sri lanka design journal - issue 01

SRI LANKA DESIGN JOURNAL

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© SRI LANKA DESIGN JOURNAL 2016

Editorial

Editorial Team

Globalization and Regional Design IdentityJoel Rapp & Vydarshini Chandrarajan

Preaching Identity: Cultural Meaning of FurnitureIn Religious Contexts in Sri LankaGnanaharsha Beligatamulla & Nipuni Siyambalapitiya

Textures of the NorthCollaborative Photo Essay BA (Hons) Graphic Design Students, Batch of 2017

An Heir To Chair: A critical analysis of the transformation of domestic furnishing with social hierarchical change in colonial Sri Lankan elite lifestyle.Ashanthi Fernando & Gnanaharsha Beligatamulla

Changing Role of Traditional Handloom Weavers in Sustaining LivelihoodsA Case Study - Thalagune VillageAnupama Nawalage

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Sri Lanka Design Journal 01 – Perspectives

EDITORIAL

Welcome to the inaugural issue of the Sri Lanka Design Journal. This journal was initiated at the Academy of Design, Colombo to be the country’s leading design journal that encourages research and writing in the field of design from a South Asian perspective. Design as a profession is constantly reinventing itself. Globally, we’ve witnessed companies such as Apple and Phillips shape successful design oriented businesses. Locally, initiatives such as Design for Sustainability and Development (DFSD) have shown how design intervention can revive traditional craft industries and provide livelihoods to communities in need.

Given the wealth of knowledge, history, and culture in South Asia there is significant potential for discourse on how we as a creative community are utilizing design to shape a better future.

In this issue, our contributors attempt to explore the theme perspectives. An article by AOD faculty Joel Rapp and Vydarshini Chandrarajan scrutinizes how the development and access to communication technology and other technological advancements affects artisanal craft communities in developing nations by giving them insight on global design trends and demand. A case study by Anupama Nawalage examines how handloom weavers in Thalagune Village in the central province of Sri Lanka have adapted to social and economic change to secure their traditional livelihood.

Two articles by contributors from the University of Moratuwa discuss how the influence of European colonization of Sri Lanka has resulted in a scattered indigenous culture. In particular, Gnanaharsha Beligatamulla and Ashanthi Fernando’s paper explores how furniture became an apparatus for influencing social hierarchy. The second article by Gnanaharsha Beligatamulla and Nipuni Siyambalapitiya investigates how adapting colonial furniture styles for preaching, in particular the use of pulpits, aided the Buddhist revival movement. There is also a visual essay by BA (Hons) Graphic Design students from the Academy of Design that captures the graphic textures seen in the Jaffna Peninsula in the northern province of Sri Lanka.

To the readers of the inaugural issue of the Sri Lanka Design Journal, it is our intention to curate content that is interesting and enlightening in terms of receiving a fresh perspective on the potential of the academic and creative community in Sri Lanka and South Asia. I hope that this initiative inspires further creative discourse and encourages you to contribute towards future issues.

Pushpi Bagchi


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Editorial Team

Pushpi BagchiMA Graphic DesignEdinburgh College of Art,University of EdinburghProfessional Diploma in Visual Communication DesignSrishti School of Art, Design and Technology

Karen JoachimBachelor of Arts in Social SciencesOpen University of Sri Lanka

Anupama NawalagePost Graduate Diploma in Applied Sociology University of ColomboBachelor of Design (Hons), University of Moratuwa.

Shiranee BalasuriyaSenior Consultant of ArchitectureUniversity of Moratuwa BArch (Hons) Part II Examination of the RIBA University of Newcastle UK Part III Professional Practice Examination of the RIBA (Charter) University of Newcastle UK Member of Sri Lanka Institute of Architects (FIA).

Contributors

Gnanaharsha Beligatamulla

Vydarshini Chandrarajan

Ashanthi Fernando

Anupama Nawalage

Nipuni Siyambalapitiya

Joel Rapp

AOD BA (Hons) Graphic Design Batch of 2017Amaratunge, SujanDe Silva, RavishaGunaratne, TharushiJinadasa, MalikaNithiaparen, ElizaRathnayake, BinmiThiyagarajah, ArunthathiJoel Kristan TisseraWaheed, Hamdhoon

AOD International Design Campus29 Lauries Road Colombo 04www.aod.lk

Designed & Conceptualised At


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Peer Reviewed Article

Title Globalization and Regional Design Identity

Journal IssueSri Lanka Design Journal 01 (01)

AuthorRapp, JoelChandrarajan, Vydarshini

Publication Date2016

Permalinkhttp://srilankadesignjournal.com

AcknowledgementsThis article was originally produced in Sri Lanka Design Journal. To subscribe, visit srilankadesignjournal.com

For reprint information contact [email protected]

KeywordsRegional design, cultural identity, globalization, traditional craft, materials solutions, rural design communities, local traditions, contemporary design technology.

Copyright InformationAll rights reserved unless otherwise indicated. Contact the author or original publisher for any necessary permissions. ©

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Globalization and Regional Design Identity

Summary

We live in a rapidly changing world. The last decade has seen more expan-sion in human communication than the century that preceded it. The majority of this expansion is occurring within developing economies. This article will look at how communications expansion, and other contempo-rary technological advancements, affects the design communities of those economies. In particular, we will look at the retention of regional identity and how the designers in these communities can retain a sense of tradition within their work while still embracing the opportunities that contempo-rary technology presents.

As recently as five years ago the only way for designers in developing econo-mies to connect the artistic traditions of their home regions to the design trends of the global design community was to implement single projects with a fully disconnected community of artisans, relying solely on the designer’s own knowledge to guide the interaction. Now, with the burgeon-ing connectivity of even the most remote communities, it is possible to evolve these interactions into partnerships using new technologies. We will look at how connectivity has expanded, and how the falling costs of simple information technology is driving this change. In particular, this section will focus on cellular technologies and their ability to connect remote arti-sans with a quickly globalizing design community.

We will further explore this area by contrasting materials technologies and traditional skills and examining how each plays a role in establishing regional identity. This section draws into question the nature of identity and explores how we might strengthen regionalism through the embrace, rather than the rejection of contemporary developments. Finally, we will look at communications technologies themselves as a platform for creat-ing opportunity for regional designers. By combining the materials, skills, and information transfer issues discussed in the earlier sections, the article concludes by synthesizing scenarios in which regional talents might find their place on the global stage within the context of current technological and social trends.

Joel Rapp & Vydarshini Chandrarajan

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Introduction: Global connectivity and regional design

Section 1: Broadening our global design community

In the last ten years global Internet connectivity has increased from 17% to 42% of the world’s population (World Bank, 2015). Nowhere is this more prevalent and important than in the developing world. Driven by dropping prices of net connected mobile devices and a broadening number of network carriers an extra an additional 26% of people in underdeveloped economies have gained access to the worldwide web since 2005. Since 2000 citizens of African nations alone with web connections have grown from under 5 million to almost 300 million (Internet world stats, 2015). 60% of these new globally connected people come from the middle third of their respective economies (World Bank, 2015), and over 70% are connected through mobile devices, a technology only adopted by the majority of the devel-oped world since 2005 (ITU, 2015), and only really available at accessible price points since 2011(ITU, 2015). This represents the most radical change in the history of human communications.

These technological advances are of great importance to the design community. Now that over 50% of the world’s populated areas already have access to mobile

internet (World Bank, 2015), a wide variety of talented individuals with broad ranging skill sets are easily capable of accessing the work of any other artisan, artist, or designer in the world that chooses to publish their work electronically, a percentage which is also constantly on the rise. Where once disconnected design communities mandatorily created regional design identity, at an increasing level they are artificially main-tained in a global design community focused on creat-ing narratives based on limitations that no longer exist. If we wish to see true regional design identities flourish within a global community we must do two things; first establish a definition of regional identity and second, create a blueprint for how these identities can establish themselves in a global community by adopting and moving with current technologies, rather than denying them in order to maintain a false “authenticity” based on historical and traditional production models.

As access to information reaches new demographics the design community has the ability to create more direct pathways towards reaching regional artisans, craftsmen, and designers who were previously discon-nected from the global community. In the old paradigm people with little communications and transportation access were connected to the design community and the global market place only by secondary agencies. Though many of these agencies are well intentioned, a large part of their efforts ended up being ineffectual, or worse, exploitive (South African Government, 1998). Direct access provided to even the most remote sectors brings opportunities for the creation of a completely new dynamic in the world of artisan produced design products.

Though it is common for craft sector workers to be from amongst the less-educated, and consequentially less wealthy portion of the population (Workinfo, 2008), the investment required to maintain internet connectivity has dropped to the point that any business can afford it (Fig 1). The average price of an internet enabled smart-phone in Asia has dropped to under US$250, with fully capable low-end models in the $60-$80 range (Statista, 2015), this creates a climate in which a small investment can create massive changes in the way a designer or artisan relates to the world.

Having this level of access is enough to follow global design trends, examine market competitors from all

over the world, solicit wholesalers, research materials, and even manage orders or expenses. This type of devel-opment, already well advanced in other sectors (FAO ,2015), could create the opportunity for a small design agency or craftsman in Sri Lanka to have exactly the same opportunities as a similar individual in Western Europe.

These things are already happening, and require little encouragement to forward as a growing trend, what we concern ourselves with here is not the possibility of these things happening, but the outcome. The pros-pect of equal opportunity to be connected to the same sources of information and shared knowledge base brings into question the retention of cultural identity connected to regional design. In order to determine the difficulties and benefits of a globalized, connected design community it becomes necessary for us to examine what really constitutes a regional design Iden-tity, and how that identity can be maintained without creating an atmosphere that leaves no room for innova-tion and new design.

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Figure 1: Graham, M and De Sabbata, S (2014) Internet Geographies at the Oxford Internet Institute (Online image).

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Section 2: Regional Identity as a function of Materials and logistics

The foundation of most regional artisanal styles is often grounded in the resources historically made easily available to the artisans in question. Let us take as an example the palmyrah weavers of Northern Sri Lanka(Fig 2 and 3). This traditional craft is practiced by slicing the dried leaves of the palmyrah palm (Boras-sus Flabellifer) into thin strips and then using complex weaves to from shapes from the strips, which may, or may not, be coloured with fabric dyes before hand (Fig 4 and 5). The trees themselves, however, do not exist for the purpose of harvesting their leaves. Instead they are cultivated exclusively for their sap, which is distilled into various alcoholic beverages popular in the region (NPIP, 2006). The leaves are, therefore, a by-product, the cost of which exists only in the logistics of their fairly simple collection. From this springs an entire industry that is located solely around the very small geo-graphic location in which a specific liquor is made, but which is an important means of support to the people of that region (UNDP Sri Lanka, 2015).

Is this enough for regional identity? In recent years designers from European countries have been working with these artisans to produce a finished product that is more durable and contemporary than the small range of pieces that had always been made. Are these new pieces of design work still a regional product, or is it now a global product? It is important to ask if an end consumer in a craft shop in London would know the dif-ference between Sri Lankan palmyrah and Vietnamese fresh water cane. Market place expansion depends not on specialization but on creating products that are sale-able in expanding markets. For all of these products, the markets in their home countries are all but tapped out. Contemporizing design helps expand revenue for regional artisan groups, but draws into question the idea of “traditional” crafts.

This is not a question for this product alone, traditional materials are a sales point for most craft made goods. If an Italian marble statue is quarried and carved in the traditional manner in the quarries of Carrara, the fact that the subject matter is Mickey Mouse or a giant smartphone does not stop it from being a “traditional” Italian marble statue. Alternately, shipping blocks of this marble to a factory in New Jersey in which a line of robotic arms sculpts them into 1000 identical marble statues still produces statues that can claim to be made of genuine Italian marble.

Many of the same technological factors that are opening up remote areas to global communications are also low-ering shipping costs (DNV, 2012). As this progresses all materials will gain global availability. Let us reimagine our New Jersey factory, but now, instead of 1000 robots, we have 1000 Italian sculptors all sculpting individual statues from the same imported Italian marble.

Figure 2: Academy of Design (2010) (Digital photograph).


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Does the subject matter of the sculpture now determine the ability to call them traditional sculptures? It could be equally argued that the same 1000 sculptors, working in Italy, but sculpting traditional Italian designs with imported marble from India have a far greater claim at the title of “Traditional Italian Sculpture”, though no Italian materials are used.

Attempts are made, consistently, to define or restrict the labelling of traditional artistic forms (WIPO, 2015). The “Knock offs” sold in the marble shops of Agra, are produced using exactly the methodology described above. Internationally sourced marble, some Indian, some not, is shipped to large warehouses in China and India where artisans, some Indian, some not, sculpt it into many identical statues of traditional Indian design. These statues are then boxed, crated, and shipped to gift shops that have no way of telling them apart (Lodaya, 2015). This means that a statue of Indian marble, sculpted by an Indian sculptor in a classic Indian design, in India has exactly the same provenance and price as a statue of Italian marble, sculpted by a Chinese sculptor, in a classic Indian design, in China.

