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    Stephanos Efthymiadis

    Notes on the Correspondence of Theodore the StuditeIn: Revue des tudes byzantines, tome 53, 1995. pp. 141-163.

    Abstract

    REB 53 1995 France p. 141-163

    S. Efthymiadis, Notes on the Correspondence of Theodore the. Studite. Fifteen notes treating mainly questions of

    prosopography in the letters of Theodore the Studite recently edited by George Fatouros. By reference to historiographie,

    hagiographie and sigillographie sources several ecclesiastics and lay officials, active in the first half of the 9th century, are

    identified with addressees or persons mentioned in the correspondence.

    Citer ce document / Cite this document :

    Efthymiadis Stephanos. Notes on the Correspondence of Theodore the Studite. In: Revue des tudes byzantines, tome 53,

    1995. pp. 141-163.

    http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/rebyz_0766-5598_1995_num_53_1_1903

    http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_rebyz_322http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/rebyz_0766-5598_1995_num_53_1_1903http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/rebyz_0766-5598_1995_num_53_1_1903http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/author/auteur_rebyz_322
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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCEOF THEODORE THE STUDITE *

    Stephanos EFTHYMIADIS

    Scholars interested in the study of early ninth-century Byzantiumhave now at their disposal the critical edition by George Fatouros ofthe correspondence of Theodore the Studite. 1 It contains over550 letters and covers the period 796-826, historically centred aroundthe Moechian Affair as well as the second phase of the iconoclasticcontroversy. It is as a complement to this remarkable work of scholarship that the following notes prosopographical and other areintended.1. The identity of the two brothers Grammatikoi (ep. 91 and ep. 151 44).

    Ep. 91 is addressed to two brothers styled as Grammatikoi ( , ) and has been dated by Dobroklonskijand Fatouros to the year 816; ~ it is couched in an admonitory tone.The addressees are portrayed as being in prison, tempted by the evildoers and suffering persecution at the hands of a ruthless man ( ) who has ill-treated the saints of the Lord. A furtherreference to the two brothers in ep . 151 ( ) reveals thatthis figure was none other than the future iconoclast patriarch JohnGrammatikos, as usual hinted at by the biblical surname Iannes. Inthis instance Theodore wonders if his letters have reached his address-* This article was written in the course of a research grant provided by the BritishAcademy, to which I am particularly indebted. Thanks are also due to Professor CyrilMango for having read and commented on a version of this paper.1. Theodori Studitae Epistulae CFHB, XXXI/1-2, Series Berolinensis, Berlin- NewYork 1992.2. See A. P. Dobroklonskij, Prep. Feodor, ispovednik i igumen Studijskij,vol. I I/I , Odessa 1914, p. 211-213; and Fatouros, p. 224* n. 272-274. Disputing theidentification of the recipient of epp. 492, 528 and 546, addressed ' ,with the future iconoclast patriarch John Grammatikos and maintaining that Gram-matikos is a family name, Fatouros postulated that the addressee in question could beone of the brothers of ep. 91; see p. 447*-448* n. 878.

    Revue des Etudes Byzantines 53. 1995. p. 141-163.

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    142 S. EFTHYM1A1Sees: ' ' '(i.e. the abbot of the monastery of Kerameon) - , , (ep. 15144"47).Apart from the hardships that they endured, Theodore also touchesupon the non-Constantinopolitan origin of his addressees, whom hedescribes as being away from their countrymen and acquaintancesand consequently lacking moral support: , (ep. 91 17~19).In view of the above data, it would be reasonable to identify thetwo brothers in question with the well-known Theodore and Theo-phanes Graptoi (775-845 and 778-844 respectively), who during theSecond Iconoclasm played a prominent role in the defence of theiconophile cause. As is well known, the two brothers who were monksearned fame as well as their nickname after the emperor Theophilos,intending to ridicule them publicly, had commanded that their foreheads be branded with pro-iconoclastic iambic verses. Disputing thetraditional dating of this event to 836, Treadgold has argued that itwas held at Constantinople as late as the 18th of July 839. 3 Whenevertheir tattooing occurred, persecution and sufferings had befallen themmuch earlier, soon after iconoclasm had been re-introduced.Perhaps the oldest, though not fully trustworthy, source for theearly stage of their life is the Vita of St . Michael the Synkellos (BHG1296), recently re-edited by Dr. M. B. Cunningham.4 This should notsurprise us since the education, wanderings and sufferings of theGraptoi brothers were to a great extent associated with the variousactivities of St . Michael. Alongside other non surviving documents,the Life of the latter, in al l probability dating from no later than ageneration after the Saint's demise (4/1/846), served largely as asource for Theophanes, archbishop of Caesarea, who, towards the endof the ninth century, composed the Praise of Theodore Graptos (BHG1745z). 5 Along with other sources this Praise was later used inSymeon Metaphrastes' Life of Theodore Graptos.6

    3. See W. Treadgold, The Chronological Accuracy of the Chronicle of Symeon theLogothete for the years 813-845, DOP 33 , 1979, p. 187-189.4. Th e Life of Si. Michael the Synkellos. Text, Translation and Commentary byM. B. Cunningham, Belfast 1991.5. Edited by J. Featherstone, The Praise of Theodore Graptos by Theophanes ofCaesarea, An. Boll. 98 , 1980, p. 93-150.6. For the dating of this Vita, see Cunningham, op . cit., p. 5-6 and n. 16 (where ashort recapitulation of the bibliography); on the dependence of the Encomium by Theophanes of Caesarea on the Life of Michael, see ibidem, p. 7-9; this view was contestedearlier by Treadgold, art. cit., p. 18 8 n. 138.

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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THEODORE 143It was by divine will that Theodore and Theophanes, born in theLand of Moab (Kerak),7 met Michael, monk of the laura of St . Sabasin the outskirts of Jerusalem at the age of 25 and 22 respectively. At

    that time Michael led a solitary life in a small cave. The biographer ofSt . Michael relates that shortly after their tonsure the brothers weretaught "grammar, philosophy, and a number of works of poetry sothat in a short time ... they were proclaimed supremely wise and theirfame spread to the ends of that land ..." (ed. Cunningham, p. 52-53).In more precise terms, Theophanes of Caesarea locates this training ina school close to the church of the Resurrection in Jerusalem (ed.Featherstone, p. 112). The anarchy and the sacking of monasteriesthat followed Harun al-Rashid's death made many Palestinian monksflee to Byzantium.8 Jointly with his disciples, the brothers Theodoreand Theophanes, and Job, monk of the Spoudaioi monastery, theirmentor Michael, now appointed synkellos of Thomas, patriarch ofJerusalem, departed from Palestine. Initially intending to visitRome, the Palestinian monks remained fo r an unspecified reason inthe imperial city receiving hospitality in the monastery of Chora.9Basing himself on a passage of the Metaphrastic Life of TheodoreGraptos, Vailh has pointed out that this must have happened in812/813, namely during the reign of Michael I, and not in 815 asstated by the Life of St . Michael and the Praise of Theodore Graptos.The proclamation of the Second Iconoclasm by Leo V the Arme

    nian saw them by the side of the iconophile camp. Owing to theiropposition to the emperor's policy, they were thrown into the Phialeprison.11 According to the aforementioned hagiographical sources,the incarceration of our monks was preceded by an audience withLeo V. It was before the much-loathed emperor and his iconoclast7. See Featherstone, op . cit., p. 98 .8. Our main authority is Theophanis Chronographia. ed. C. de Boor, I, Leipzig1883, p. 49915"31.9. For this monastery, see R. ,, Im gographie ecclsiastique de l'empire byzantin ., Le sige de Constantinople et le patriarcat cumnique. 3, Les glises et les monast

    res2, Paris 1969, p. 531-538; also J. Gouili.ard, Un quartier d'migrs palestiniens Constantinople, RE.SEE 7. 1969, p. 73-76.10 . This may be gleaned from the letter to John, bishop of Gyzicus, contained in theMetaphrastic Life of Theodore Graptos (PG 116, co l 676B-C) : 8 , ; , ' ... ;see S. Vailh, Saint-Michel le Syncelle et les deux frres Graptoi. Saint Thodore etSaint Thophane, Revue de l'Orient Chrtien 6, 1901, p. 327-332. In his Regesten toep. 54 7 ( ). Fatouros. too, assigns their arrival to Leo V'sreign; see p. 481* n. 946.11. This prison, particularly associated with the iconoclastic persecution, was pro-bahly located within the Great Palace's enclosure; see R. Janin, Constantinople byzantine2. Paris 1964, p. 409.

