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Study on Access to Education and Training –Tender No EAC/38/04, Lot 1 By Manuel Souto Otero and Andrew McCoshan Accompanying Annexes to a Final Report for the European Commission

ECOTEC Research & Consulting Limited Priestley House 12-26 Albert Street Birmingham B4 7UD United Kingdom Tel: +44 (0)121 616 3600 Fax: +44 (0)121 616 3699 Web: www.ecotec.com

Study on Access to Education and Training –Tender No EAC/38/04, Lot 1 By Manuel Souto Otero and Andrew McCoshan Accompanying Annexes to a Final Report for the European Commission November 2005 ECOTEC Research and Consulting Limited Priestley House 12-26 Albert Street Birmingham B4 7UD UK Tel: +44 (0)121 616 3600 Fax: +44 (0)121 616 3699 Website: www.ecotec.com

6-8 Marshalsea Road London SE1 1HL UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7089 5550 Fax: +44 (0)20 7089 5559 13b Avenue de Tervuren B-1040 Bruxelles Belgique Tel: +32 (2)743 8949 Fax: +32 (2)743 7111 Modesto Lafuente 63 – 6a E-28003 Madrid España Tel: +34 91 535 0640 Fax: +34 91 533 3663 31-32 Park Row Leeds LS1 5JD UK Tel: +44 (0)113 244 9845 Fax: +44 (0)113 244 9844 Tower Business Centre Portland Tower Portland Street Manchester M1 3LF Tel: +44 (0) 161 238 4965 Fax: +44 (0) 161 238 4966

Annex One

ISCED Levels

How to determine the level of a programme

Proxy criteria for contents Name of the level Code Complementary

Main criteria Subsidiary criteria dimensions

Educational properties School or centre-based Minimum age Upper age limit

Staff qualification Pre-primary education 0 None

Beginning of systematic apprenticeship of reading, writing and mathematics

Entry into the nationally designated primary institutions or programmes Start of compulsory education

Primary education First stage of basic education

1 None

Subject presentation Full implementation of basic skills and foundation for lifelong learning

Entry after some 6 years of primary education End of the cycle after 9 years since the beginning of primary education End of compulsory education Several teachers conduct classes in their field of specialization

Lower secondary education Second stage of basic education

2 Type of subsequent education or destination Programme orientation

Typical entrance qualification Minimum entrance requirement

(Upper) secondary education

3 Type of subsequent education or destination Programme orientation Cumulative duration since the beginning of ISCED level 3

Entrance requirement, Content, Age, Duration

Post-secondary non tertiary education

4 Type of subsequent education or destination Cumulative duration since the beginning of ISCED level 3 Programme orientation

Minimum entrance requirement, Type of certification obtained, Duration

First stage of tertiary education (not leading directly to an advanced research qualification)

5 Type of programmes Cumulative theoretical

How to determine the level of a programme

Proxy criteria for contents Name of the level Code Complementary

Main criteria Subsidiary criteria dimensions

duration at tertiary National degree and qualification structure

Research oriented content, Submission of thesis or dissertation

Prepare graduates for faculty and research posts

Second stage of tertiary education (leading to an advanced research qualification)

6 None

Annex Two

Data Sources

Data sources

A. Databases There are currently a variety of sources that gather quantitative information on access to education and training. These databases provide data on access for pre-primary education, tertiary education and adult education. The main macro and micro databases that cover access to education and training are: 1- International macro datasets: Eurostat New Cronos provides many data series on education covering not only European Union (EU) Member states but also many of the central European countries, Japan, the United States and the main economic partners of the EU. Topics covered include: educational attainment by sex, enrolment, personnel and income as well as data on adult learning, numbers of foreign students, students learning a foreign language, expenditure on education, expenditure on public and private institutions. World Bank World Development Indicators provide approximately 30 data series on education for over 200 countries and 18 country groups from 1960 onwards. Topics covered include: school enrolment, educational attainment, pupil-teacher ratio, completion rates, repetition rates and number of trained teachers in primary education. UN Common Database provides approximately 20 data series on education for 280 countries from 1970 onwards. Topics covered include; school enrolment, completion rates, literacy and illiteracy rates, educational attainment and government expenditure. The MDG indicators for education, i.e. Net enrolment ratio in primary education (UNESCO), Proportion of pupils starting grade 1 who reach grade 5. 2- International micro datasets: Several microdata surveys, including the Eurobarometers (EBs), European Social Survey (ESS), European Values Study (EVS), International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), and World Values Survey (WVS) collect socio-demographic information, including level of education. The ISSP also asks for information about the national population characteristics, using the census or other surveys/data-sources, including education of the population.

B. Surveys The databases above offer data from administrative sources and census data as well as data from a range of surveys. Five of the main international surveys which contain data on education and training are: (a) European Union Labour Force Survey (EUROSTAT) The European Union Labour Force Survey (ELFS) is a household survey based on national labour force surveys and which is adapted to some extent to the EUROSTAT standard. The LFS covers persons aged 15 years old and over, living in private households. Person living in collective households (halls of residence, medical care establishments, religious institutions, collective workers’ accommodation, hostels, etc) and persons carrying out obligatory military service are not included. All sectors of the economy are covered Data are mapped into a common file structure and the sample size is quite large. The questionnaire may differ from country to country. Time series are available from 1992 onwards for EU-Member States (depending on the year of EU entry for each country), and progressively from 1995 onwards for EFTA countries (CH, IS and NO), Acceding and Candidate countries –except TR. The survey provides information about workers’ participation in training and education during the period of 4 weeks prior to the survey. However, the code changed significantly after the 1998 survey, which makes a comparison between the years before and after 1998 difficult. Also, the information about France is not strictly comparable with that of the other countries, because the survey asks about current education courses (instead of 4 weeks prior to the survey) for this country. Since 1998, the survey also asks about the purpose of the training received. The distinction is made between initial vocational training, continuous vocational training, training under a specific employment measure and training for general interest. (b) International Adult Literacy Survey (OECD and Statistics Canada) The International Adult Literacy Survey (IALS) is co-ordinated by the OECD and Statistics Canada. It is an individual survey using a common questionnaire. The sample size is relatively small. The survey asks whether the workers have received any training or education during the 12 month prior to the survey and asks more details about the three most recent courses (purpose, financing, training institutions, duration etc.). Some of the analyses of this paper are based on the latter information. For example, if a worker answered that at least one of the courses he took was career- or job-related, he is considered as a participant in job-related continuous training and education. The survey also reports the result of literacy tests. The tests are undertaken for three literacy scales (prose, documentation and quantitative skills). The survey includes 21 countries (Australia, Belgium, Canada, Ireland, Netherlands, New Zealand, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland (German-speaking), the United Kingdom and the United States for the first cycle, and Chile, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Hungary, Norway, Portugal and Slovenia for the second cycle). The OECD has recently made available the first results of the ALL (Adult Literacy and Life Skills Survey), although Italy is the only EU country that ahs participated in the survey.

(c) European Community Household Survey (EUROSTAT) The European Community Household Survey (ECHP) is designed for longitudinal analysis of individuals in the European Community countries. This survey provides rich information regarding work status, income, education etc. The ECHP is a longitudinal panel survey of private households. Initial samples were carefully designed to achieve a degree of national representativity, and covered some 60,500 households across the 12 then-member countries of the EU. This sample was followed up over the duration of the survey (1994-2001). The general impact of attrition over time has been low. Face-to-face interviews based on a standardised questionnaire were conducted with around 130,000 individuals aged 16 or more living in these households. The survey includes the 15 European Union member countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom). For Germany and the United Kingdom, two different data sources are included, one based on the ECHP and another based on a national survey (German Socio-Economic Panel and British Household Panel Survey respectively). Data obtained for other countries (eg. IS, NO, CH, ACC10 countries, BG, HR, RO, TR) cannot be considered to be fully comparable due to differences in the underlying data sources1. (d) The European Survey on Working Conditions (European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions, Dublin) The European Survey on Working Conditions contains information on work organisation and working conditions. Regarding continuous education and training, this survey contains information about employer-sponsored training (self-financed if the worker is self-employed) taken over the 12 months prior to the survey.

(e) Continuing Vocational Training Survey

CVTS covers employers with ten or more employees. It was conducted in 1994-95 across all the then 12 EU member states. A follow-up survey, CVTS2 took place in 2000/01. CVTS2 collected similar data as before but covering 25 European states. Results are due to be published in 2002. CVTS collected data on the industry and size of establishments, their participation in on or off-the-job training, the costs of training, existence of training plans and training budgets, and the reasons why establishments had not trained any of their staff. The survey was designed to measure the volumes and costs of training courses provided by non-Governmental employers to employees other than apprentices and recognised trainees.

1 http://europa.eu.int/comm/eurostat/newcronos/reference/sdds/en/ilc/ilc_sm01.htm#scope

C. Other resources Data on access to education can also be obtained from the following sources:

• OECD Education at a Glance http://www.oecd.org/edu/eag2004 provides internationally comparable data on key aspects of education systems

• World Bank GenderStats http://devdata.worldbank.org/genderstats/ a database of

gender indicators including education statistics.

• World Bank EdStats http://www1.worldbank.org/education/edstats the World Bank’s database of education statistics.

