The Origins and Evolution of Latino HistoryAuthor(s): Virginia Sánchez KorrolSource: Magazine of History, Vol. 10, No. 2, Latinos in the United States (Winter, 1996), pp. 5-12Published by: Organization of American HistoriansStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25163064Accessed: 24/10/2009 10:22

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The Origins and Evolution of

Latino History

Virginia Sanchez Korrol

I

am new. History made me. My first language was spanglish.

I was born at the crossroads

and I am whole.

Aurora Levins Morales

"Child of the Americas"(l) ?

Mexican Americans/Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, Cuban Americans, and

their descendants, the oldest and largest

sub-groups among a population of some

thirty million Hispanos in the United

States, form the core of a union that

matches relatively recent arrivals, pre

dominantly from the Dominican Repub lic and Central and South America, with

long-time U.S. residents; English speak

ing with Spanish speaking; aliens with

citizens; and documented individuals

with undocumented immigrants. As the

nation's fastest growing "minority," all

indicators point to a heightened sense of

awareness and receptivity among Latinos across ethnic and national lines, regard-

~~

ing a collective consciousness and histori

cal role in the U.S.

The validation of memory, self-iden

tification, contestation, and affirmation

spans centuries as persons of Spanish American heritage have always figured in

the making of the United States of America.

Viewed from another perspective, as Na

tive Americans, Latinos were there when

Plymouth Rock was just a pebble. As

Spanish settlements, presidios, villas,

pueblos, and missions throughout the

Americas pre-date Jamestown by at least

As the nation's fastest

growing "minority/' all

indicators point to a

heightened sense of awareness and receptiv

ity among Latinos across

ethnic lines and national

lines, regarding a collec

tive consciousness and

historical role in the U.S.

one hundred years, the origins of a compre hensive Latino/Hispanic entity began well

before the massive migrations and immigra

tions of the present. The forgotten heritage of Hispanics in what is now the United States

forms the focus of contemporary historical

and literary investigation (2).

Spanish American chronicles, diaries

and testimonials, administrative, civil,

military, and ecclesiastical records, musi

cal compositions and theatrical works,

prose, poetry, travel narratives, and other

rich primary sources form the earliest ex

m tant literature in what is today the United

States. A wealth of materials, including oral traditions, chronicle multifaceted

life in colonial settlements from the six

teenth to the nineteenth centuries in what are presently Florida, New Mexico, Geor

gia, Texas, Arizona, Louisiana, South

Carolina, California, Missouri, Missis

sippi, Kansas, Arkansas, Alabama, and

Nebraska, and include as well the His

panic Caribbean islands. Sources reveal

a strong web of regional interconnec

tions that linked the Hispanic Caribbean

and South and Central America with

U.S. communities, aiding migration from

one point to another. The founding of

major commercial, religious, and cul

tural sites?among them the cities of

Los Angeles, Santa Fe, St. Augustine, ~~

San Antonio, and San Juan?testify to

the vitality of a period that set standards

for enduring socio-cultural institutions and wove the earliest connecting strands among

Spanish Americans.

The nineteenth century brings into

focus the formation of peoplehood. This

period initiates a rich tapestry of docu

OAH Magazine of History Winter 1996 5

mentation from the regional presses that

bridged peripheral northern communities

with the southern metropolis in Mexico

City, or Havana, or San Juan, to the nov

els, essays, testimonios, and treatises of

political exiles. The first historical novel

ever written in the United States might well have been Jicotencal, penned by Cuban Felix Varela in Philadelphia in

1826 (3). Along with other literary ef

forts, Varela's work serves to illustrate the

earliest ideas about Latin American na

tionhood. It is significant also that the first

Spanish language newspaper to emerge from U. S. Hispanic communities, El

Misisipi, published in New Orleans in

1808, initiated a long chain of periodicals that afford the historian intimate glimpses into the ethos of large communities of

Americans who happened to speak and

write in Spanish (4).

