status of dalit education(pria- final report) (1)

8/3/2019 Status of Dalit Education(PRIA- Final Report) (1)

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Scheduled Caste Children in Bihar

&Inclusive Educational Policy

Society for Participatory Research in Asia

42, Tughlakabad Institutional Area, New Delhi -110 062Phone: +91-11-2996 0931 / 32 / 33; Fax: +91-11-2995 5183

Email: [email protected]: www.pria.org
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]


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Acknowledgement

The idea of this study was brought up by PRIA and subsequently developed by

me in consultation with several persons who had the opportunity to work among dalit

children in Bihar. Many of them were associated with another study on educationalexclusion of dalit children supported by the Centre of Study of Social Exclusion and

Inclusive Policy, Patna University about two years back. Friends from PRIA made

several important suggestions regarding the scope and methodology of the study. Further,the framework of this study was a little different from earlier studies primarily because of

a recent development in the form of Right to Education Act which was passed in 2009

and was declared by the Central Government to have come into effect from April 1,

2010. It is time to make an assessment of the situation keeping the infrastructuralrequirements and the entitlements under the Act in view.

Field level data collection from schools as well as households were very

important and three partners of PRIA, namely, Dalit Vikas Abhiyaan Samiti, DalitSamanway and Jan Adhikar Kendra took up this onerous responsibility. Amitabh

Bhushan from PRIA was involved both in the design of study and field level work,. Infact he was the main resource person for the Focus group discussion which was organized

in Vaishali with a number of stakeholders.

My colleagues in East & west Educational Society including Daisy Narain,Kumar Kishor, Vijoy Kant Sinha and Rabindra Rai provided assistance at various stages.

Raunaq, as before, helped with computer entry and lay out design of the final report. I am

indebted to Voluntary Forum for Education for helping me gain insights into ground zeroproblems and draw upon liberally from numerous suggestions provided by grass roots

workers, who are members of VFE.

Indeed this study is a collaborative team effort of many committed social workers

and their years of dedicated work and I thank them all for their contribution and generous

sharing of experiences..

Vinay K.Kantha


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Contents

I. Social Exclusion: Conceptual Issues

II. Status of Education among Children

III. Rationale & Methodology

IV. Recent Programmes and Policies

V. Findings of Study

VI. Factors behind educational exclusion

VII. Policy Framework Analysed

Annexure

1. School Survey Format

2. Family Survey Format

Bibliography

I. Social Exclusion and Inclusion: Conceptual Issues


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1. Introducing Exclusion

Although exclusion is a new term which has come into currency only in recent decades, it

is not difficult to comprehend in the Indian context. It has a well understood socialconnotation, which is lately extended to a variety of other domains as well. The term is

being increasingly used alongside, and sometimes in substitution of poverty, since the

eighties, especially while discussing social policy first in Europe, and subsequentlyelsewhere.

Indian society is characterized by the most inhuman kind of exclusionary practices based

on pollution-purity principle. Social reformers have criticized it in different ages, leaders

from lower castes like Phuley and Ambedkar initiated an ideological debate and largerprogrammes of struggle. Gandhi and other nationalist leaders took it up during the era of

freedom struggle, Ambedkar had used the termBahishkrita Samaj explicitly and the termbahishkaran initially was thought of in limited context. Contemporary debate is more

open and wider, which needs to be appreciated equally by the academics, activists andpolicy planners.

According to any standard dictionary, exclusion means to shut out whether by thrusting

out or preventing admission or to debar someone from some activity or place. It may be

pertinent to note that mere non-participation is not exclusion, rather it is the denial ofentry or admittance, which constitutes exclusion. In fact, the word 'exclusive' on the other

hand means possessed and enjoyed by a privileged few to the exclusion of others

debarred from participation or enjoyment. Both the term imply a rejection of the principleof equality.

According to Piron & Curran, "Exclusion is defined with reference to groups of people

who are excluded from social, political and economic processes and institutions on thebasis of their social identity and who experience to a greater or lesser degree significantpoverty impacts as a result of their exclusion."1 Thus exclusion is generally linked not

only with equity, but also with discrimination and deprivation.

Wikipaedia gives the following definition of social exclusion: "Social exclusion is a

multidimensional process of progressive social rupture, detaching groups and individualsfrom social relations and institutions and preventing them from full participation in the

normal, normatively prescribed activities of the society in which they live."

If denial of participation is the key feature, its dimensions may be varied and several. It is

true that even though individuals may be subjected to exclusion of one kind or the other,

often it applies to a defined community. Of course the construction or definition of thecommunity may not be natural phenomenon.

2. Distinction between terms: Exclusion & Discrimination


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Lee and Thorat have made a clear distinction between the terms 'exclusion' and

'discrimination' in the following words: exclusion means prohibition from participation,

whereas discrimination denotes participation with negative distinction2.

3. Question of dignity:Exclusion, especially when combined with discrimination or deprivation in some form,

brings into sharp focus the question of human dignity. Denial of entry or exclusion is a

clear assault on human dignity. Perhaps denial of basic human dignity is the mostfundamental problem of Indian society. We are used to inequalities unmindful of its

deleterious effects or inherent injustice. In different ways though, but most people take it

as natural. It may be due to poverty of some, difference in social status, and other factors,

but its worst manifestation has been the practice of untouchability.

Apartheid has been another well known kind of exclusion which is characterized by

segregation leading to deprivation of many kinds. Practice of exclusion however has

prevailed in all societies and all ages in varying forms. State politics till very recently,

prior to the advent of democracy, was an exclusive affair of a few. Slaves in ancientGreece were excluded from all privileges enjoyed by the free citizens. In colonial times

in India and many other colonies clubs were invariably 'exclusive', barring the entry of

natives.

There could be somewhat non-discriminatory kinds of exclusions as well. For example,men may be excluded from women's world in numerous ways, in their festivals, even in

their daily chores, and many more female activities. Likewise it is not uncommon for the

lower caste people to conduct their affairs in privacy excluding outsiders.

4. Equity and justice

Discriminatory exclusion inevitably entails denial of justice, and another term thatbecomes relevant in this context is equity. Equity in the legal sense is seen as a branch of

law based on natural justice, to be used when existing laws would be unfair and

inappropriate. That is why in common parlance or as it is defined in the dictionary itmeans the quality of being fair and impartial. To that extent its meaning is different, and

possibly more nuanced than equality. The idea of justice and fairness is added on to a

rather flexible notion of equality, less mechanical and more contextualized. While themeaning given to equality is more dependent on sameness or evenly balanced,

fairness and due correction to the mechanical interpretation of equality are germane to the

concept of equity.

5. Denial of rights and opportunities

Another perspective which has a large acceptance today is in relation to rights andopportunities. Starting with Universal Declaration of Human Rights the idea of

universality of a set of rights has caught on, and often brought on to statute books. For

example in India many of the rights were included in the Indian constitution, mostly inthe third part as fundamental rights, and some in the fourth part as directive principles of

state policy. Subsequently through legislations many more rights have been given a legal

sanction.


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Scheduled castes and women constitute two obvious groups that are systematically

excluded from enjoying a number of rights and opportunities available to other members

of Hindu society. With a little more effort one can identify many more categories liketribals or minorities or peasants and more. In deed this understanding of the term leads

researchers readily into discussion of 'civil society' and to modern notions of citizenship.

6. Ideology and exclusion

Most situations of exclusion are derived from some ideology, social or otherwise, explicit

or implicit. Ideology could be a camouflage for protecting the privileges of a few, againstthe claims of many. Notion of pollution and purity is such an ideology prevalent for ages

in the Hindu society. This concept may be extended to the minorities as perceived by

members of Hindu society- mlechchas is a generic description for such groups. Patriarchyis again a kind of ideology, which debars women in a number of ways.

Gramsci has postulated the concept of hegemony based on ideological control, along with

other means of control through force, that is domination, to ensure subjugation of groups

or even nations.3

Political determinates of ideology, consequential perception of exclusion and politics ofidentity have become a widespread phenomenon in recent times

7. Marginalization

Another meaning that can be given to the term exclusion is marginalization, as a process

as well as its exclusionary consequences. At the social level it may be the result of a setof social practices, say for example, the practice of untouchability, or certain principles

like the pollution-purity concept in the Hindu society, or structural features of a society,

like caste system, for example. It may correlate with iniquitous economic arrangements,

or asymmetric distribution of power in the society. For example, in the Hindu societycaste identity has been traditionally tied with occupational background. Political and

economic power has largely remained in the hands of upper caste groups, of course, ifmembers of lower or middle castes were able to grab powers, often Brahmins werewilling to confer on them Ksatriya status.