• UNESCO Institute for Statistics > Education

www.uis.unesco.org/ev.php?ID=6100_201&ID2=DO_TOPIC

• Eurydice www.eurydice.org/ - the information network on education in Europe

• Global Education Statistics http://qesdb.cdie.org/ged/index.html - a repository of international education statistics compiled from the UNESCO Institute for Statistics and the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS)

D. Cross-country comparability UNESCO's International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED-97) is used to define levels of education and provides a framework for the compilation and presentation of national and international education statistics and indicators. It also provides a methodology that translates national educational programmes into an internationally comparable set of categories. The OECD has also produced a manual for the implementation of ISCED in OECD countries and a Handbook for Internationally Comparative Education Statistics, which extends the UNESCO framework to include a wide range of educational concepts.

http://www.oecd.org/edu/eag2004

http://devdata.worldbank.org/genderstats/

http://www1.worldbank.org/education/edstats

http://www.uis.unesco.org/ev.php?ID=6100_201&ID2=DO_TOPIC

http://www.eurydice.org/

http://qesdb.cdie.org/ged/index.html

Annex Three

Study variables coverage and coding

PRE-PRIMARY EDUCATION 1.1 Dependent variable CHCARE: Minutes per average day of the year in Physical care of the child, teaching playing, etc. with the child and other childcare Belgium (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Estonia (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Finland (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); France (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Germany (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Hungary (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Norway (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Slovenia (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Sweden (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); UK (1 observation between 1998 and 2002). CHCAREH: Average hours and minutes spent on childcare per day by persons aged 20 to 74 1998-2002 Belgium (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Finland (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); France (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Germany (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Sweden (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); UK (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Norway (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Estonia (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Hungary (1 observation between 1998 and 2002); Slovenia (1 observation between 1998 and 2002). GRENPRE: Gross enrolment ratio. Pre-primary. Both Sexes Austria (1998-2002); Belgium (1998-2002); Czech Republic (1998-2002); Denmark (1998-2002); Estonia (1998-2002); Finland (1998-2002); France (1998-2002); Germany (1998-2002); Greece (1998-2002); Hungary (1998-2002); Italy (1998-2002); Latvia (1998-2002); Lithuania (1998-2002); Luxembourg (1998-2002); Malta (1998-2002); Netherlands (1998-2002); Poland (1998-2002); Portugal (1998-2002); Slovakia (1998-2002); Slovenia (1998-2002); Spain (1998-2002); Sweden (1998-2002); UK (1998-2002); Bulgaria (1998-2002); Croatia (1998-2002); Romania (1998-2002); Iceland (1998-2002); Norway (1998-2002); Japan (1998-2002); USA (1998-2002). GERPRE: Gross enrolment rate pre-primary (World Bank) USA (1995-2002); UK (1995-2002); Japan (1995-2002); Norway (1995-2002); Iceland (1995-2002); Romania (1995-2002); Bulgaria (1995-2002); Sweden (1995-2002); Spain (1995-2002); Portugal (1995-2002); Poland (1995-2002); Slovenia (1995-2002); Slovakia (1995-2002); Netherlands (1995-2002); Malta (1995-2002); Luxembourg (1995-2002); Lithuania (1995-2002); Latvia (1995-2002); Italy (1995-2002); Ireland (1995, 1996); Hungary (1995-2002); Greece (1995-2002); Germany (1995-2002); France (1995-2002); Finland (1995-2002); Estonia (1995-2002); Denmark (1995-2002); Czech Republic (1995-2002); Belgium (1995, 96, 98-02); Austria (1995-2002).

NETPRE: Net enrolment ratio. Pre-primary. Both sexes Austria (1998-2002); Belgium (1998-2002); Czech Republic (1998-2002); Denmark (1998-2002); Estonia (1998-2002); Finland (1998-2002); France (1998-2002); Germany (1998-2002); Greece (1998-2002); Hungary (1998-2002); Italy (1998-2002); Latvia (1998-2002); Lithuania (1998-2002); Luxembourg (1998-2002); Malta (1998-2002); Netherlands (1998-2002); Poland (1998-2002); Portugal (1998-2002); Slovakia (1998-2002); Slovenia (1998-2002); Spain (1998-2002); Sweden (1998-2002); UK (1998-2002); Bulgaria (1998-2002); Croatia (1998-2002); Romania (2000-2002); Iceland (1998-2002); Norway (1998-2002); Japan (1998-2002); USA (1998-2002). 1.2 Independent variables AGESTART: Primary education starting age Austria (1998-2002); Belgium (1998-2002); Cyprus (1998-2002); Ireland (1998-2002); Turkey (1998-2002): Czech Republic (1998-2002); Denmark (1998-2002); Estonia (1998-2002); Finland (1998-2002); France (1998-2002); Germany (1998-2002); Greece (1998-2002); Hungary (1998-2002); Italy (1998-2002); Latvia (1998-2002); Lithuania (1998-2002); Luxembourg (1998-2002); Malta (1998-2002); Netherlands (1998-2002); Poland (1998-2002); Portugal (1998-2002); Slovakia (1998-2002); Slovenia (1998-2002); Spain (1998-2002); Sweden (1998-2002); UK (1998-2002); Bulgaria (1998-2002); Croatia (1998-2002); Romania (2000-2002); Iceland (1998-2002); Norway (1998-2002); Japan (1998-2002); USA (1998-2002). STRIGHT: Whether pre-primary education is an statutory right 1= Yes 2= No Austria (2003); Belgium (2003); Bulgaria (2003); Cyprus (2003); Czech Republic (2003); Denmark (2003); Estonia (2003); Finland (2003); France (2003); Germany (2003); Greece (2003); Hungary (2003); Iceland (2003); Ireland (2003); Italy (2003); Latvia (2003); Lithuania (2003); Luxembourg (2003); Malta (2003); Netherlands (2003); Norway (2003); Poland (2003); Portugal (2003); Romania (2003); Slovenia (2003); Slovak Republic (2003); Spain (2003); Sweden (2003); UK(2003). LPH: Lone parent households as a percentage of all households with dependent children Austria (1997-2001); Belgium (1997-2001); Denmark (1997-2001); Finland (1997-2001); France (1997-2001); Germany (1997-2001); Greece (1997-2001); Ireland (1997-2001); Italy (1997-2001); Luxembourg (1997-2001); Netherlands (1997-2001); Poland (1997-2001); Spain (1997-2001); Sweden (1997-2001); UK (1997-2001).

EXPPRE: Total expenditure on educational institutions and administration as a % of GDP. Private sources. Pre-primary Austria (1999-2001); Denmark (1999-2001); Germany (2001); Hungary (1999-2000); Malta (1999-2000); Slovenia (2002); Spain (2000-2001); Bulgaria (1999, 2002); Japan (1999-2001); USA(1999-2001). DUALEARN: Percentage of dual earner households; Couples with children Belgium (2000); Germany (2000); Greece (2000); Spain (2000); France (2000); Ireland (2000); Italy (2000); Luxembourg (2000); Netherlands (2000); Austria (2000); Portugal (2000); UK (2000) EGROWTH: Annual percentage change in total employed population Norway (1995-2004); Iceland (1995-2004); Turkey (1995-2004); Romania(1995-2004); Bulgaria(1995-2004); UK(1995-2004); Sweden(1995-2004); Spain(1995-2004); Slovakia(1995-2004); Slovenia (1995-2004); Portugal (1999-2004); Poland (1995-2004); Netherlands (1995-2004); Malta (1995-2004); Luxembourg (1995-2004); Lithuania (1995-2004); Latvia (1995-2004); Italy (1995-2004); Ireland (1995-2004); Hungary (1996-2004); Greece (1995-2004); Germany (1995-2004); France (1995-2004); Finland (1995-2004); Estonia (1995-2004); Denmark (1995-2004); Czech Republic (1995-2004); Cyprus (1995-2004); Belgium (1995-2004); Austria (1995-2004). PARTTIME: Persons employed part-time, share of total employment Austria (1995-2004); Belgium (1995-2004); Cyprus (1999-2004); Czech Republic (1997-2004); Denmark (1995-2004); Estonia (1997-2004); Finland (1995-2004); France (1995-2004); Germany (1995-2004); Greece (1995-2004); Hungary (1996-2004); Ireland (1995-2004); Italy (1995-2004); Latvia (1995-2004); Lithuania (1995-2004); Luxembourg (1995-2004); Malta (2000-2004); Netherlands (1995-2004); Poland (1997-2004); Portugal (1995-2004); Slovakia (1998-2004); Slovenia (1996-2004); Spain (1995-2004); Sweden (1995-2004); UK (1995-2004); Bulgaria (2001-2004); Croatia (2002-2004); Romania (1997-2004); Iceland (1995-2004); Norway (1995-2004).