Though regional organizations still have the power to restrict such action, few are wholly successful (ICC Palestine, 2013). The question of the necessity of this resides in the idea that regional materiality defines regional design. This section should have at least put into doubt the inherent truth of this idea. Though regional materials played a strong part in shaping what skills artisans acquired, and though availability of materials was a strong factor in shaping regional design trends from small items all the way up to architecture and urban planning, materials origin is no longer a sole definer for the regional provenance of an artistic or design style in the twenty-first century.

Section 3: Skills, Histories, Traditions, and Technology

If materiality alone cannot define a regional design product, how then, are we to retain regional identity in the face of an ever-expanding pool of shared infor-mation? Let us come back to Sri Lanka. One of the traditional regional products of Sri Lanka is fabric, hand woven from dyed cotton threads. Sri Lanka does not now, nor has it ever, grown cotton. In addition, Sri Lanka spins no thread, and produces few dyes (Index-mundi, 2015). The handloom weavers of Sri Lanka (Fig 6), therefore, rely almost completely on materials imported from India to practice their craft. If this and other import dependent industries are to be defined as traditional regional design industries, we must look outside of materials to anchor them to regional identity.Though these types of industries are disconnected from the resources of the native region in which they are practiced, they have a long history of skills and tradi-tions that already include if not the seeds of globalism, at least a sense of multi- regional cooperation. Applied back to the marble factory model from section 2, we see an existing model for regional design practiced through a network of multi- regional specialists. Just as the cotton producing and spinning experts export their goods to be finished by the weaving and dyeing experts in another nation, our sample factory in New Jersey can import the work of quarrying experts in Italy, and develop their own skills and traditions as to how to work it into finished design.

If this is the case, then the inherent value of regional skills comes down to the length of the traditions that they represent and the connection of these traditions to

the history of the region to which they belong. Creating true regional design becomes about weaving a narrative about how and why design is created. These narratives are in no way anchored to the styles, products, and processes by which the goods and structures of a society have always been made.

As new production technologies present themselves, regional designers can examine how they can interact with the skill sets that are already inherent to their region and design completely new products that weave new narratives while including traditions and also reflecting on how those traditions apply to contempo-rary events. These new designs may reference tradi-tional processes, but use new technology to improve upon them, or even replace them without degrading the connection between the designer and his or her culture.If this idea is incorporated with the idea of regional materials production specialization, seen as separate from end production skill sets, as non-degrading to regional identity introduced at the beginning of this section, avenues to a large number of exciting new design possibilities open themselves up. Creative part-nerships on a global stage can be developed to purpose-fully maximize the design potential of cross-regional materials/skill set combinations that strengthen and advance the design communities of both regions.

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Conclusion: Creating regional design identities in the contemporary world

In order for regional designers in once disconnected design industries to truly embrace the opportunities that contemporary trends present it is, of course, neces-sary to assess the specifics of each individual situation. In most of the world the educated design community is already connected to the current trends in their indus-try, but, in most cases logistical barriers and adherence to existing systems has prevented the creation of truly new work that both focuses on cultural identity and is reactive to the ongoing evolution of production tech-nologies and design aesthetics.

If we examine the earlier sections of this article a pathway becomes clear. Rather than encouraging rural artisans from their region with traditional skills to continue to work with traditional technologies in order to create design product that is saleable as “authentic” or “traditional”, outreach to these communities can be better focused on helping to give them access to global design knowledge that is equal to that of the designers and historians (Fig 7 and 8). In doing this, a gradual evolution towards partnership begins. The ability to see design blogs, and sales catalogues from similar industries around the world would stretch the ability of these artisans to propose innovations based on their own skills, and to understand what new equipment and technologies they should be trying to acquire for their businesses and artisan groups.

At the same time designers can be looking past their traditional borders, trying to find ways to combine traditional skill sets with new logistical chains to create design work that was previously impossible. Their nar-ratives need not lose their identity in order for them to create truly new work. Design communities should be asking what new materials and technologies they can be introducing to their traditional skilled artisans to create great new works that combine contemporary aesthetic and historical narrative. Imagine traditional woven products in which the materials are replaced with flex-ible copper wire or sustainable polymers, or traditional woodcarvers creating moulds to be scanned and cast in glass or 3D printed in titanium. The opportunities to retain identity while still being experimental as design-ers are endless.

Finally, the future of the global design communities lies in seeing all the materials and skills available as a connected network. The twenty-first century designer needs to always be looking for logistical opportunities to tell new stories within the work that is being created. Through better connected and increasingly skilled pro-ducers, a more global approach to materials and logis-tics, and an embrace of what these things can mean to each other we become a community of designers trying to tell individual stories, without forgetting that the entire process of creation is part of that story.


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2. Data.worldbank.org, (2015). Internet users (per 100 people) | Data | Graph. [online] Available at: http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.NET.USER.P2/countries?display=graph [Accessed 10 Aug. 2015].

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4. Fao.org, (2015). Developing and promoting technology and technical skills in small-scale rural manufacturing enterprises.. [online] Available at: http://www.fao.org/docrep/s8380e/s8380e0b.htm [Accessed 15 Aug. 2015].

5. ICCPalestine, (2013). Handicraft sector,Palestine. [online] Available at: http://www.iccpalestine.com/resources/file/publications/WTO%20Accesion%20impact%20on%20Handcrafts%20Sector.pdf [Accessed 26 Aug. 2015].

6. Indexmundi.com, (2015). Sri Lanka Cotton Production by Year (1000 480 lb. Bales). [online] Available at: http://www.indexmundi.com/agriculture/?country=lk&commodity=cotton&graph=production [Accessed 26 Aug. 2015].

7. Internet society, (2015). Internet Society Global Internet Report 2015 Mobile Evolution And Development Of The Internet. [online] Available at: http://www.internetsociety.org/globalinternetreport/assets/down-load/IS_web.pdf [Accessed 03 Sep. 2015].

8. Internetworldstats.com, (2015). Internet World Stats - Usage and Population Statistics. [online] Available at: http://www.internetworld-stats.com/ [Accessed 08 Sep. 2015].

9. ITU, (2015). ICT Facts and Figures “ The world in 2015”. [online] Avail-able at: http://www.itu.int/en/ITU-D/Statistics/Pages/facts/default.aspx [Accessed 08 Sep. 2015].

10. Lodaya,A.(2015).Voice,Discussion,Debate,Handicrafts,India,SouthAsia,SouthEastAsia,Bangladesh,Bhutan,Maldives,Nepal,Pakistan,SriLanka,Crafts,Handlooms,Textiles,Artisans,Crafts persons. [online] Craftrevival.org. Available at: http://www.craftrevival.org/voiceDetails.asp?Code=104 [Accessed 08 Sep. 2015].

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13. UNDP in Sri Lanka, (2015). Uplifting the lives of women, while reviv-ing the forgotten palmyra industry. [online] Available at: http://www.lk.undp.org/content/srilanka/en/home/ourwork/crisispreventionan-drecovery/successstories/uplifting-the-lives-of-women--while-reviv-ing-the-forgotten-palmy.html [Accessed 08 Sep. 2015].

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Title Preaching Identity: Cultural Meaning of FurnitureIn Religious Contexts in Sri Lanka


AuthorBeligatamulla, GnanaharshaSiyambalapitiya, Nipuni



AcknowledgementsThis article was originally published in Sri Lanka Design Journal. To subscribe, visit srilankadesignjournal.com


KeywordsDharmasana, colonial furniture, religious culture, buddhism, christianity, cultural meaning.


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Preaching Identity: Cultural Meaning of Furniture In Religious Contexts in Sri Lanka

ABSTRACT The colonial period of Sri Lanka was characterized by the emergence of new social categories, culture and identity. The role played by religion and religious ‘preaching’ in this regard was crucial. Accordingly, in the latter half of the 19th century a new ‘Neo- Buddhist’ identity was being created in response to religious pressure imposed by the spread of Christianity. This article examines how furniture used for preaching in the Buddhist context; dharmasana, changed in order to conform to the Buddhist revival movement and the Neo- Buddhist identity, creating new cultural mean-ings. Furniture in pre-colonial and colonial Buddhist buildings and colonial Christian furniture were examined in this regard. Study samples were chosen from the South- West region of Sri Lanka, where Christianity had its stronghold and the Buddhist revival movement had its roots. This region was also home to the best established furniture workshops of the colo-nial period. Two case studies of surviving examples from the period were studied in detail. In comparison with precolonial dharmasana, change in form, style and usage was observed. Influence of pulpits and celebrant chairs used in Christian preaching was also apparent. New meanings from design ‘metaphors’ were derived by integrating elements borrowed from traditional Buddhist culture and prevailing forms of Christianity. In addi-tion, colonial chairs of authority and the new role of the preaching monk as a ‘leader’ seemed to have been aligned.

Gnanaharsha Beligatamulla and Nipuni Siyambalapitiya

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Introduction

Culture1 is embodied within a society in different layers of depth ranging from the easily recognizable attributes to the more inconspicuous. Furniture and man-made objects in general can be considered as observable artefacts constituting the first perceptible layer. Perceived physically through the human senses, they reflect upon the underlying layers of values and basic assumptions. These cultural attributes contribute to the construction of meaning or the reality in which that society and the individual operates. Castells (2010, p. 6) refers to this reality as ‘identity’.

The construction of different identities in Sri Lankan society as seen at present owes much to the European colonial encounter2 . (Jayawardena, 2000; Seneviratne, 2000; Hussein, 2009) From 1505 AD to 1948 AD, Sri Lankan society came in contact with the Portuguese, the Dutch and the British respectively. This era was marked by gradual yet seminal change to methods of governance and justice, social structure, economy, education, religion and the inevitable transfer of cultural attributes of the colonizers.

Pre- colonial Sri Lankan society was founded upon Buddhist culture identifying itself with the state, kingship and the people. At the micro level of society, was the Buddhist monastery; the centre of education and culture. (Seneviratne, 2000) However, Christian-ity in its various forms throughout the three periods of the colonial encounter was committed to an agenda Buddhism had not faced before: proselytization. (De Siva,K. M., 2005) Seneviratne (2000) & Daniel (2000) state that construction of a religious identity that was in par with the colonizers became important for the Buddhist majority towards the end of the 19th century. This crisis was addressed through Buddhist revival movements, especially those spearheaded by Anagarika Dharmapala.

Proselytization efforts of the Christian missionaries involved extensive preaching and discussion of the ‘holy gospel’. As Seneviratne (2000) argues, the organiza-tional structure, social structure and most importantly this idea of ministering to a flock as seen in Christian shaped the ‘Neo- Buddhism’ promoted by Dharmapala. A new method of dharmadesana (teaching dhamma) was deliberately introduced. New temples built in the era were heavily influenced by colonial architectural styles. They developed a distinctive character which came to be known as the Southern tradition (Coomar-aswamy A. K., 1956). This style was clearly distinguished from the Kandyan tradition; the dominant aesthetic of the time.

In precolonial times, dharmasana, the seat from which the Buddhist monk would teach dhamma was a simple raised platform at times decorated with traditional motifs. This was in accordance with the Vinaya Pitaka which prohibited Buddhist monks from using luxurious furniture. However, we observe that dharmasana made during this era of change portray a distinctive deviation from this norm. Our research hopes to examine this observed contradiction. We hope to explore the problem of how dharmasana changed in wake of the new Neo- Buddhist identity and how new cultural meaning was formed around it.

As stated above, objects reflect the values and basic assumptions of a culture. Therefore we posit that the same Christian values and practices that helped formulate the new Neo- Buddhist identity are also reflected in the new form of dharmasana. In addition we establish that the new cultural meaning is portrayed through the use of ‘metaphors’ relating to the familiar, older cultural meaning.

In broader view, our research explores the concept of Design Identity albeit applied to a historical context. As the world moves towards globalization, a greater need arises for people to feel part of a localized culture and establish a unique identity (Castells, 2010). Thus the construction of identity where many cultures collide remains an ongoing debate.

1 – The collective whole of human intellect expressed through ideas, customs, social behavior and products including the arts, shared by members of a particular society and passed on from one generation to the next (Adapted from (Spencer-Oatey, 2012)).

2 – We use the word encounter, so as to distinguish that it was only the British who ruled Sri Lanka as a unified colony. The Portuguese and Dutch were only successful in capturing certain coastal towns and sea ports.

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Section 1: Broadening our global design community

Discussion: The dharmasana and its significance in Buddhist culture

For the purpose of our study, literary records of precolonial and colonial Buddhist buildings and colonial Christian furniture were examined. Surviving examples were selected from the Southwest region of Sri Lanka where Christianity was wide spread. The region was also important in the Buddhist revival movement of the late 19th century, and several of its main institutions exist here. As Brohier (1969) notes the area was also home to the best established furniture workshops of the colonial period.