8. Exploitation and Oppression as a form of Exclusion

Exploitation and oppression also marks some group out and excludes them and prevents

them from enjoying normally fruits of their labour. It is thus a form of exclusion, which

ahs been the main subject of Marxist analysis. Marxism provides both a framework ofanalysis of exploitation and exclusion and an ideology of resistance against that. Quite

often the victims of social exclusion are also subjected to economic exploitation. They

reinforce each other, and which should get our first attention is clearly a subject of

debate.

9. Dimensions, Typology and Analytical Framework

In fact the concept of exclusion itself can be examined at two levels, which may be

described as descriptive and analytical respectively. Descriptive understanding of

exclusion comprises locating and describing the features of exclusion, discrimination ordisadvantage. It helps us to know the nature of exclusion, which may be many and varied,

possibly leading to some classifications or working out a typology. At a deeper level an


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analytical understanding of exclusion could be built by examining its underlying reasons

and logic.

Even descriptively speaking, exclusion is a multidimensional reality, but in relation to

different excluded groups one or the other feature may be central and predominant. Whileit is commonest to speak of the situation of social exclusion, with cultural dimension

implicit therein, economic exclusion has received greater attention in the discussions onexploitation and oppression. Dalit exclusion is, to begin with, a social exclusion, whileissues of poverty and deprivation are issues of economic exclusion. Political dimension

of exclusion is either clearly expressed in relation to state power or remains dispersed in a

subtle manner in all kinds of human transactions. In the context of democracy, issuesrelating representation become crucial, reservation has often been a contentious issue.

Unequal distribution of status and privileges, combined with some discriminatory

practices result in social exclusion of some groups, untouchables for example constitute

the most excluded category in the Hindu society. Unequal distribution of income, wealth,resources and opportunities push out some people to poverty and likewise uneven

dispersal of political power again make some groups more vulnerable. Apart from state-

related context there are other forms of power in other domains, be it a village or merelythe family setting, where unevenness of its distribution confer privileges or create

vulnerabilities.

10. Inclusion Today

Inclusion is the converse of exclusion, generally articulated through a conscious design. It

is likely to be in the form of affirmative action of some kind. The neologism of inclusionperhaps started in the education sector. In Salamanca Declaration of 1994 there was a call

for improvement in the general education system to enable them to include all children

regardless of individual differences and difficulties. Even as the declaration was mainlymeant for the disabled children the Framework of Action has used both the terms-all

and special educational needs:

. schools should accommodate all children regardless of their physical, intellectual,social, emotional, linguistic or other conditions. This should include disabled and gifted

children, street and working children, children from remote and nomadic populations,

children from linguistic, ethnic or cultural minorities and children from otherdisadvantaged or marginalized areas or groups There is an emerging consensus that

children and youth with special educational needs should be included in the educational

arrangements made for the majority of children. This has led to the concept of inclusive

school4 (UNESCO,1994,p.6)

Today this concept gets applied to many other areas. If eleventh plan document

enunciates the goal of inclusive growth, we talk about creating an inclusive society in aholistic sense. If inclusive growth is an agenda which seeks to ensure that benefits of

development accrue to the largest section of population, creation of an inclusive society

may not be much different from the modernist agenda of a just society as envisioned inthe constitution. On the one hand it implies that eradication of traditional discriminations

and inequalities particularly based on caste, on the other side it also entails the idea of

introduction of a modern citizenship. As for the former implication, inclusiveness mayinvolve the principle of rejection of exclusion that is characteristic of the Indian society


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which is caste-based and hierarchical in its arrangement. The idea of pollution-purity and

the practice of untouchability are the worst features of Hindu society, which must be

rejected unequivocally. However, the modernizing intent of inclusiveness has a differentcharacter.

11. Question of Identity

The identities surely got redefined in the years of working of Indian democracy, but

identities based on primordial loyalties did not define according to the script of the

modernists or those who drew up Indian constitution. On the one hand inbuilt exclusionsof the Hindu caste system did not go away as visualized, on the other hand, competitive

electoral politics turned out to be very important factor, particularly in redefining the role

of caste, ethnicity and religion. Khilnani refers to the politics of identity as a form ofrepresentation distinct from the ones visualized by Gandhi, Nehru, Ambedkar or Azad5.

Yet even the brand of politics that is followed does not eliminate discrimination or

exclusionary practices completely. There are several distortions in the operation ofsecular institutions either due to societal factors or their inherent inefficacy and the two

are apparently interlinked. Alongside persistent social discrimination, may be a little

reduced, there is a continued exclusion in the economic or many other vital domains ofhuman activity. The present society is neither modernized as visualized earlier, nor made

more inclusive.

12. Positive or protective discrimination:

If the excluded are to be brought on par and assured entry into the mainstream or the

principle of equity is to extend to cover those who are on the margins, one more principleenunciated in the Indian constitution is that of positive discrimination. There are some

other terms almost synonymously used and Galanter's observations in this regard is worth

quoting:

"The Mandal report can serve as a convenient marker along the winding path followedby India's 'affirmative action' policies. The ambiguities that have bedeviled these policies

are reflected in the uncertainty about their name. Originally, the overall policy wasnameless, the various measures that embodied it were referred to as 'reservations' or

'special treatment' or 'preferential treatment' or 'concessions'. Most of those writing

about it have been content to label it 'reservations' without connecting that device to anywider principle or goal. In the 1950s Professor Alexandrowicz proposed 'protective

discrimination', and this has been taken up by some writers on the subject and is raised

in the courts. My later proposal of 'compensatory discrimination' gained some currency,

particularly among the comparativists, but also remained a niche term. There are otherslike 'positive discrimination', ' benign discrimination', and 'reverse discrimination'; many

writers and judges use more than one of these terms treating them as synonyms. All seemfated to be overwhelmed by the borrowed American term 'affirmative action', whichbegan to be used in the early 1980s."6


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14. Education, a contested terrain and question of hegemony and domination

If we look upon education as a part of social formation, the phrase taken in a broad sense

including socio-economic and political order, then the question of creation and control of

knowledge and the idea of hegemony come up immediately. Several scholars from Marx

to Friere to Pierre Bourdieu to Krishna Kumar have grappled with these dilemmas.

Education has been viewed by them as a site of ideological contest. Marx averred that

"the class which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control over the

means of material production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who

lack the means of mental production are subject to it."7 In the 20th century how

technology and bureaucratic mechanism are deployed to establish hegemony has been

explored and commented upon by many including analysts like Adorno or Marcuse.

Marcuse explained at length how people are deprived of criticality in the society, a

scheme built up by technology, mass media, cultural symbols, education etc8. Post

modernism however challenged the notion of a hegemonic meta-knowledge. Foucault,for example. observes,"the exercise of power perpetually creates knowledge and,

conversely, knowledge constantly induces effects of powerDiffused, entrenched and

dangerous, they operate in other places than in the person of the old professorIt is not

possible for power to operate without knowledge, it is impossible for knowledge not to

endanger power."9

Krishna Kumar10, Anil Sadgopal11 and many others have elaborately discussed how

education is intimately related to politics in society, and how there has remained a

constant struggle between the dominant discourse and those at the margins. Whenever we

examine the scheme state-sponsored system of education or education designed byorganised religious denominations, we need to take into account the perspectives from

the people at the margins, in terms of class, caste or gender etc. The issues of exclusion or

deprivation in education is inevitably linked with choice of knowledge to be privileged in

education or space provided or agency allowed to these sections of population.

Both Gandhi and Ambedkar had noted the importance of education in contesting the

basis of exclusion. Gandhi designed his own model of basic education, which sought to

modify the conventional hierarchy of knowledge system. Ambedkar exhorted his

followers to seek education and organize themselves.

15. Human Development Approach

At the global level focus on human development and human rights offers a

comprehensive strategy for inclusive development not only in the economic domain, but

elsewhere too. According to Fukuda-Parr and Shiva Kumar, "The term human

development has come to be accepted in the development economics literature as am


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expansion of human capabilities, a widening of choices, an enhancement of freedoms and

a fulfillment of human rights."12

Human development approach accepts that income expansion matters but only when it

improves quality of life. Human development is motivated by a concern for freedom,

well-being and the dignity of individuals in the society. A major concern of humandevelopment has been with poverty, which in turn means "the denial of choices and

opportunities for a tolerable life" (Human Development Report 1997, chapter 1.4). HDR

2000 explores the interconnections between human rights and human development. On

the other side the agenda of human rights has also widened considerably since UDHR

1948, and in the Geneva Declaration of 1993 development was clearly recognized as a

human rights issue. These formulations open up both possibilities- bringing human

beings at the centre of development discourse thus humanizing the concept of growth, as

also defining the rights of excluded communities in matters of development and more.