2 TERTIARY EDUCATION 2.1 Dependent variable GENRTER: Gross enrolment ratio. ISCED 5 and 6. Both sexes. Austria (1998-2002); Belgium (1998-2002); Czech Republic (1998-2002); Denmark (1998-2002); Estonia (1998-2002); France (1998-2002); Finland (1998-2002); Germany (1998, 99, 2000, 2002); Greece (1998-2002); Hungary (1998-2002); Ireland (1998-2002); Italy (1998-2002); Latvia (1998-2002); Lithuania (1998-2002); Luxembourg (1998-2002); Malta (1998-2002); Netherlands (1998-2002); Portugal (1998-2002); Poland (1998-2002); Slovakia (1998-2002); Slovenia (1998-2002); Spain (1998-2002); Sweden (1998-2002); UK(1998-2002); Bulgaria (1998-2002); Croatia (1998-2002); Romania (1998-2002); Iceland (1998-2002); Norway (1998-2002); Japan (1998-2002); USA (1998-2002). ENTTER: Entrants at theoretical starting age in ISCED level 5 as percentage of all persons of the corresponding age group Iceland (1998-2003); Turkey (2003); Norway (1998-2001, 2003); Japan (2003-2003); Romania (2001-2003); Bulgaria(1998-2003); UK (1998-2003); Sweden (1998-2003); Spain (1998-2003); Slovenia (1998-2003); Slovakia (1998-2003); Netherlands (1998-2003); Malta (1999-2003); Lithuania (1998-2003); Italy (1998, 99, 2001-2003); Ireland(1998, 2000-2003); Hungary (1998-2003); Germany (1998-2003); France (1998, 2000-2003); Finland (1998-2003); Denmark (1998-2003); Czech Republic (1998-2003); Cyprus (1998-2003); Belgium (2001-2003); Austria (1998, 2000-2003). GENR (UIS) Gross Enrolment Ratio. Tertiary. Both sexes Austria (1998-2002); Belgium (1998-2002); Bulgaria (1998-2002); Croatia (1998-2002); Cyprus (1998-2002); Czech Republic (1998-2002); Denmark (1998, 1999, 2001, 2002); Estonia (1998-2002); Finland (1998-2002); France (1998-2002); Germany (1998, 99, 00, 02); Greece (1998-2002); Hungary (1998-2002); Iceland (1998-2002); Ireland (1998-2002); Italy (1998-2002); Latvia (1998-2002); Lithuania (1999, 2000, 2001, 2002); Luxembourg (1999-2002); Malta (1999-2002); Netherlands (1998-2002); Norway (1998-2002); Poland (1998-2002); Portugal (1998-2002); Romania (1998-2002); Slovakia (1998-2002); Slovenia (1998-2002); Spain (1998-2002); Sweden (1998-2002); Turkey (2000-2002); UK (1998-2002); Japan (1998-2002); USA (1998-2002) GER (Devdata Worldbank) Gross enrolment rate (%), tertiary, total Japan (1995-2002); Norway (1995-2002); Iceland (1995-2002); Romania (1995-2002); USA (1995-2002) Bulgaria (1995-2002);UK (1995-2002); Sweden (1995-2002); Spain (1995-2002); Slovenia (1995-2002);Slovakia (1995-2002); Portugal (1995-2002); Poland (1995-2002); Netherlands (1995-2002); Malta (1995-2002); Luxembourg (1995-2002); Lithuania (1995-2002); Latvia (1995-2002); Italy (1995-2002); Ireland (1995-2002); Hungary(1995-2002); Greece (1995-2002); Germany (1995-2002); France (1995-2002); Finland (1995-

2002); Estonia (1995-2002); Denmark (1995-2002); Czech Republic (1995-2002); Belgium (1995-2002); Austria (1995-2002). G5A: Percentage of tertiary education graduates from 5A type programmes (EUROSTAT) Austria (1998-2003); Belgium (2000-2003); Cyprus (2000-2003); Czech Republic (1998-2003); Denmark (1998-2003); Estonia (1998-2003); Finland (1998-2002); France (1998-2001, 2003); Germany (1998-2003); Greece (2001-02); Hungary (1998-2003); Ireland (1998-2003); Italy (1998-2002); Latvia (1998-2003); Lithuania (1998-2003); Luxembourg (1998, 2000); Malta (1999-2003); Netherlands (1998-2003); Poland (1998-2003); Portugal (1998-2003); Slovakia (1999-2003); Slovenia (1998-2003); Spain (1998-2003); Sweden (1998-2003); UK(1998-2003); Bulgaria (2000-2003); Romania (1999-2003); Turkey (1999-2003); Iceland (1998-2003); Norway (1998-2003); Japan(1998-2003); USA (2001-2003). G5B: Percentage of tertiary education graduates from 5B type programmes (EUROSTAT) Austria (1998-2003); Belgium (2000-2003); Cyprus (2000-2003); Czech Republic (1998-2003); Denmark (1998-2003); Estonia (1998-2003); Finland (1998-2002); France (1998-2001, 2003); Germany (1998-2003); Greece (2001-02); Hungary (1998-2003); Ireland (1998-2003); Italy (1998-2002); Latvia (1998-2003); Lithuania (1998-2003); Luxembourg (1998, 2000); Malta (1999-2003); Netherlands (1998-2003); Poland (1998-2003); Portugal (1998-2003); Slovakia (1999-2003); Slovenia (1998-2003); Spain (1998-2003); Sweden (1998-2003); UK(1998-2003); Bulgaria (2000-2003); Romania (1999-2003); Turkey (1999-2003); Iceland (1998-2003); Norway (1998-2003); Japan(1998-2003); USA (2001-2003). G6: Percentage of tertiary education graduates from type 6 programmes (EUROSTAT) Austria (1998-2003); Belgium (2000-2003); Cyprus (2000-2003); Czech Republic (1998-2003); Denmark (1998-2003); Estonia (1998-2003); Finland (1998-2002); France (1998-2001, 2003); Germany (1998-2003); Greece (2001-02); Hungary (1998-2003); Ireland (1998-2003); Italy (1998-2002); Latvia (1998-2003); Lithuania (1998-2003); Luxembourg (1998, 2000); Malta (1999-2003); Netherlands (1998-2003); Poland (1998-2003); Portugal (1998-2003); Slovakia (1999-2003); Slovenia (1998-2003); Spain (1998-2003); Sweden (1998-2003); UK(1998-2003); Bulgaria (2000-2003); Romania (1999-2003); Turkey (1999-2003); Iceland (1998-2003); Norway (1998-2003); Japan(1998-2003); USA (2001-2003).

2.2 Independent variables SVT: Strength Vocational Route = Technical/vocational enrolment in ISCED 3 as % of total enrolment in ISCED 3 Austria (1998-2002); Belgium (1998-2002); Czech Republic (1998-2002); Denmark (1998, 1999, 2001, 2002); Estonia (1998-2002); Finland (1998-2002); France (1998-2002); Germany (1998-2002); Greece (1998, 1999, 2000, 2002); Hungary (1998-2002); Italy (1998-2002); Latvia (1998-2002); Lithuania (1999, 2000, 2001, 2002); Luxembourg (1999-2002); Malta (1999-2002); Netherlands (1998-2002); Poland (1998-2002); Portugal (1998-2002); Slovakia (1998-2002); Slovenia (1998-2002); Spain (1998-2002); Sweden (1998-2002); UK (1998-2002); Bulgaria (1998, 2000, 2001, 2002); Croatia (1998-2002); Romania (1998-2002); Iceland (1998-2002); Norway (1998-2002); Japan (1998-2002). SVocT: Pupils in upper secondary education enrolled in vocational stream (males) Belgium (1999-2003); Austria (1998-2003); Czech Republic (1998-2003); Germany (1998-2003); Denmark (1998-2003); Estonia (1998-2003); Greece (1998-2003); Spain (1998-2003); France (1998-2003); Italy (1998-2003); Latvia (1998-2003); Lithuania (1998-2003); Luxembourg (1998-2003); Hungary (1998-2003); Netherlands (1998-2003); Poland (1998-2003); Portugal (1998-2003); Slovenia (1998-2003); Slovakia (1998-2003); Finland (1998-2003); Sweden (1998-2003); UK (1998-2003); Bulgaria (1998-2003); Romania (1998-2003); Iceland (1998-2003); Norway (1998-2003); Japan (1998-2003); Cyprus (1999-2003); Malta (1999-2003); Croatia (2003); Turkey (2003). STUDEN: Student enrolment (number of students) USA (1995, 1998-2002); Japan (1998-2002); Norway (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Iceland (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Romania (1996, 1998-2002); Bulgaria (1995, 96, 1998-2002); UK (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Sweden (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Spain(1995, 96, 1998-2002); Slovenia (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Slovakia (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Portugal (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Poland (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Netherlands (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Malta (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Luxembourg (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Lithuania (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Latvia (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Italy (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Ireland (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Hungary (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Greece (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Germany (1995, 96, 1998-2002); France (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Finland (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Estonia(1995, 96, 1998-2002); Denmark (1995, 1998-2002); Czech Republic (1995, 96, 1998-2002); Belgium(1995, 1998-2002); Austria (1995, 96, 1998-2002). SOCPRO: Benefit entitlements (OECD) Austria (1995, 97, 99, 01); Belgium (1995, 97, 99, 01); Denmark (1995, 97, 99, 01); Finland (1995, 97, 99, 01); France (1995, 97, 99, 01); Germany (1995, 97, 99, 01); Greece (1995, 97, 99, 01); Ireland (1995, 97, 99, 01); Italy (1995, 97, 99, 01); Japan(1995, 97, 99, 01); Netherlands(1995, 97, 99, 01); Norway (1995, 97, 99, 01); Portugal (1995, 97, 99, 01);