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    144 S. EFTHYMIADISpatriarch Theodotos Melissenos that the letter of the patriarch ofJerusalem, supporting the iconophile doctrine was read out.After referring to this probably fictitious meeting, our sourcesspeak of the visit that John Grammatikos paid to the imprisonedPalestinian monks and his unsuccessful attempt at seducing theminto heresy. According to the Life of Michael and the Encomium ofTheodore, the brave resistance of the Graptoi brothers was followedby their exile to the island of Aphousia, located to the west of Cyzicuspeninsula in the sea of Marmara, whereas Michael and his fellow-monk Job remained confined in the Phiale prison until the accessionof Michael II. A different and more complicated account of Theo-phanes' and Theodore's sufferings is presented in the MetaphrasticVila of the latter, which states that during the reigns of Leo V,Michael II and Theophilos the Graptoi brothers were banished to afortress at the Black Sea mouth of the Bosphoros, the monastery ofSosthenion and finally the island of Aphousia. 12As recorded in the above sources, th e tribulations inflicted upon theGraptoi brothers during Leo V's reign are in accordance with thevarious pieces of information to be drawn from ep . 91. Moreover,their learning could well have justified the title of Grammatikoi; oneshould not forget that Theophanes Graptos was one of the leadingexponents of the flowering of Byzantine hymnography, which originatedn the Greek milieu of eighth-century Palestine. 13 Thanks to thisidentification we are now in a position to assert the veracity of thehagiographical accounts relating the encounter of the Palestiniansaints with John Grammatikos which have been seen as fictitious. 14Still, there is a minor point to be dealt with; the biographer ofSt . Michael the Synkellos places the accession of Michael II after sixyears had elapsed from the banishment of the Graptoi brothers; if thisstatement is to be taken at face value, ep . 91 dates from 815 ratherthan 816.2. Ep. 11228-29: .

    In letter 112 addressed , Theodore draws up a shortlist of ecclesiastics who sided with the iconoclastic policy of Leo V;12. A detailed presentation of what is recorded in the primary sources is providedby Cunningham, op . cit., p. 14-15 and n. 45.13 . For a global insight into this milieu, see C. Mango, La cultura greca in Palestinedopo la conquista araba, in the vol. Bisanzio fuori di Bisanzio, ed. G. Cavallo,Palermo 1991, p. 37-47.14 . See Featherstone, op . cit., p. 98; the author of the Life of St. Michael theSynkellos makes mention of a certain learned man who is not named and served asLeo V's intermediary so as to persuade the Saints to accept communion with the iconoclastic doctrines; ed. Cunningham, p. 68-70.

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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THEODORE 145among them were the bishops of Smyrna and Cherson, the abbots ofChrysopolis, Dios and Chora, as well as almost all the abbots of thecapital. In their majority militant iconodules were to be found amongthe abbots of Bithynia alone.Both in his introductory notes (p . 233*) and his index (p. 867)Fatouros holds that the genitive denotes the town of Dion inMacedonia; yet, there can be no doubt that it refers to the monastery(second in seniority in Constantinople), named, after its Syrian founder, St. Dios. This monastery was located in the valley of Lycus. 1)3. Ep. 163: .

    in this letter Theodore addresses one of the victims of the persecutionrganized by Leo V. Gregory's resistance was however unique inthat he was the only clergyman in Constantinople not to have succumbed to iconoclasm. This may be deduced from the aforementionedp. 1 12 where Gregory is also attested with his strange surname: ... , ... (ep. 1 232"33). 16 As a result of his perseverance in theright faith, he tasted the bitterness of exile. As suggested by thewords , Gregory was exiled to the islandof Prokonnesos, in the sea of Marmara. For a variety of influentialByzantines, laymen or ecclesiastics, Prokonnesos, like its neighbouringsland of Aphousia, often served as a place of exile. 17 As may alsobe inferred from Theodore's encomiastic comments, Gregory performed his liturgical duties in the church of the Holy Apostles :... , ' , - (ep. 1 216"18). 18

    15 . See Janin, op . cit., p. 97-99: and A. Berger, Untersuchungen zu den PalriaKonstantinoupoleos, Bonn 1988, p. 652-653. To St. Dios and his monastery at Constantinoplewas dedicated the iambic epigram no . LXXXIV composed by Theodore theStudite: see Jamben auf verschiedene Gegenstnde, ed. P. Speck, Berlin 1968, p. 239.16 . See Fatouros, p. 231 and 258* n. 396. -17. More details in M. Gedeon, , Constantinople 1895, p. 142-156; alsoin E. E. Bai.sames-N. S. Lampadarides, , Athens 1940, p. 43-49; on its churches and monasteries, see R. Janin, Les glises et les monastres des grandscentres byzantins, Paris 1975, p. 209-212. F. W. Hasluck, referring to this island,states: "the Byzantines generally write , as from , , which isapparently the derivation favoured by the Etymologicum Magnum on the ground thatthe island furnished to all other islands a dowry of marble!"; see Cyzicus, Cambridge1910, p. 31.18. Fatouros (p. 258*) interprets this passage as "he has taken over the legacy of theapostles and the martyrs of Christ .... For this church, see the relatively recent contributions by G. Dagron. Naissance d'unp capitale. Paris 1974, p. 401-409; and C. Ange-

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    146 S. EFTHYMIADIS4. Ep. 466: .

    Fatouros rightly holds that the addressee in question is to be distinguished from his namesake Studite monk, to whom epp. 189 and328 are addressed and whom on various occasions Theodore admonishes, ongratulates for his anti-iconoclast struggles or, what is more,includes among the confessors of his time. 19 The James of ep . 466 iscited as a confessor too and is alluded to as in ep . 46240"41. In connection with the same letteraddressed which was also communicated toJames, the Studite abbot urges his correspondent to be strict incanonical matters. Neither should one reside in a bishopric sullied bythe deeds of its holder nor share food with him until he is removedfrom his see. In his opening lines Theodore wonders how a man whohad been raised to high status in the hierarchy, who had moreoversuffered as a confessor of the faith ( St ' ) can behavein a self-humiliating manner and be carried along with the unholy. Tosupport his argument Theodore quotes St. Paul's letter to the Philip-pians 4,15ff. : "Now ye Philippians know also, that..., when Ideparted from Macedonia, no church communicated with me asconcerning giving and receiving, but ye only...".However meager these data appear to be, an identification of thispersonage with St . James the hermit and former bishop of Anchialosin Thrace may be well founded. James is one of the iconophile Saintsincluded in the Synaxarion, where his memory is celebrated on the24th of March. Nonetheless, the short entry, contradicting all other-sources, records the sequence of James' life in reverse order: heresumed his episcopal office after having led the life of a hermit.'-0The same applies to the notice in the Menologion of Basil II, where,however, the Saint is commemorated on the 21st of March.21 Underthe same date a Canon is dedicated to him in the Menaia; its headingbears the short note ' and was probably composed byames' younger contemporary, Ignatios the Deacon (770/780-

    lidi, , 5, 1983,. 91-125.19 . In his Regesten, p. 271* n. 446.20. Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, Ada Sanctorum, PropylaeumNovembris, ed . . Delkhayf:, Brussels 1902, col. 558.21. PG 117, col. 361D-364A. See also M. I. Gedron, . ' ' , Constantinople 1899, . 85, who is, however, inclined to identify St. James with James theStudite and confessor, whose demise is recorded in ep. 441, (ed. Fatouros, . 620-621). See also S. Eustratiadrs, ' ',Athens 1961, p. 207-208.