Christianity was introduced to Sri Lanka in a myriad of forms. For the purpose of our research however, we have selected the forms which had the greatest impact on society during each colonial encounter. Therefore examples from the Roman Catholic Church (RC), Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) and the Church of England (CoE) with reference to the Portuguese, Dutch and British periods were studied, respectively. It should be noted that since no surviving examples were available from the Portuguese era, Roman Catholic Churches studied were from the British period. The church furni-ture investigated was in: Wolvendaal Church, Colombo (DRC); All Saint’s Church, Hulftsdorp (CoE); St. Peter’s Church, Colombo Fort (CoE); Christ Church, Mutwal (CoE); St. James, Mutwal (RC) and St. Lucia’s Cathedral, Kotahena (RC).

Dharmasana in precolonial times were explored through relevant literature and temple paintings. Surviving examples from the colonial period were investigated in Vidyodaya Pirivena, Maradana; Karag-ampitiya Raja Maha Viharaya, Dehiwala; Pothupitiya Walukarama Maha Viharaya, Wadduwa and Gandhara Temple, Matara. The dharmasana of Vidyodaya Pirivena and Pothupitiya Walukarama Maha Vihara were further studied due to their historical significance and excellent quality of preservation.

We discuss the background, design elements and func-tion of the two case studies. Architecture of the building used for preaching (dharmasala) which is the physical context of the dharmasana is acknowledged as being an important component of both its design and usage. However, references to its make are drawn only when necessary and it is beyond our scope to discuss it in detail in this study. Material and technology, form and structure, decoration, ornament, scale and proportion, function and usage are identified as the important ele-ments.

‘Meaning’ is closely related to the study and philoso-phy of language. Linguists Ferdinand de Saussure and Claude Levi- Strauss through their substantial develop-ment of the area of semiotics, propose meaning to be derived by viewing texts as “a sign in either its pragmat-ic uses or its place in a larger system of signs” (Strauss & Quinn, 1997, p. 5) The ‘sign’ is the basic component of semiotic analysis and consists of: The Signifier (the form that the sign takes) and The Signified (the concept it represents). In semiotic analysis, everything is seen as to represent something else. Subsequent scholars inter-preted this system to include the semiotics of products. (Hjelm, 2002).

Deriving from this concept we wish to discuss the role of ‘metaphor’. “In semiotic term, a metaphor is something that explains the unknown in well known terms.” For humans to relate to something new, we must be able to recognize something familiar in the ‘new’. (Hjelm, 2002). It assists us to draw a parallel with a well known trait. Metaphors can be used to create understanding of the function, what Hjelm calls ‘a re-cognition’ of the object. Therefore we discuss design elements in the case studies considering them as metaphors in signifying values associated with the new identity.

A Buddhist monk’s first and foremost duty was to be well versed in the dhamma – the Buddhist doctrine (Ariyesako, 1998, p. 166). The manner of which to teach dhamma was guided by the Pali canon: Vinaya Pitaka . In contrast to their Christian counterparts, a Bud-dhist monk would always wait for an invitation to teach dhamma, so there was no question of proselytizing or any reference to the act or ‘preaching’ in his conduct. Seneviratne (2000) stated that this form of dharmade-sana (teaching of dhamma) had a performative quality and very little doctrinal content limited to the core of the sutra and the commentary. The appeal of it was more “poetic or musical” where the sound itself was the message which generated religious emotion and “the act of hearing itself (was) being understood as genera-

tive of merit” (Seneviratne cited in Daniel, 2000, pp. 186-187). Therefore in ancient Sri Lanka, special halls called dhammamandapa to hold dharmadesana were an essential feature in constructing monastries as early as the Anuradhapura period (Basnayake, 1986, p. 102), when Buddhism was first introduced. However, there is no specific mention of a dharmasana during this period.

Reference to precolonial furniture in Buddhist reli-gious places is minimal. This is most likely due to the fact that the Vinaya Pitaka has laid specific guidelines on the use of all material objects, including furniture. It dictates that high and luxurious beds were unsuitable for the monks (Book of Discipline (Vinaya Pitaka),

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3 – Vinaya Pitaka (Book of Discipline) refers to a set of rules and guidelines laid out for the Buddhist monks by the Buddha of which he states, “Whatever Dhamma and Vinaya I have pointed out and formulated for you, that will be your Teacher when I am gone (Mahaparinibbana Sutta, [D: 16])” (Ariyesako, 1998).

4 – “Ásana - (neuter) [from ásati] sitting down; a seat, throne; (ekásana – sitting alone, a solitary seat); (anásana - without a seat); (dhammásana - the preacher’s seat or throne); ásanâbhi-hara - gift or distinction of seat, … ásanaka – a small seat … ásandi - an extra-long chair, a deck-chair …” “Pítha - (neuter) a seat, chair, stool, bench – 4 kinds are given at Vinayapitaka; masáraka, bundikábaddha, kulirapádaka, áhaccapádaka (same categories are given under mañca); píthapáda – footstool, píthabhadda – state-chair, throne … píthaka – a chair, stool … píthaká – a bench, stool, (cushioned chair) …” “Nisídana - (neuter) sitting down, occasion or opportunity to sit, a mat to sit on …” “Pallanka – [pary+anka] (1) Sitting cross-legged, (2) A divan, sofa, couch” (Pali-English Dictionary, 1921)

Figure 1: Seating depicted in episodes from the life of the Buddha.Cave painting- Hindagala Temple. C. 7th century AD. Source: Rock and Wall Paintings of Sri Lanka

1949) It also notes that a monk may not teach dhamma, to one who was seated on a seat while he was seated on the ground, who was seated on a high seat while he was seated on a low seat or who was seated while he was standing. (Sekhiya teaching 57- 72; BMC 505- 508 cited in Ariyesako; 1998).

For teaching dhamma, sitting on a slightly raised platform or an asana4 (seat) was the normal practice (Daswatte, 2012). Paranavitana (cited in Perera, 1976) notes the interesting practice in which the asana was an object of worship in ancient Sri Lanka. He notes shrines called asanaghara (asana; seat, ghara; house) where the only object of veneration was “a throne in the shape of a large rectangular slab of stone, smoothly chis-selled, set up on a raised platform” (Paranavitana cited in Perera, 1976: p. 31). This symbolical representation of the Buddha himself in the form of an asana is also confirmed by Coomaraswamy (1979).

Earliest references for dharmasana appear in the older painings of Hindagala cave in the Kandy district (see Figure 1). This dates back to the Anuradhapura period and contains two images of Buddha, one which appears to be a depiction of a dharmadesana. Scholars believe

that this is this scene represents the visitation and teaching of dhamma to Sakka (Indra) while the Buddha was at Indasala cave (Silva, 1990).

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Figure 2: Pulpit of Wolvendaal Church, ColomboSource: Authors

While no significant movable furniture was made during the precolonial period, objects for use in the royal household and monastery were of the highest skill and craftsmanship. Buddhism was the undoubted chief patron of arts. The colonial period however, resulted in the disintegration of Buddhism and the arts and crafts with the fall of Buddhist institutions and lack of sponsorship (Coomaraswamy A. K., 1956).

The Portuguese were the first to introduce movable furniture such as benches, tables, chairs, screens, bedsteads and wardrobes. The Dutch period which coincided with the height of furniture development in Europe saw further expansion of variety, style and skill in furniture making. During this period traditional craft guilds were replaced by workshops or winkels set up by the Dutch. Each trade had a European master or superintendent (baas) and skilled European foremen trained in Europe (meesterknechten) of high rank and salary in the Dutch East India Company (VOC) service. Locals whose traditional occupation was carpentry found employment in these workshops and it was from the Dutch that the low- country Sinhalese especially of the south west, learnt to excel in furniture making (Brohier, 1969, pp. xi- xiii). The quality, suitability of local wood and tradition of high craftsmanship resulted in high quality furniture, soon manufactured for export. Ebony, calamander, satin wood and jack timber were commonly used, while halmilla, palu, maara etc were utilized according to the necessary quality of material needed.

Figure 3: Pulpit of Wolvendaal Church, ColomboSource: Authors

New furniture of the colonial period

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The common trait of all colonial Christian missions was proselytizing, albeit in varying degrees. Social institu-tions such as schools and hospitals help spread Chris-tian values and beliefs. Adapted versions of traditional folk drama, Sinhala and Tamil translations of Christian texts and the use of print to circulate these texts were seen especially in the western, southern regions and the north. Many converted in the hope of gaining high ranks within the colonial government (De Siva, 2005). However, it was the church, built and sponsored by the colonial party in power that served as the main context in which the Christian doctrine was preached. These edifices corresponded with those of Europe (e.g. Gothic Revival style in British era) (Cannadine, 2002). Similar-ly, furniture in these places reflected their stylistic char-acteristics. Records on the origin of this furniture are minimum, and it is believed that some were imported directly from Europe while others were made in local workshops. In line with our study, two main pieces of furniture are observed as having a profound connection with preaching: the pulpit and the celebrant’s chair. The word pulpit is derived from the Latin word pulpi-tum, meaning the stage or scaffold. In a church, it refers to the raised structure which was reached from a flight of steps (Anson, 1948, p. 154). This structure was from which the priest or minister preached and was essential in the days prior to methods of sound amplification. Examples of pulpits are observed in the churches of all three Christian sects. It was especially a crucial feature of the Dutch Reformed Church, where the protestant doctrine emphasized much more importance on the ‘holy word’ and its preaching. Although no strict guidelines were laid in its manu-facture, wood was the preferred material. Pulpits were often carved with images of saints or painted figures (Anson, 1948, pp. 154- 156). Stylistic differences in accordance with the style of church in each of the Chris-tian sects were apparent.

Two main types of pulpits were observed in churches under study. The first was the larger of the two and was fixed to the wall. This pulpit was generally used in larger churches and a fine example of it can be observed in the Wolvendaal Church, Colombo (See Figure 02).These also had a sounding board: a board or screen placed over or behind the pulpit to reflect a speaker’s voice forward. In contrast, the smaller version was free- standing and was for use in a smaller church as seen in Figure 03. These did not incorporate sounding boards. It was also noted that pulpits in general had an underly-ing octagonal geometry. This fact is noted in literature (Anson, 1948) and historical records as well as being observed in the studied specimens.

In contrast to the pulpit celebrant’s chair was funda-mentally associated with the sanctuary of the church

The Pulpit And The Celebrant’s Chair

and its altar. It stood “as a symbol of his (the celebrant’s) office of presiding over the assembly and of direct-ing prayer” (McNamara, 2006). It was placed facing the congregation, preferably behind the altar table, but providing a straight view. Emminghaus (1997, p. 112) notes that it was “an expression of the hierarchi-cal organization of the people of God: In the officiant, the Lord himself presides over the worship service. The chief celebrant is his representative.” Therefore the celebrant’s chair is wholly absent from the Dutch Reformed churches which lacks a separate sanctuary in its plan and calls for equal status of the preacher and the preached in its doctrine. Historically the celebrant’s chair is an adaptation of the Episcopal chair (Bishop’s throne or cathedra) and fulfils the same function for the community liturgy. The Bible refers to the use of the celebrant’s chair; “in the syna-gogue, it was the right of the teacher to sit on a special stool or chair. The head of the synagogue, on the “seat of Moses” (Matt: 23.2), sat facing the congregation.” (Emminghaus, 1997, p. 112).

Therefore the chair was not only a practical piece of seating but held position of theological value. No specific materials were recommended in its making though it was custom to use timber. However, stylistic influences are observed in the different examples noted; the Rococo tradition in both the celebrant’s chair and Episcopal chair of St. Lucia’s cathedral (Figure 04) and Neo-Gothic style of the chairs at All Saints Church, Hulftsdorp (Figure 05). In contrast to Buddhist practice however, only bishops were permitted to preach seated. Even if a priest delivered the homily while at the seat, he was required to do so standing (McNamara, 2006).

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Figure 4a: Episcopal chair of St. Lucia’s Cathedral, KotahenaSource: Authors

Figure 4b: Episcopal chair of St. Lucia’s Cathedral, KotahenaSource: Authors

Figure 5: Celebrant and minister’s chairs of All Saints Church, Hulftsdorp. Source: Authors

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The New Dharmasana

The early Buddhist- Christian dialog was a peaceful one, owning to the tolerant characteristic of Buddhism. Wenzlhuemer (2008) records that Buddhist monaster-ies received missionaries who were engaged in long travels preaching with great hospitality. They also helped prepare places of Christian worship or allowed the dharmasala of their temples to be used by the mis-sionaries for preaching.