By the time the Treaty of Guadalupe

Hidalgo ceded half of the Mexican terri

tory to the United States in 1848, Mexican

heritage had become inextricably woven

into the historical fabric of the American

Southwest. As they assessed their situa

tion in the "uneasy space that marked the

intersection of the cultures of Mexico and

the United States," Mexican Americans

struggled with issues of identity in the

decades following 1848 (5). Their con

cerns were expressed in writing in dozens

of Spanish language newspapers that dot

ted the Southwest, in folkloric border

corridos that extolled the virtues of folk

heroes like Gregorio Cortez or Juan

Chacon, in the actions of rebels like Joaquin Murrieta and Tiburcio Vasquez, and in

autobiographies like Mariano Vallejo's that served as a form of cultural resistance.

Viewed also through the lens of the landed

elite, novels like Maria Amparo Ruiz de

Burton's The Squatter and the Don testify to a chaotic world of clashing Anglo and

Mexican values as the century neared its

conclusion (6). On the other side of the continent,

late-nineteenth and early-twentieth cen

tury Cuban and Puerto Rican political

" ____

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Bronx Hispanic American Registration Committee, November 1956.

exiles, joined by expatriates from South

and Central America, articulated an agenda of working-class concerns in the Spanish

language presses of southern Florida and

New York City. Confronting oppressive colonial structures and the economic dev

astation wrought by the ten-year war,

Cubans spearheaded extensions of the

island's cigar industry in Tampa, Ybor

City, and New York City, providing the

locus for working-class emigrations that

would continue into the twentieth century.

Strategies of Antillean independence, radi

cal labor organizing, and even the seeds of

Puerto Rican feminism were sown; the

latter especially with the second edition

publication of Luisa Capetillo's Mi

opinion: Disecatacion sobre las libertades

de la mujer in Ybor City (7). Under leaders like Jose Marti, Fran

cisco Gonzalez (Pachin) Marin, and Sotero

Figueroa, "The Bases of the Cuban Revo

lutionary Party" were written and ratified

by supportive groups in New York, New

Orleans, Philadelphia, and other revolu

tionary centers throughout the Americas.

These ideologies were well known outside

and within exile communities composed

predominantly of racially diverse work

ing-class men and women. Progressive

views on the social and economic contra

dictions found within their communities

appeared in the pages of Patria, the revo

lutionary organ, and others like El Latino

Americano or El Porvenir (8).

Following the Spanish Cuban Ameri

can War, focus shifted from independence to internal community concerns, includ

ing the organization of workers in mutual

aid societies, unions, and other supportive associations. Women emerged promi

nently among the union ranks, and could

be found at the forefront of workers'

struggles. In New York, essayists?in

cluding Cuban Alberto O'Farrill, editor of

the weekly, Grdfico\ Puerto Rican Arturo

Alfonso Schomburg, bibliophile of the

African experience in the Americas; Bernardo Vega, chronicler; and Jesus

Colon, columnist for Justicia, as well as

other papers?defended their communi

ties against American foreign and domes

tic imperialism (9). In so doing, they

6 OAHMagazine of History Winter 1996

followed a tradition set forth by leading

nineteenth-century Antillean thinkers who

lived and wrote in New York. Included

among this group were Jose Marti, the

father of the Cuban independence, and

Eugenio Maria de Hostos, educator of the

Americas. These intellectuals, in particu lar, supported

a concept of Hispano-Ameri

can unity and were acutely aware of their

historical place within the Ibero-Ameri can family.

Within fifty years, a handful of pio

neering intellectuals, writers, and other

pensadores grappled with the condition

and status of Latinos, especially Mexican

Americans. Conditioned by the political tone and generation in which they were

produced, their contributions proposed to

mediate, validate, and, ultimately, rede

fine the Mexican American, Puerto Rican, or Cuban U.S. experience. In the produc

tion of new knowledge, the academics

attempted to eradicate debasing stereo

types and to confront racism and discrimi

nation. Among the first scholars to fashion a Mexican American identity were histo

rian Carlos E. Castaneda, sociologist

George I. Sanchez, and folklorist Arthur I.