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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THEODORE 147ca. 847). Apart from his brave flight from the world, James is glorifiedin this Canon for his struggle against Iconoclasm.22An adequate knowledge about his appointment as bishop and hislater days of retirement on Mount Olympus is provided by the biographies of two Saints who were associated with him, namely Peter ofAtroa (773-1/1/837) and St. Anthony the Younger (785-1 1/1 1/865). 2:iThese sources agree in having him consecrated as bishop of Anchialosin the time of the patriarch Tarasios (784-806). Interestingly enough,in the Vita of St . Peter of Atroa {BHG 2364) his see Anchialos isprinted in the form , and considered as belonging to the themeof Macedonia.'24 This detail would offer ample justification for Theodore's reference to St . Paul's epistle quoted above. Since, in the wakeof the Nicaea Council (787), the episcopal hierarchy comprised manyiconoclastic sympathizers in its ranks, it was in the interests of Tarasios o appoint individuals like our James.25 Owing to his spiritualdesire for isolation, James abandoned his bishopric and lived as anascetic in Bithynia, where, after the lapse of several years, he earneda considerable reputation.26 It was on Mount Olympus that he strovefor the cause of icons and received the visits and the attention ofseveral monks and ascetics of this region. On this very mountain he

    22. See Menaia IV, Rome 1898, 80-84.23. The tw o versions of the Life of St. Peter of Atroa (BHG 2364 and 2365) by themonk Sabas were edited by V. Laurent; see La Vie merveilleuse de saint Pierre d'Atroa(f837), Brussels 1956; also La Vita retractata et les miracles posthumes de S. Pierred'Atroa, Brussels 1958. The tw o biographies of St. Anthony the Younger were editedby A. Papadopoulos-Kf.rameus, , Pravo-slavnyi palestinskij sbornik, vol. XIX, St. Petersburg 1907, p. 186-216; and F. Halkin,in An. Boll. 62 , 1944, p. 210-223. St. James' commemoration in the Synaxarion and theMenaia has escaped the attention of the editors, Laurent and Halkin.24. Cf. ... , , ..., ed. Laurent, 654 6(. 193); also Vita of St. Anthony the Younger, p. 20718"20. Note that the participle occurs in connection with a Church or lay official who at some point wasdismissed or resigned from his office; cf. J . Darrouzs, Episloliers byzantins duXe sicle, Paris 1960, p. 67 n. 1.

    25. Cf. Vita Tarasii (BHG 1698), ed. I. A. Heikel, Ada Societatis Scientiarum Fen-nicae 17, 1891, p. 4032227; with no dates the name of James is listed in G. Fedalto,Hierarchia Ecclesiastica Orientalis, I, Padova 1988, p. 316; on the bishopric of Anchialos,ee V. Laurent, Le corpus des sceaux de l'empire byzantin, V, 1, Paris 1963, p. 663-664.26. In letter 484547 (ed. Fatouros, p. 131) dated to 810-811, Theodore the Studiterefers to the abbot Stephen who along with 50 disciples was forced to move from hismonastery; he was joined by an unnamed bishop as well as 11 0 others. If James is thebishop in question, as postulated by Janin, it may be supposed that his resignationfrom his episcopate and assumption of the life of an anchorite were due to his oppositiono the official Church in the course of the Moechian Affair. However, Janin hasmisunderstood the passage since he considers that the number 11 0 concerns James'age; see Eglises, p. 14 8 n. 5.

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    148 S. EFTHYMIADISacted as spiritual counsellor and companion of Peter of Atroa andAnthony the Younger. The greater part of this relationship seems tohave coincided with the reign of Theophilos. Leaving his hermitageand accompanied by Peter, James travelled to St. Porphyry's monasteryn the Hellespont as well as to the hermits in the Kalonorosmountain in Lydia. Towards the year 835/836, fleeing from the iconoclastic persecution in Lydia, they reached St . Porphyry's monasterygain.27 Having maintained close links with Peter and after the lat-ter's departure for the better life (837), James took Anthony theYounger as a disciple and spent the rest of his life with him. 28 With afair degree of exaggeration, the biographer of St. Anthony the YoungerBHG 142) relates that James achieved invisibility by means ofimpassivity and places his demise at the age of 120, still in the courseof Theophilos' reign. If this is true, James would have been consecrated bishop at quite an old age. Prokopia, the wife of the emperorMichael I (811-813), closely linked with James, hastened to acquirehis relic; to this end her curator was despatched, probably from herprivate monastic retirement in Constantinople, but, owing to Anthony'sntervention, the saint was finally buried in the monastery of theEunuchs in Bithynia.29As discussed above, documentary evidence on James the hermit,former bishop of Anchialos in Thrace, is in accordance with what isrecorded in Theodore's ep . 466.5. The Studite Clement of epp. 30225, 43346 47 and 53859 60In these three letters we hear of the Studite Clement, who firstsuccumbed to the heretics and seceded from his community(ep. 30225ff , dated to 818), was then brought back to orthodoxy andrehabilitated in his monastic community; in epp. 433 and 538 he is

    27. La Vie merveilleuse, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70 and 75. It should be emphasized hereagainst Laurent that James had never been abbot of the monastery of the Eunuchs, ashe notes in p. 1 y5 n. 4 (following Menthon). His mistake was due to the misinterpretationf the passage of 671619 : ...; Laurent translates: ...au monastre voisin de Saint-Ciryque, celui del'hsychaste Jacques, bu t the correct order should be "... au monastre voisin de l'h-sychaste Jacques, celui de Saint-Ciryque". As Laurent rightly points out elsewhere{ibidem, p. 47 n. 4), James was to o old at the time to assume any such duty.28. In the Life of St. Anthony (BHG 142) St. James is attested in p. 2071830, 2082332,21229, 2132729 and 21 410. In the first citation of his name (p. 20718) the editor mistakenlyprints hiin as John and no t as James; cf. the emendations of P. Van den Ven, inBZ 19, 1910, p. 312. In the version edited by Ilalkin, St. James appears in op . cit.,p. 21320.29. See ed . Papadopoulos-Kerameus, p. 213928.

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    NOTES ON THE CORKESPON DENCE OF THEODORE 149designated as Theodore's as well as the most piousabbot ( ).As pointed out by Fatouros, in the course of Michael Ils reign,jointly with Theodore the Studite and other prelates, the abbot Clement visited St . Ioannikios on Mount Olympus. This event has beenrecorded in both the Lives of St . Ioannikios by Peter and Sabas. Itshould be noted, however, that in the text of Sabas, composed laterthan that of Peter, Clement is not designated as abbot but as notariosof Theodore the Studite.30Moreover, Laurent has identified him with , ,,, , , a person that we encounter in the Life ofSt. Peter of Atroa ( 685"6).31 Clement was associated with Paul, former bishop of Plousias in the theme of Boucellarion, who, on accountof his iconophile convictions, was banished to the region of MountOlympus. The Vita of St. Anthony the Younger informs us that thesame bishop invited the Saint to share daily lunch with him.Moreover, it was at the instigation of a certain Clement, designatedas "best of the fathers and a living icon of the love of Christ", thatthis Vita was composed.32 Following von Dobschtz's argument, Hal-kin, the editor of its second version, has underlined all the traitspointing to a text written in a Studite milieu; as regards the commissioner, he opted for Clement, who in succession to St . Nicholasbecame abbot of the Studite community.33 Nevertheless, since itstime of composition postdates the death of St. Anthony, calculated tohave happened as late as 865, this identification should be ruled outfor chronological reasons.6. Ep. 487: .