Spain (1995, 97, 99, 01); Sweden (1995, 97, 99, 01); UK (1995, 97, 99, 01); USA(1995, 97, 99, 01). DURTER: Typical duration 5A programmes (years –short cycles) Austria (2001); Belgium (2001); Denmark (2001); Finland (2001); France (2001); Germany (2001); Greece (2001); Ireland (2001); Italy (2001); Luxembourg (2001); Netherlands (2001); Portugal (2001); Spain (2001); Sweden (2001); UK (2001); Norway (2001); Bulgaria (2001); Czech Republic (2001); Estonia (2001); Hungary (2001); Latvia (2001); Lithuania (2001); Poland (2001); Slovenia (2001); Romania (2001); Cyprus (2001); Malta (2001); Slovakia(2001). FINAID: Financial aid to students as a percentage of total public expenditure on education, at tertiary level of education (ISCED 56) USA (1999-2002); Japan (2000-2002); Norway (1999-2002); Iceland (1999-2002); Turkey (1999-2002); Romania (1999, 2001, 02); Bulgaria (1999, 2001,02); UK (1999-2002); Sweden (1999-2002); Spain (1999-2002); Slovenia (2001, 02); Slovakia (1999-2002); Portugal (1999-2002); Poland (1999-2002); Netherlands (1999-2002); Malta (1999-2002); Lithuania (1999-2002); Latvia (1999-2002); Italy (1999-2002); Ireland (1999-2002); Hungary (1999-2002); Greece (1999-2002); Germany (1999-2002); France (1999-2002); Finland (1999-2002); Estonia (1999-2002); Denmark (1999-2002); Czech Republic (1999-2002); Cyprus (1999-2002); Belgium (1999-2002); Austria (1999-2002). GINI: GINI coefficient USA 2000; Norway 2000; Romania 2000; Bulgaria 2001; UK 1999; Sweden 2000; Slovenia 1999; Slovakia 1996; Portugal 1997; Poland 2002; Netherlands 1999; Lithuania 2000; Latvia 1998; Italy 2000; Ireland 1996; Hungary 2002; Greece 1998; Germany 2000; France 1995; Finland 2000; Estonia 2000; Denmark 1997; Czech Republic 1996; Belgium 1996; Austria 1997. SOCINE: At-risk-of-poverty rate after social transfers: total Belgium (1995-2001, 2003); Czech Republic (2001, 2003); Denmark (1995, 97, 99, 01, 03); Germany (1995-2003); Spain (1995-2003); Estonia (2000-2003); Greece (1995-2001, 03); France (1995-2002); Ireland (1995-2001, 03); Italy (1995-2001); Cyprus (1997, 03); Latvia (2000, 02); Lithuania (2000-2002); Luxembourg (1995-2001,03); Hungary (2000-2002); Malta (2000); Netherlands (1995-2002); Austria (1995-2001, 03); Poland (2000-02); Portugal (1995-2003); UK (1995-2003); Finland (1995-2003); Slovenia (2000-2002); Slovakia (2003); Croatia (2003); Turkey (2002); Norway (2003); Romania (2000-2002); Bulgaria (2000-2002); Sweden (1997, 99, 01, 02).

RETURNEAR: Difference in earnings between upper secondary education graduates and tertiary education graduates Belgium (2000, 02); Czech Republic (1997-99); Denmark (1997-99, 01); Finland (1997-99, 01); France (1997-99, 02); Germany (1997-2000, 02); Hungary (1997-2001); Ireland (1997, 98, 00); Italy (1998, 00); Netherlands (1997); Norway (1997-99, 02); Portugal (1997-99); Spain 91997, 98, 01); Sweden (1997-99, 01); UK (1997-2001); USA (1997-00, 02). RETUNEM: Difference in unemployment rate between secondary education graduate and tertiary education graduate Virtually all 1995-2004 –except Turkey and Croatia. Some missing cases. RETURNUN: Difference in unemployment rate between secondary education graduate and tertiary education graduate (EUROSTAT) Belgium (1995-2004); Denmark (1995-2004); France (1995-2004); Spain (1995-2004); Italy (1995-2004); Austria (1995-2004); Finland (1995-2004); Sweden (1995-2004); Lithuania (1998-2004); Latvia (1998-2003); Czech Republic (1998-2004); Hungary (1997-2004); Malta (2000-2004); Slovakia (1998-2004); Greece (1995-2003); Cyprus (2000-2004); Bulgaria (2000-2004); Romania (1997-2004); Norway (1996-2004); Ireland (1995-1997, 1999-2004); Netherlands (1996-2002); UK (1995-1997, 1999-2004); Croatia (2002-03); Slovenia (1999, 2003, 2004); Portugal (1995-96, 2002-04); Poland (1997-98, 2000-2004); Estonia (1997, 99, 01); Germany (1995-1997, 1999-2003). ECONDEV: GDP per capita (constant 2000 US$) Virtually all 1995-2004 –except Turkey and Croatia. Some missing cases. EXPSTUD: Annual expenditure on public and private educational institutions per pupil/student (PPS based on full-time equivalents) Belgium (1999-2002); Czech Republic (1999-2002); Denmark (1999-2002); Germany (1995, 97, 99-02); Greece (2001-02); Spain (1995-2002); France (1995, 1997-2002); Cyprus (1999-2002); Lithuania (1999-2002); Netherlands (1999-2002); Austria(1999-2002); Finland (1999-2002); Malta (1999-2002); Poland (1999-2002); Portugal (1999-2002); Sweden (1999-2002); UK (1999-2002); Japan (1999-2002); USA (1999-2002); Norway (1999-2002); Slovenia (2001-2002); Italy (2001-2002); Latvia (1999-2002); Ireland (1999-2002); Iceland (1998-2002); Bulgaria (1999, 01, 02); Slovakia (1995, 1998-2002) COHORTS: Number of people between 20 and 24 years Norway (1995-2003); Iceland (1995-2003); Romania (1995-2003); Bulgaria (1995-2003); Sweden (1995-2003); Finland (1995-2003); Slovakia (1995-2003); Slovenia (1995-2003); Portugal (1995-2003); Poland (1995-2003); Austria (1995-2003); Netherlands (1995-2003); Hungary (1995-2003); Luxembourg (1995-2003); Lithuania (1995-2003); Latvia (1995-

2003); Cyprus (1995-2003); Italy (1995-2003); Ireland (1995-2003); France (1995-2003); Spain (1995-2003); Germany (1995-2003); Estonia (1995-2003); Denmark (1995-2003); Czech Republic (1995-2003); Belgium (1995-2003); Greece (1995-2002); Croatia (2000); Turkey (2003); UK (1995-2000); Malta (199596, 1999-2003); SECGRAD: Percentage of the population aged 20 to 24 having completed at least upper secondary education Sweden (1995-2004); Spain (1995-2004); Austria (1995-2004); Belgium (1995-2004); Denmark (1995-2004); Finland (1995-2004); Greece (1995-2004); France (1995-2004); Italy (1995-2004); Portugal (1995-2004); Slovenia (1996-2004); Netherlands (1996-2004); Norway (1996-2004); Romania (1997-2004); Czech Republic (1998-2004); Estonia (1998-2004); Latvia (1998-2004); Lithuania (1998-2004); Hungary (1997-2004); Poland (1997-2004); Cyprus (1999-2004); Malta (2000-2004); Slovakia (1998-2004); Iceland (1999-2004); Bulgaria (2000-2004); Croatia (2002-2004); UK (1995-97, 99-04); Ireland (1995-97, 99-04); Germany (1995-97, 99-04); Luxembourg (1995-97, 99-03). PUBLEXP: Total public expenditure on education as % of GDP, at tertiary level of education (ISCED 5-6) Japan (1999-2002); USA (1999-2002); Norway (1999-2002); Iceland (1999-2002); Turkey (1999-2002); Romania (1999-2002); Bulgaria (1999-2002); UK (1999-2002); Sweden (1999-2002); Finland (1999-2002); Slovakia (1999-2002); Portugal (1999-2002); Poland (1999-2002); Austria (1999-2002); Netherlands (1999-2002); Malta (1999-2002); Lithuania (1999-2002); Latvia (1999-2002); Cyprus (1999-2002); Italy (1999-2002); Ireland (1999-2002); France (1999-2002); Spain (1999-2002); Greece (1999-2002); Estonia (1999-2002); Germany (1999-2002); Denmark (1999-2002); Czech Republic (1999-2002); Belgium (1999-2002); Hungary (1999-2002).