Campa. Cultural stirrings concerning self

definition, colonialism, racism, ethnicity, and the sub-altern status of U.S. Hispanos

surfaced in other camps as well (10).

Identity and affirmation were at the core of literary works written in Latin

America, the Hispanic Caribbean, and the

United States. In this vein, the works of

Octavio Paz delve into the Mexican psyche both north and south of the Rio Grande.

The articles of Mario Suarez which estab

lish post World War II concepts of a

Mexican American identity are reflected on the East Coast in Puerto Rican Bernardo

Vega's memoirs (11). The decade of the

sixties witnesses the publications of

Guillermo Cotto Thorner's Tropico en

Manhattan, Piri Thomas's Down These

Mean Streets, and Jesus Colon's A Puerto

Rican in New York and Other Sketches.

All works describe the migration and harsh

conditions in the barrio hispano (12). Similar concerns emanated from Chicano

writers as they grappled with the bitter ness of racism. They strove toward cul

tural affirmation and bilingual innovation

in their creative expression. Listed among this group are Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzalez' s

Yo Soy Joaquin/1 Am Joaquin; Tomas

Rivera's epic about Mexican American

farm workers, ...ynoselo trago la tierraf

And the Earth did not Part; Ernesto

Galarza's ethnographic autobiography, Barrio Boy: The Story of a Boy's Accul

turation; and the classic, Bless Me Ultima, Rudolfo Anaya's validation of oral tradi

tion and the transmission of culture (13). It is within this climate of provocative,

probing, and often militant activism that

Juan Gomez Quinones issues his influen

tial essay on culture and resistance, "On

Culture" (14). Today, these works are

viewed as foundational, the first among several building blocks preserving and

shaping contemporary Latino ideology. The onset of the 1970s and 1980s

propagated a generation of historians and

other academics schooled in the struggles for civil rights in the turbulent 1960s and

influenced by the creative expression of

their communities. Intent on expanding the boundaries of academic history to in

elude strong national connections, labor,

gender, and ethno-racial perspectives,

intergenerational dynamics, interdiscipli nary methods, and new categories of analy

sis, they challenged the demeaning, distorted, and monolithic interpretations of the U.S. Latino experience. Scholars

mined the sources documenting the ori

gins and evolutions of Latino communi

ties, unlocking a wide range of materials

to new interpretations, sometimes build

ing upon?more often contesting?the

intellectual cornerstones of borderlands,

frontier, and area studies. Their genera

tion questioned Anglo American hege mony over historical interpretation and

their domination of the historical research

agenda (15). Not satisfied with merely

creating "knowledge for the sake of knowl

edge," their goals ranged from charting innovative courses and methods that served

to "set the record straight," to reconstruct

ing social histories important in and of

themselves.

The academic generation of the sev

enties and eighties sought to reconstruct

nineteenth- and twentieth-century diaspora

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OAH Magazine of History Winter 1996 7

communities in all of their ethno-racial,

class, and gendered complexities. Incor

porating popular culture and written and

oral traditions, these

academics redefined

the parameters ofthe new social history and, in the process,

empowered Latino

communities. The

result was a historical

interpretation that

conferred agency on

U.S. Latinos, bring

ing them out of the

shadows and on to

center stage where

theirreality contrasted

and contested the

dominant Anglo ex

perience and where

they interacted within

and across class lines

and ethno-racial bar

riers, with counter

parts across state lines,

oceans, and/or na

tional boundaries.

The outcome was

both U.S. and Latin

America drawing

strengths from com

ponents of both. This

harvest of knowledge has proceeded at an

impressive pace, yet the corpus of this lit

erature remains pe

ripheral to the core of

U.S. history.