    In the opening lines allusion is made to the blessed spiritual fatherof the abbot Stephanos, who is described as having been very keen inwriting admonitory letters: 30. See Fatouros, p. 407*, who cites only the Metaphrastic Vita Ioannicii, PG 116,

    col. 68B. See also the Vitae per Petrum, AASS Nov. IT, p. 404C and per Sabam, ibidem,p. 357B. On the issues posed by both Vitae, see C. Mango, The Two Lives of St. Ioannikios and the Bulgarians, in Okeanos, Essays Presented to Ihor Sevcenko on his SixtiethBirthday by his Colleagues and Students, Harvard Ukrainian Studies 17, 1983, p. 393-404.31. See La Vie merveilleuse ..., p. 196-197 n. 4.32. See ed. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, p. 1877"9: , ...33. See Halkin, op . cit., p. 203-209; that Clement was occupying the rank of oiko-nomos before succeeding Nicholas in the abbacy of Stoudios is mentioned in the Life ofthe latter (BUG 1365), PG 10f>, 912B-C; also in the Vita S. Evaristi higumem(BUG 2153), ed. 0. Van de Vorst, An . Boll. 41. 1923. p. 3103035.

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    150 S. EFTHYMIADIS , ' , (ep. 4872"5, . 716). 34 Could that person be identical to the famousTheophanes of Megas Agros?

    First, the adjective appears to be consistently used byTheodore when referring to the deceased abbot of Megas Agros.35Second, in the Panegyric of Theophanes by Theodore the Studite thewriting of encouraging letters is noted to have been one of Theophanes' literary preoccupations.36If the correlation of the above data is justified, our addressee maybe the person by whom the Vita of St. Theophanes (BHG 1787z) wascommissioned. This piece of hagiography in high style was penned bythe future Patriarch Methodios between ca. 823 and 832; this chronologyan be established thanks to a passage that the author reproduces in his Life of St . Euthymios of Sardis (BHG 2145) and which, inhis words (... ...), hehad used in one of his earlier works, identified by the editor Gouillardwith the Vita of Theophanes.37 The adjective , whichappears in the preamble, points to someone called Stephanos.38 Thathe was an ecclesiastic, more precisely an abbot, and not a layman, ismade clear from several expressions suggesting that the text was tobe read aloud before a community at dinner.39 In the light of theabove evidence we may deduce that the addressee of the Vita ofTheophanes the Confessor is none other than his successor abbot in

    34. This letter was dated by Dobroklonskij, op . cit., p. 472-473, to the years 821-826; C. Mango and I. Srvcenko have postulated that the addressee in question was theConfessor Stephanos, abbot of the Trigleia monastery, of whom we hear in the Syn. CP,561; see Some Churches and Monasteries on the Southern Shore of the Sea of Marmara,DOP 27 , 1973, p. 238 n. 26. It may be that this was the abbot who together with hiscommunity of fifty monks appears in ep. 4845ff to have suffered persecution in thecourse of the Moechian controversy.35. We may here list ep. 3963 ( ); ep. 31 99 ( ); andep . 291 12 addressed to Theophanes himself.36. On this see especially Le pangyrique de S. Thophane le confesseur parS. Thodore Stoudite (BHG 1792b), d. S. Efthymiadis, An. Boll. Ill, 1993, p. 276-278; mention is made of the letters Theophanes wrote to his sister who had become anun as well as those he addressed to the iconophile circles after Leo V had proclaimedthe reinstatement of Iconoclasm : ... , ... ( 9) and: ... ... ( 12).37. See TM 11, 1987, p. 59Me.38. See ed. . LatySev, Methodii Patriarchae Constantinopolitani Vita S. Theo-phanis Confessons, Mmoires de l'Acadmie des Sciences de Bussie, VIIIe srie,vol. XIII, n 4, St. Petersburg 1918, p. l2.39. Ibidem, p. 2122.

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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THEODORE 151Megas Agros. This statement can be confirmed by proceeding to afurther identification.In the concluding section of ep. 487, after having dealt with theissue of the acceptance of the clergy repenting from heresy, Theodoreinforms his addressee that the brother Symeon had already been given a response on the same matter, probably no different than thatcontained in ep . 534. As it becomes clear from the following ep. 488( ), Symeon was in charge of a communityesiding on the mountain of Cyzicus. 40 It is plausible to assume,therefore, that the abbot Stephanos, then at the head of the neighbouring monastery of Megas Agros, was on familiar terms withSymeon and his community. The identity of this monastery is, however, uncertain. 417. Symeon the Confessor of epp. 332 and 534; cited also in epp. 48741 and4882.

    Having located Symeon's monastic activity, we are now in a position to examine the question of his identity. Five addressees by thename of Symeon occur in the corpus of Theodore's letters; they are allmonks. Symeon of epp. 21-23 was a relative of the emperor Nikepho-ros I (802-811) and apparently served as an intermediary between theimperial court and the Studites in the course of the Moechian controversy.42 Epp. 8 and 26 are destined for two abbots by the same name;devoid of any concrete prosopographical information, these letters,composed prior to 810, give no basis fo r attempting any identification.43imilar obscurity covers the identity of a certain Symeon mentioned on Theodore's iambic epigram XCII.44Furthermore, Fatouros is right in disputing the identification ofSymeon the monk of epp. 332 and 534 (also cited in epp. 48741 and4882) with either of his two namesake Studite monks, also Theodore'scorrespondents.45 The Symeon in question was another victim of theSecond Iconoclasm and manifested a monastic activity independentlyto that of the communitv of Stoudios.

    40 . Cf. ep. 4882"3 : ... , ...and ep. 48828: ... ... (d. Fatouros, p. 718-719).41. Un the location of Megas Agros and its neighbouring Cyzicus. see Mango-Sevcenko, art. cit., p. 259-267 (with references to primary and secondary sources).42 . He is cited in Theophanes, ed . de Boor, I, p. 4932425 and the Laudation of Plato,abbot of Saccoudion, PG 99 , 837C; see Fatouros, p. 161* n. 82, and W. Treadgold, TheByzantine Revival, Stanford, California, 1988. p. 131. 154, 405-406 n. 168. 40 9 n. 200.43 . See Fatouros. p. 150* n. 41 , and p. 167* n. 99 .44. See Spkck, op. cit., p. 248-249.45. See p. 350* n. 675, and especially p. 445* n. 874: in favour of this identificationargued Dobroki.onsku. op. cit.. p. 473-474.

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    152 S. EFTHYMIADISHis struggle fo r the cause of the icons is attested in ep . 332, writtenbetween 815 and 818, whereas ep. 534 refers to canonical matters.Theodore compliments Symeon for not having lain prostrate whileconfronting John Grammatikos, the leader of impiety ( ); and concludes by inviting his addressee to communicate anyinformation regarding the condition of himself and his holy community... ).46 In the light of this evidence, it would be plausible toassume that this community was no other than that of ep . 488, dwellingn the mountains of Cyzicus.To my knowledge, there existed at least two contemporary ecclesiastics bearing the same name: Symeon the Decapolite and Symeonthe Stylite, one of the three holy brothers native of the island ofLesbos. Engaged in the struggle against Iconoclasm, they appear in anumber of sources which are worth examining in some detail.The former was an influential personage who figures in passing inthree hagiographical texts. Chronologically first among them is theLife of St. Gregory the Decapolite (BHG 711), composed not muchlater than 843. It was in his native Isauria that Symeon offered spiritual refuge and tonsured his sister's son, Gregory, after the latter hadsuffered his first vicissitudes at the hands of the local iconoclasts.Separated fo r a long period of time, uncle and nephew maintained acorrespondence, until they met again in Constantinople shortly beforeor immediately following Theophilos' death (20 January 842).Symeon was then set free from prison after a confinement due to his

    orthodox beliefs. He must have outlived his nephew and probablywas one of the informants of Ignatios the Deacon when the latter wascomposing the biography of Gregory. 47As indicated by two other hagiographical documents, the geography of Symeon's activity appears to have radiated beyond Isauriaand the capital. The Life of the Patriarch Euthymios (BHG 651),dating from the tenth century (later than 932), supplies us with theinformation that Symeon was the founder of a monastic establishmentn Thessaloniki, a city that twice served as a respite to thesolitary tour of Gregory the Decapolite.48 As a wonderworker hailing