3. ADULT EDUCATION 3.1 Dependent variable LLLTOTAL: Percentage of the adult population aged 25 to 64 participating in education and training Belgium (1995-2004); Czech Republic (2002-2004); Denmark (1995-2004); Germany (1996-2004); Estonia(1997-2004); Greece (1995-2004); Spain (1995-2004); France (1995-2004); Italy (1995-2004); Ireland (1995, 1996, 1997, 2002, 2003, 2004); Cyprus (1999-2004); Latvia (2002-2004); Lithuania (1999-2004); Luxembourg (1995-2004); Hungary (1997-2004); Malta (2000-2004); Netherlands (1995-2004); Austria (1995, 96, 97, 99, 2000-2004); Poland (2001-2004); Slovenia (2001-2004); Portugal (1995-2004); Slovakia (2002-2004); Finland (1996-2004); Sweden (1996, 97, 1999-2004); UK (1999-2004); Bulgaria (2001-2004); Croatia (2002-2004); Romania (1997-2004); Iceland (1995-2004); Norway (1996, 97, 2000-2004); 3.2 Independent variables TECHN: Degree of technological change. Number of patent applications to the European Patent Office (EPO) per million inhabitants Austria (1995-2002); Belgium (1995-2002); Czech Republic (1995-2002); Denmark (1995-2002); Germany (1995-2002); Estonia (1995-2002); Greece (1995-2002); Spain (1995-2002); France (1995-2002); Italy (1995-2002); Ireland (1995-2002); Cyprus (1995-2002); Latvia (1995-2002); Lithuania (1995-2002); Luxembourg (1995-2002); Hungary (1995-2002); Malta (1995-2002); Netherlands (1995-2002); Poland (1995-2002); Portugal (1995-2002); Slovenia (1995-2002); Slovakia (1995-2002); Finland (1995-2002); Sweden (1995-2002); UK (1995-2002); Bulgaria (1995-2002); Romania (1995-2002); Turkey (1995-2002); Iceland (1995-2002); Norway (1995-2002); United States (1995-2002); Japan (1995-2002). WORKSCOUN: Extent of participation on CET in works-council type bodies 1= Little activity; 2= Medium activity; 3= Widespread activity Austria (2002); Italy (2002); Spain (2002); Portugal (2002); Japan (2002); UK (2002); USA(2002); Belgium (2002); Czech Republic (2002); Denmark (2002); Finland (2002); France (2002); Germany (2002); Hungary (2002); Netherlands (2002); Norway (2002). COLLBARG: Intensity of collective bargaining in CET 1= Little activity; 2= Medium activity; 3= Widespread activity Austria (2002); Belgium (2002); Denmark (2002); Finland (2002); France (2002); Germany (2002); Italy (2002); Japan (2002); Netherlands (2002); Norway (2002); Portugal (2002); Spain (2002); UK (2002); USA(2002).

JOINTGOV: Joint governance of CET funds by social partners 1= No; 2= Yes, some sectors; 3= Yes, widespread Austria (2002); Belgium (2002); Czech Republic (2002); Denmark (2002); Finland (2002); France (2002); Germany (2002); Italy (2002); Japan (2002); Netherlands (2002); Spain (2002); UK (2002); USA(2002). LEVYNAT: Training Levy and earmarked social contributions at national level 1=No; 2= Yes Austria (2002); Belgium (2002); Czech Republic (2002); Denmark (2002); Finland (2002); France (2002); Germany (2002); Hungary (2002) Italy (2002); Japan (2002); Netherlands (2002); Norway (2002); Portugal (2002); Spain (2002); UK (2002); USA(2002). LEVYSEC: Training Levy and earmarked social contributions at sectoral level 1= No; 2= Yes Austria (2002); Belgium (2002); Czech Republic (2002); Denmark (2002); Finland (2002); France (2002); Germany (2002); Hungary (2002) Italy (2002); Japan (2002); Netherlands (2002); Norway (2002); Portugal (2002); Spain (2002); UK (2002); USA(2002). LEARNORG: Percentage of employees who think their main job involves learning new things Austria (1999); Belgium (1999); Denmark (1999); Finland (1999); France (1999); Germany (1999); Greece (1999); Italy (1999); Ireland (1999); Luxembourg (1999); Netherlands (1999); Spain (1999); Portugal (1999); UK (1999); Czech Republic (1999); Estonia (1999); Bulgaria (1999); Latvia (1999); Lithuania (1999); Hungary (1999); Poland (1999); Slovenia (1999); Romania (1999); Cyprus (1999); Malta (1999); Slovakia (1999). INPROF: Large firms. Percentage of GERD performed by the Business Enterprise sector Austria (1998, 2002); Belgium (1995-2004); Czech Republic (1995-2003); Denmark (1995, 96, 97, 98, 99, 2001, 2002); Finland (1995-2003); France (1995-2003); Germany (1995-2003); Greece (1995, 97, 99, 2001); Hungary (1995-2003); Ireland (1995-2002); Italy (1995-2002); Luxembourg (2002); Netherlands (1995-2002); Poland (1995-2003); Portugal (1995-2002); Slovakia (1995-2003); Slovenia (1995-2002); Spain (1995-2003); Sweden(1995, 97, 99, 01, 03); UK (1995-2003); Iceland (1995, 1997-2003); Norway (1995, 97, 99, 2001-2003); Japan (1995-2003); USA(1995-2003).

Annex 4

Case Studies

Study on Access to Education and Training –Tender No EAC/38/04, Lot 1 Annex 4: Case Studies Manuel Souto Otero and Andrew McCoshan (ed.)


Study on Access to Education and Training –Tender No EAC/38/04, Lot 1 Annex 4: Case Studies Manuel Souto Otero and Andrew McCoshan (ed.) November 2005 ECOTEC Research and Consulting Limited Priestley House 12-26 Albert Street Birmingham B4 7UD UK Tel: +44 (0)121 616 3600 Fax: +44 (0)121 616 3699 Website: www.ecotec.com

6-8 Marshalsea Road London SE1 1HL UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7089 5550 Fax: +44 (0)20 7089 5559 13b Avenue de Tervuren B-1040 Bruxelles Belgique Tel: +32 (2)743 8949 Fax: +32 (2)743 7111 Modesto Lafuente 63 – 6a E-28003 Madrid España Tel: +34 91 535 0640 Fax: +34 91 533 3663 31-32 Park Row Leeds LS1 5JD UK Tel: +44 (0)113 244 9845 Fax: +44 (0)113 244 9844

CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................... 1

2. ACCESS TO EDUCATION AND TRAINING FOR PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES: THE UNITED KINGDOM ............................................... 4

2.1. Introduction.............................................................................................................. 4

2.2. Outcomes of policy and stakeholder initiatives: .................................................... 10

2.3. Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 11

3. INEQUALITIES DUE TO DIFFERENCES IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND IN HIGHER EDUCATION: WHAT IS THE REAL IMPORTANCE OF TUITION FEES? ....................................................... 13

3.1. Introduction............................................................................................................ 13

3.2. Setting the agenda .................................................................................................. 14

3.3. Implementation ...................................................................................................... 15

3.4. Results.................................................................................................................... 20

3.5. Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 22

4. IMMIGRANTS IN DENMARK .................................................................. 24

4.1. Introduction............................................................................................................ 24

4.2. Danish Integration Agreement ............................................................................... 24

4.3. Access to Higher Education................................................................................... 30

4.4. Conclusions............................................................................................................ 32

5. DISTANCE LEARNING IN SPAIN ........................................................... 34

5.1. Introduction............................................................................................................ 34

5.2. Motivation and agenda setting ............................................................................... 34

5.3. Policy design and implementation ......................................................................... 35

5.4. Funding .................................................................................................................. 39

5.5. Results, outputs/outcomes...................................................................................... 40

5.6. The role of EU policy ............................................................................................ 42

5.7. Future developments .............................................................................................. 42

5.8. Conclusions............................................................................................................ 43

6. TRAVELLER POPULATION IN IRELAND............................................ 45

6.1. Introduction............................................................................................................ 45

6.2. Setting the Agenda................................................................................................. 45

6.3. Policy design and implementation ......................................................................... 47

6.4. Funding .................................................................................................................. 48

6.5. Results.................................................................................................................... 49

6.6. Future ..................................................................................................................... 50

6.7. Conclusions............................................................................................................ 50

Access to education and training in Europe

ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd

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1. INTRODUCTION By Manuel Souto Otero and Andrew McCoshan The case studies presented in this annex focus on recent policy-initiatives that have been successful in dealing with a range of inequalities in access to education and training caused by:

• having a disability • socio-economic background • being an immigrant • living in a rural area • being a traveller

The case-studies presented information on the design, implementation and outputs –when available- from the reviewed initiatives. The main conclusion that can be extracted from this set of case studies is that, despite some widespread opinion that public policy has much difficulty in dealing with the reduction of inequalities in access to education, public policy can make a difference. As such, our first case study shows the example of the three Acts introduced in the UK to deal with inequalities in access to education for people with disabilities which had succeeded in improving access to education and training of this group at primary, tertiary and adult education level, although it concluded that more work by stakeholder groups, and further policy development are required to challenge the ethos of charity that exists with regard to disabled people in education. The second case study, on the socio-economic background of students in tertiary education challenged, as did the results of our quantitative analysis presented below in these conclusions, an established view that levels of student funding and tuition fees determined inexorably levels of access to this type of education. Using the experiences of the UK, Germany, the Netherlands and Finland as reference points, it suggested that rather, tuition fees are one element of the cost and corresponding financial aid system that must be considered as part of attempts to widen access. Affordability is about much more than tuition fees, and access is much more than about money, it is also about previous educational attainment at the compulsory levels of education, the quality of the education that is purchased through fees, and individual perceptions and aspirations, which are shaped by society at large. The case study in particular suggested that addressing inequalities throughout the schooling system is essential for essentially widening access to higher education. Money freed up as a result of reducing public expenditure on higher education through different co-financing arrangements could therefore be invested in areas of compulsory education with a view to reducing existing inequalities throughout the system. In this way, if targeted properly and effectively, tuition fees could contribute to creating a more distributive system that would, in the longer term, help to widen access to education.