Much of the

ground-breaking

scholarship ema

nates from academic

niches in American, Latin American, cul

tural, or Hispanic

oriented ethnic

studies, or from the

earliest departments and programs in Mexican American,

Chicano, or Puerto Rican Studies. One

need only peruse the bibliographic publi

cations on Latinos/Hispanos?Albert Camarillo's Latinos in the United States is a case in point?to appreciate the scope of

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Virgin Mary's float and girls during procession.

the new knowledge (16). Topics range from exploration and settlement of north ern New Spain to the work of women in

industry, commercial agriculture, as union

organizers and as transmitters of culture; from employment and labor history to the

politics of language; and from the migra

tion/immigration ex

perience to the

forging of diverse

communities incor

porating grass-roots

leadership and insti

tutional structures.

Examples abound of the semi

nal work produced

by this generation,

including the frontier

studies of David

Weber; the inter

generational focus of

Mario T. Garcia*s

study on Mexican

American leader

ship; Ram6n

Gutierrez's interdis

ciplinary analysis of

power and sexuality in New Mexico; the

family and commu

nity studies of Rich

ard Griswold del

Castillo and Albert

Camarillo; Chicana

culture, conscious

ness, and interrela

tionship with the

non-Hispanic societ

ies by Vicki Ruiz and

Sarah Deutsch; stud

ies on race, ethnicity,

and identity by Clara

E. Rodriguez and

Juan Flores; nine

teenth-century Cu

ban community studies of Gerald E.

Poyo; the Puerto

Rican community by

Virginia Sanchez

Korrol; the migra

tion/immigration studies of Alejandro Portes and of the Centro de Estudios

Puertorriquenos;andbilingualismandpub

8 OAHMagazine of History Winter1996

lie education studies of Guadalupe San

Miguel, Jr. (17). Until now, however, historical pro

duction has tended to promote primarily the very necessary foundational recon

struction of Latino experiences, viewed

predominantly from a North American

perspective. In searching for elements of

latinidad, scholars have tended to explore

contemporary U.S. communities exclud

ing the broader Latin American/Carib

bean context and neglecting to address

Hispanic diversity. Like stepping stones

to the past, the collective body of litera

ture encompasses the groundwork for a

comprehensive narrative. Current research

trends on Latino historiography and litera

ture in the 1990s mark a move toward the

premise that Spanish American history

legitimately belongs to the Americas?

that the concept of borderlands transcends

imaginary geo-political or academic

boundaries. It argues that the history of

Latinos forms an indivisible chapter sub

ject to its own universality and specificity, and integral to our understanding of both

U.S. and Latin American history (18). To speak then in terms of a collective

Latino/Hispanic history that posits an in

tegrated consciousness within the broader

framework of United States history invites

students and scholars alike to conceptual

ize an area of study in formation. It

incorporates multilingual, multicultural, and interdisciplinary perspectives, ethno

racial realities, and analytical categories based on migration experience, labor, so

cial class, gender, and identity. As it seeks

to reproduce the past in terms of an His

panic ethnic and national diversity, it ur

gently challenges us to search for common

ground among groups whose historical

entry into what is presently the United

States occurred at different times and was

conditioned by different circumstances.

Admittedly, the nomenclatures we

ascribe to this body of knowledge are

paradoxical, imprecise, and politically laden. The terms Latino, Latina, His

panic, Hispanic American, Spanish American, or Ibero-Americano seek to

embrace the totality of the U.S. experi ence regardless of class, color, regional

variations, national antecedents, gender,

or generational differences. Scholar Edna

Acosta Belen believes the "shorthand la

bel (Hispanic) is turning into a symbol of

cultural affirmation and identity in an

alienating society that traditionally has

been hostile and prejudicial to cultural and

racial differences, and unresponsive to the

socioeconomic and educational needs of a

large segment of the Hispanic population" (19). Others, however, argue overwhelm

ingly on the side of difference, citing centuries of regional disconnection and

discontinuity among U.S. Latinos, and

point to the absence of a common history as a case in point. Still others probe intra

group and generational dimensions chal

lenging static notions of cultural

adaptation, contextual dualities, and hence

the formation of identity. Referring spe

cifically to cultural evolution among Mexi can Americans, who comprise well over a