    46. See ep. 33216M 34-3e, ed. Fatouros, p. 473.47. For references to Symeon in this text see F. Dvornik, La vie de Saint Grgoire leDecapolite et les Slaves macdoniens au ix" sicle, Paris 1926, p. 497, 51 27, 521 10, 71520.For the dating of this text, see C. Mango, On Re-reading the Life of St. Gregory theDecapolite, 13/1, 1985, p. 644-645; on the author and his informants, seeS. Efthymiadis, On the Hagiographical Work of Ignatius the Deacon, JOB 4\, 1991,p. 78-79.48. Ed. P. Karlin-Hayter, Brussels 1970, p. 5918"30, and 612830; unlike the second,Gregory's first stay at Thessaloniki was not of a long duration; see Dvornik, op . cit.,

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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THEODORE 153from the Decapolis Symeon is further cited in the last of a collect ionof three miracles of St . Nicholas (BHG 1356) compiled, according toAnrieh, its editor, in the second half of the ninth century; it recountsthe miraculous rescue of Symeon's disciple Nicholas, whose shipencountered a storm when sailing off the sea-shore of Katabolos, i.e.the coastal area situated immediately west of Kios.49 In view of thecourse of his disciple's voyage, this text adds an interesting touchregarding Symeon's location at the time; did Nicholas depart fromsome point in the Cyzicus peninsula?Whether a text of an early or a late composition, the so-called Adagraeca SS. Davidis, Symeonis el Georgii in insula Lesbo {BHG 494) areby and large a reliable source for the life of Symeon the Stylite (764/5-844), confessor fo r the cause of the right doctrine. Whereas the eldestbrother David did not outlive the end of the eighth century, the othertwo, Symeon and George, died much later, shortly after the officialreturn of Orthodoxy.50 Having spent the best part of his life on theisland of Lesbos, Symeon descended from his pillar in the early 820's,in the years of Thomas the Slav's rebellion, and departed for Byzantium.51 On his way to the capital, he landed at the monastery ofMedikion, where he encountered its famous abbot Niketas. Later on,in the reign of Theophilos, he was arrested and scourged by a certainCosmas patrikios; along with the tattooed Graptoi brothers he wasexiled to the island of Aphousia until the death of the iconoclastemperor.52 The Ada depict him as having played a prominent role inthe restoration of icons assisting the empress Theodora and her senatorial entourage. On the very day of the celebration of the reinstatedOrthodoxy, the first Sunday of Lent 843, he was appointed synkellosof the patriarch Methodios and was offered the spiritual direction ofthe monastery of Sergios and Bacchos, which, on account of its former abbot, John Grammatikos, had presumably a blemished record.53 Death, however, was not to meet him in the capital; dictatedp. 6315 ( ) and 556 (... ). For the dating of the Vita Euthymii. see D. Sophianos. (Vita Euthymii) (f917) ,EEBS 38 , 1971, . 289-296.49. See G. Anrich, Hagios Nikolaos, 1, Leipzig- Berlin 1913, p. 195-197; also ,p. 381-382.50. The text was edited by J. Van de Gheyn, An. Boll. 18, 1899, p. 211-259. Seealso Sevcenko, Hagiography ..., p. 1 17-1 18 and n. 36; for a dating as early as between863 and 865 argued A. Kazhdan, Hagiographical Notes, Byz. 54 , 1984, p. 185-188.51. See ibidem, p. 231-233; the evidence offered by this document was discussed byP. Lemeri.e, Thomas le Slave. TM 1. 1965, p. 261-263.52. Ibidem, p. 233-234 and 238-241.53 . See ibidem, p. 244-250; according to other sources, the office of synkellos of thePatriarch Methodios for the years 843-846. was occupied by Michael Synkellos; see

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    154 S. EFTHYMIADISby homesickness or their wish to restore the proper veneration oficons, the departure of Symeon and his brother George for their homeisland was effected by means of an imperial dromon ( ). They died in 844 and 845 respectively. 54To Symeon the Stylite was not only reserved such a distinguishedplace as a commemoration in the Synodikon of Orthodoxy; he is alsomentioned in a fragment attributed to the Patriarch Methodios,which touches upon the sanctions imposed on the clergy who accepted iconoclasm. In both documents his name is placed side by sidewith two of the major spiritual figureheads of Second Iconoclasm,St . Ioannikios and St . Hilarion, abbot of the monastery of Dalma-tos. 55

    At the instigation of a certain Symeon was written the lengthy Vitaof St . Euthymios of Sardis (BHG 2145), another work by Methodios.In the preamble the author addresses him by the words , , ... indicating that he was at thehead of a monastic community.56 Whereas Gouillard, the editor ofthe Vita, hesitated between Symeon the Stylite of Lesbos andSymeon the Decapolite, Mango opted for the latter in view of Euthymios' provenance from Lycaonia, a region adjacent to Isauria.57Couched in a convoluted style, this piece of learned hagiography must

    Cunningham, op . cil., p. 1042831. In view of the novel XIII of Heraklios, only tw osynkelloi could be attached to the patriarch at , a time, and these may have beenSymeon and Michael; see J. Konidaris, Die Novellen des Kaisers Herakleios, FontesMinores, V, ed . D. Simon, Frankfurt 1982, p. 62-72, esp. 6672 73. It should also be notedthat a seal dating from the ninth century bears witness to another abbot of St. Sergios,named John, who was a synkellos too; see G. Zacos-A. Veglery, Byzantine LeadSeals, 1/2, Basel 1972, p. 1135 (no. 2031).54. Symeon died a year after his return to Lesbos, which occurred shortly before oron the 8th September 843, when the two brothers celebrated the birthday of the VirginMary; combine p. 253522 with p. 25511. George died on Holy Saturday in 845; seeibidem, p. 258333e. The editor Van de Gheyn misdated Symeon' and George's demiseto 843 and 844; see ibidem, p. 210-211.55. See J. Gouii.lard, Le Synodikon de l'Orthodoxie. dition et commentaire,TM 2, 1967, p. 53132; and J. Darrouzs, Le patriarche Mthode contre les iconoclasteset les Stoudites, BEB 45 , 1987, p. 54.56. See J. Gouillard, La vie d'Euthyme de Sardes ("f" 831). Une uvre dupatriarche Mthode, TM 10, 1987, p. 2145; references to the person at whose behestthis text was written also in p. 3316 ie7 and p. 87957"959.57. See J. Gouillard, Une uvre indite du patriarche Mthode: la Vie d'Euthymede Sardes, BZ 53 , 1960, p. 43; cf. Idem, art. cit. (above n. 37), p. 15 n. 81; and Mango,art. cil. (above n. 47), p. 646 n. 34.

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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THEODORE 155have been commissioned by an erudite personage, certainly otherthan the stylite Symeon.58At the end of this survey, the question remains whether Symeonthe Confessor and correspondent of Theodore the Studite was one ofthe two holy figures examined above. Whereas all the particularscollected by the lengthy Ada of the three brothers speak against anidentification with Symeon the Stylite, they can, conversely, be applicable to Symeon the Decapolite. In the absence of further evidence,however, no definite answer can be given whether the latter coincideswith Symeon, the addressee of Theodore. The same applies to Symeonthe commissioner of the Life of Euthymios of Sardis.8. John bishop of Chalcedon: epp. 245 and 312.