However, the Christian attitude in majority of instances was not a likewise one. Strathern (1998) commenting on the Catholic-Buddhist debate of 1543 AD conducted by the Franciscan missionaries states that these dis-putes were specifically used to discredit the Buddhist doctrine and convince the indigenous ruler to embrace Christianity: what they considered to be absolute truth. While the more lenient approach of the Dutch and then the British towards Buddhism facilitated religious freedom, towards the later part of the 19th century majority of Buddhists were faced with a crisis of identi-ty. Seneviratne (2000) aptly argues that the new classes which emerged by embracing the politics, culture and economics of the colonial ruler had to now adapt their religion accordingly. Their approach was twofold. The minority adapted Christianity, the religion of the ruler while the majorities sought to reorganize and redefine the Buddhism to conform to modernity. Christianity was rejected as a faith but this new Buddhism was mod-elled on it, consciously or unconsciously. The movement came to be known as the Buddhist Revival movement and was led by Anagarika Dharmapala.

Dharmapala saw it as a renaissance of ‘traditional’ Bud-dhism, although scholars argue the movement is more of a reformation. In his agenda, the Buddhist monk was to play a new and crucial role. This Neo-Buddhism (as referred to by Seneviratne) was modelled on the organi-zational structure, social structure most importantly the idea of ministering to a flock as seen in Christian practice and culture (Seneviratne, 2000). In the light of this new role, a new form of dharmadesana was vehemently promoted. The new dharmadesana was in sharp contrast from the traditional form. It was limited to about one hour, which was one twelfth of its original duration. Furthermore it was devoid of the elaborate ritualism that characterized the traditional form. The new dharmadesana in its precise theme and format resembled more the sermon that was preached from “the Christian pulpit” (Daniel, 2000, p. 187).

The dharmasala hence became an essential feature and was typically symmetrical and had four identical entrances. The dharmasana would be placed in the center and consisted of a distinctive, elaborately deco-rated high seat (Wickremeratne, 2012).

The following two case studies exemplify a typical dhar-masana consisting of two elements; the ‘enclosure’ and the chair. The enclosures were usually a symmetrical structure made of timber, elaborately decorated with carvings. They created a ‘space within a space’ creat-ing a physical and as well as symbolic gap between the preaching monk and the listeners. The chair on which the preaching monk would sit was typically a high upholstered arm-chair. A cushioned ottoman was also incorporated in sitting due to the chair’s above-average height. Both the chair and the ottoman were skilfully embellished with carvings.

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Case Study 01

Dharmasana of Vidyodaya Pirivena, Maradana

The Vidyodaya Pirivena building complex includes a stupa, bodhi and dharmasala as well as the monastery, library and other learning facilities. Founded in 1873 by Ven. Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thero the pirivena was granted university status by the Government of Sri Lanka, in 1959. The dharmasana was located at the center of the columned interior of the dharmasala. It is noteworthy that the enclosure and chair were donated by two different individuals in two different years: The enclosure in 1930 AD invoking merit on a deceased husband by a wife and the chair in 1940 AD by a woman with the hope of attaining nibana. This information was etched, very visibly in Sinhala on individual brass plaques and affixed on the front panel of the enclosure and the rear end of the chair’s back rest.

The enclosure was primarily octagonal in geometry (see Figure 6). Octagonal shapes were common in Buddhist monastic architecture. This is most likely in reference to the Eight Noble Precepts in Buddhist doctrine. The solid platform, side screens and similar roof structure carried majority of the physical and visual weight of the structure. On the contrary, the eight pillars which hold up the heavy roof were slender and created a distinc-tive void between the base and the roof. These pillars had a circular cross section and were striated with eight longitudinal grooves. This characteristic was seen as a deviation from the traditional square or octagonal cross section. The top ends of the pillars were fixed with carved capitols or pekada (Figure 8) depicting the ‘pendant lotus’ or binara mala motif. The feature was commonly used in both Buddhist and secular settings (e.g. Embekke Dewala, Ambalama at Mangalagama) (Coomaraswamy A. K., 1956). The pillar was carved out in varying diameter near the capitol, at the base and in the middle. These convex rings were etched with pala-pethi and a simplified form of the binara mala motif.

The platform was a square form on which the octagonal side screens were fixed. The lion figures on four corners of the platform were stylistically similar to those in Dutch and British emblems and crests than those found in previous Buddhist art and objects. Intriguingly, the lion figures seemed to display the Buddhist concepts in Pali on wooden shields that were similar to those used in colonial crests. Likewise shields were rarely observed in precolonial objects. However we did observe them on the pews of Christ Church, Mutwal.

Two realistic water lily carvings were visible on the outer surface of each elevation. Side screens were orna-mented with pala pethi motifs. Eight individual screens made up the enclosure. The solid quality of the screens was eased by carving out hollow vertical stripes on each panel. A four petal flower with smooth carving

Figure 6: Dharmasana of Vidyodaya Pirivena, Maradana.Source: Authors

Figure 7: Drawing showing details of dharmasana at Vidyodaya Pirivena, Maradana. Source: Authors.

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ran along the top ledge of the side screens. However the flower resembled more of a Gothic quatrefoil than a traditional binara or beraliya flower motif.

The octagonal roof structure consists of another smaller octagonal cap affixed with a lotus finial. Sensitively carved lotus finials were also located on each of the eight corners. A hollow carved band of quatrefoils ran along the interior perimeter. The ceiling when viewed from the inside was elaborately carved with a geo-metrical lotus, similar to the ones in Kandyan arts and crafts. A myriad of symbols were integrated to the lotus, although it was difficult to identify them within one symbolic system. In addition a semi-circular panel with a half- lotus affixed onto the roof periphery could be seen from the front elevation (Figure 9). Similar panels were fixed at the end of the vertical and horizontal axis. Each panel was inscribed with a Pali verse.

The chair was upholstered, broad and had a high backrest transcending a throne-like quality. Two prominent lion figures formed the arm rests. The lion’s face was exceptionally well detailed while the mane has a flowing, rhythmic quality to it. Animal figures in subordinate positions were a common feature in thrones in ancient India (Murthy, 1982). According to Brohier (1969) the first prominent stately seat or throne in Sri Lanka was the one presented to King Wimalad-harmasuriya II by the Dutch Governer Van Rhee in 1693 AD. Although unclear about its make, he notes that the style was Baroque, the popular style in Europe of the in the 17th century. Similarity to this particular throne was observed in the lion arms and the distinctively rigid square form of the seat rail, leg and foot. Maintaining

Figure 8: Detail of pekada and capitol of timber pillar, negative carvings of quatrefoils can be seen in the background. Source: Authors.

this square geometry, these rectilinear elements were ornamented with binara mala and panawa motifs. Binara mala arranged in a square grid could be inspect-ed in Kandyan paintings, notably in a ceiling fresco of the Sri Dalada Maligawa, Kandy (De Silva, 2009).

The most significant feature of the chair however, was the use of the makara thorana in lieu of the top rail (Figure 7 & 10). The makara thorana was a distinctive Sri Lankan design element, with its origins in the Bud-dhist cave temples of India. (Bell cited in Coomaras-wamy A. K., 1956) It was an “ornamental arch springing from two profile makara facing each other, and with a ‘kibihi´ face in the position of the keystone” (Coomaras-wamy A. K., 1956, p. 84). Both components constituting the makara thorana were mythical motifs composed of human and animal features. What is most important for this research was the makara thorana’s earlier use and later adaptation. It was noted that the element was used above images and doorways abundantly and was most common from 14th to 19th century AD (Coomaraswamy A. K., 1956; De Silva, 2009). The most elaborate examples were always at the doorway of the main entrance. The greater the length and breath of the element, the more it was filled with liyawel, pala pethi and other animal and floral ornaments protruding from the two makara’s mouths.

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Figure 9: Detail of Lotus of semicircle. Source: Authors.

Figure 10: View of chair, with its significant makara thorana.Source: Authors

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Case Study 02

Dharmasana of Pothupitiya Sri Walukarama Maha Vihara, Wadduwa

Figure 11: Dharmasana of Pothupitiya Sri Walukarama Maha Vihara, Wadduwa. Source: Authors

Figure 12: Drawing showing detail of Dharmasana of Pothupitiya Sri Walukarama Maha Vihara, Wadduwa. Source: Authors

The Vihara complex consists of the stupa, bodhi, dharmasala and monks quarters was completed in 1936 AD. From the entrance gate itself, the buildings were expressively of the post colonial Southern tradition with the dharmasala was notably influenced by Dutch elements. It was a perfectly symmetrical square building with four entrances. The roof construction however, was reminiscent of the Kandyan highly sloped, stepped-hip roof form with center finials. There existed a main center roof structure with four smaller roofs on separate towers at the four corners.

The dharmasana consisted of an enclosure and chair (see Figure 11 & 12). The engraving on the back of the chair informed that it was made with the direction of the Poson festival organizing committee in the same year the temple was established. What was signifi-cant about this enclosure was that it perfectly mirrors the architectural characteristics of the dharamasala itself. It was again perfectly symmetrical with the roof structure also mimicking the building’s roof. The enclosure expressed a certain complexity in form with the platform being continuous on the interior while perceived as broken forms on the exterior. The four ‘towers’ appeared to be standing alone. The platform had a solid stature and each elevation was covered with timber panels with naturalistic flower garlands in full relief. The side screens were constructed with wooden open work. These were ornamented with liyawel and a four petal flower that resembled a traditional binara mala but chiselled to be more three dimensional and realistic. The top rail of the side boards were finished in an interesting inverted arch form. Timber pillars which support the roof were mounted on a single ball foot. They had a square cross section throughout and ran continuous acting as supports for the side screens (Figure 15) as well as the roof. Interestingly, the remainder of the pillar height was segmented into two. These were connected with screens that had remarkable resemblance to Gothic timber screens used to divide the church nave and the sanctuary. A good example of this was observed at Christ Church, Mutwal (Figure 13). Rarely seen in Buddhist context, the first segment was ornamented upon a trefoil shape while the top segment was a quatrefoil. Short railings affixed with spindle-work were fixed on the top segment. Furthermore, the pillars portrayed a very simple stepped capitol and the use of pekada was wholly absent.

The use of makara thorana in this structure was intriguing. All four side elevations depicted this element at the center with the two ‘towers’ standing at

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The Vihara complex consists of the stupa, bodhi, dharmasala and monks quarters was completed in 1936 AD. From the entrance gate itself, the buildings were expressively of the post colonial Southern tradition with the dharmasala was notably influenced by Dutch elements. It was a perfectly symmetrical square building with four entrances. The roof construction however, was reminiscent of the Kandyan highly sloped, stepped-hip roof form with center finials. There existed a main center roof structure with four smaller roofs on separate towers at the four corners.

The dharmasana consisted of an enclosure and chair (see Figure 11 & 12). The engraving on the back of the chair informed that it was made with the direction of the Poson festival organizing committee in the same year the temple was established. What was signifi-cant about this enclosure was that it perfectly mirrors the architectural characteristics of the dharamasala itself. It was again perfectly symmetrical with the roof structure also mimicking the building’s roof. The enclosure expressed a certain complexity in form with the platform being continuous on the interior while perceived as broken forms on the exterior. The four ‘towers’ appeared to be standing alone. The platform had a solid stature and each elevation was covered with timber panels with naturalistic flower garlands in full relief. The side screens were constructed with wooden open work. These were ornamented with liyawel and a four petal flower that resembled a traditional binara mala but chiselled to be more three dimensional and realistic. The top rail of the side boards were finished in an interesting inverted arch form. Timber pillars which support the roof were mounted on a single ball foot. They had a square cross section throughout and ran continuous acting as supports for the side screens (Figure 15) as well as the

Figure 13 a: Detail of Gothic screen at Christ Church, Mutwal.Source: Authors

Figure 13 b: Detail of Gothic screen at Christ Church, Mutwal.Source: Authors

roof. Interestingly, the remainder of the pillar height was segmented into two. These were connected with screens that had remarkable resemblance to Gothic timber screens used to divide the church nave and the sanctuary. A good example of this was observed at Christ Church, Mutwal (Figure 13). Rarely seen in Buddhist context, the first segment was ornamented upon a trefoil shape while the top segment was a quatrefoil. Short railings affixed with spindle-work were fixed on the top segment. Furthermore, the pillars portrayed a very simple stepped capitol and the use of pekada was wholly absent.

The use of makara thorana in this structure was intriguing. All four side elevations depicted this element at the center with the two ‘towers’ standing at either end. The makara figures were well detailed with the traditional liya- pata in thringi thale forming the tail. However, traditional liyapath protruding from the mouth were absent. Instead there appeared to be roses, icanthus leaves and a flower resembling a lotus carved in high relief. The kibihi face was detailed in tradi-tional form. In addition, the eyes of the face appeared to have been inserted with a darker wood possibly ebony, giving it a realistic appearance. Beneath the makara thorana the words ‘Dharmananda dharmasa-naya’ meaning ‘the dharmasanaya which causes bliss through imparting dhamma’ was inscribed on a scroll (Figure 14).

