

ii. One root aks1a ‘fear’ is the result of old metathesis (cf., KK ak1tSa), and so is notsusceptible to reduction in KK; one 1k1a ‘be grimy’ has no cognate in KK.

iii. The reflex of one yam1m1a ‘grieve’ underwent reduction in KK given the unglide-ability of /1/.

iv. Four kinship terms, which appear to be derived historically from nuclear kinshipterms via the insertion of /1/, do not show reduction in KK, presumably due tootherwise resultant homophony (Table 18).16

Table 18: Lack of Reduction of /1a/ in KK Kinship Terms

omg kk Gloss POK

mIm1R1a m1m1R1a nephew (female ego) *mem1R1amIn1a men1a brother-in-law (female ego) *men1a

miRik1a miRik1a sister-in-law (male ego) *miRik1ata1R1a ta1R1a nephew (male ego) *ta1R1a

v. One form that is not part of the kinship system appears to have not been reduced:OMG & KK anan1a, Sp. torres, (fish sp., Phractocephalus hemioliopterus).

5.2 Unexpected Reduction Strategies

5.2.1 Spreading of /1/ Following Monophthongization

- A small number of KK forms underwent “/1/-spreading” following monopthongization.

- This appears to have happened categorically in the Kokamilla dialect, but only partiallyin the Kokama dialect (Table 19).

Table 19: Spreading of /1/ in KK Following Monophthongization

omg kok kll Gloss ptg

[1"k1i] ["1ki] ["1k1] chili (Sp. ajı) **k1P1j[1"s1i] ["1tse] ["1ts1] get frightened n/a

[s1"k1i] ["ts1k1] ["ts1k1] smoke, fish with hook **ek1j[s1"w1i] ["ts1w1] ["ts1w1] earthworm **jeBoPi

16See OMG mIm1Ra ‘daughter (female ego)’, mIna ‘husband’, miRikua ‘wife’, ta1Ra ‘son (male ego)’.

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- Note that some Kokama dialect forms (e.g., KOK 1ki ‘chili’) provide evidence thatPOK *1i monophthongized like other diphthongs, i.e., via the deletion of the initialvowel, and not of the second.

5.2.2 Alternate V.V Reduction

- Two KK forms that correspond to OMG /i.u/-final roots show deletion of the secondvowel instead of the gliding of /i/, even when permitted phonotactically (Table 20).

Table 20: Alternate V.V Reduction

omg kk Gloss

[upa"Riu] [u"paRi] Triportheus angulatus (fish sp.)[suku"Riu] [tsu"kuRi] boa

6 Conclusions

- In this presentation we have presented four types of sound changes in KK and OMG.

- Much of our analysis of these changes is informed and improved by 19th century doc-umentation of KK and reconstructions of PTG forms.

i. *e > /I/ (omg)

Synchronic data from KK and OMG does not favor the reconstruction of onevowel over another. Only given PTG data can we reliably determine whatthe proto-segment was.

ii. Affricativization (kk)

Without documentation of KK from distinct periods in the 19th century, wewould reconstruct affricates for POK that lenided in OMG following morecrosslinguistically common sound changes.

iii. Apocope (kk)

In this case, we would have reconstructed the longer forms as in OMG; how-ever, PTG provides additional support for this decision.

iv. Resyllabification (kk)

In the case of VV diphthongs and V.V sequences, one can see that both sylla-ble types are descendant from two distinct vowels in PTG, clearly indicatingthat the KK underwent glide-formation and vowel deletion.

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