    Appearing in a good number of sources John of Chalcedon wasreckoned among the prominent ecclesiastics of his time; a formermember of the Senate, his secular surname was Kamoulianos.59 Inholy orders he manifested an iconophile activity (epp. 2451931 and3122728), whereby he wore the crown of confession. His memory iscelebrated in the Synaxarion and in the Imperial Menologium of BasilI on 29 July;60 a still unedited Canon was composed in his honourunder the date of 18 July.61 Under the same date and jointly withthat of the patriarch Stephanos, former bishop of Amaseia, the nameof a John metropolitan of Chalcedon re-appears in the so-called "Syn-axaristes of twelve months" compiled by Nikodemos of Mount Athos.Whether he was the confessor of the Second Iconoclasm or a laterfigure cannot be safely determined.6258. Admittedly, the biography of Symeon does not yield much evidence of his learning; t simply states that his elder brother David taught him the holy Psalter as well aseverything fitting to the monastic order; see Van de Gheyn, ibidem, p. 2182629.59. Sources referring to John are presented in Fatouros, p. 300* n. 536; amongthem Theodore's XXII Parva Catechesis (ed. E. Auvray, Pans 1891, p. 79ff. BUG2185); on his senatorial past, see ep. 2451718; with his surname he is attested only in theVita Ioannicii per Sabam, op . cit., 357B. Note that the same surname was borne byTheodore the patrician, a dignitary attached to Constantine VI : Theophanis Chrono-

    graphia, ed. de Boor, p. 46423, 46567 and 4682425.60. The Syn. CP dedicates to him but a brief entry in col. 853-854; the same appliesto the Menologium of Basil II, PG 117, 565A; see also Eustratiades, op . cit., p. 237.61. Among others this canon is preserved in codex 150 of the monastery of theTransfiguration at Meteora (f. 172-174V); on this manuscript see N. A. Bees, , , Athens 1967, p. 173. Prof. V. Katsaros has kindly informedme that he is preparing a study on John of Chalcedon and the critical edition of hiscanon.62. See Gedeon, op . cit. (supra n. 21), p. 130; Idem, , . 349n. 440; Gedeon is inclined to assign this identity to the patriarch John IX Agapetos(1111-1 134); see also , 88 ,II, Athens 1868, . 267. The whole issue was treated in detail by V. Katsaros, '

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    156 S. EFTHYMIADIS9. Maria the nun.

    That Maria was a close relative of Theophanes the Confessor issuggested by a number of references emphasizing her links with thefamous abbot of Megas Agros. Since Theophanes' former wife, Mega-10 , is the recipient of epp. 292 and 323 together with Maria, it followsthat for an unspecified period of time Maria's religious life was alsoassociated with the convent on the island of Prinkipos; there Mgalotook her monastic vows after a two year brother-and-sister marriagewith Theophanes.63 To Maria alone is addressed ep . 396 and possiblyep . 331, if in the only concrete information about the virtue of herfamily Theophanes' noble origin is alluded to.64 We do not knowwhen she was tonsured as the biographies of Theophanes fail to makeany reference to her. Her identity was first investigated by Pargoirewho on the basis of the expression , (ep. 32341) concluded that Maria was either Megalo's sister orher niece.65 Indeed, although the use of the word can beurged as evidence fo r such an interpretation of the passage, it has fewarguments in its favour. When the learned Assumptionist proceededto this identification, he did not have at his disposal the oldest amongthe hagiographical texts composed in honour of Theophanes, the Panegyric by Theodore the Studite {BHG 1792b). Referring to Theophanes' spiritual activity the latter relates his efforts to encourage hissister to be strict with her duties and conform to her monastic devotion. Having not seen her ever since her reception in the monastic life,the abbot of Megas Agros used to grant his spiritual support by meansof admonitory letters.66The same troublesome behaviour must have been the cause ofep . 396 composed shortly after the demise of Theophanes (12/3/818).. , , Thessaloniki 1988,. 115-118.63. Both Mgalo and Maria are designated as ... (ep. 29234) or , (ep. 32341). It isodd that Theodore addresses Theophanes' wife by her secular name Mgalo, and nother religious name Irene; on her name and the place of her monastic tonsure, seePanegyric by Theodore the Studite {BHG 1792b), ed . Efthymiadis, p. 272, and Vita ofTheophanes by Methodios {BUG 1787z), ed. Latyrv, p. 152326. Note that Fatourosmistakenly cites her wordly name as Irene, p. 329* n. 620.64 . Cf. ep . 331 lon: . . . ; Fatouros holdsthat she is no t the same as the relative of Theophanes, p. 349* n. 674.65. See ,1. Pargoire, Saint Thophane le Chronographie et ses rapports avec SaintThodore Studite, FF 9, 1902, p. 53.66. Cf. 9: ' , ' , , , , ed . Efthymiadis, p. 276.

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    NOTES ON THE COHRESPON DENCE OF THEODORE 157In order to avoid persecution Maria kept her vocation concealed fromthe iconoclasts by wearing secular clothes; Theodore emphasizesTheophanes' endeavours regarding her salvation and exhorts her topersevere in the right faith. Interestingly enough, when reminding hisaddressee of the time of her tonsure Theodore alludes to the evangelicalword that physically separated Maria from Theophanes. 7 It isreasonable that this allusion would better accord with a relative bybirth than to one by marriage. Following this argumentation thereare now good reasons to believe that Maria was no other than thesister of Theophanes the Confessor.10. John of Sardis: epp. 157 and 451; also in ep. 41517.On the addressee and the dating of these letters (probably alsomeant in ep . 41517) see my article "John of Sardis and the Mela-phrasis of the Passio of St . Nikephoros the Martyr (BHG 1334)", inRivista di Studi bizantini e neoellenici 28, 1991, p. 23-26.11. Leo patrician and sacellarios.

    Having thus far dealt with ecclesiastics it may be now worth investigating the identity of several lay officials who corresponded with theStudite abbot or are simply referred to in his correspondence.The five letters (epp. 86, 293, 400, 478, 521) addressed to Leo aswell as the short reference to him (ep. 10610) span a period of eightyears (815-823) and are characteristic not only of the flattering comments on the beliefs of the addressee, but also in appealing to hisintermediary role between the emperor and the iconophile circles.58The combination of the honorific dignity of patrikios and the office ofsacellarios in the heading of ep . 400 indicates that Leo was the imperial ather than the patriarchal sacellarios. It seems that Leo was oneof those dignitaries who, despite their iconophile convictions, continued to hold high offices under iconoclast rule.According to Treadgold, he is identical to Leo patrikios and sacellarios, eunuch from Sinope, who, first appointed by Irene, in 802 sided

    67. See ep. 396e~8 (ed. Fatouros, p. 551) : , ' - ; the allusion is to Matthew 10.34.68. Fatouros (p. "221* n. 263) considers that Leo, recipient of all these letters, is oneand the same person, apparently older than Theodore; though the latter fails to offer usany clues, the same Leo, styled simply as , could well have been the recipient ofep. 98. The intermediary role for the official re-establishment of the veneration of iconscan be credited to him on the assumption that he was the personage who, soon after theaccession of Michael 11 (821), organized a meeting of the iconophile prelates with theemperor; see Vita of Theodore the Studite (BUG 1754), PG 99 . 31 7B and Treadgoi.d.Revival, p. 23 1 and 423 n. 316. Fatouros assigns this role to Stephanos asecretis, theaddressee of ep. 419. see p. 399* n. 779; on this personage see below p. 160-161.