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Immigrants face similar problems of low levels of access to education as people from lower socio-economic backgrounds. Our third case study discussed the issue of access to education for two different target groups, newly arrived immigrants and second-generation immigrants. The case study found that challenges faced by these two groups in accessing education are very diverse and considerably different in the level of seriousness. Understandably, it argued, the second-generation immigrants perform significantly better in education and employment than those who have recently arrived. Using the example of recent Danish, the case study showed how policies which display a good deal of flexibility and new ways of thinking can be successful in dealing with the problems of integration of newly arrived immigrants. The example also showed, however, that the provision of universal access to adult education and training does not necessarily result in widening participation, suggesting that a voluntary approach to education and training provision has also its limitations among this target group and explained how as a result of this the Danish government recently decided to strengthen the role of negative incentives to “force” the take-up of educational opportunities by this target group. The discussion on access to further education in the same case study, now looked at in a comparative perspective, demonstrated that national education frameworks have a considerable impact on the level of access to higher education among second-generation immigrants. The international comparisons it presented produced interesting findings and identified significant drawbacks in two different types of systems. In countries where the second-generation immigrants experience a smooth transition to the labour market as a result of thriving apprenticeship structures, only small numbers manage to access higher education. On one had these systems can be regarded discriminative, on the other hand the system provides a better access to the labour market. At the same time the second-generation immigrants in countries with better access to higher education face weaker labour market situation due to the high drop-out rates. It concluded that that the introduction or improvement of apprenticeship schemes at advanced levels may be timely in order to introduce a more balanced education system serving the diverse needs of immigrant populations and helping them to access some form tertiary education. Our fourth case study took on the much debated area of distance and ICT learning, focusing on the case of Spain, and its two Open Universities: UNED and UOC. The case study showed how distance learning and the use of ICT for learning purposes is experiencing tremendous growth in Spain, and is helping people from rural areas and working to access tertiary education. This is of particular interest because these initiatives were initiated from the recognition that the new technological developments of the knowledge-based economy not only pose the challenge of providing the appropriate skills for citizens, but also offer a range of new opportunities for meeting this challenge. A key theme identified by the case study is that the approach to developing distance learning and the application of ICT to improve access to higher education in Spain has been characterised by an emphasis on structuring the education and training provision around the needs of the individual student. This is seen as a critical feature of increasing the access to higher education. Accordingly, the structures that have been put in place are made as flexible as possible, including the extensive use of part-time staff that allows for less rigidity in the kind of courses provided. It is not ICT alone that stimulates the take-up of distance learning. The experiences of the UOC in particular also



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illustrate the potential benefits of entering into public-private arrangements for facilitating the flexibility required for successful distance learning. Hence, the fact that the UOC has been a private institution, with significant public funding, has provided it with greater freedom and flexibility to meet the demands of learners. This is a lesson that is worth considering for distance learning initiatives across Europe. Finally, our last case study on reducing inequalities tackled the controversial issue of education of the Roma population. The case study provided an example of the way in which Traveller community's own action has resulted in the development of their own national system of pre-primary education in Ireland, in the absence of a broader State provision for early childhood education and care. The formation of such a structure allowed the targeting of resources to a community that was experiencing severe educational disadvantage. A particularly successful outcome has been the enhanced engagement of Travellers with the educational system, with a potential to improve access to education later in life. These findings are in the line with numerous international studies on pre-primary education that provide ample evidence of a wide range of benefits generated by quality early intervention, and benefits are regarded even more significant for children who came from disadvantaged backgrounds. In the Irish case it must be remembered that the government's over-arching policy on education already strictly favours mainstream structures. The segregated Traveller pre-school system was borne from local action, which suited the social climate at the time, and has succeeded generating positive educational experiences for children still 20 years after the introduction. This demonstrates there are no definitive ‘best model of practice’ of providing educational services for the Roma, for example, in a sense that the transferability nature of the Irish policy at the moment is questionable. The case study concluded that a key element in attempting to draft educational policies that widen participation for this target group begins by examination of the context in which policies specifically directed at Roma take place. Development and promotion of educational provision for Roma involves recognising that the issues are far-reaching and complex. Furthermore, educational policies for Roma must begin by working from an international framework in which human rights are the central focus.



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2. ACCESS TO EDUCATION AND TRAINING FOR PEOPLE WITH DISABILITIES: THE UNITED KINGDOM

By Jude Pearson, ECOTEC Research and Consulting 2.1. Introduction This case study examines recent policy developments in the UK in the area of access to pre-primary, tertiary and Adult Education and training by people with disabilities. The main focus of the case study is on UK policy and the rights and integration of people with disabilities in education and training since 2000. The UK provides an interesting case-study as its policy on the rights and integration of people with disabilities in education and training has been very developing intensively during the last five years. The most widely used definition of Disability in the United Kingdom comes from the Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) of 1995. The DDA defines disability as a physical or mental impairment, which has a substantial and long-term adverse affect on a person’s ability to perform normal day-to-day activities2; thus defined there are around 8.6 million people aged 16 and over in the UK, representing around 15% of the total UK population3. This group has low educational achievement. 41% of disabled people of working age in the UK have no educational qualifications in comparison of 18 per cent of non disabled. This difference is partly explained by a relative inaccessibility of educational provision for those with disabilities due to the unsuitability of the physical learning environment -for example, a lack of ramps or lifts for those who are wheelchair bound. Limitations also expand to other aspects, such as curriculum materials –e.g. unavailability of learning materials for blind people- or teaching methods. Finally, individuals emotional and mental health needs may also have a significant impact on their ability to access opportunity at all levels of learning. Several recent initiatives have been implemented in the UK in order to address these issues. This case study now will present a review of these initiatives in the areas of pre-primary, tertiary and Adult Education, in the following three sections. Each of the sections will begin with a generic overview of access to education and training at this level in the United Kingdom before introducing a key policy that has affected access to education and training in each of the educational areas. 2.1.1. Pre-primary education In the UK there has been a long-standing concern that children with disabilities must not be treated less favourably than children who are not disabled and learning providers must make reasonable adjustments to the physical and learning environment in order to take account of the child's disability, and this has been developed vigorously more recently. A Discrimination Act (DDA) was originally passed in 1995, and updated in 2001 and 2005. This served to 2 Disability Rights Commission: http://www.drc-gb.org 3 CSR Europe: www.csreurope.org



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widen access to under-represented groups and to develop policy and provision for disabled students. From September 2002, early years educational providers were subjected to the rules of the DDA designed to protect children with disabilities from unlawful discrimination. In 2005, the law was altered in order to give free nursery education places to all three and four year olds, including children with SEN, should their parents want them to attend. In 2003, the Government outlined their commitment to early intervention with the production of the Green Paper Every Child Matters which promoted an integrated approach to early education and childcare for those with SEN and disabilities. The Government has also committed to cutting bureaucracy on SEN by helping schools and early years settings to focus on the essentials and to make better use of Information Communication Technology (ICT), enabling staff to spend more time working with pupils. A key strategy in the field of pre-primary education is Removing Barriers to Achievement: the Governments Strategy for SEN (2004)'. The strategy outlines the Government’s vision for all children to reach their educational potential. This strategy is built upon proposals made in the Green Paper ‘Every Child Matters’4, a UK initiative that proposed a range of measures to support children with disabilities and their families, through increased information sharing between agencies and improved funding of services, but crucially it also encompassed the provision of additional support in order to enable them to catch up to the academic level of their peers. At a glance: Removing barriers to Achievement: The Governments Strategy for SEN (2004) • This strategy was introduced by the DfES and sets out the Government's vision

for enabling children with special educational needs and disabilities to succeed, with a focus on pre-primary education. The strategy sets a new agenda at a national and local level which focuses on four key areas; early intervention, removing barriers to learning, raising expectations and achievement and delivering improvements in partnership

• The strategy will enable children with individual learning needs to receive a high

level of support from teachers and early years' staff to set them up with a good foundation for future education and subsequently raise achievement levels. Bureaucracy will be reduced to enable teachers and early years' staff to dedicate more support to children.

Source: ECOTEC Research and Consulting The Government Strategy works toward a system whereby education is organised around the needs of the individual child, a principle initially established by the early Support Pilot Programme. The emphasis placed on the identification of individual need in order to overcome the barriers to accessibility is also mirrored in the UK Governments introduction of 'Early Years Special Educational Needs Co-ordinators' (SENCOs) who have a remit to ensure that children's access needs to specialist advice and support are met.