Thus the idea of creating an inclusive society can be pursued vigorously through such apolicy paradigm.


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References:

I. Social Exclusion: Conceptual Issues

1. Piron, L & Curran ,Z. Public Policy Response to Exclusion: Evidence from Brazil,

South Africa and India, Overseas Development Institute, Sept 2005

2. Dalits and the Right to Food: Discrimination and Exclusion in Food RelatedGovernment Programs ,Working Paper by Lee, Joel & Thorat, Sukhadeo

3. Gramsci, Antonio Selections from the Prison Notebooks, International Publishers,New York 1971

4. Salamanca Declaration 1994, UNESCO

5. Khilnani, Sunil The Idea of India, Penguin Books, London (1998)

6. Galanter, Marc The Long half-life of Reservations in Zoya Hasan, Sridhran,E.

Sudarshan,R. (eds) Indias Living Constitution, Ideas, Practices, Controversies,

Permament Black, Delhi (2002)

7. Marx, Karl The German Ideology , Moscow: Progress Publishers (1968)

8. Marcuse, Herbert One Dimensional Man London: Abacus (1972)

9. Foucault, MichelPower/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-

1977London: Harvester Wheatsheaf (1980)

10. Kumar, Krishna Social Character of Learning, SAGE Publications, New Delhi/

Thousand Oaks/London, (1989)

11. Sadgopal, Anil Globalization: Demystifying its Knowledge Agenda for India's

Education Policy (Durgabai Deshmukh Memorial Lecture) New Delhi: Council for

Social Development (2004)

12. Fukuda-Parr, Sakiko and Shiva Kumar, A.K.(eds) Introduction in Readings in

Human Development, Oxford University Press, New Delhi (Second edition, 2005)


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II Status of Education among Children from SC Households

Bihar- Profile & Potentials

Bihar is considered as one of the most backward states in the country. It stands at thelowest rung in respect of almost all indicators of human development, included thoserelating to education. At the time of independence the literacy rate in Bihar was 16.7

percent as against national average of 18.2 percent. According to 2001 census while the

country's literacy rate rose to 65.38 percent, in Bihar it was below half way mark at 47.53

percent only It is the most populated state after Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra with apopulation of about 829 lakhs (2001 Census).It is predominantly an agrarian society with

about 89 percent population staying in the villages where illiteracy, poverty and

unemployment is rampant.

Bihar is rated as backward on almost all key parameters of economic development

currently in vogue, and yet nobody would deny the tremendous potential that the state hasfor growth and development. Further, many social scientists from the state would be at

pains to explain the indirect ways in which Bihar contributes to the countrys economy

and well being. Persons of Bihar excel in different field and in different lands, butsomething is amiss right here which needs to be probed and rectified. Education arguably

can be the best means to remedy the situation.

Such a situation as outlined above makes for a turbulent society where urgent social

interventions are called for and curriculum for the state therefore needs to be designedkeeping these factors in view. Fortunately, there are rich cultural and political resources

available which can be used in taking the state beyond the present morass. If a very rich

Mithila culture exists in the eastern part of north Bihar, western side is part of large

Bhojpuri speaking region spreading beyond the state. Magadh region has its ownlanguage and culture, and so has the areas around Bhagalpur where a distinct angika is

the lingua franca. Each region has its own repertoire of different genres of arts, its own

sense of cultural and historical identity. In a sense Bihar is the microcosm of India withits own version of multiculturalism.

In terms of political consciousness society is alert and active, albeit not always in a

responsible manner. Energies of people needs to be channelised and schools can be the

most appropriate sites of training.

Scheduled castes: The Most Excluded Category

The Scheduled Castes constitute about 16.48 percent of India's population. They have

suffered the curse of untouchability and are discriminated against socially, economicallyand educationally for ages. They are denied access to land and often even water, which is

the bounty of nature, due to the machinations of society. Dalits, i.e. the Scheduled Castes

or untouchables suffer most acutely from the social and economic violence of the castesystem, which prescribes their position at the bottom of the graded hierarchy. As Lee and

Thorat observe, "Dalits in Indian society negotiate social and economic transactions in


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many spheres of life from this inherited position at the bottom, while in other spheres

untouchability excludes them from transactions with dominant caste society

altogether." They are still forced to work in degrading conditions even after over sixdecades of independence and all constitutional promises.

Demographic profile

In the state of Bihar the total SC population is 13,048,608 as per 2001 census constituting15.7 percent of the total population of 82,998,509. The state ranks third in terms of SC

population among all states and UTs. The growth of SC population during 1991-2001 has

been 30.7 percent, which is 2.1 percent higher than the growth of total population (28.6percent). This itself is an indicator of the backwardness of the group. In fact in the first

census after independence in 1951 the SC population accounted for 12.6 percent of the

total population (5,057,812 out of 40,225,947).Even if we take into account the increasein SC population after creation of Jharkhand the rate of growth of population among SCs

haas been a little higher than general population.

The state has a total of twenty three categories of SCs enumerated in the 2001 census.The overall sex ratio of the SC population in Bihar is 923 females per 1000 male

population which is lower than the national average of 936 in respect of all SCs. Theliteracy rate among SCs of Bihar is dismally low at a mere 28.5 percent during 2001

census, which is nearly half of that recorded for all SCs at the national level (54.7

percent). The male and female literacy rates are 40.2 percent and 15.6 percentrespectively against the corresponding national figures of 66.6 and 41.9 percent. Thus

while SCs lag behind non-SCs all over the country, the Bihar scenario is even more

disconcerting. Among the numerically larger sub-caste groups Dhobis have the highest

literacy rate (including female literacy) followed by Pasi, Dusadh and Chamar. Musaharshave shown the lowest literacy rate.

Among the literates, 39.7 percent of SCs are either without any educational level or have

attained education below primary level. The proportion of literates who have education

up primary or middle level constitute 28.4 percent and 13.1 percent respectively. Ameager 15.1 percent of literates have education up to matriculation or senior secondary

level. The percentage of graduates and above is only 3.6 percent, while non-technical and

technical diploma holders constitute a meager 0.1 percent. These data reveal that even if

some literacy has been achieved the educational level is low and largely unproductive. Asa study of impact of formal education on dalits in Bijnor district of U.P. shows that the

educated youth initially perceived education as a means for getting 'respectable' jobs, but

failing to get jobs they felt frustrated and even the parents reportedly began to withdraw

from investing in education subsequently. The situation may not be very different inBihar. The low level and low quality of education wipes out much of the assumed

advantages of education.

Bottom of the pyramid

Recently the Government of Bihar notified some castes as Mahadalits and drew up

special programmes for their upliftment. Initially 19 out of 23 castes, excluding 4 castes,


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namely, dhobi, chamar, pasi, and paswan, were notified as Mahadalits. This

characterization covered musahars, scavenging community, nats, bhuiyan, bantar,

halakhor etc and their literacy was 10.54% (M: 15.63, F:5.08) in 2001 census. Musahars,with a population of 35 lakh, had a literacy rate of mere 6.88%, followed by scavenging

community with 12.42 % literacy. However, two of the four groups earlier excluded

from the classification of mahadalits , namely, dhobi and chamar, have since beenincluded.

As one moves from dalits to mahadalits there is a drop in literacy and educationalachievements and if one thinks of a dalit girl child born in a mahadalit family, one hits

the rock bottom. What meaning does the constitutional promise has for her? None at all.

If she is born in Bihar, the odds are more heavily against her.

Literacy & Educational Level

As noted before the literacy rate among SCs of Bihar was dismally low at a mere 28.5

percent during 2001 census, which is nearly half of that recorded for all SCs at the

national level (54.7 percent). The male and female literacy rates are 40.2 percent and 15.6percent respectively against the corresponding national figures of 66.6 and 41.9 percent.

Among the literates, 39.7 percent of SCs are either without any educational level or haveattained education below primary level. The proportion of literates who have education

up primary or middle level constitute 28.4 percent and 13.1 percent respectively. And

think of it, it is no minuscule share of population. The Scheduled castes account for15.7% of the total population of Bihar and about half of then are female. Even as we take

note of the recent reports and studies that parental interest in education has grown

rapidly, which is reflected in a general decline of never-enrolled children in schools, we

are constrained to admit that this change reaches the girl child last and rather sluggishly.They are doubly jeopardized first as dalits and then as girls, and if we follow the

Gandhian prescription of sparing a thought for the last man, she is the most obviouscandidate for our attention. If the state happens to be Bihar, then perhaps there is nothingfurther down to look into. She is in deed the last person.