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    158 S. EFTHYMIADISwith the conspirators who overthrew her; his long-lasting career in theimperial service might have ended later than the official restoration ofthe icons in 843. 69 Whereas this may be the case with this Leo, anidentification with the following two associated with the Studitebrotherhood has no arguments in favour. In the absence of any clues,Speck rightly left in suspense the identification of Leo patrikiosoccurring in six iambic epigrams of the Studite, with the one in thecorrespondence. 70 A hypatos Leo is also cited in the Vitae of St . Theodore the Studite; yet neither his office nor the fact that he was latertonsured and given the monastic name of Theodore allows thehypothesis that he was the Leo in question.71With the same combined title the same name figures in the twoVitae of St . Ioannikios. Together with Agapetos the imperial cubic-ularios and protovestiarios, a Leo patrician and sacellarios visited thewonderworker hermit in his retirement on Mount Olympus to receivehis blessing. This visit, related to a miraculous liberation of a Byzantineaptive from the Arabs, must have taken place at the beginningof the empress Theodora's regency (842-856), when the fate of Byzantineaptives taken at Amorion (838) was still unknown.72 There isfinally an extant seal bearing the name of Leo patrician, imperialprotospatharios and sacellarios, but Laurent was inclined Lo date it tothe second half of the ninth century rather than to the period of theSecond Iconoclasm. 7312. Crateros, strategos of Anatolikon (ep. 38212).

    In the catechetical ep . 382, composed in early spring 819, soonbefore the exile to Boneta had violently ended, Theodore provides us69. See Treadgold, Revival, p. 343 and n. 464 with the references to the sources.The earliest attestation of his name is that in Theophanes, ed . dr Boor, I, p. 477lff ;with no title bu t with the surname the same official recurs in Kedrenos,Compendium Historiarum, ed. I. Bkkker, II, Bonn 1839, p. 291112; this was pointedout by F. Winkelmann, Quellenstudien zur herrschenden Klasse von Byzanz im 8. un d9. Jahrhundert, Berlin 1987, p. 157.70. See Speck, op . cit., p. 310-314; Leo the patrician donated an icon to the monasteryf Stoudios; he was married to Anna until they both embraced the monastic life

    and founded two monasteries; Leo was buried in a convent called ". Ile is referredto in epigrams 934, 1074, 1092, 1141, 11 5 and 1207.71. He was one of the major informants regarding the miraculous deeds of theStudite abbot; see Vita B, PG 99 , 304D-305A-B; Vila (BUG 1755), ibidem, 208G; andVita C {BUG 1755d), ed . B. Latysev, VV 21 , 1914, p. 2922627 and 29378.72 . See Vila per Petrum, AASS Nov. II, p. 425C, and Vita per Sabam, ibidem,p. 378D-379A where, however, the mention of Agapetos, the official who accompaniedLeo, is missing. Note also that Treadgold (Revival, p. 343) erroneously dates this visit toTheophilos' time (ca. 838).73 . This is seal no . 757; on which see V. Laurent, Le corpus des sceaux de l'empirebyzantin, II, Paris 1981, p. 395.

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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THEODORE 159with the earliest attestation of the dignity of the (38213); in association with a parallel mention of the same title in theLife of St . George of Amastris (BHG 668), this question was to someextent discussed by Kazhdan and needs not detain us in the presentstudy.74 What concerns us here is the identity of a higher official,Crateros, strategos of the theme of Anatolikon, designated inep . 38212 by the participle .The discovery of a Studite Catechesis propounding the iconophiledoctrines met with the virulent reaction of Leo V; the strategos of thetheme of Anatolikon was ordered to send the comes cortes to investigatehe Studite abbot about this matter. After their dwelling hadbeen thoroughly searched, Nicholas and Theodore were flogged; thelatter was seriously injured. With the full date of the 23th of Februaryhis event is repeated in the so-called Vita of Theodore by themonk Michael (BHG 1754), where, however, the strategos, named Crateros, is presented as having personally been involved in inflicting thetortures. 75

    Sources pertaining to the early ninth century record three militarydignitaries named Crateros; they have been examined by Winkelmann, who surmised that the Crateroi were an influential family ofthe military aristocracy.76 First, a strategos of the theme of theCibyrrhaeots who made an unsuccessfull attempt to take Crete backfrom the Arabs; escaping slaughter he was despatched to the island ofCos in the Dodecanese, where soon afterwards the Saracens seizedhim; he eventually met a violent death by crucifixion. Such Byzantine uthors as Genesios, Theophanes' Continuers and Pseudo-Symeon assign this expedition to the late years of the reign ofMichael II (autumn of 828), but Tsougarakis has recently argued for adating within the reign of Theophilos. 77 Second, Crateros protospath-arios and strategos of Thrace who owned an extant seal dated to the

    74. See A. Kazhdan, Hagiographieal Notes, Byz. 56 , 1986, p. 148-149 and n. 5.75. See PG 99 , 296A-C; further but shorter references to the same event are made inthe Vita , ibidem, 200 A -("I ; Vila C, ed . Latysev, IT 21 . 1914. p. 288929; Vila ofSt. Nicholas the Studite (BHG 1365), PG 105, 884B. Note that both in his Regesten(p. 374*) and the apparatus (p. 526) Fatouros wrongly prints that the comes cortes. andnot the strategos, was named Crateros.76. See op . cil., p. 163.77. Primary sources in Genesios, ed. A. Lf.smueixer-Wif.nf.r and ,J . Thurn, Berlin1978, p. 34; Theophanis Continuatus, ed. I. Bekkkr, Bonn 1838, p. 79-80 and Pseudo-Syrneon, ibidem, p. 623. Crateros' unsuccessful attempt came after the joint (and unsuccessful) attack of Photeinos and Damianos: see Treadgoi.d. Revival, p. 254 and 429n. 355, who dates this event to the autumn of 828; for a conflicting view, see D. Tsui -c;arakis. Byzantine Crete, Athens 1988, p. 41-44.

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    160 S. EFTHYMIADIS8/9th century. 78 Third, the well-known eunuch Theodore Grateros,who as patrikios and protospatharios defended Amorion in 883 andturned out to be the leading figure among the 42 Byzantine captiveswho were martyred in 845. 79

    That the Crateroi were a distinguished family enjoying worldlyhonour can also be inferred from a splendid house at Constantinoplewhich, according to a glossed notice of the Suda, belonged to a certainCrateros, later became the residence of Romanos Lakapenos, thefuture emperor (920-944), and finally was converted into a conventcalled Myrelaion. 80Whereas an identification of our strategos with Theodore Crateroshas no arguments in its favour, chronological proximity may suggestthat the two strategoi of the Cibyrrhaeots and of Anatolikon were oneand the same person.8113. Stephanos asecretis (ep. 419) and Stephanos magistros (ep. 420).

    Both Stephanoi seem to have been devoted iconophiles who hadoccupied a high post in the imperial bureaucracy during and beforeMichael II's reign. Soon after the accession of the latter (821), Theodoreurges them to influence the emperor in favour of the restorationof the icons. 8278. See P. Maas, BZ 20 , 1911, p. 613, quoting K. Regung, Byzantinische Bleisiegel,moires du congrs international de Numismatique, Brussels 1910, p. 39-45 (notaccessible to me).79 . See V. Vasii.'evskij - P. Nikitin, Skazanija 42 Amorijskich mucenikach i cer-kounaja sluzba im, Mmoires de Acadmie impriale des sciences de St. Ptersbourg,VIIIe srie, VI 1/2, St. Petersburg 1905, passim; F. Halkin, Ilagiologie byzantine, Brus-sels 1986, p. 158; also the recent study by S. Kotzabassi, To MB' ' : , ' ' 2, 1992, . 147 ( 367'8) and 151.Note that, far from being uniform, the nine texts (BMG 1209- 121 4b) relating theexploits of the 42 Martyrs assign to Theodore Crateros a variety of offices; on this seeVasil'evskij- Nikitin, p. 203-205.80. For the entry of the Suda, this house and its possible owners, see C. Mango, Ledveloppement urbain de Constantinople ( ve-vw sicles), Paris 1990, p. 59 and n. 49-50;for the gloss of the Suda, see also A. Steiner, Byzantinisches im Wortschatz der Suda,

    in Studien zur Byzantinischen Lexikographie, Vienna 1988, p. 164.81. It should be noted that in ep . 407 ( ), written in May or July 819,after Theodore was transferred from Boneta to Smyrna, mention is made of a personpresiding over "the five themes": ... ( ) ... (ep. 40752'53). This difficult passage was interpreted as referring to amonostrategos who was responsible for a large military sphere by J. B. Bury, in AHistory of the Eastern Roman Empire from the Fall of Irene to the Accession of Basil I(A.D. 802-867), London 1912, p. 10 n. 4. If Bury is right in his interpretation, thisperson could be identical to our Crateros.82. See ep. 41 94 7 : ;ep. 42029"30: ... ' ; both