4 Department for Education and Skills 2003



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The Governments strategy for SEN also makes calls for teachers and early years staff to spend more time physically supporting early intervention and less time on SEN-related paper work. This will be achieved by a reduction in bureaucracy by helping early years’ providers to make better use of ICT. Finally, the strategy represented a big shift toward making early years provision more accessible through the removal of barriers. The strategy outlines a number of actions in order to address these barriers. Practical tools and learning materials will be provided by the Government, in conjunction with the Disability Rights Commission (DRC) and partners from the voluntary sector, in order to increase access for disabled students. These measures are specifically designed to make pre-primary education more responsive to the individual and the raise the achievement of children who have disability through offering support to them on a continuing basis. By ensuring early intervention at pre-primary level, the strategy serves to reduce the risk of long term academic underachievement, thereby also increasing access to higher levels of education and training. Although the strategy has proved successful in its identification of methods of support in access to pre-primary education, it is largely dependent upon the good coordination between education, health and social care stakeholders such as Local Education Authorities, who have an important role in the allocation of financial resource and the local health authority, which can create gaps in the provision of support. In this respect, the recent Early Support Pilot Programme (ESPP) has received a £13 million investment from the Department for Education and Skills (DfES) to improve services for disabled children over the four year period from 2002 to 2006. This investment was intended to promote inter agency partnership working, identifying areas for improvement through the review of services and by providing clearer information about local services and how to access them. 2.1.2. Tertiary education Since the mid-1990s, tertiary education has been through a period of intense change in the UK. Legislative change has created a culture of inclusion for disabled people, like in the case of pre-primary education previously reviewed, through the improvement of accessibility. One of the current UK Governments’ key aims to widen participation in tertiary education is through the identification and targeting of particular groups of under represented students; including those who are disabled. In order to meet this aim, the 2004 Higher Education Act established the Office for Fair Access, with a remit to raise the aspirations of and to increase applications from non-traditional students to universities. This is based on the observation by the Quality Assurance Agency (QAA) that equal access should 'not be additional, but a core element' of the services offered by universities. Equal access incorporated physical access to teaching facilities and services such as computer equipment for disabled students and any specialist support that might be required. Increased access to tertiary education has been further strengthened by funding, put in place and regulated by the Disabled Student's' Allowance Scheme for disabled students on degree



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level courses in Universities. The funding applies to students who have specific learning difficulties such as dyslexia and dyspraxia as well as those with physical and sensory disabilities. The allowance aims at increasing access to Higher Education by affording students to purchase specialised equipment such as voice recognition software and hardware and note-pad computers. Secondly, the fund may also be used for non-medical personal assistance such as additional training and study skills support. Institutions have also been increasingly under pressure to increase access to education and training for those with disabilities through the publication of performance indicators, and the introduction of premium funding allocated on the basis of the number of students from under-represented groups including disabled people. But the greatest recent development in this areas has been the 2001 Special Education Needs and Disability Act (SENDA). • At a glance: Special Educational Needs and Disability Act 2001 • • This law was introduced in 2001 as an amendment to the Disability Discrimination Act of 1995, and covers pre- and post-16 education provision including admissions, exclusions, and student services. The Act created new responsibilities for further and higher education institutions, schools with post-16 provision and local authorities, and made it unlawful for education providers to treat disabled people less favourably than non-disabled people. • • The overarching theme of the Act is that education providers should make adjustments for disabled people to ensure that they are not discriminating against them and encourage inclusion. The Act stipulated that where necessary changes should be made to policies and practices, course requirements, features of buildings, the provision of support workers, and delivery courses to accommodate disabled people. Source: ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd. The SENDA was designed to stop discrimination against disabled students with regard to the provision of education and training. It builds upon the Disability Discrimination Act of 1995, which, although marking a positive step in terms of prohibiting direct discrimination against disabled people, granted exemptions to educational providers. By contrast, the Special Educational Needs and Disability Act places discrimination at the top of the agenda for further and higher education. It affects all education and training provided by Further Education and Higher Education institutions and LEAs including Adult and Community Learning and also covers admissions and enrolments to courses, exclusions, and the provision of other 'student services' which include education and training. These include a wide range of educational and non-educational services, such as field trips, examinations and assessments, short courses, arrangements for work placements and libraries and learning resources.



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Under the Act, institutions must be 'accessible' before a student with disability can apply there for study. If they are not, institutions are required to make ‘reasonable adjustments’ if a disabled person is placed at a ‘substantial disadvantage’. Funding from the Learning and Skills Council (LSC) is made available to support providers in carrying out their duties under the new legislation. In addition to this, a recurrent funding sum is allocated for staff development activities, enabling them to more fully meet learner needs. Funding may also be used for the provision of assistive technology such as text enlargement software. The Act brings with it an increased sense of accountability of providers toward disabled students, by stating that disabled students must not be treated less favourably than a student with no disability, on account of their condition. As highlighted by the National Bureau for Students with Disabilities (Skill), this could be exemplified by an institution turning a disabled person away from a course, or marking them down in an assessment because they had dyslexia or were deaf. This sense of increased accountability is highlighted by the fact that under the Act, an institution may be liable to provide compensation to any student whose learning needs have not been appropriately facilitated. The Act was phased in by three distinct parts: 1. From September 2002: unlawful for providers to discriminate against disabled students by treating them less favourably than others. Reasonable adjustments had to be made to provision that may place those with disabilities at substantial disadvantage. 2. From September 2003, providers were required to make adjustments involving the provision of auxiliary aids and services. 3. From September 2005, providers were required to make adjustments to the physical features of premises, if disabled students were put at a substantial disadvantage by them. The Acts’ intention is not for providers to make allowances in provision for individual learners. Rather, the Act requires that institutions consider the necessary adjustments required in order to avoid any future discrimination. Providers are asked to address the needs of learners with disabilities in the planning process, including their consultations with learners and a detailed needs analysis. This process was ensured by the requirement from the Further Education Funding Council that Colleges produce an annual disability statement as a condition of funding, outlining the facilities and support disabled students might expect from each institution. The Special Educational Needs and Disability Act is an amendment to the Disability Discrimination Act of 1995. As a result, it only protects those who are defined as being disabled under that legislation; a definition based upon an individuals ability to carry out normal 'day-to-day' activities. This is problematic because it is not specific enough to all educational circumstances which may result in some forms of disability not being covered by the Act- such as disability represented by an inability to concentrate on a task requiring application over several hours.



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Second, the case for 'reasonable adjustment' may be justifiably weakened by institutions when measured against factors such as cost, disruption to other students and time taken to implement the proposed change. A third limitation of the Act is that there are no clear guidelines for responsibility to individual organisations to ensure that the stipulated adjustments to be made are actually carried out. This may create problems, for example, within work-based learning as to whether responsibility lies with the higher education institution or the external organisation. Lastly, the Act may also be criticised due to its lack of focus upon the cultural barriers that prevent those with disabilities from accessing education and training. 2.1.3. Adult education In the United Kingdom, Adult Education is mainly delivered via Adult Education centres or community colleges, in a range of community based locations, which are largely funded by the LSC. Adult educational courses are offered to those over compulsory schooling age (16 years of age and above) and vary in length. Provision for those with disabilities has grown vastly over the last decade from small discrete and segregated courses to a wide range of integrated main stream and specialist provision across all sectors5. The most important recent piece of legislation passed in relation to access to Adult Education by disabled people continues to the abovementioned 1995 Disability Discrimination Act (DDA), although further developments such as the Tomlinson Report on Inclusive Learning (1996) and the SENDA have served to further developments in this area; since then, significant funding has gone into making learning provision available for adults with a disability. In 2001 the Government pledged £35 million to assist Adult Education centres to fund improvements in access. This was strengthened by an £18 million investment from the Higher Education Funding Council for England (HEFCE) over the last decade and investment over £1 billion to programmes that promote equality of opportunity (race, gender and disability) from the LSC in 2003-04. In terms of access to Adult Education, the Act ensured that disabled students are not discriminated against promoting an environment of equality of opportunity between those who are disabled and non-disabled. In addition, it set out planning duties for Local Education Authorities to increase access to information and the physical environment for those with disabilities. All private education and voluntary sector organisations in all educational and strictly non-educational activities (such as parent's evenings) are expected to comply with the legislation.

5 Cited: www,niace.org.uk



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• At a glance: Disability and Discrimination Act 1995 • • The Disability Discrimination Act (DDA) was passed in 1995 to prevent discrimination that disabled people face within employment, with access to goods, facilities and services, the management, buying or renting of land or property and education. Within an educational context, the Act emphasised that disabled people should not be significantly disadvantaged in comparison to non-disabled people, with reference to education services offered. The Act stipulated that education providers were not expected to make alterations to physical features of buildings or offer auxiliary services; however providers were expected to develop an accessibility strategy which included improving the physical environment of schools for disabled people, increasing participation of disabled people and improving the delivery of education to disabled people. Source: ECOTEC Research and Consulting Under the Act, providers of Adult Education are expected to take steps that are 'reasonable' to promote increased accessibility, largely concerning meeting learner needs and adapting buildings to allow for increased physical access, in order to be anti-discriminatory to disabled learners. The Act makes it unlawful for a providing body to discriminate against a disabled student by treating them less favourably, in offers of admission or enrolment, and by the provision of services. From April 2003, the Act was extended to include individuals who have been certified as blind or partially sighted, as disabled for the purposes of the Act. September 2003 saw an amendment to the Act which identified the governing bodies of Further Education Colleges and Local Education Authorities who provide Adult Education as responsible bodies who have legal duties and responsibilities under the legislation. The Act was further extended to qualifications bodies in October 2004, by giving them duties not to discriminate in the awarding of 'professional or trade' qualifications. 2.2. Outcomes of policy and stakeholder initiatives: With regard to pre-primary education, the strategy Removing Barriers to Achievement has received much support from stakeholder groups who see it as having contributed to their long term vision of using education to shape a child's life chances and to transmit society's values. Through the Act, the equality of opportunity for disabled people has been enhanced in addition to the improvement of accessibility to buildings, and the formulation of a more inclusive curriculum for disabled learners. However, the current system does not allow for the potential of poor coordination between education, health and social care leading to gaps in supply and shortfalls in the availability of childcare for disabled children. In terms of tertiary education, the United Kingdom has demonstrated increased student numbers in HE, which are seen as being a result of the strategies and policy reviewed above. Growth in the numbers of disabled students in higher education has seen a significant increase in the nine academic years from 1994/95 to 2003/04, with the percentage of all first year undergraduates known to have a disability having risen from 3.1 per cent in 1994-95 to 5.6