Education among the major Scheduled Castes

Among the numerically larger castes, Dhobi have registered the highest overall literacy

rate as well as female literacy rate followed by Pasi, Dusadh and Chamar, Mushar have

shown the lowest literacy rate.

LiteracyRate

All SCs(Bihar)

Dhobi Pasi Dusadh Chamar Bhuiya Musahar

Male 28.5 43.9 40.6 33.0 32.1 13.3 9Female 15.6 27.9 25.3 18.15 16.8 6.5 3.9

Literacy Rate (Census of India, 2001 Office of the Registrar General, India)

As noted earlier among the literates, 39.7% of SCs are either without any educationallevel or have attained education below primary level. The proportion of literates who

have attained education up to primary and middle level constitute 28.4% & 13.1%


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respectively. As many as 15.1% literates are educated up to matric / secondary / higher

secondary, etc. Graduates & above are 3.6% while non-technical & technical diploma

holders constituted a meager 0.1% only.

Among the major sub-castes, Dhobi have the higher proportion of matriculates (19.7%)

whereas Musahar and Bhuiya have the lowest proportion of matriculates (6% each).Chamar has every 7th literate, a matriculate, whereas Dusadh and Pasi have every 6th

literate, a matriculate.

It may be discerned from the educational levels attained by the all SCs, that the drop-out

rate is high after primary level as the percentage of middle level literates is less than half

of the primary level literates. Number of students decline sharply from secondary level

onwards.

Name ofSCs

Literatewithout

educational level

BelowPrimar

y

Educational Levels attained

Primar

y

Middl

e

Matric /

Secondary/Higher

Secondary /

Intermediat

e etc.

Technica

l & Non-Technica

l diploma

etc.

Graduat

e andabove

All

Schedule Caste

6.6 33.1 28.4 13.1 15.1 0.1 3.6

Bhuiya 15.3 44.1 26.5 7.4 6 Nil 0.6

Chamar 5.9 33.6 28.5 13.4 15 0.1 3.5

Dhobi 4.5 28.3 27 14.9 19.7 0.2 5.4

Dusadh 6 32 28.5 13.7 16.1 0.1 3.5Musahar 15.3 44 27.8 6.7 5.5 Nil 0.8

Pasi 5.7 30 27.1 13.4 17.9 0.2 5.6

Out of the total 38.8 lakh SC children in the age 5-14 years, 11.4 lakh attend schoolconstituting 29.4%. Alarmingly, as many as 70.6% (27.4 lakh) children in the

corresponding age group do not go to school. Among the major SCs, Dhobi have the

highest share of school going children followed by Pasi, Dusadh and Chamar.

Recent Progress or Lack of Progress

As DISE data available with BEPC reveal that despite significant increase in enrollment

of all children as well as SC children the gap between the two does not narrow down overa period of seven years. While gender gap reduces during this period, social gap does not.


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Category

As on 30th Sept. 2002 As on 30th Sept. 2009

Population (6-14) Enrolment %age

Population

(6-13+) Enrolment %age

Total: 19414505 10397449 54% 20797574 19092050 92%

Boys: 10307119 6052702 59% 11016662 10019227 91%

Girls: 9107386 4344747 48% 9780912 9072823 93%

SC: 3157713 1688814 53% 4143437 3544014 86%

Indicators Status (2002) Current Status (2009) Expected Status by (2010)

Gender Gap: 11% -2% 0%

Social Gap (SC): 1% 6% 2%


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III Rationale & Methodology for the Study Project

Almost all empirical studies in the field of primary education in different parts of thecountry demonstrate the fact that the social status in terms of caste affects the schooling

pattern of SC children. SC children have low chance of enrollment, grade attainment and

completion of primary education. (Jha and Jhingran 2002)

The impediments to education are faced by SC children at various levels; household,community and School through several factors as: inability to meet schooling cost (loss

of economic work), Physical segregation (isolation of SC habitations on one end of

villages), social isolation, caste discrimination at schools leading to hesitation and

diffidence towards education etc.

India's concerns for the welfare of the weaker sections of the Indian society, has been

reflected in Article 46 of the Constitution, which states that the State will promote the

educational and economic interests of the weaker section of the Indian society, specially

the Scheduled Tribes (ST) & Scheduled Castes (SC). The welfare of the SC & ST has

been generally made the responsibility of the State Governments. Over the past five yearBihar has improved significantly on some of the developmental indicators. In 2005, when

the first survey was carried by Sarva Shisha Abihyan, to identify children who are out ofschool (OOS), Bihar was the second worst performer in terms of OOS children -- 31.7

lakh constituting 17% of children in the state in the 6-14 age group. Now in 2009, it is

claimed to have come down to only 13.15 lakh. In percentage terms, this is just 7% of 6-14 child population. Bihar's success story is often ascribed to large teacher recruitment,

and other specific efforts to attract children of marginal communities and girl child. Still

a lot more needs to be done to improve enrolment or quality of education among SCchildren.

Study Project

In the light of relative success and limitations of these efforts made by the state

government there is a need to explore the factors and processes, which are state specific

and affecting the educational processes of dalit children especially in areas with higherconcentration of dalit population. The issues concerning the education processes of will

be studied on three aspects of education: household, community, and schooling issues.

This is to understand the extent and trends pertaining to the exclusion of SC children

from educational system. It will analyze the special needs of SC children and recommendmeasures to overcome the obstacles at policy and program level. The study findings will

be based on both secondary and primary sources of data. Based on the study report a

policy framework will be prepared.The present study will explore and take into account the factors and processes leading toeducational exclusion of SC children. A new opportunity is provided by the RTE 2009 to

tackle the issues of exclusion of dalit children from educational processes. It is evident

from various studies that unless and until the educational needs of dalit children areadequately addressed it will not be possible to implement inclusive education policy in its

true sense..


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Apart from making use of existing studies and grass roots experiences the study and

policy framework is being prepared on the basis of primary and secondary data on the

issues of social exclusion of dalit children in the state.

Specific Objectives:

To identify the factors and processes of social exclusion in educational

opportunities of SC children.

To identify the provisions of RTE 2009 which can help in ushering in an inclusivekind of education in favour of SC children

To examine the status and processes in schools and other support institutions to

understand the dynamics of social exclusion.

To identify key issues, possible delivery agents and stakeholders which mayenable inclusion of SC children

To examine and suggest ways for ensuring equal and adequate participation of SC

children in educational system.

Methodology:

The study entailed the followinga) Literature Review

b) Study of schools & other support Institutionsc) Workshop & process study

d) Focus group discussion

e) Individual /semi structured interviews

f) Consultation at State level:

The survey of schools took place in three districts of Bihar, namely, Vaishali, Madhubani

and Rohtas covering 40 schools of which 12 were located in Dalit bastis. Household

surveys, focus group discussion, and interviews were other tools to assess the groundsituation and formulate recommendations.


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IV. Recent Programmes and Policies

While in the years after independence a variety of programmes have been made for the

education of dalits, their success is at best partial. Even otherwise the constitutional

promise of universal education remains a distant dream, with children from marginalized

sections

Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan

Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is the flagship of the government for promoting the cause ofuniversal elementary education in the country. Although the targets set initially for the

Abhiyan have apparently not been achieved, (after all by 2005, it was promised that all

children will complete five years of schooling), there have been notable success storiesfrom across states, not excluding Bihar. Yet the goal is still elusive. SSA also promised

gender parity and closing of gaps between classes at the primary level by 2007 and at the

middle level by 2010, but again the success is partial at best. In Bihar SSA was

introduced in 17 districts in 2001-02 itself in continuation of DPEP and was extended tocover all districts in the following year.

After a period of relative neglect the idea of universal school education started getting

more attention since the adoption of the national Policy of Education in 1986. Of the

various central schemes launched thereafter Operation Blackboard (OB) deserves specialmention. The OB scheme was introduced in 1987-88 with a view to provide minimum

standard of infrastructural facilities to all existing primary schools. The minimum norms

prescribed under OB was at least two reasonably large all-weather rooms along withverandah and separate toilet facilities for boys and girls, at least two teachers including as

far as possible one woman, and essential teaching learning materials including

blackboards, maps, charts, small library, toys and games and some equipment for work

experience. subsequently it was decided to add a third room/teacher to primary schoolswhere enrolment exceeded 100, and further the scheme was extended to cover upper

primary schools as well. While OB was not faithfully carried out, a new exercise was

undertaken to lay down norms and compute the expected expenditure. Saikia Committeetook it up in 1996, while three years later Tapas Mazumdar Committee took up a more

thorough exercise. The focus soon shifted to the larger programme, that was, Sarva

Shiksha Abhiyan from the year 2000.