half of the total Latino population, histo

rian George J. Sanchez cautions that a

bipolaric model stressing "either cultural

continuity or gradual acculturation has

short-circuited a full exploration of the

complex process of cultural adaptation" (20). Such arguments cannot be ignored,

yet in spite of the contradictions, the tide

appears to turn increasingly toward en

dorsement of an overarching Latino/His

panic ideal. Each group rightfully stakes a nonnegotiable claim to its own past,

linguistic variations, creative expression,

and overall uniqueness within the broader

ethno-racial contours of this nation, but

each also proudly appropriates a common

historical legacy, shared language, and

cultural elements, customs, attitudes, and

traditions.

How historians frame the conversa

tion on Latino history is vital. If the

danger of assuming affinity within and across this enormously complex popula

tion lies in over-generalization, a blurring of distinctions and total homogenization of the groups, the challenge to historians

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OAH Magazine of History Winter 1996 9

0

becomes how best to incorporate and bal ance the nuances and variegated experi ences of all Latinos, particularly of those

who figured centrally in the historical

enterprise in any given period, without

misappropriation, distortion, or omission.

According to historian Gerald E. Poyo,

grounds indeed exist for collective iden

tity, which he describes as an "evolving phenomenon that by definition thrives on

the commonalities within the diverse Latin American background groups." If identity is

understood as a continuum of shared experi ence, then a comprehensive narrative is

surely possible. What has been lacking until now is the development of popular con

sciousness about an integrated past (21). What then, does it mean to be Latino/

Hispanic in American society at the cross

roads of the millennium? How have we

persevered and created community in two

world contexts? How have we dealt with

diversity within and across borders? How,

indeed, have we shaped the Americas?

The quest begins with what Genaro

M. Padilla refers to as the "Spanish colo

nial discourse of conquest, exploration, and settlement," that took place between

1492 and the nineteenth century and marks

the earliest period in the documentation of

Latino history. It concludes with the con

temporary issues of the present (22). Un

doubtedly, the most pivotal legacy

throughout is the process of Mestizaje? the blending of Spanish, African, and in

digenous American peoples and

cultures?so intrinsic, from its beginnings to the present, to the formation of indi

vidual identity, national consciousness, and syncretic culture, throughout Latin

America and among U.S. Latinos. It holds

the key to our understanding of a collec

tive Latino past.

Endnotes 1. Aurora Levins Morales and Rosario Morales,

Getting Home Alive (Ithaca, N.Y.: Firebrand

Books, 1986), 50. 2. Recovering the U.S. Hispanic Literary Heri

tage is one such project A ten year enterprise based at the University of Houston, Texas, the

project focuses on the implementation of the

following programs: (1) an on-line data base;

(2) a periodicals recovery program; (3) a

consortium of Hispanic Archives; (4) grants in-aid and fellowships for scholars; (5) a pub lishing program; (6) a curriculum program; and (7) conferences and disseminations of

information.

3. Felix Varela, Jicotencal, Edition de Luis Leal

y Rodolfo J. Cortina (Houston, Tex.: Arte

Publico Press, 1995), xxxv.

4. Nicolas Kanellos, "A Socio-Historic Study of

Hispanic Newspapers in the United States," in

Recovering the U. S. Hispanic Literary Heri

tage, ed. Ramon Gutierrez and Genaro Padilla

(Houston, Texas: Arte Publico Press, 1993), 107.

5. Raymund Paredes, "Mexican American Lit

erature: An Overview," in Recovering, 31.

6. Maria Amparo Ruiz de Burton, The Squatter and the Don, ed. RosauraSanchez and Beatrice

Pita (Houston, Texas: Arte Publico Press,

1992); and Genaro Padilla, My History, Not Yours: The Formation of Mexican American

Autobiography, (Madison: University of Wis

consinPress, 1993). Seealso, RosauraSanchez,

"Nineteenth-Century Californio Narratives:

TheHubertH. Bancroft Collection," inRecov

ering, 279-92.