The roof structure consisted of a main high roof flanked with four separately supported sub-roofs. The area in which the preacher sits was covered by the central roof and adorned with a viyana cloth. All five resembled the Kandyan form and even portray parallel segmentation instead of the flat tiles laid. The chair of the dharmasana was high and broad and was accompa-nied by an ottoman (Figure 17). By observing its form

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and details, we posit that it very closely resembles the throne of the Kandyan kings (Figure 16), though there are deviations in detail. Arm sides were carved, though not so exquisitely with floral bunches and bow, forming two inverted arches. Seat rails were carved in the same manner with a single flower motif. Underneath the seat rail an elaborately ornamented apron was fixed. The leg and foot were nearly identical to the King’s throne, although the foot was much wider and bulkier in this specimen. Stretchers, center stretchers and finial were also similar. The most striking feature however, was the form and detail of the back rest (Figure 18), back rail and top rail. While the Kings throne had much more fine carving, covered in gold sheet and embezzled with jewels, the carved subjects remains the same.

Figure 14: Detail of makara thorana with “dharmananda dharmasanaya” written on scroll. Source: Authors.

Figure 15: Detail of timber screens. Source: Authors.

Figure 16: King’s throne of Kandy.Source: Authors

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Figure 17: Preacher’s chair of dharmasana, Walukarama Maha Vihara.Source: Authors

Figure 18:Detail of backrest. Source: Authors

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New Forms, New Meaning; A Critical Comparison

Material And Technology

Decoration

Form And Structure

Ornaments

Function And Usage

How do people make ‘meaning’, derived by what they experience through their senses when they come in contact with the furniture and its function? We have viewed the complete form of the furniture as the sum of parts and have identified the following elements. The hypothetical person experiencing the object is from the colonial period, listening to the new dharmadesana.

The elements are as follows;1. Material and technology2. Form and structure3. Decoration4. Ornaments5. Function and usage

The principal material used for construction is timber. Although it is unclear what timber was used it was probably locally manufactured. Use of timber was common in Kandyan architecture and construction, the prevailing dominant style throughout the colonial period (Ex: the timber pillars of Ambakke) (Coomaraswamy A. K., 1956). Thus we suggest that timber was a familiar material to the people, therefore providing them with reference to what they were used to at Buddhist temples.

Decoration refers to elements added for the clarification of structure. Pillars that supported the structure, lotus finials, makara thorana was reminiscent of Kandyan architecture as is the use of pekada as seen in Ambekke. Baroque decoration to accentuate the form of chair with the use of ‘ears’ and aprons. The additional cloth viyana denotes the special place where the preacher would sit, giving him Kingly significance.

An ornament is an additional element that is added to enhance the decoration and form; a celebration of the form. Gothic quatrefoils, trefoils- of Christian furniture as mentioned earlier were seen in the specimens. Flowers resemble a garden nature and vegetation resembling the prosperity of heaven in Christian architecture. This was a reference to the Garden of Eden. This may have created references with ornamentation of Gothic style secular objects as well as church details. Sinhalese motifs, details in makara thorana reference to earlier used contexts. Scroll contacting Pali verse, the donation plaque, Pali inscription of Buddhist value acted as a symbol and had to be prior learnt to derive meaning. The lions and shield were clear references to colonial emblems.

Priest being on a high seat – a custom which stately people used – refers the monk’s new role as a leader. These seats also resembled the celebrant’s chair in a Christian context. The enclosure was used to separate the preacher from the people. This symbolizes the way a Christian pulpit may have been used.

Being an enclosure, it resembled the form of a Christian pulpit. As noted in the case studies presented, the octagonal shape and Kandyan roof structure were notable features of architecture and construction (Basnayake, 1986; Coomaraswamy A. K., 1956). Mimicking these in a smaller scale created reference to the familiar. Octagonal geometry also bears reference to Christian pulpits and their honesty in construction. The complex structure with additional pillars added to the ‘distancing’ of the monk from the listeners, establishing his status above the rest. The chair itself had structural similarity to Gothic and stylistically Baroque. This was the new European aesthetic where people were familiar with the Kandyan Kings’ throne.

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Conclusion

The role of Christian culture in colonial period Sri Lanka ultimately resulted in the revival of other religions of which the Buddhist revival stands dominant. Fuelled by philosophers, monks and laymen alike, this ‘Neo-Buddhism’ defined new values for the Buddhist monk. The monk’s role changed to that of a motivator and leader in addition to his duties of teaching dhamma. In the whole Christian-Buddhist debate, the role of Christian priests actively engaging in preaching and proselytizing influenced the creation of a new dharmasedana; the activity of teaching dhamma to the laity.

The new dharmasedana resulted overtime, in the creation of a new dharmasana, the type of furniture used for this purpose. Instead of the simple raised platform in pre-colonial times, the new dharmasana

incorporated an enclosure and a preacher’s chair. The chair holds reference to a Christian celebrant’s chair and seats of high authority. The enclosure referred to established forms of architecture and ornament in the Kandyan tradition, also the use of the pulpit; a space within a space, dedicated solely for the purpose of spreading the dhamma or the holy word. The dharmasana constituted of both borrowed elements from Christian contexts as well as reference to the established traditional styles of the era. In creating new meaning this is seen as an important factor as people needed to identify themselves with what they were familiar with in order to conform with the new identity. Christian form and ornament is seen as evidently aligning the new identity to colonial values and assumptions.

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References

1. Anson, P. (1948). Churches Their Plan and Furnishing. Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Company.

2. Ariyesako, B. (1998). The Bhikkhus' Rules: A Guide for Laypeople. Victo-ria, Australia: Sanghaloka Forest Hermitage.

3. Basnayake, H. T. (1986). Sri Lankan Monastic Architecture . New Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications.

4. Book of Discipline (Vinaya Pitaka). (1949). (I. B. Horner, Trans.) London: Luzac & Company .

5. Brohier, R. L. (1969). Furniture of the Dutch Period in Ceylon. Colombo : National Museums of Ceylon.

6. Cannadine, D. (2002). Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire. Oxford University Press.

7. Castells, S. (2010). The Power of Identity (2nd ed.). United Kingdom: Blackwell Publishing.

8. Chandler, D. (1998). Semiotics for Beginners. 9. Charles, S. P. (1995). 'Paramparika Sinhala Bithu Sithuvam' (Traditional

Sinahalease Mural Paintings). Central Cultural Fund.10. Coomaraswamy, A. K. (1956). Mediaeval Sinhalese Art (2nd ed.).

Colombo: Pantheon Books (Republished by Ministry of Nathional Her-itage, Government of Sri Lanka.

11. Coomaraswamy, A. K. (1979). Elements of Buddhist Iconography. New Delhi: Munshiram Monoharlal.

12. Daniel, E. (2000). The Arrogation of Being: Revisiting the Anthropology of Religion. Macalester International, 171- 191. Retrieved from Digital Commons: http://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1179&context=macintl

13. Daswatte, C. (2012). Colonial Period Furniture in the Geoffrey Bawa Collection. The Geoffrey Bawa Trust.

14. De Silva, N. (2009). Sinhala chithraya saha mosthara sampradaya (Sinhala Art and the tradition of motif and decoration). Colombo Pad-mapani Designers.

15. De Siva, K. M. (2005). A History of Sri Lanka. Colombo: Vijitha Yapa Publications.

16. Emminghaus, J. (1997). The Eucharist: Essence, Form, Celebration. Liturgical Press.

17. Hjelm, S. I. (2002). Semiotics in Product Design. Sweden: Center for User Oriented IT Design, KTH. Retrieved from http://cid.nada.kth.se

18. Hussein, A. (2009). ZEYLANICA. A Study of the Peoples and Languages of Sri Lanka. Colombo: Neptune Publications (Pvt) Ltd.

19. Jayawardena, K. (2000). Nobodies to Somebodies: The Rise of the Colo-nial Bourgeoisie in Sri Lanka. Zed Books.

20. McNamara, E. (2006, June 20). A ZENIT DAILY DISPATCH: The Chair of the Priest Celebrant. Retrieved from EWTN: www.ewtn.com/library/Liturgy/zlitur134.htm

21. Murthy, K. (1982). Ancient Indian Furniture. New Delhi: Sundeep Prakashan.

22. Perera, A. D. (1976). Asanaghara Shrines of Ancient Sri Lanka: Who built them, the Buddhists or pre-historic Yakkhas? Journal of the Sri Lanka Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 20, 31- 41.

23. Pieris, A. (2013). Architecture and Nationalism in Sri Lanka: The Trouser Under the Cloth. Routledge.

24. Schein, E. (1984). Coming to a new awareness of organizational culture. Sloan Management Review, II(25), pp. 3-16.

25. Seneviratne, H. (2000). The Work of Kings. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

26. Silva, R. P. (1990). Paintings of Sri Lanka: Hindagala. Colombo: Central Cultural Fund.

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1. Spencer-Oatey, H. (2012). What is Culture? A compilation of quotes. Retrieved from Global Pad Core Concepts: http://go.warwick.ac.uk/globalpaditercultural

2. Strathern, A. (1998). Representations of Eastern Religion: Queyroz and Gonzaga on the first Catholic-Buddhist disputation in Sri Lanka. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka, 39- 70.

3. Strauss, C., & Quinn, N. (1997). A Cognitive Theory of Cultural Meaning. Cambridge University Press.

4. Wenzlhuemer, R. (2008). From Coffee to Tea Cultivation in Ceylon, 1880-1900: An Economic and Social History. BRILL.

5. Wickremeratne, S. (2012). Buddha in Sri Lanka: Remembered Yester-days. SUNY Publishers.

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Collaborative Photo Essay

Title Textures of the North


AuthorAmaratunge, SujanDe Silva, RavishaGunaratne, TharushiJinadasa, MalikaNithiaparen, ElizaRathnayake, BinmiThiyagarajah, ArunthathiJoel Kristan TisseraWaheed, Hamdhoon



AcknowledgementsThis article was originally produced by first year BA (Hons) Graphic Design students at the Academy of Design in reponse to a brief that asked them to curate a narrative or thematic photo essay during a trip to Jaffna, the Northern Province of Sri Lanka in December 2015. The original photo essay was published on their Facebook page. To subscribe, visit srilankadesignjournal.com and www.facebook.com/AOD-GRAPHICS


KeywordsJaffna, cultural heritage, craft, palmyrah, people, texture, portraits, travel.


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Textures of the North

—Texture is the feel, appearance and

consistency of a surface. It is the real thing! It is the variations created upon a surface by Mother Nature. This gives it a sense of personality and creates emphasis, rhythm

and contrast.—

Collaborative Photo Essay BA (Hons) Graphic Design Students, Batch of 2017

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Holiness through eyes and ears. Pungudutivu, Jaffna Peninsula.

Colours of spirituality. Pungudutivu, Jaffna Peninsula.

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Take care of the Kovil. Pungudutivu, Jaffna Peninsula.

Blending with the past. Pungudutivu, Jaffna Peninsula.

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Weavers’ paradise. Pungudutivu, Jaffna Peninsula.

Little details. Pungudutivu, Jaffna Peninsula.

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One kind; two stories. Jaffna, Northern Province of Sri Lanka.

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The more rough life got, taller he stood. Jaffna, Northern Province of Sri Lanka.

Taste of life. Jaffna, Northern Province of Sri Lanka.

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A touch of light. Jaffna, Northern Province of Sri Lanka.

Religous Harmonies. Northern Province of Sri Lanka.

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Feels life Jaffna! Jaffna, Northern Province of Sri Lanka.

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Title Changing Role of Traditional Handloom Weavers in Sustaining LivelihoodsA Case Study - Thalagune Village


AuthorNawalage, Anupama



AcknowledgementsThis article was originally produced in Sri Lanka Design Journal. To subscribe, visit srilankadesignjournal.com


KeywordsLivelihood, handloom, craft industry.


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Changing Role of Traditional Handloom Weavers in Sustaining Livelihoods

A Case Study - Thalagune village

Summary

Handloom weaving in Sri Lanka is primarily a hereditary practice. A signifi-cant population of the Hill capital of the country is well known for the hand-loom trade. In Thalagune village, tucked away in the Uda Dumbara valley in Kandy, weaving was inseparably integrated with the people’s life styles. In the last three decades the local economy deviated from its primary agricul-tural base to a more commercial and service based economy (Lakshman, 1997). This economic change resulted in rural migration towards urban areas collapsing the fragile economy of home based industries. It inexorably affected the local handloom weaving community, as the lifestyle of weavers and the needs of consumers changed rapidly.

This paper looks at how the local craft community has secured their liveli-hood pliability through their own skills and experiences shared through a common culture. Thus, the objective of this paper is to demonstrate how traditional handloom weavers in Thalagune village changed their roles with the use of effective and adaptive strategies during livelihood vulnerabilities.