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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THEODORE 161If the addressee of ep . 419 is no different from Stephanos asecretisof ep . 5, dating from 796 and touching on the Moechian Affair, asFatouros is inclined to suggest (p. 148* n. 30), we may not only hazard the guess that his administrative career spanned a period of thirtyyears, but also assign to him the seal no. 3184 of Zacos-Veglery, dating from the eighth century.83 Nonetheless, given the evidence of atext quoted above, this career must not have had a happy end.Indeed, the biographer of St . Michael the Synkellos refers to a certainStephanos asecretis who was on familiar terms with th e Saint and hisdisciples and "was advised by them concerning the orthodox teachings". It was after the accession of Theophilos that he was denouncedto the emperor as being orthodox. Unable to endure the subsequentsufferings, he succumbed to the heresy; yet, thanks to the encouragingetters of Michael, he showed repentance and confessed that Christ

    should be venerated in icons. Finally, along with the spatharios Kal-lonas, another noble and learned man, he was condemned to banishment nd his property was confiscated.84Some further information about Stephanos asecretis is to be drawnfrom ep . 54 which Ignatios the Deacon addressed . In writing this letter Ignatios was prompted bythe following matter. Having inherited a book of Gospels from hisbrother, he gave it to Stephanos, who (now transported to the realmof the blessed) at that time was conspicuous among the imperial secretaries ( ); requestedby Stephanos for the purpose of collation ( ), it was lentanew to Michael, the bishop of Synada, who failed to return it, due tohis unexpected demise (known to have occurred in May 826). Ignatios, writing between 843 and 847, is asking the patriarch Methodiosto intervene and demand it back from the bishop of Hierapolis whothen had it in his possession. Expelled from his post after theenthronement of Theophilos, Stephanos did not presumably survivethe restoration of icons (842). 85

    letters date from early 821 . Note that Stephanos asecretis is particularly alluded to as aman of learning; see ep. 4191011: ... ...83. See Zacos-Veglery, op . cit., 1/3, Basel 1972, p. 1775-1776.84. See Th e Life of Michael the Synkellos, ed. Cunningham, p. 74257822.85. See M. I. Gedeon, , I/I, Constantinople1903, col. 52-53; his sufferings during the reign of Theophilos give no support to thehypothesis that our Stephanos is identifiable with Stephanos asecretis, surnamed Kapi-tolites, recorded as a poet at the court of the same emperor in ca. 838, in Theoph. Cont.,p. 143. The latter may have been identical to a learned correspondent of Photios: seeep. 214, , ed. . Laourdas-L. G. Westerink, II, Leipzig 1984,p. 117-119. According to the editors this letter dates from Photios' first patriarchate(858-867).

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    162 S. EFTHYMIADISBefore tackling the issue of th e official veneration of icons, Theodore n ep . 420 expresses his sympathy to Stephanos magistros for thedeath of his wife. This Stephanos was probably the same person whoappears in the Vitae Ioannicii by Peter and Sabas where he is cited as and respec

    tively.86 Suffering from a mental disease resulting from poisoningcaused by her servants, Stephanos' wife visited the Saint in his retirement close to the monastery of Antidion, and was miraculouslyhealed. In the older Life by Peter this miraculous healing is recountedafter the aforementioned visit of Leo sacellarios, i.e. later than thedeath of Theophilos. In a slightly different historical context, that ofthe iconoclastic persecution of Theophilos, the same visit is alluded toin the Life by Sabas. It becomes evident, therefore, that this incident,if related in a chronologically reliable sequence in both Vitae, is contradictory to ep . 420, bearing witness to the demise of Stephanos'spouse. Unless the one who visited Ioannikios is his wife by a secondmarriage, there are reasons to suppose that the addressee of ep . 420was other than his namesake documented in the Vitae Ioannicii.14. Democharis general logothete, then strategos.

    Under iconoclast rule and despite his iconophile convictions, Democharis held the dignity of general logothete and was a correspondentboth of Theodore the Studite (ep. 426) and Ignatios the Deacon(epp. 21-24). 87 Worthy of attention is the letter of condolence to hiswidow ( ep . 454) which allows us to establishthat our dignitary did not survive the Studite abbot (d . 11/11/826).This letter yields evidence that, in addition to serving as , Democharis must have enjoyed a distinguished militarycareer, hence the expression that we encounterin the opening words (ep. 4522). Nonetheless, it is hard to determinewhen this office was held by him. Both the explicit references ofTheodore to his education and the convoluted diction in which Ignatios writes to him, speak of the high degree of culture their correspondent enjoyed.88 In letter 24 the latter makes it clear that hisaddressee was forced to withdraw from his official duties; Treadgold

    86. See AASS Nov. II, 427A-B and 364C; Fatouros (p. 400* n. 781) cites only theMetaphrastic Vila (BUG 937), PG 1 16, 73D, where Stephanos is described as one of themagistroi of that time.87. For Ignatios' letters addressed to Democharis, see Gedeon, ...,col. 21-27; C. Mango, Observations on the Correspondence of Ignatius, Metropolitan ofNicaea (first half of the ninth century), berlieferungsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen,p. 408 [= Byzantium and its Image, London 1984, XII].88. See ep . 45426~27: ...;ed . Fatouros, p. 644.

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    NOTES ON THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THEODORE 1^3has speculated that his rank was taken over by another correspondentof Theodore, Pantoleon, heretofore logothetes. 89By recourse to the corpus of letters of the Patriarch Photios, wemay speculate that Democharis was also related to one of his correspondents; his ep . 49 is addressed ' .90 The preposition followed by a name in theaccusative meant "in th e service of" in the early Byzantine period,but already by the late eighth century it must have denoted associationith a particular household or family.9115. An additional witness to ep. 532.

    Before concluding this study we may note that folios 305-306v ofcod. 169 of the monastery of Lavra on Mount Athos have independently preserved the text of ep . 532; 92 this manuscript, which onpaleographical grounds should be dated to the 13th century, gives thefollowing heading: -. 93Stephanos EfthymiadisCenter for Byzantine StudiesDumbarton Oaks

    89. See Treadgoi.d, Revival, p. 427 n. 341; to the logothetes Pantoleon are addressedpp. 425 and 523.90. Ed. B. Laourdas-L. G. Westerink, I, Leipzig 1983, p. 94.91. See A. Cameron, Cyril of Scythopolis, V. Sabae 53; a Note on in LateGreek, Glotta 56 , 1978, p. 92-93; also cf. P. Wirth, Nikolaos und nicht , Eustathios und nicht Eustathios , 56 , 1963, . 235-236 [= Eustathiana Amsterdam 1980, p. 5-6]. The name of Kanta-kouzenos' family was probably formed after a similar construction: see D. M. Nicoi.,The Byzantine Family of Kanlakouzenos (Cantacuzenus) ca. 1100-1460, Washington D.C.1968, p. vni-ix. E. Patlagean is mistaken in suggesting that already by the eighthcentury its precise connotation was that of the name of the father; see Les dbuts del'aristocratie byzantine et le tmoignage de l'historiographie: systme des noms et liensde parent aux ixe-xe sicles, Th e Byzantine Aristocracy ix to xui Centuries, d.M. Angoid, Oxford 1984, p. 33.92. See Fatouros, p. 795-804; this letter is datable to the year 826; see ibidem,p. 473* and n. 925.93. On this manuscript, see S. Eustratiades, ..., Cambridge - Paris 1925. p. 95-96; also Idem, ' Aaupac. Paris 1930, p. 35. Note that Eustratiades misdates itto the 15th century.