7. Nancy A. Hewitt and Ana VandeWater, "La

Independencia: Patriotas y Obreras in Cuba,

Puerto Rico and the United States, 1898

1921," unpublished paper presented at the

Symposium on the History of Latin Workers,

the Meany Archives, February 1993. See also,

Yamila Azize Vargas, La Mujer en la Lucha

(Rio Piedras: Editorial Cultural, 1985). 8. Alternative or oppositional presses prolifer

ated throughout the Southwest, particularly as

precursors to the downfall of the Poifiriato and

the Revolution of 1910. Often, these presses were tied into exile political organizations, but

they also informed the community at large on

a myriad of issues, including the emancipation of women. Regeneracion, published by the

Flores Magon brothers in 1905, is one example of these presses, which appeared in Laredo,

San Antonio, El Paso, Los Angeles, etc. Cur

rent research explores the role of women as

editors and contributors to these alternative

presses. See Clara Lomas, 'The Articulation

of Gender in the Mexican Borderlands, 1900

1915," in Recovering.

9. Nicolas Kanellos, "A Socio-Historic Study of

Hispanic Newspapers in the United States," in

Recovering, 107-28. Seealso, VirginiaSanchez

Konol, From Colonia to Community: The

History of Puerto Ricans in New York City (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), chapter 5.

10. See Mario T. Garia, Mexican Americans:

Leadership, Ideology, andldentity, 1930-1960

(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989), for background on Castaneda, Campa, and

Sanchez.

11. Mario Suarez' s collection of articles appeared in Arizona Quarterly, Summer 1947 and Win ter 1948. Bernardo Vega,Me/n0*>sojBernardo

Vega, ed. Cesar Andreu Iglesias, trans. Juan

Flores (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984).

12. Guillermo Cotto Thorner, Tropico en Man

hattan (San Juan: Cordillera, 1960); Piri

Thomas, Down These Mean Streets (New

Yoric: Alfred A. Knopf, 1967); and Jesus

Colon, A Puerto Rican in New York and Other

Sketches (New York: International Publish

ers, 1982). See also Edna Acosta Belen and

Virginia Sanchez-Korrol, eds., The Way It

Was and Other Writings (Houston, Tex.: Arte

Publico Press, 1994). 13. Rudolfo 'Corky" Gonzalez, I Am Joaquin/Yo

Soy Joaquin: An Epic Poem (New York: Bantam Books, 1972); Tomas Rivera,... y no

se lo trago la tierra/Andthe Earth did not Part, trans. Evangelina Vigil-Pinon (Houston: Arte

Publico Press, 1987); Rudolfo Anaya, Bless Me, Ultima (Berkeley: Tonatiuh/Quinto Sol

International, 1972); and Ernesto Galarza,

Barrio Boy: The Story of a Boy's Accultura

tion (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame

Press, 1971).

14. Juan Gomez Quinones, "On Ciilture,"inA_W

ern Chicano Writers: A Collection of Critical

Essays, ed JosephSommersandTomas Ybarra

Frausto (Englewood Cliffs, N J.: Prentice Hall,

1979). 15. David G. Gutierrez, "Significant to Whom?:

Mexican Americans and the History of the

American West," Western Historical Quar

terly (November 1993): 531. 16. Albert Camarillo, ed., Latinos in the United

States (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO,

1986). 17. Sarah Deutsch, No Separate Refuge: Culture,

Class, and Gender on an Anglo Hispanic Frontier in the American Southwest, 1880

1940 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Vicki L. Ruiz, Cannery Women, Can

nery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization,

and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930-1950 (Albuquerque: University of New

Mexico Press, 1987); Juan Flores, Divided Borders: Essays on Puerto Rican Identity

(Houston: Arte Publico Press, 1991); Mario T.