Anupama Nawalage


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SECTION 1: Background of the study

The hand weaving textile craft in Sri Lanka dates back to the beginning of Sri Lankan civilization. According to the great historical chronicle “Mahavamsa”, when King Vijaya and his men from India set foot on Sri Lankan soil at ‘Tammannapura’ in 543 BC, “Kuveni”, a local princess was spinning cotton yarn (1960). Hand-loom was a popular home industry for locals until its decadence in the last three decades. Handloom weaving was practiced throughout the island and a significant population of the Hill capital of the country was well known for the handloom trade.

One of the main events to create a significant change in their lives was the introduction of open economy policies. Introduced to Sri Lanka at the beginning of 1977, this had a significant impact on the life style of Sri Lankans. As Gunasinghe argued, after 1977 the economy was forced into an “uncontrolled free-play of market forces in all areas” (1984:200). Thus it inevitably affected the handloom weaving industry, as the life style of weavers and the needs of consumers changed. The local economy deviated from its primary agricul-tural base to a more commercial service based industry. The high demand for labour for industrialization and commercialization of rural economy has allowed men and women to seek jobs in both on-farm and off-farm

activities. This resulted in a rural migration towards urban areas collapsing the fragile economy of home based craft practices. Furthermore, these economic changes opened a path to vast social transformation. Which directly and indirectly impacted the traditional handloom weavers in Thalagune village. Their life styles were largely affected due to these incidents, which resulted in livelihood insecurity. As stated by Ananda Coomaraswamy most of the Kandyan communities are descendants from an ancient Indian society (Coomaraswamy 1942). These villages have very strong livelihood systems that have been fol-lowed by many generations that are mainly connected to traditional arts and craft industries and paddy cul-tivation. Most of the craft communities are very proud of their strong roots with the ancient royal families and their ancestors who were master crafts mans. People had to perform craft work according to the ancient ‘rajakariya system’ (Coomaraswamy 1942) and there is a strong relationship between caste and profession (Seneviratne 1978). Caste divisions or caste-based activi-ties are not functional in present day Kandyan society, but the traditional professions assigned by the caste system are still observed in some parts of these villages (Daskon 2010).

Figure 1: Thalagune village scenery (Digital photograph).


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Section 2: The Weavers During The Feudal System

Weavers in Thalagune believe they belong to the Beravã caste. The Beravã weavers, from time immemorial, made plain hand spun cotton characteristic of the Kandyan region, remaining unaffected by changes in fashion or the influence of Indian weavers. Plain clothes of red, blue and white were manufactured by them. Both men and women worked on very primitive looms to produce textiles. As stated above weaving was never the primary profession of these indigenous weavers who were chiefly musicians and played instruments according to feudal customs on state occasions and during Kandyan pageants in honour of the Temple of the Tooth relic during the perahara. The many social activities of the Beravãya have been summed up by the historian, Robert Knox in his own words “After these are the weavers, who beside their trade, which is weaving cloth, are astrologers… Beat drums, and play on pipes, and dance in the Temples of their Gods”(1681).

In ancient Sri Lankan society, there were many beautifully decorated textiles showcasing the skill of the weaver. Their life styles were bound with nature.

Automatically their design motifs consisted of leaves, flowers, animals, and geometric forms found in nature. Weavers at Thalagune protected these traditional motifs for centuries without any written format. Motifs were woven using the leaf ribs (Iratu) of the coconut palm trees to pick up the motif on the warp (length wise) threads; colour came from the insertion of the weft (crosswise) threads.

Villagers engaged themselves in weaving in their leisure time. They traded some of their woven creations to obtain other items. The most elaborate woven creations were offered to the temples. Later they produced designs to suite the consumers’ requirements. Curtains, furnishing materials, ethirili and bags were woven with their traditional design motifs. Currently, such traditional weaving methods and even institutions are gradually disappearing and these communities are also facing a crisis and fighting for their survival.

Section 3: Issues Faced By The Weavers In Achieving A Sustainable Livelihood

Weavers at Thalagune had remarkable features in their products and design elements from the past. Their unique patterns and designs have been carried forward for centuries with very little change. In the early days, they wove as a way of spending their leisure time rather than a means for getting an income. In the 1960s and 1970s weavers at Thalagune did their work very successfully with the help of the Government Policies at the time. In the 1970s Lanka Salu Sala Ltd. and Laksala bought most of their creations at a reasonable price. They had a good income and the weavers believed that the skills inherited from their ancestors had to be preserved for the future and it was their duty to keep the industry running. Their life style was bound with weaving, spinning, dyeing, and related works.

The craft of Dumbara weaving contributes to our small but vibrant handloom industry. The fragile existence described by Ananda Cooaraswamy continued into the mid twentieth century through the efforts of the Ministry of Rural Industries as the traditional segment of a protected handloom weaving industry. However, the advent of the open economy and the ensuing flood of imported fabrics required a different vision to provide strategies for survival. When the open economy policies were introduced to Sri Lanka many changes occurred which affected the lifestyle of the weaving communities, even in the solitary village Thalagune as well as in Uda Dumbara. Like others, handloom weavers too were fascinated by the new goods in the markets and the novel job opportunities that opened

out for them. Although their usual life style consisted of weaving related activities, most of them wanted to find alternate vocations.

With the change of government, Lanka Salu Sala Ltd., who was their main buyer, introduced modifications to their purchasing policies. The new plans did not provide priority to the traditional woven fabrics, instead prominence was given to cheap textiles they could import. With that handloom weavers at Thalagune found it difficult to deal with Lanka Salu Sala Ltd. At times it took months to get payments and it was hard to keep their production running without sufficient income.

Another remarkable change that affected the general livelihoods of the weavers was the Sinhala and Tamil riots in 1983. With the onset of civil war there were difficulties in getting yarn as well as selling products. Due to such reasons, weavers gave up weaving and most of them became engaged in agriculture full time to help with daily sustenance. With that their lifestyles led to another path.

The remaining weavers still practiced handloom weaving with many complexities. Many handloom weavers who did a remarkable job in the 1960s were middle aged by the 1980s. There are some occupations where employees gain more skills with time and production increases with experience, handloom and weaving as a profession is the opposite. Weavers need


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more energy to produce textiles with the maturity of their age. Although their children were young, most of them were not interested in practicing handloom and the weaving industry. The next generation had moved away from their homes exploring the new job market open in Sri Lanka’s free trade zones and the Middle East. Adolescents at Thalagune felt they could earn a better income in the city compared to low income prospects from traditional handloom weaving.

Another issue that handicapped the weavers was the increasing use of polythene bags. They were newly introduced and easy to use which attracted users as it went well with their busy lifestyle. Up to that point, Thalagune weavers made a variety of bags and had a good market for them. Most of the time weavers couldn’t get feedback from consumers as most of the products were sold at outlets away from the village. They got the opinions through middle men who also had a huge mark up for products being sold which put the weavers at a disadvantage.

By the 1980s the hand loom weavers of Thalagune were in dire straits. As described by Chandramani Thenuwara, “It is Sri Lanka’s good fortune that two very different personalities from two different aesthetic disciplines, a sensitive photographer and an architect/ designer steered the craft into two very different directions. Photographer Dominic Sansoni met a weaver from Thalagune while on a photo safari in our hill country – this fortuitous meeting led to an assured continuity of traditional design motifs and the techniques of Dumbara weaving for appreciative customers at home and abroad. Around the same time architect/ designer Thilak Samarawickrama, as consultant to our National Design centre, while nurturing all our craft skills still extant made an equally crucial discovery. The fact that the extra weft fabric structure of the Dumbara weaves of Thalagune ideally lent itself to the interpretation of his own abstract wall hanging designs of a controlled architectural character in the style idiom of Europe” (Thenuwara,2006). After this encounter, two weavers at Thalagune started to produce handloom products for these two customers. Yarn, dyes and even the designs were given to the weavers and they had a good income. This created a reawakening of the craft.

At the end of the 1980s there was a small minority who were proud to use handloom products, it was among the wealthier communities of the country and the foreign expatriates and diplomats. Products in home furnishing and ready to wear apparel was most popular for that clientele. Though these customers had a westernized taste in design, they were interested in traditional Sri Lankan crafts. With their influence the upper middle class and the middle income communities also started to pay attention to handloom

woven products from Thalagune. They wanted to create a higher social status by using these products which was beneficial for the weavers.

As per the weavers, 1989–1994 was the best period as they enjoyed weaving with an increasing income level and overall, they maintained a better quality of life. In the last three decades many of the weaving families in Talagune were negatively affected by the garment factories and abandoned weaving due to the failure to compete with imported, cheaper textiles. This was followed by increased costs of living, scarcity of raw materials, deteriorating government interest and lack of national consensus in policy making and a higher dependency on the global market. During the civil war period lack of tourists also made a noticeable impact on weavers’ livelihoods.


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Section 4: Strategies To Overcome Livelihood Vulnerability

According to livelihood concepts there are broad categories to describe livelihood responses, including coping strategies, which are short term, and adaptive strategies, which are long term (Chambers,1989). In Thalagune village, the communities have responded differently to the economic policy changes, and have built livelihood resilience through mobilizing and managing their livelihood assets in the face of hardship (Daskon,2010). Dumbara handloom weaving is a highly skilled tra-ditional craft and the majority of craftsmen have mastered the art which is passed from generation to generation without any written record. Inherited practices have been preserved among these village com-munities by transferring the traditions and skills from father to son and by marrying daughters into families practicing the same craft (Daskon,2010). This has been a great advantage for the community to survive hard times as they are specialists in their weaving techniques and are the only artisans skilled to create that particular type of handloom. Also skilled and experienced family members are a valuable asset during difficult times to increase productivity.

Initially Thalagune weavers were practicing weaving on a narrow loom with thick yarn. Fabrics manufac-tured by them were mainly used for cushion covers and household items. With a wider exposure to global market trends, many Sri Lankan fashion designers were interested in incorporating Dumbara motifs in their garment collections. This particular requirement made these weavers rethink their looms and type of yarns. Some weavers in the community reconstructed their looms to fit a wider width and started weaving with fine silk yarns. It was a successful turning point for them to become more competitive in the market.

Weavers had the issue of selling their products through a middle man and getting a small income compared to the percentage the shop owners and other dealers were gaining. As a community these weavers started to mobilize their market by transporting the woven prod-ucts to Kandy and Colombo themselves. Some weavers invested on the transport means and bought their own vehicles through bank loan facilities, with the security of knowing the industry would flourish in the future.

Though they engaged in farming activities, weaving was now their primary mode of income. Most female weavers engaged in weaving in addition to animal rearing and gardening as secondary sources of house-hold income. This community has also engaged in completely different modes of living to survive. In the recent past, during road construction on the Kandy - Mahiyangana road, like most of the other villages, Thalagune weavers also decided to join road construc-

tion work. In the absence of a majority of weavers, remaining family members worked the looms to con-tinue with the small orders they had during that time. This kept the practice running until they returned from construction work.


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Conclusion

Overall, traditional handloom weavers in Thalagune managed to con-tinue leading a better life, despite the ups and downs, without abandon-ing their traditional craft and source of livelihood that has been inherited over several generations. During times of difficulty, both men and women engaged in other activities to earn a living in addition to weaving. Many of them have benefited to a reasonable extent from government interven-tions. The majority of villagers believe that their livelihoods were relatively more secure than those employed in the government sector. By adapting to their circumstance and being open to changing their role as weavers when necessary, the artisan community in Thalagune had managed to achieve a sustainable livelihood.


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References

1. Chambers, R. (1989), Editorial Introduction—Vulnerability, Coping and Policy. IDS Bull. 20, 1-7.

2. Coomaraswamy.A.(1942) Medieval Sinhalese Art. London: Panther publication.

3. Daskon,C.D.(2010) ‘Are Cultural Traditions Real ―Assets― For Rural People? An Analysis from A Livelihood Perspective’ Global Journal of Human Social Science,10(3)pp.13-24[online].Available at: http://social-scienceresearch.org/index.php/GJHSS/article/view/48 (Accessed: 14th August 2015).

4. Geiger. W. (Translator)(1960), The Mahawamsa or the Great chronicle of Ceylon, chapter LXXXV, Colombo: Ceylon Government Information Department.

5. Gunasinghe, N.,(1984), “The Open Economy and Its Impact on Ethnic Relations on Sri Lanka”: In Sri Lanka the ethnic conflicts, Myths Reali-ties and perspectives, Committee for Rationale Development , New Delhi: Navrang.