When SSA was launched all the ongoing programmes and schemes were brought under

its umbrella including Non-formal education (NFE), OB, then District Primary EducationProgramme (DPEP) etc. Nonetheless a careful examination of SSA norms as well as style

of implementation reveals that it was simply not enough for improving quality ofeducation, particularly for the weaker sections of the society. In principle the SSA allowsfor wide-ranging interventions including institutional reforms particularly in management

and delivery, sustainable financing, community ownership and capacity building. In order

to ensure quality improvement and social change through education, the mobilization of'disadvantaged groups in the planning process' is emphasized and decentralized

educational planning and community-based monitoring is postulated. The document also

proposes task force for monitoring the participation of girls, SCs and STs and calls for


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improved resource targeting in their favour. But the actual implementation overlooks

these commitments, except their ritualistic mention now and then. To put it blandly there

was not much for dalits or girl child in SSA at the ground level, rather a parallel track ofeducation was continued and legitimized with the sanction for under-qualified lowly paid

teacher and many more compromises. Providing textbooks free to these children was not

adequate, if the basic quality of education remains indifferent. In fact SSA has drawn flakfor giving a formal acceptance to large-scale recruitment of para-teachers. The

consequences of these developments according to Govinda are:

"First, it hides the real magnitude of the problem to be addressed in the long run, infinancial terms; secondly. it distorts the shape of the budget by projecting teacher salary

which should in the normal course be part of the recurring expenditure as plan

expenditure, unlikely to be absorbed as non-plan component as they (the para-teachers

recruited through SSA funds are on contract basis; and third, this places the evolutionand strengthening of a professional community of teachers in serious jeopardy."

In fact it is not only the issue of teachers' salary or inadequate infrastructure, rather the

question of mindset. At best the state is willing to grant that some provision for educationneeds to be made for the poor which generally includes Dalits. Even calculations based

on the norms of Tapas Mazumdar Committee were diluted further regarding

infrastructure or PTR or teachers' qualifications etc under SSA. A decade back TapasMazumdar Committee had assumed a salary level of Rupees 5000 per month for a

primary school teacher, just after Fifth Central Pay Commission recommendations. Even

after Sixth Pay Commission which has given a huge increase in the salary of governmentemployees, Government of Bihar has recruited primary teachers at the meager salary of

Rupees four thousand only. The question of dual salary structure in the same institution is

no less debilitating. The alternative educational arrangements like Residential BridgeCourses or National Child Labour Project provide for still lower wages to instructors

making a complete mockery of education of the poor, who in deed need much betterarrangements given the difficulties in their education. This mindset is questionable and

against the constitutional principles enshrined in Part III, which promises equality ofopportunity, and now right to education as well. If right to live has been interpreted by

the Supreme Court as right to live with dignity, right to education can mean nothing less

than a proper quality education for all, and for the deprived sections in particular. No adhoc arrangements can be sufficient when we are dealing with the making of future

generations and the future society of India.

Right to Education Act and Dalit Child

The Act is apparently not drafted in the rights perspective because rights are neitherclearly formulated with appropriate safeguards, nor it applies to all children, nor adequate

provisions are made to translate them into reality. If elementary education was beingmade a fundamental right then a clear declaration of the right and explicit assignment of

specific responsibility with adequate safeguards and clauses to ensure its enforcement

were essential requirements. On the contrary rights have been truncated, responsibilitiesmade vague and unenforceable and safeguards claimed to have been provided are nothing

more than ritualistic.


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There is no comprehensive and unified framework of schools visualized in the Act which

may have been called a Common School System. Not only there are different types of

schools with different scales of responsibility, there is little to suggest a design of aequitable, common and complete framework. The net result of the provision on this

subject will be the perpetuation and legitimization of the currently prevailing hierarchy of

schools, some meant for privileged classes and others for the poor classes. This violates both Article 14 (equality before law) and Article 21A (Right to Education) of the

Constitution. Establishment of a Common School System in India is surely the most

logical and equitable option available, if the State intends to strictly adhere to thesefundamental rights in the Constitution.

As for the disadvantaged sections the Act has a condescending tone rather than

enunciation of a a right to equal opportunities in education, not to speak of an extra

attention, under the constitutional promise of positive discrimination or affirmative actionin their favour.

Eleventh Plan

The specific goal of SSA during the Tenth Plan included among other things the"Bridging of all gender and social gaps at primary stage by 2007 and at elementary level

by 2010. SSA interventions, as Eleventh Plan document says have brought down the

number of out of school children from 32 million in 2001-02 to 7.0 million in 2006-07.

An independent study of Social and Research Institute (2005) estimated that about 6.9%of total children in the 6-13 age group were out of school, but social composition of out

of school children still reveals a predominance of Muslims, dalits and adivasis.

According to Plan their respective figures are 9.97%, 8.17% and 9.54% respectively.Bihar alone accounts for 23.6% of out of school children in the country. The drop out rate

at primary level among SC children in the country remains as high as 34.2%.

Eleventh Plan document sets some targets for elementary education like universal

enrolment for all children including hard to reach groups and closing of gaps by 2011-12,

reduction of drop out rates, universalization of MDMs by 2008-09, etc, but the mainemphasis seems to be on quality improvement. Of course some special interventions are

proposed for disadvantaged groups.

More ambitious changes are proposed for Universal access and quality at the secondarystage including revamping of ICT in schools, expansion of facilities for teacher education

or strengthening of various types of support institutions. Thoroughgoing changes are

being introduced for expansion of higher and technical education too. All these will

require policy level changes, revamping of institutional set up and larger financialsupport.

As for financing of Education the government was committed to raise it to 6% of GDP

which remains unrealized. For accelerating public expenditure the Central Budget of

2004 introduced a cess of 2% for elementary education and Budget 2007 a cess of 1% for

secondary and higher education. A commensurate increase in the central publicexpenditure and the devolution on a lagging state like Bihar has not materialized. The


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total Eleventh Plan expenditure proposed in the document is Rs 2.70 lakh crore at current

prices (Rs 2.37 lakh crore at 2006-07 prices). It is neither clear nor likely that Bihar gets

its legitimate share in education during the plan period, which should be higher than itsproportionate share if the state has to move up from its present lowly level.

Eleventh Plan document rightly notes that 'Young learners from socially marginalizedsections experience education in a distinctly different form than those who occupy

mainstream positions of power and privilege. They face overt and covert forms of

rejection in schools.' The Plan goes on to promise a special focus on disadvantagedgroups and educationally backward areas. The focus however includes 'not only higher

resource allocation but also capacity building for preparation and implementation of

strategies based on identified needs, more intensive monitoring and supervision, and

tracking of progress.' A close look at the policy framework belies the promise, even asthe promise itself is not more than inadequate and partial. The per capita allocation of

gross resources for the disadvantaged groups can not match the ever increasing

educational costs being incurred by the privileged sections, particularly of those studying

in public schools. No systemic change is proposed in the Plan, and the stratifiededucational system is a device of not only perpetuating the inequalities, but also

exacerbating them.


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V. Findings of Study

Apart from survey of school household level data were collected followed by a focus

group discussion. Interviews of stakeholders were also conducted, persons included were

parents/guardians, representatives of PRIs/VSS, and children. Significant conclusions can

be drawn from all these which can both understand the ground reality and devise arealistic strategy for the educational inclusion of children from SC families.

A brief report is given below.

A. Survey of Schools

Among the 40 schools surveyed 34 were government schools while remaining 6 wereprivate schools. Of these 12 were situated in dalit bastis (7 primary, 5 middle). A break

up of types of schools is given in Tables 1 & 2

Tables 1

Habitation Primary Middle Total

Dalit 7 5 12

Near Dalit 7 8 15

OBC 1 0 1

FC 0 4 4

Slum 2 1 3

NearSlum 1 4 5

Total 18 22 40

Tables 2

SchoolPrimary Middle Total (P+M)

Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total

Govt. 13 2 15 15 4 19 28 6 34

Pvt. 1 2 3 2 1 3 3 3 6

Total 14 4 18 17 5 22 31 9 40


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Tables 3 Status of Schools

Habitation Level of

schoolNo. ofschools

Building Land

Pakka

Kachch

a Adha N.Avl. Y N

RuralDalit

Primary 7 3 0 2 2 5 2

Middle 5 2 0 3 0 5 0

Total 12 5 0 5 2 10 2

As Table 3 shows of the 12 schools in dalit basti 2 did not have any building and 5 had

only half kachcha building. In fact no other type of schools lacked buildings as such,

while only 2 more schools had half kachcha building. Of course regarding the availability

of land private schools were badly placed and half of the six schools do not have land.