Garci2L,MexicanAmericans: Leadership, Ide

ology and Identity, 1930-1960 (New Haven:

YaleUniversity Press, 1989);RichardGriswold del Castillo, La Familia: Chicano Families in

10 OAHMagazineofHistory Winter 1996

the Urban Southwest, 1948 to the Present

(NotreDame: University of NotreDamePress,

1984); Ramon Gutierrez, When Jesus Came,

the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage,

Sexuality and Power in New Mexico, 1500

1846 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1991); History Task Force, Centro de Estudios Puertorriquenos, Migration Under

Capitalism: The Puerto Rican Experience

(New York: Monthly Review Press, 1979); Alejandro Portes and Robert L. Bach, Latino

Journey: Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in

the United States (Berkeley: University of

CalifomiaPress, 1985); GeraldE. Poyo, "Witfi All and For the Good of All": The Emergence of Popular Nationalism in the Cuban Commu

nitiesofthe UnitedStates, 7545-7595(Durham, N.C: Duke University Press, 1989); Clara E.

Rodriguez, PuertoRicans: Born in The U.S.A.

(Boston: Unwyn Hyman, 1989); Guadalupe San Miguel, "Let Them All Take Heed":

Mexican Americans and the Campaign for

Educational Equality in Texas, 1910-1981

(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987); and David J. Weber, The Spanish Frontier in

North America (New Haven: Yale University

Press, 1992).

18. See Gerald E. Poyo and Gilberto M. Hinojosa,

"Spanish Texas and Borderlands Historiogra

phy in Transition: Implications for United States History," Journal of American History 75 (September 1988): 393-416; and Gloria

Ai)23idu2i,Borderlands/LaFrontera: TheNew

Mestiza (San Francisco: Spinster/Aunt Lute,

1987) for conceptual frameworks in this re

gard. 19. Edna Acosta Belen and Barbara R. Sjostrom,

The Hispanic Experience in the UnitedStates

(New York: Praeger, 1988), 84.

20. George J. Smchezfiecoming Mexican Ameri

can: Ethnicity, Culture andldentity in Chicano

Los Angeles, 1900-1945 (New York: Oxford

University Press, 1993), 13.

21. GeraldE. Poyo, 'Thinking About U.S. Latino

Identity and History," Texas Journal of Ideas,

History and Culture 15 (Fall/Winter 1992), 17.

22. Genaro Padilla, "Recovering Mexican Ameri

can Autobiography," in Recovering, 159.

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Bodnar, John. The Transplanted: A History of

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Camarillo, Albert Chicanos in a Changing Society: From Mexican Pueblos to American Barrios

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Casals, Lourdes. "Cubans in the United States:

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Fagen, Richard R. and Richard A. Brody. "Cubans

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Garcia, Mario T. Mexican Americans: Leadership,

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-^^

The Organization of American Historians

Thirteenth Annual

Focus on Teaching Day

The Organization of American Historians will hold its 1996 Annual Meeting, March 28

31, at the Palmer House Hilton in Chicago, Illinois. An exciting part of the Annual

Meeting will be the Thirteenth Annual Focus on Teaching Day, which will include infor mative sessions on teaching American history at the primary and secondary levels of education. It will be held on Saturday, March 30, 1996. Junior and senior high school teachers will not want to miss this valuable exchange of ideas and information.

March 30,1996 Focus on Teaching Day Sessions

Teaching the Vietnam War Teacher Professional Development and the Role of College and University Faculty "Do a Paper" is Not Enough: The Writing Process in History Courses Students as Historians: Teaching Historical Research Skills to Secondary and

College Students The OAH and the Teaching of History to Undergraduates Using Historical Simulations in Secondary and Post-Secondary Classrooms A Prototype On-Line Advanced Placement Resource Center in U.S. History

Register early and take advantage of our SPECIAL OFFER

Become a new member of the OAH in the History Educator membership category and

you will be admitted into the 1996 Focus on Teaching Day for FREE! Along with becom

ing a member of the OAH, you will receive our quarterly publications, the OAH Maga zine of History and the OAH Newsletter. You will also receive the Annual Meeting

Program. History Educator Memberships are $35 per year.

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Day registrants are also welcome to take advantage of our exhibit hall on Saturday.

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12 OAH Magazine of History Winter 1996