6. Knox.R. (1681).An historical relation of the island Ceylon, in the East Indies, [online], Available at:http://books.google.lk/books/about/An_historical_relation_of_the_island_Cey.html?id=LBcuz37GrLQC&redir_esc=y (Accessed: 14th August 2015)

7. Lakshman,W.D. (ed).(1997),Dilemmas of Development. Fifty Years of Economic Change in Sri Lanka

8. Colombo,Sri Lanka Association of Economists.9. Raghavan M.D (1962) Ceylon – A pictorial survey of the peoples and

arts, Colombo : M.D.Gunasena & Co., Ltd10. Seneviratne,(1978) Kandy; Central Cultural Fund, Colombo: Ministry of

Cultural Affairs Sri Lanka.11. Spencer, J.(1990) The Sinhala Village in a Time of Trouble, New Delhi:

Oxford University Press 12. Thilakasiri, J. (1994).Survey Of Traditional Craft Villages and Families

Descended from Traditional Craftsmen of Sri Lanka, Colombo: S. Godage and Brothers.

13. Thenuwara C, (2006).‘A Traditional craft survives in to the twenty first century’, Sunday Island. September 17th, 2006, P. 03

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Title An Heir To Chair: A critical analysis of the transformation of domestic furnishing with social hierarchical change in colonial Sri Lankan lifestyle.


AuthorBeligatamulla, GnanaharshaFernando, Ashanthi



AcknowledgementsThis article was originally published in Sri Lanka Design Journal. To subscribe, visit srilankadesignjournal.com


KeywordsColonial furniture, elitism, domestic culture, social structure, class.


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ABSTRACT

In design analysis it is important to have a clear understanding of the psychological condition of the user of a particular object. The unique relationship between people and the objects they use could interpret their sociopolitical and cultural development through application of theories drawn from disciplines of history, archaeology, and anthropology. In a domestic environment apart from clothing and food, furniture can be identified as most frequently used objects, which people maintained a close relationship with. This has developed over the years to be questioned to a point as to why a person sits on a particular chair? Does it appeal to him? Does this piece of furniture suit his lifestyle? Hence a constant conversation builds up between the object, user and the society. Sri Lanka, a country that has been under European dominance for many centuries has resulted in a scattered indigenous culture. Due to political changes, the social structure of society has drastically and selectively changed to what we know of, in present day as ‘caste’ to ‘class’. In such a social structure, objects began to define one’s self value, and objects, which served a purely functional purpose, became commodities of commercial value. In such hybridization of culture, society ‘objects’ defined their owners and decided their position in the hierarchical ladder. Unlike a society where social hierarchy was defined through inheritance and the state, commercial positioning of objects began to inf luence social hierarchy. But the question is whether this is a complete or partial transformation. Hence this study critically argues the above notion considering furniture as a social apparatus, through the perspective of design analysis and material culture studies in order to identify the cultural transformation brought about through the revolution of furniture.

Gnanaharsha Beligatamulla and Ashanthi Fernando

An Heir To Chair: A Critical Analysis of the Transformation of Domestic

Furnishing with Social Hierarchical Change in Colonial Sri Lankan Elite Lifestyle.

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Introduction

In the year of 1854-55 C.A Lorenze (born and bred in colonial Sri Lanka during the Dutch occupation) and his wife while visiting a Dutch family in Holland expressed a familiarity that struck them through the artefacts and the manners he experienced in his records. “It was how the decorations in the house, the curious brass lanterns in the passage, the brass screen work in the fire screen, the foot stools the social manners of the people and the zuikerbrood1 on the table, all so strangely reminded me of reproduction of grandmother’s house or Mr. E’s house in Matara.” (Roberts, 1989, p. 161). Present Sri Lanka became a hybrid form of the locale, Portuguese, Dutch and British influences from the colonization history are exemplified in first hand experiences such as above.

What relevance does this bring to the field of ‘design’? How does this particular word fit into an interest-ing segment of history which takes us back several decades? Before moving further in, let’s try to bring some light to our general understanding of the defini-tion of ‘design’. Impossible, would be a single word synonym to define design, despite years of debate we have not come up with an agreeable definition. It is because the word itself encompasses an awful lot. It’s everywhere; it’s what made you decide the last product you bought at the grocery store to the last piece of furniture you brought home.

Design is an interrelation between objects, the user and the society. It could be viewed as an activity that can translate an idea into an object or a process. This translation of an idea is what we will focus on in this discussion in order to understand the cultural expres-sion and social change embodied and reflected through objects.

Over the years scholars have debated over the cultural identity of Sri Lanka – the nation and its people. Living in an era where more than half century has passed since Sri Lanka achieved independence from foreign dominance, it is also vital to understand changes in its sociopolitical, economical and cultural structures and behavioural patterns due to colonization. Invasion by the Europeans brought in numerous changes to the social system and administration of the country. Although Sri Lankan community paid heed towards caste distinctions, the importance of caste and its hierarchical character was diminished due to the organization of western education and the breaking up of feudal social patterns.

Sri Lanka being a country nurtured and moulded under Buddhist philosophy and teachings over many years before colonization, it is evident that the Sinhalese practiced a materially simple life style with few pos-sessions for oneself. Through historical accounts we

can derive that the Kandyan’s averted from unneces-sary expenditure, even the rich would walk rather than employ a carriage. Men’s clothes consisted of two sets, one for outdoor and one for indoor wear. Women usually possessed only one piece of jewellery and it was customary to borrow from friends and relatives. The tradition demanded restrictions in dress and orna-mentation in accordance with status of one’s caste.

When analyzing changes in the sociopolitical and cultural systems, material culture and the comparative design analysis can be identified as strong parameters.If one arises with the question of what material culture2 is in a given society, above is one suggested view on the subject area. The study of material culture is an interdisciplinary field that inquires the relation-ship between people and the thing that they associate with, the making, history, preservation, and interpreta-tion of those objects. In order to build a study it draws theories and practices from many disciplines, the most promising mode of classification is by function3; in manner of Art, Diversions, Adornments, Modification of the landscape, Applied arts (furniture, furnishings, receptacles), Devices.

The things we make reflect our beliefs about the world; the things around us affect the way that we under-stand the world. On the other hand when these objects become commodities4 they are identified as material representations of the capitalist society. Whereas these objects placed in a social arena creates commodity context (Appadurai, 1988, pp7-15). Hence through this study, one of the main objectives is to analyse the impact these objects have on the change or hybridiza-tion of traditions and practices of a society while it goes through social change. Therefore as it is pointed out, the question is not to gather information about the object itself and the activities and practices of the society that produced it, but rather to discover the underlining changes in cultural beliefs and attitudes reflected through the object and its association (Prown, 1996, pg.21).

South Indian empires had invaded precolonial Sri Lanka and foreign trade has been taking place in the country even before the time of Portuguese invasion5. Dwellers of the coastal regions were the first to adopt the changes and mingle with the European practices and beliefs. With the geographical pattern of the country it was a challenge for the colonisers to penetrate the central province of the country, thus for the most part the Kandiyan kingdom could be believed to have practiced a greater deal of native cultural traditions up until the latter part of 19th century which provides us with an authentic compari-son to the change.This has been further elaborated by Robin Jones (2008)

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in ‘British Intervention in the Traditional crafts of Ceylon (Sri Lanka) c. 1850- 1930’, “from the episte-mological perspective the city of Kandy and its crafts appeared to be unproblematic. They were clearly separated from the present, from the modern and could therefore be safely considered as authentic relics of an ancient and secular indigenous culture. Perhaps more importantly they did not incorporate the many disconcerting and incongruous elements (of western origin) found in most aspects of the material culture of the low country or coastal belt of the island due to prolonged colonial contact.”

When looking at the built environment of Sri Lankan Architecture with the archeological evidence we can identify that movable furniture has not been in use or been considered a sophisticated object that they must possess which had a social or economical value. For example in Anuradhapura and Sigiriya we can identify several built in platforms with smooth surfaces lifted several feet above the floor level, which could have been

used for the purpose of seating or resting (see figure 2). And the important point of perspective is also that even these platforms in most ancient writings referred to as ‘āsana’ have not been given any decorative or elabo-rated appearance.

Though not directly discussed about the furnishing Paranavithana (2007) in Sinhalayo states; the keynote of the whole composition is its simplicity. Character-istic of Sinhalese architecture at its best, ornamenta-tion is reduced to the minimum and nowhere applied inappropriately.

Moving towards ancient eras to recent times, Coomar-aswamy (1908) further describes the domestic archi-tecture and furnishing as follows; “the house was a one storied timber and mud wall building with thatched roof, and if belonging to a man of importance consisted of a number of rooms arranged around an inner square verandah... Rooms were rather dark having unglazed windows on the inside only, for the

Figure 1: Sketch of an elevation of a traditional house (left) and a plan view of a courtyard house (right) . Source: Authors

Figure 2: Ruins of an āsana, Sigiriya rock summit. Source: Authors.

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1 – Suikerbrood (`Sugar bread`; sûkerbôlle or sûkerbôle, craquelin) is a yeast-based bread. It is a Frisian luxury version of white bread, with large lumps of sugar mixed in with the dough. It contains a significant amount of sugar, traditionally added as nib sugar, though sometimes sugar cubes are used. It is eaten throughout the Netherlands.

2 – Material Culture is a study through artefacts of beliefs, values, ideas, attitudes and assumptions of a particular society or community at a given time. (Prown, 1982).

3 – As pointed out by Jules David Prown (1982) in his work Mind in Matter.

4 – Commodities; a reasonably homogenous good or material, bought and sold freely as an article of commerce. Commodities include agricultural products, fuels, and metals and are traded in bulk on a commodity exchange or spot market.

5 – Chola invasions in history as described by the chronicles of Mahavamsa, voyages documented by visitors from China, Persia and India confirms such incidences and the reason for Sri Lanka being identified as a destination of the silk route is the most important evidence of foreign trade taking place prior to colonial invasions.

6 – The laymen of the country and their traditional households.

sake of privacy. The poorest house, however, had but one room, few more than two or three, except the walawwa or ‘man house’ of great man. Women worked in the outside verandah.”

Knox (1681) conveyed “that their6 furniture is but small, few earthen pots which hang up in slings made of cane in the middle of their houses having no shelves, one or two brass basins to eat in, a stool or two without backs”. Percival (1803) observed that “in such state7 of society and where luxury seems almost unknown, sumptuous furniture is not to be expected even in the best house.” The hot climate that prevailed in the country made people live out doors in the gardens and courts and generally visitors were received at the verandah or pila;( see Figure 1) and mingled outside the house. The interior of the house was purely for the use of its residents. This background could have stipulated the minimal use of furniture in the household.

In later accounts on the historical background of Sri Lanka, John Davy (1821) stated “the furniture of their8 houses, which is equally plain and economical, consists chiefly of a couch or two for lying on, of two or three stools, of a few mats, and of two or three porcelain dishes amongst the higher ranks”.

7 – The state of the society which ran through a “Rajakariya” system in which every citizen of the country was segmented in to a certain community who specialized in a particular craft. The heads of the village were accountable to the statesmen who were accountable to the King.

8 – The households of the Ceylonese during the early stages of British colonization.

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Figure 3: Three legged stool, Kandy Museum artefact.Source: Authors

Social Positioning Of Furniture In The Pre Colonial Domestic Environment

As in many social systems, precolonial Sinhalese society also operated through a system of social hierarchy. This hierarchical difference in the society is identified through power, responsibilities, and commodities people associate with, a factual point which was established at the beginning of this analysis. Therefore the impact of “position of furniture” which defined the hierarchy of the society as a commodity at that particular time of history can be further discussed as follows.

In the Kandiyan household, the head of house (men) used a low brass stand (serak-kale) as a small table for eating, being seated on a stool; others ate upon the ground. As Coomaraswamy stated “three legged stools, or shaped logs afforded seats according to rank; no one but the king might sit upon a stool with back”. Further figure 3 illustrates what could have been identified as a three legged stool as described by Coomaraswamy.

Confirming to the above Robin Jones discusses that prior to European contact both Indian and Sri Lankan socialization took place at floor level on a woven mat which was the commonly used mobile furniture device. Robert Percival noted of the local population in 1803 that they did not use tables, chairs, nor spoons, but like Indians the inhabitants of Sri Lanka place themselves on the ground and eat their food with their hands.Another common practice was, if the householder’s guest was of a lower social rank he was politely offered the ‘kolombuva’ unless he sat on the floor or the ‘pila’ at his own wish. Customs and manners (sirith-virith) were such that the visitor voluntarily took his seat in the proper place and took no offence (see figure 4). In later stages, a lower platform was built between the ends of front wall and the nearest post at either ends of veranda which too served as a ‘chair’ to sit on for visitors.

Figure 4: “Dodanduwa” temple painting indicating the hierarchal difference of seating . Source: Authors

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The Change

By the time of British domination, the traditional elites with their power reduction were in a competition with the entrepreneur class , the lower castes who were initially obedient and under the control of the “govigama” caste were no longer willing to do so. A class of entrepreneurs amongst the common population emerged and these new elites paved their path in to the prestigious community through coffee plantations and other ventures. These newly rich were able to compete with traditional elites. They were mainly not from the goyigama caste but belonged to karava, durava and salagama.