Data was collected for may other facilities but neglect of schools primarily meant fordalit children was too glaring to be missed. Ordinarily government schools both had land

and pucca buildings except for schools in dalit bastis. Of the other government schools

only at one place land was unavailable in urban area, while at one place each in rural and

urban area building was only half pucca.

Tables 4

Primary+Middle

Private(U+R) 6 3 0 3 0 3 3Dalit 12 5 0 5 2 10 2

Rural(Govt) 16 15 0 1 0 16 0

Urban(Govt) 6 5 0 1 0 5 1

Total 40 28 0 10 2 34 6

Enrollment & Attendance (Boys & Girls)

In terms of attendance the status of dalit children is quite unsatisfactory with less than

43% of enrolled children attending schools on the day of visit of the survey team, while

private schools stand out with their high rate of attendance. even in government urbanschools attendance is low, presumably because children from lower classes attend these

schools. for others somewhat better quality private schools are available in towns unlike

villages.


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Tables 5 : Enrollment & Attendance (Boys & Girls)

Primary+Middle

Private(U+R) 6 1024 866 84.57

Dalit 12 3396 1453 42.786

Rural(Govt) 16 5887 3542 60.166Urban(Govt) 6 3236 1483 45.828

Total 40 13543 7344 54.227

Tables 6: Teachers

DistrictsLevel

ofschool

No. ofschools

TotalCur.Join

parttimeduty

Present

ST SCGen.excl

EBC/OBC

Trained

Untrined

Dist.-A Primary 5 22 4 0 11 7 0 2 4 18Middle 9 90 62 3 64 15 5 27 33 57

Total 14 112 66 3 75 22 5 29 37 75

Dist.-BPrimary 9 38 21 0 29 6 3 10 13 25

Middle 7 80 33 0 58 7 23 18 51 29

Total 16 118 54 0 87 13 26 28 64 54

Dist.-CPrimary 4 10 8 2 7 5 1 3 3 7

Middle 6 59 11 0 48 10 5 27 22 37

Total 10 69 19 2 55 15 6 30 25 44

TotalPrimary 18 70 33 2 47 18 4 15 20 50

Middle 22 229 106 3 170 32 33 72 106 123

Total 40 299 139 5 217 50 37 87 126 173

Tables 7 Status of School as norms of RTE

Habitation Level ofschool

No. ofschools

Children TeacherHM(fulltime) Part time tch

Teacher Requi. Less Yes No Required Les

Rural DalitPrimary 7 1125 21 38 17 0 7 0 0

Middle 5 2205 41 63 22 2 3 15 15

Total 12 3330 62 101 39 2 10 15 15

Total Primary 14 2443 47 83 37 0 14 0 0


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(Rural)

Middle 17 6003 151 173 38 9 8 51 44

P+M 31 8446 198 256 75 9 22 51 44

Total(Urban)

Primary 4 867 23 26 7 1 3 0 0

Middle 5 2770 49 81 35 3 2 15 12

P+M 9 3637 72 107 42 4 5 15 12

Primary+Middle

Private(U+R) 6 808 49 25 0 4 2 9 0

Dalit 12 3330 62 101 39 2 10 15 15

Rural(Govt) 16 4818 109 145 36 5 11 30 29

Urban(Govt) 6 3127 50 92 42 2 4 12 12

Total 40 12083 270 363 117 13 27 66 56

As the above table shows there is a shortage of teachers of about 35% in government

schools, in dalit schools it is a little higher at 38.6%. However the gap is higher in

primary schools and is likely to go up at middle level when more schools are upgraded or

opened. Surprisingly the shortage is lower in rural government schools (24.8%), butmuch higher in urban government schools (45.6%). Calculations have been made

according to the norms laid down in RTE 2009.

Next table shows that other facilities in dalit schools are also lacking, for example ,

separate kitchen or separate toilets for girls or doors. In fact the position is worse in dalit

schools compared to others.

Tables 8 Facilities in School according to standard of RTE

Habitation

Level of schoolNo. of

schools

Traveling faci.Sep.Kichen Sep. Toilet Door

Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No

RuralDalit

Primary 7 6 1 2 5 2 5 2 5

Middle 5 5 0 3 2 3 2 3 2

Total 12 11 1 5 7 5 7 5 7

Total(Rural)

Primary 14 12 2 4 10 6 8 6 8

Middle 17 15 2 11 6 12 5 12 5

P+M 31 27 4 15 16 18 13 18 13

Primary

+Middle

Private(U+R) 6 4 2 2 4 4 2 5 1

Dalit 12 11 1 5 7 5 7 5 7

Rural(Govt) 16 14 2 10 6 10 6 10 6Urban(Govt) 6 6 0 2 4 4 2 5 1

Total 40 35 5 19 21 23 17 25 15

Brief Look at Findings of Study


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58.3 % schools situated in dalit habilitation not having separate toilets for girls.

Village Education Committee not formed in 42.5% schools of surveyed Schools.

Low attendance rate of dalit children (42.4% against overall attendance of

54.2%)

Availability of only 17% Dalit teachers in the surveyed schools

Irregular supply of teaching learning material in 50% of the schools situated in

dalit habilitation dalit children.

No initiatives were undertaken 72.7% of existing VSS for facilitating education

among dalit children.

Gap of 38.6% teaches was recorded in the school situated in dalit habitations

whereas this gap was 32.9% in other government Schools in the neighboring

habitations of other castes.

75.4% School in dalit habilitation did not have facilities of library whereas only

58.4% schools situated in other habitation lacked library facilities.

16.6% of the Schools situated in dalit habitation did not have School buildings.

B. Household Survey

A survey of 62 dalit households was undertaken to get a direct feel of their conditionswhich may have a bearing on the education of children in these households. There were

three components of survey: first part was meant to get an idea of dalit households,second part was focused on education related issues, while the last part was pertaining toan appraisal of social behaviour on exclusion-related issues.

Tables 9 Introduction to Households

The child population was as high as 60% indicating high rate of growth of populationamong them. Further the male female ration was quite skewed in favour of male child.

About half the children were in age-group 6-14 years, making elementary education the

most important agenda for inclusion.

DistNo of

Household

Family Members Children Age group

Total Adult Child M F 0-66to14

14-18

A 21 132 67 65 38 27 14 31 20

B 21 153 54 99 56 43 27 41 31

C 20 137 45 92 48 44 18 52 22Total 62 422 166 256 142 114 59 124 73


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Most of them were too poor with household income (average size of household being as

high as nearly seven)of about 42% households below Rs 2000/- per month, and 96% with

an income level below Rs 10,000/- Poverty thus was a major issue which has to be takeninto consideration while planning for the education of dalit children. It is so low even as

in many households women also worked. Most of the earning members worked as labour

with apparently low wages.

Tables 10 Household Income and Source

Monthly Income of family Both do job Source of income

10000 Yes No Serv. Agricul. Labor Other

2 7 10 2 5 16 0 0 20 1

7 5 9 0 9 12 0 0 21 0

17 3 0 0 9 11 0 5 15 0

26 15 19 2 23 39 0 5 56 1

Only five households had pucca houses, and as many as 36 with kachcha houses. againonly five houses had toilets, only two had electric connection.

How difficult and non-conducive to proper education may be the households of dalit

children is easy to notice.

Most of the houses lacked even facilities for drinking water.

Tables 11 Status and Facilities

Status of houseNo. of

Rooms

Toilet Lighting

Paka Adhpaka Kacha Indira Yes No Elec. Laltein Dhibri Other 3 7 10 1 48 0 21 0 6 11 4

0 2 8 11 34 1 20 1 6 13 1

2 2 14 2 56 4 16 1 3 16 0

5 11 32 14 138 5 57 2 15 40 5

There is no entertainment in their lives using gadgets common to middle class

households. They did not subscribe to newspapers.