However an interesting twist in Sinhalese society begins with this social change which took place when they came under British Rule. As stated by Nihal Perera (1999); “elite jealousy guarded their culture from further diffusion, using this to symbolise their privileged position among the [Sinhalese], and perhaps increasingly exaggerating their metropolitan culture as a buttress to maintain their social and cultural identity. Elite sub culture was not British, but an elite construc-tion that adapted British colonial culture to Ceylonese cultural conditions in a way that would represent their power to the average Ceylonese, and their worthiness to the colonial community.”

Even though it was not difficult to produce a western outlook, it was almost impossible to get people to put aside their out dated but deep rooted traditional differences. As illustrated in figure 5 the reception hall of ‘Avondale house’ of Perera Senevirathne

The changes in the economy and the society caused by the imposition of merchant capitalism and a plantation economy of Sri Lanka,

resulted not only in the emergence of a new class structure, but also in the disruption of traditional society.

– Jayawardena, 2010: 24

Gunathilaka, an established advocate from England, is quite congested with traditional and European furnishing for example; small tripod tables randomly positioned around the hall with ornamental displays of crystal or china could be said to have been an important feature during the time since it allowed the elite to display their expensive taste. However interest-ingly an object that draws attention in the illustration are the elephant husks placed as part of the interiors as it acts like a bricolage between his traditional culture and European taste.

Author of ‘20th Century Impression of Ceylon’ further states that the interior furniture arrangement of the ‘Belvedere bungalow’ another fine elite residence during 1907 as having the finest seats of the Western Province and some of the latest English style of furniture arrangements. Draping, lampshades, upright pianos, card tables, and drawing tables were common features of this room. Settees of the time were mostly of Dutch influence and later this was made a part of the living room chair set that included a minimum of two single seats plus a settee for three or four to be seated.

Alfred house (figure 6), which belonged to Charles de Soysa, is another fine example for the contest between old money and new money. The house, situated in Colombo has been finely decorated with a Grecian, modern or classical revival style that consisted of upholstered sofas as well as easy chairs of rococo revival style. It is said that this arrangement was conforming to aristocratic houses of Britain.

Figure 5: Avondale house, 20th Century impression of Ceylon. Source: Authors

Figure 6: Alfred house drawing room, 20th Century impression of Ceylon. Source: Authors

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As Kumari Jayawardana (2010) points out as a new man of the elite system, being from karava caste, the receptions held at Alfred house for British administra-tors could have aided his social ambition in relation to social competition.

Therefore, we could come to the conclusion that during the British period, or in the 1900’s furniture had

become a decorative and ornamental element, which would speak of its owner’s wealth and taste. During that time furniture came to be a collector’s item rather than something merely functional.

The breakdown of community life and a gradual inflow of western social customs created a superstructure with Sri Lanka looking to the West.

Modern Ceylon, while it looked down on old Ceylon was also anxiously looking up to go one step higher in the social ladder, an invitation upstairs to tea or to lunch or

dinner was a consummation devoutly to be wished… Then again when modern Ceylon met in drawing rooms, social climbing was the

topic of conversation. – Weerasuria, 1971

As we know the Portuguese and Dutch were the earlier invaders prior to British domination, and even though the Dutch, Portuguese, and British were all of European origin there were differences in practises amongst them. The Portuguese introduced most of the wooden furniture that has been in use but it has been extensively improved to the taste of the Dutch9 . But what is found in the peasant cottages of Kandyan society are indigenous furniture having no wants and content within the prevailing economy and social conception.

Brohier (1984) analysing the furniture during Portuguese and Dutch periods points out, that the only provision of furniture available for seating in the house was a ‘ledge along the wall’, thus chairs were not in use other than the throne and state seats. It is only during the mid-16th century that furniture that we refer in modern day has come into existence in both countries. Probably due to the unsettled condition in Sri Lanka it is believed that few have survived of native or Portuguese art, but in case of furniture, by the time the Dutch confirmed their dominance in Sri Lanka, the industry and the craft had been well established in Sri Lanka, therefore it is supposed that the clumsy and harsh style of the Dutch had blended undoubtedly with reminiscent Portuguese and Spanish styles during the 17th and 18th century10.

When it came to the Portuguese period, they built houses as well as churches similar to what already existed in Portugal. Hence Portuguese interiors and furniture followed its patterns. In the beginning a columned porch was built with seats built into its two sides, unfortunately very little evidence could be traced of this style since this practice has almost completely vanished with modern movable furniture.

The need of such spaces was to extend the public space of the house to open minded western mores and was considered a vantage point to observe life go by.

A feature used by the lady of the house since during that time women were not allowed to go out of the house to meet people at her will or to engage in any work outside the house, especially in elite families. When discussing the Dutch influence on the change of life style, once a very outwardly society became more closeted indoors, separating family from the community making daily activities of the family more private.

By the time British influence came to Sinhalese society the indigenous house type which conformed to the practices of society had gone through two European influences of dominance through colonialism, and the effective and efficient building model which combined internal and external spaces was transformed from a multifunctional space to specialized ‘mono functional’ rooms of the upper class11. An activity was assigned to each space that required more objects for its functional aspects as well as ornamentation.

Living rooms were a part of the house since the Portuguese time. Saal was used to indicate the living room feature of the house but was not a crowded area with much furniture. At this period furniture was placed against the wall and the centre of the space was allocated for entertainment since the Portuguese were very much engaged with social dancing and singing as is evident (see figure 7).

But when lives became more comfortable and the space was divided in to smaller rooms with an increase of mono functional spaces, smaller tables came in to use and large draw tables were no longer necessary12. Unfortunately this type of arrangement could not be found in domestic use since after the British influence many elite domestic interiors were replaced with furniture of anglicized taste.

As illustrated in figure 8 the living room, a space that was an equivalent to Saal was purely for the purpose of

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Figure 7: Reception room with couches placed against the walls and Dutch chest with a centre tables richly carved belonging to the early 17th century of William and Mary period.

Source: Authors.

Figure 8: sitting room/ drawing room Kandy Presidential bungalow, Karunarathnae (2008). Source: Authors.

Figure 9: Plantation Bungalow, 20th Century Ceylon. Source: Authors.

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gathering of seated discussions. An upright piano was located against a wall and if there were any furniture for storage, there would only be China cabinets to showcase memorabilia and the China collection of the owner of the house. With British administrative systems came the new plantation economy to the country which created a separate class of elites.

According to figure 9 we could identify the variation of furniture placed over the space and the significant pieces of furniture ‘the planter’s chair’ (see figure 10) which the proprietor used during the day for short rests and was a piece of furniture specially used by men. From the height where the animal busts are placed it could be said that it was no longer used for a functional purpose but rather a decorative element of an elite house. “An invariable sight that one encounters when entering the cottage is the skull of a samba or spotted deer with its pair of antlers that is hung on the front wall where towel, head cloth or the walking stick was hanged, nearly all of these have now gone to decorate the elite mansions”13.

By the time the Portuguese invaded Sri Lanka, it was the beginning of Indo-Portuguese style furniture, which was heavily carved, and influenced by the skill and craftsmanship of India craftsmen. Popularly identified pieces of furniture of Portuguese are the turned leg furniture, this belonged to the Manueline period of furniture design. This was reminiscent of the highest point of success of the Portuguese from their sea voyages, and therefore this furniture style was highly celebrated from chairs to tables to beds (see Figure 11).

But during this period their use of space can be identified as well thought and properly utilized without crowding the interior with excessive amounts of furniture. For example up to this period the most practical and only use of a table was limited to dining.

But in the space available the size of the table would vary which introduced the gate table with square, rectangular, or oval tops that could be folded into two sections hinged to each other as well as on pivoted legs.

Bedroom spaces became more sophisticated during this time. The simple four legged bed which was woven with coir and with no head board attached to it evolved to the four poster bed with draping, giving the feel of a small semi covered chamber. The room also consisted of almirah’s for storing clothes or other valuables and by the time of British a writing table as well as a dresser was incorporated to the bedroom. In the centre was the bed and around it against the walls were placed other furniture (figure 12 “the four poster bed”).

Figure 10: Panters chair. Source: Authors

9 – Journals of Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 30 p.181; analyzing the Dutch inventories, it could be identified that they had a special preference for dark coloured wood, chiefly ebony and also rich wood such as calamander, satinwood, nadun, tamarind and jack on the whole characterized particularly in their fine inlay work and carvings.

10 – Sub Committee Report, 1928) further describes the manner in which Dutch fulfilled their domestic needs in their Eastern Colonies while ‘transporting Troy to Italy’ which accompanied master crafts men and carpenters for the company’s services.

11 – (Perera, 1999) in his work De colonizing Ceylon from pages 108 -125 he argues on this while providing evidence which confirms this idea.

12 – (Charle.H.Heyward, English Furniture at a glance, 1924) pg, 58-60 explains the evolution of the table during the first half of the seventeenth century.

13 – Panwatta.S, 19th century cottage furnishing of the Kandyan peasantry.

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Towards the later part of 19th century, furniture arrangement became less loud and the space was yet again simplified with fewer amounts of furniture and a strict arrangement in the living room, with a focus on synchronized furniture rather than a scattered selection of different styles. Even the drawing room was not as crowded but focused on a few prominent pieces. But every space was allocated with some sort of furnishing, regardless of it’s relevance for the space or not. The adaptation of habits of the social system that is mentioned above was also gradually changing while creating a change in the hierarchy of the then established system.

With the advent of colonialism one of the important social changes that were brought about was the creation of a “class” system in society. With acquaintances built with the British rulers during the period of dominance, the system then recognized as the social order changed. This led to and created pressure for the new elites to maintain their acquired status while tracing the indigenous characteristics of the original system while pleasing the taste of their new friends from the West as well. Furniture of precolonial Sri Lanka was functional. It was only used for its utmost functional necessity not its ornamental features. At the time, the object was given a hierarchical meaning that was further fashioned through its economical value. While society was going through cultural change, the European influence on the social system affected the material culture of Sri Lankan society and people were identified through their monetary value and the commodities they

If anything, adaptation of British taste in their choice of consumer goods by the social elite of Ceylon was more pronounced than that of their peers in India.

– Jones, 2013

possessed. Respect was earned through their material value. The educated society was gradually coming in to dominance. They needed to confirm their stature in the social structure hence their domestic space became the measurement of their taste and loyalty to the bourgeois group, thus commodities which were readily available such as furniture provided the crown jewels to confirm their status. Moving away from its main functional purpose, the furniture became ornamental pieces in elite houses. Whether it was necessary or not was not the question but its pedigree and how it speaks for the possessor of the object was of concern.

In auction sales, for example in the auctions organized by De Silva in Galle just after the Europeans left from Sri Lanka, consisted of locally made furniture for which there was a wide range of Sinhalese and Burger consumers. As illustrated in ‘20th Century Impression of Ceylon’, C.H De Soysa commissioned ebony and calamander furniture for Alfred House through these auctions. “At Galle are also manufac-tured those exquisite in-laid articles, which far surpass any specimen of tun bridge ware that has yet been produced- ivory and various coloured native woods, are inlaid upon ebony and as the designs are well defined the effect produced is magnificent” (Jones 1998).Hence the bricolage becomes an apparatus of the cosmopolitan hybridist created through tradition and western practices and thoughts that has moulded the social structure of Sri Lankan community while being a fine example of commodity fetishism which has fashioned this society.

Figure 12: Four poster bed with a head cover on top for drapery, captured at Dutch Museum, Colombo Fort. Source: Authors

Figure 11: Upright chair of Portuguese period, from National Museum, Colombo.

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Conclusion

When considering many historical accounts, it can be clearly identified that this hierarchy of the Sri Lankans did not end as a mere thought but was also reflected through the attire, residences, and in the utilities they used as well as the kind of work they engaged with in their daily life.

With colonialism, one of the important social changes that was brought about was the creation of a “class” system in society. With acquaintances built up with the British rulers during this period of dominance, the system then recognized as the social order changed. This led created pressure for the recent elites to maintain their acquired status while tracing the indigenous characteristics of the original hierarchical social system, while simultaneously pleasing the taste of their new friends from the west as well.

Furniture was an apparatus to measure social status during the colonial period, whereas during the precolonial period its significance was based on its ‘want’ and whether there was a ‘need’. For the better part of colonial dominance, it has been a bricolage of tradition and westernization.

Elitism, which resulted from this transformation of the social system in colonized Sri Lanka, is evident through the built environment and its elements, which people closely associate with their daily chaos. Thus the furnishing of a dwelling environment became a subtle insulation point where a piece of furniture at the time was considered a measurement of social value. From an environment where there was almost no use of furnishing came a milestone where a simple chair became an heirloom of one’s family and status.

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sri lanka design journal - issue 01

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