Tables 12 Facilities

Dist

Drinking water If yes (source) If not Entertainment

Yes NoWel

l H.pump Supply Pub. Nab. Radio N.Paper TV

A 8 13 0 8 0 9 4 0 0 0

B 7 14 3 1 3 14 0 2 6 4

C 5 15 0 5 0 15 0 1 0 1

Total 20 42 3 14 3 38 4 3 6 5

Tables 13 Status of Parents ( Migration & Education)


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DistNo. of

Household

Migrate tojob if Y child edu. Lit. mother P Literate

Yes No Yes No Yes N Yes No

A 21 4 17 1 3 3 18 7 14

B 21 5 16 4 1 2 19 8 13

C 20 2 18 2 0 10 10 16 4

Total 62 11 51 7 4 15 47 31 31

As Table 13 shows the level of migration is very high among dalits involving about twenty

percent of the households surveyed and education gets affected in varying degrees in

such situations. Further illiteracy of parents is a big obstacle, particularly among motherswith more than three fourths reporting want of elementary literacy. Those with literacy

studied in government schools and many believed that the quality of education was high

or at least medium- a scenario which may have changed for the worse. However morethan sixty percent reported discrimination, an overwhelming majority testifying that caste

was the basis of discrimination.(Table 14)

Tables 14 Education Quality and Discrimination

If Yes Quality of edu. Discrimination Cause of discrim.

Govt. Pvt. High Med Low Yes No Poverty Caste other

7 0 1 4 2 5 2 0 7 0

7 1 5 2 0 2 5 2 5 0

14 2 11 3 0 11 3 1 13 0

28 3 17 9 2 18 10 3 25 0

While dalit children are in the maximum need of pre-school facilities, only one fourths of thechildren were attending Anganwadis, Whatever be the educational competence of Anganwadi,

even this meager facility is denied to the dalit child.

Tables 15

DistNo. of

Household

AttendingICDS

Discrimination Cause of not attending

Yes No Yes No A B C D

A 21 1 20 0 1 19 1 0 0

B 21 7 14 2 5 13 0 0 1

C 20 8 12 0 8 6 3 0 3

Total 62 16 46 2 14 38 4 0 4

Despite all the limitations of schools dalit children are being enrolled there. School, and of them

the government school, is surely being given a fair trial, but actually the schools are failing, a fact

borne out by the poor level of parental satisfaction- 95% reporting their dissatisfaction. This

stands in sharp contrast to their own education, if any.

Tables 16


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Dist 6-14Enrl. in sch. If Yes Sch. DailyParentsatisf.

Yes No Some Govt. Pvt. Yes No Yes No

A 20 0 1 21 0 1 20 0 21

B 16 2 3 19 0 20 1 2 19

C 20 0 0 20 0 19 1 1 19

Total 56 2 4 60 0 40 22 3 59

Tables 17 Social Behavior

DistNo. of

Household

Middaymeal

Discrimination Type of Discrim.

Yes No Yes No Pov. Dalit Other

A 21 15 6 3 18 1 2 0

B 21 13 8 2 19 2 0 0

C 20 3 17 3 17 0 3 0Total 62 31 31 8 54 3 5 0

While mid day meals are still being served in an irregular manner, the cases of discrimination are

not high any longer even if it has not been eliminated altogether. Teachers attitude is reported to

be bad in about 14% cases, but an even more serious problem is the in availability or late

availability of books (Table 18 &19), and the home environment being deficient for literacy or

elementary school education.

Tables 18

Teachers' attitude Books If yes (In session)

Good Bad Normal Yes No Begin. Mid LastA 8 7 6 16 5 1 13 2

B 21 0 0 7 14 2 4 1

C 12 2 6 18 2 0 18 0

Total 41 9 12 41 21 3 35 3

Tables 19

Dist Dress Magazines Study at homeAchievable

aim

Yes No Yes No Self Tuition No Yes No

A 10 11 0 21 4 5 12 12 9

B 17 4 4 17 3 13 5 4 17C 6 14 0 20 6 13 1 0 20

Total 33 29 4 58 13 31 18 16 46

Despite all these problems people do not give up hope. They are not aware of the schemes of thegovernment, but are ready to overlook many things provided their children get good education.

Tables 20


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Govt. schemeBenefits

sche. Expectations Attitude of BC

Known Unkn Yes No good bad normal good bad normal

6 15 6 15 8 6 7 10 7 4

1 20 17 4 20 0 1 21 0 0

0 20 1 19 11 5 4 14 1 5

7 55 24 38 39 11 12 45 8 9

C. FGD in Mahuwa Block of Vaishali

A focus group discussion was organized with different stakeholders. Participants

included some dalit students (Boys /Girls), teachers, influential community Members,

PRI representatives, Block Education Extension Officer, community leaders, and a fewNGO representatives.

The theme of the FGD was 'Access to education by children from Dalit community'..

Some significant testimonies are noted below:

Deep Narayan Kumar a child from Rajkiya Madhya Vidayalaya Sukki narrated

that the teachers are good work but there is shortage of hindi/ mathematics

teacher.There were one or two teachers who sometimes address them by theircastes. There are more cases of physical punishment affecting dalit students.

Different games are available in school but they do not have access to them.

Sunita, a 8th

Std student from Paharpur added that they are beaten if they do notcomplete their home work.

Mr. Rajeev, Up Sarpancha, Bajitpur Panchayat thought that access to Education

should not be enough. It should cover other issues relating to dalit education,including recruitment of dalit teachers and a holistic kind of education.

Sunita, Guardian, Patepur Panchayat complained that Midday meal is not

according to the prescribed menu. She accepted that books and school uniformswere provided to her children by the schools, but added that distribution of

stipend is irregular. She also brought up the question of lack of separate toilets for

girls.

Nirmala Devi , President, VSS, Dhanautiya , Anusuchit Jati Madhya Vidyalaya

narrated that the headmaster asks her to sign the proceedings but she is nevergiven details of the proceedings.

Sudha Devi, a guardian also complained about irregular functioning of Midday

Meal. She observed that senior children were taught by teachers, while younger

ones are often asked to play. Old books are given to children as stop gap

arrangement till new books are received by them late in the session.

Mr. Ramji Kumar of Chainpura said that teachers are engaged in several other

works as surveys, election duty, meetings which hampers the educational process.


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There are influential members in VSS whose children do not study in the school

at present.

Mr. Shivchandra Baitha, BEEO thought that VSS should work honestly and

teaching cadre should not fall in trap of greed or involve in corrupt practices.

Mukhiya should be pressurized to conduct regular monitoring of School.

Complaint should be made in writing against corrupt practices so that actions canbe taken, Guardian should focus on education of their wards at home.

Observations

It was a three hour discussion focused on the factors and process leading to social

exclusion of dalit children in education. The FGD highlighted several important issuesadversely affecting the education of dalit children as :

Irregular attendance of Teachers.

Irregular supplies of provisions: Mid day Meal, Books, Stipend, TLM etc.

Abusive language: sometimes calling SC children by their caste. Teachers do not take education of dalit children seriously.

Lack of separate toilets for girl children.

Inadequate number of teachers.

Lack of specialist teachers (Mathematics, Science, and English) as a result the

children become weak in higher classes. As dalit children come frommarginalized families they cannot avail of private tuitions.

Lack of coordination between teachers and Parent Teacher Association.

Panchayat Representatives not monitoring the educational process as envisaged.

Lack of residential Schools in comparison to the number of learners.

Teacher engaged in different surveys, election and other works which affects the

education of dalit children.

In some places the PTA is formed in contravention of the prescribed norms. ( The

children of presidents of the PTA do not study in the schools yet they have been

made presidents)

Lack of dalit teachers

Suggestions for improvement:

Dalits to be made president in PTA on the basis of reservation norms.

Effective monitoring by senior officer on performance of school and delivery

of facilities, especially with focus on weaker sections. Ensuring timely supply of provisions.

Opening of residential school in adequate numbers at all levels.

D. Interviews


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Ninety three persons were interviewed including 27 parents/guardians, 33 representatives

of panchayats or Vidyalaya Shiksha Samitis, and 33 children. As shown in the following

table a majority of interviewees were from dalit community, so that one may get aninsight through their experiences. Some persons were taken from general group for the

sake of comparison of attitudes and perceptions.

Tables 21

There are some broad patterns that clearly emerge in the interviews. Some of these are

given below;i. The most disconcerting part of the report was that cutting across categories

there was a consensus about the lack of quality in government schools.

Whether one talked to parents or children or panchayat representatives, there

was sense of dissatisfaction. Problems like teacher absenteeism, inadequacy interms of numbers or lack of interest among teachers was reported by Many

interviewees.ii. Regarding the mid day meals again there were similar universal complaints

galore whether it was about availability or regularity, or about the quality. of

food being given. Dalit parents however complained further about delayedpayment pr non payment of scholarship, something that many of them need

badly. They were similarly more worried about delayed supply of books as

presumably they could not afford to buy books on their own and were

dependent on government supply. If several children of Madhubanicomplained about lack of supply of uniforms, Rohtas children reported that

only some of the eligible children were given scholarships. One child alsocomplained that money was asked for by the concerned teacher for the releaseof scholarship. One parent (a mother) complained that scholarship was

distributed among families related or close to the teachers while denied to

children who came regularly to the school. Irregularity in distribution ofscholarship was a widespread feature.

iii. It was common for dalit parents to complain about discrimination against their

children, a complaint less frequently made by dalit children. On the other hand

District Parents/Guardians

Representativesof Panchayats or

VSS

Boys Girls

Total

Madhubani

SC Gen SC Gen SC Gen SC Gen

M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F

3 2 2 2 3 2 3 2 6 3 1 - 1 - 1 - 31

Vishali 2 2 2 2 4 4 3 3 3 - 2 - - 2 - 3 32

Rohtas 3 3 2 2 3 2 2 2 5 4 1 1 - - - - 30

Total:Genderwise

8 7 6 6 10 8 8 7 14 7 4 1 1 2 1 3

Total:

Categories

15 12 18 15 21 5 3 4

Total 27 33 26 7 93


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parents or VSS members or even children from general category usually

denied that there was any discrimination. In Vaishali there was a complaint of

dominant backward caste groups to behave more aggressively sometimes. Atleast one parent from upper caste instructed his child not to play with dalit

children because they were 'dirty'. It revealed a prejudice which persists even

today, though possibly reduced now. However, one thing which is certain, isthe consciousness of caste identity among different caste groups.

iv. Parents from upper castes hold the view that guardians in dalit household do

not take sufficient interest in the studies of their children, but on the other sidemany dalit parents expressed their inability to guide their children because

their own lack of education or their inability to afford tuitions for their

children for economic reasons.

v. Whether one spoke to parents or children either from dalit community orothers it became almost clear that there was lack of free intermixing between

dalit children and others. That is indicative of a strongly present social barrier

which is yet to be removed and calls for social intervention. In fact there was a

common tendency among children, more so the among dalit girls, to stickclose to other girls from the same community.

vi. Further, there is a perception among children of government schools,especially of dalit families, that teaching is much better and teachers pay

greater attention in private schools, while there is a general neglect in

government schools.

vii. Lack of infrastructure was a common feature which was mentioned in most ofthe interviews implying the need of its strengthening if universal quality

education is to become a reality.

E. State Level Consultation

State level consultation on Social Exclusion in Bihar: An Inclusive Educational

Policy Framework was organized on 27th December 2010 at SCADA Business

Centre, Patna to share the findings of the study among stakeholders & deliberate upon

the processes of social exclusion of SC children and suggest variables for framing aninclusive educational policy . The consultation witnessed highly enriching deliberations

and suggestion from participants on inclusive education policy to address the issues of

educational exclusion of SC children in the state.

Mr. Amitabh Bhushan presenting the findings of the study said that poor educational level is one

of the biggest obstacles in development of Scheduled Castes and social exclusion of SC children

in education process in Bihar is a reality in spite the constitutional declaration of education as

fundamental right and enactment of RTE 2009. He informed that the study covered forty schoolsin Madhubani, Rohtas and Vaishali district focused on comparative study and analysis of the

situation of the schools based in dalit habitation w.r.t to schools in the neighboring Surroundings.

Key findings of the Study highlighting the aspects of exclusion were presented by him. The study

observed the need to change the mindset of the policy makers and implementers while working

towards inclusive educational frameworkand effective implementation of RTE could be seen as

an opportunity for correction of these imbalances.


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Prof. Vinay Kantha, observed that the study conducted by PRIA is a reconfirmation of

the facts and findings of the previous studies conducted by BEP and other organization

on social exclusion. He expressed concern on the increasing social gaps in education andexpressed need for decentralized educational planning to accommodate 8 lakh out of

school children as per government statistics. Their has been efforts to enroll dalit children

in formal schooling system but retention remains a major issues to be addressed.Education in itself has been a factor for exclusion of dalits. One needs to analyze the key

weakness of process of social exclusion for identification of ways and measures for

mitigation. Speaking on the education of marginalized children he said that economicreasons propel educational exclusion of children from marginalized communities

especially as in case of SC children. Educational exclusion can be seen at two levels in

the state initiatives (a) at the level of policy and (b) at the level of implementation. There

is need of facilitating a bottom up strategy to address the issues of social exclusion nottop down with law of averages as usual practice.Regarding the implementation of RTE in

the state he drew attention to the gaps between existing situation and norms and standards

laid down in the Act In fact systematic reforms are required both at policy and

implementation level. Social barriers needs to be examined for increasing educationalaccess among school children. There is a need for a time bound action plan for enrolling

the dalit children in formal schools. Common schooling system could be one of the waysto address social exclusion. For the implementation of RTE all stakeholders will have to

contribute and play a role. :

Justice Rajendra Prasad, Member, Bihar Human Right Commission opined that anintensive campaign is required to be carried out at state level to enroll SC children in

leading private schools in terms of the provisions of RTE. Mr. Anindo Banerjee, State

Coordinator, Praxis Bihar, addressing the participants said that the process of Socialexclusion is not accidental but rather a active political process empowering the higher

castes. He felt that Panchayats and Social Justice Committees can play effective role in

addressing the issue of social exclusion at the levels of panchayat and community. Mr.Saliesh Kumar Singh, State Coordinator, UNDP said that there is a need to identify

indicators to track systemic faults in the design and rectify them. Mr. Budh Saran Hans,

Editor, Ambedhkar Mission Patrika complained that the teaching quality in governmentschool is poor and there is a need to fix responsibilities of the teachers. Mr. Rajendra

Prasad Nat, Member, Bihar Maha Dalit Commission narrated his experience of visiting a

residential school for dalits. He was surprised to see that about forty children were sitting

around one lamp and studying. If this quality of educational facilities to SC children, howcan the gaps in education among social groups be minimized. Mr. A K Pandey, program

Coordinator, BEP however averred that if there is a person from Mushar community

having degree of matriculation and above, in most of the cases it is the contribution of SCresidential school which gave them opportunity with requisite facilities. There is need to

open a large number of SC residential school at block level from the level of middle

School, with special teachers and facilities and reservation in proportion to their population to ensure educational access among dalit communities. Mr. Shamshad

Hussain, Former Vice chancellor, Magadh University said that the state government is

putting in a lot of efforts for education of dalit children. But their is need to develop the

potential of individuals and developing self confidence in them. Counseling of dalit


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children and their parents should be taken up for orienting them on the importance of

education.

Other Studies

There are a few studies undertaken in recent years to understand the issues concerningeducation of the dalit child. It may be worthwhile to take a look at the major findings of

these studies as well with a view to enrich our understanding before designing a

meaningful policy frame for their education. Two studies are discussed below:

A. Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IIDS):IIDS took up a project with UNICEF in 2006 to work on issues of social exclusion,

discrimination and deprivation of Dalit children. The project has also been able to

facilitate UNICEF interface with Dalit Samanway, a collective of Dalit NGOs/CBOs, in

particular exploring the issues of access to education.

Apart from documenting Dalit Voices, this project has undertaken two studies onunderstanding the 1. discrimination and exclusion of Dalit children in Education and 2.

Dalit children and women in access to health care services are underway. In addition abackground study on Status of Dalit children has been developed. Further, three action

researches are being conducted which include one on Out of School Children in Bihar;

a second on Discrimination in Schooling and the third on Dalit access to the NREGA inBihar.

The study conducted focused group discussions with different section of Dalit children;those who were never enrolled, those who had enrolled and subsequently dropped out and

those who are currently going to school. Discussions were also held with parents is well

as members of the Village Education Committees from the Dalit communities. Theresponses need addressing to facilitate Dalit children's access to education, to makeuniversalization of elementary education a reality and to achieve goals of SSA.

Reason for being out of school (Never Enrolled)

Parents do not ask children to go to school Children help in household Children

do not have slates to go to school Children are not enrolled in the school by theirparents Children are engaged in rearing the animals in the family Children do not

like to study School is closed most of the time Parents do not have enough resource

to support children's education Parents question relevance of education when educated

people work as wage labourers Children report that parents do not encourage them togo to school Children rationalize that their wage earning is important for the family to

survive Children express responsibility for contributing to family income Children

report that they do not have proper clothes and get teased about it Children have tohelp their siblings No discussion in the family about sending children to schoolChildren have to stay back to protect the home from any t

status of dalit education(pria- final report) (1)

Documents