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per cent in 2003/04 (HESA). In addition, disabled students now have new rights for access to HE and FE as all higher education institutions must now make reasonable changes to their premises to ensure they are accessible to disabled students. A study by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) into the impact of multiple policy innovations on the participation and experiences of disabled students in higher education in Scotland and England between 2001 and 2003 concluded that definite progress has been made in the provision for disabled students6. The majority of HE institutions in England and Scotland had a designated disability officer and a senior manager with responsibility for disability issues. Furthermore, where institutions were found not to have met the 'base-level provision' for disabled students, significant numbers reported partially meeting them through measures such as adequate staffing and the refurbishment of the physical environment. However, there were also some areas where the ESRC study found that no change was apparent. The research conducted a number of student case studies which revealed gaps between policy and practice. This was illustrated by barriers still in place to the participation of disabled students in higher education, in particular, with regard to teaching and learning, monitoring and evaluation and staff development. One of the biggest barriers experienced concerned barriers to the physical environment, with the choice of course and institution largely being dictated by physical access. Secondly, it was found that 'reasonable adjustments' (as now required by law) to teaching practices, such as the distribution of handouts prior to a lecture, were not forthcoming. This was especially in older Universities where it was considered by some lecturers that this practice would lower standards and would give disabled students and unfair advantage. Some of the issues identified in the study have been later on addressed by the SENDA. Lastly, in terms of improvements to access to Adult Education and training resulting from the Disability Discrimination Act, there have been concerns amongst some practitioners that the Act served more as an imposition than as a tool to facilitate wider access to education and training for those with disabilities. It has also been emphasised by critics that any 'reasonable adjustments' made in order to increase access to Adult Education may run the risk of lowering standards in course content and material in order to incorporate more students, rather than developing material in more accessible and alternative formats. 2.3. Conclusion Overall, it can be argued that despite the existence of some weaknesses in the three Acts covered in this case study that each of them has, to some extent, succeeded in improving access to education and training of people with disabilities. The backbone of the Governments Strategy for SEN, the SENDA and the DDA is their emphasis upon equality of opportunity between disabled and non-disabled individuals. The SEN, for example, represents a step forward for those with disabilities through not only serving to increase access to mainstream education and training for adults and children, but also by extending the rights of disabled people in pre-primary, tertiary and Adult Education. Increased access has also been promoted,

6 www.esrc.ac.uk



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additionally, through the enhanced scrutiny of institutions admissions policy, the organisation of their curriculum and their attitudes towards disabled learners. Although this case study has largely contained a focus upon increasing access to education through the improvement of physical and organisational aspects, the role of the individual learner should not be underestimated. As recognised by the Disability Rights Commission, it is possible that access to tertiary and adult learning may be adversely affected by learners attitudes developed by a previously negative experience of learning, leading to low expectations regarding their own contribution and role in society. Access to education and training may also be hampered by the negative stereotyping by others in society, undermining the confidence and self-belief of disabled people. More work by stakeholder groups, and further policy development are required to challenge the ethos of charity that exists with regard to disabled people. The striving to increase access to education and training in the United Kingdom at all levels of education is ongoing. In Spring, the Disability Rights Bill (2005) was introduced as a further extension to the Disability Discrimination Act, including new duties to promote disability equality through the requirement to anticipate the needs of disabled students, and to consult with disabled people regarding any proposed services and adjustments offered, with an anticipated effect from 2006-07.



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3. INEQUALITIES DUE TO DIFFERENCES IN SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND IN HIGHER EDUCATION: WHAT IS THE REAL IMPORTANCE OF TUITION FEES?

By Natasha Calvert, ECOTEC Research and Consulting 3.1. Introduction In most OECD countries, inequitable participation in Higher Education (HE) across different socio-economic groups is subject to significant attention. Patterns consistently show greater participation amongst individuals from higher socio economic groupings7. This disparity has not diminished in recent decades despite an overall rise in participation8. Likely explanations for this are widely debated but one central thesis is that the actual and perceived cost of higher education poses a greater barrier for individuals from lower income families. This case study looks at how access to higher education according to socio-economic groupings varies between countries and whether patterns have changed since Lisbon 2001. Specifically, it considers whether tuition fees disproportionately restrict access for lower socio-economic groups. The primary focus is on the UK9, where mandatory tuition fees were introduced in 1998 and the introduction of top-up fees has been approved more recently (2004). Potential impact of tuition fees is discussed and initiatives intended to widen access identified. The wider European landscape is also considered, with three contrasting systems highlighted: the Netherlands, where tuition fees have been standard since the early 1990s; Germany, where a recent law has paved the way for their introduction; and Finland, which typifies the Scandinavian model of free education for all. The remainder of this case study is structured as follows: the next section provides outlines some ongoing discussions surrounding tuition fees across Europe. The third section of the case study looks at the introduction of tuition fees in the UK. Tuition fees in the Netherlands and proposals in Germany are then covered, as well as the system of income and other support for students in Finland. The following section looks at the impact of tuition fees, to consider how fees relate to participation rates, and particularly among lower socio-economic 7 It is recognised throughout this paper that it is difficult to measure and compare according to socio-economic groups since social groups are neither defined nor measured consistently. Diagram XX refers to the Official Social Classifications in the UK, which are as follows: I – professional occupations; II – managerial occupations; IIIN – non-manual skilled occupations; IIIM – manual skilled occupations; IV – partly skilled occupations; V – unskilled occupations. 8 See, for UK data, DfES (2003) Widening participation in higher education, Department for Education and Skills. 9 It is important to note that, while this paper refers to the UK throughout, the situation in Scotland is different. Scottish students studying in Scotland will usually have their fees paid by the Scottish public authorities. English or Welsh students attending Universities in Scotland do pay fees, but until recently they have been charged less than if they were attending Universities in England.



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groups. The last section pulls together the main findings concerning the relationship between tuition fees and widening participation in a conclusion. 3.2. Setting the agenda Discussions surrounding tuition fees have gained momentum across Europe over the last decade. There has been strong opposition to their introduction in a number of countries – notably the UK in the late 1990s and more recently Germany- since, it is argued, transferring financial responsibility to individuals will negatively influence decisions to pursue higher education, in particular for people from lower socio-economic backgrounds. Lower socio-economic groups have historically been under represented in higher education student populations; some recent studies have concluded that relationship between social class or parental income and higher education participation has strengthened since the 1970s.10 If the cost of studying is indeed a central cause, then it follows that introducing tuition fees will exacerbate the disparity in access by people from different social groups. This is considered particularly alarming in light of the widely identified link between tertiary education and higher earnings, as well as greater opportunities, later in life11. Conversely, proponents of tuition fees argue that it is precisely because of these potential economic advantages of participating in tertiary education that individuals should bear some financial responsibility. Whilst recognising that the wider societal benefits justify continued public subsidisation of tertiary education to a certain degree, some scholars, such as Barr (2003), argue strongly for some individual contribution: “If it is unfair for graduates to pay more of the cost, as the proponents of tax funding argue, it is even more unfair to ask non-graduate taxpayers to do so.”12 Moreover, transferring some of the cost to the individual should free up public funds, which could be used to boost investment in other areas of education. If, as many believe, access to higher education is influenced by aspirations and attainment of individuals, themselves informed by inequitable secondary education provision, then this argument suggests that tuition fees could play a role in creating a more distributive system that actually helps to widen access to higher education. On a more basic level, continued public funding of an increasing number of higher education places – in line with the Lisbon Council objectives –may be simply unsustainable. As such, for some tuition fees are inevitable. Tuition fees can take a variety of forms. The potential for reducing or increasing inequalities will depend largely on the framework and conditions of their implementation. The amount of the fee is clearly important as is the availability of, and eligibility for, grants and loans. Repayment methods and timetables are also key. For instance, if fees can be deferred then access is free at the point of use, which may favour access in relation to systems with

10 The Widening socio-economic gap in UK Higher Education, Fenando Galindo-Rueda, Oscar Marcenaro-Guiterrez and Anna Vignonles (2004), Centre for the Economics of Education 11 De la Fuente, A. and Ciccone, A. (2002) “Human Capital in a global and knowledge based economy” Final report for DG Employment . 12 Financing Higher Education: Lessons from the UK Debate, Nicholas Barr (2003), Political Quarterly Publishing Co Ltd.



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“upfront” fees. Repayment can also be income contingent, so that payments only start once the individual is earning a predetermined amount. This feature, which has recently been adopted as part of the UK system, has long existed in both Australia and New Zealand. Who benefits from the fees raised can also vary. A recent opinion poll in Germany suggested that public attitude towards fees in that country rested heavily on this point; if state budgets benefited, then only 21% of the population and 6% of students were in support of tuition fees but if monies went directly to Universities, these figures rose to 62% and 47% respectively13. While the pros and cons continue to be debated, tuition fees are now becoming commonplace across much of Europe and other OECD countries. Scandinavian countries, however, are notable in their absence. These countries are grounded in a principle of free education and have no plans to alter their system of total public funding. They are also characterised by widely available and relatively generous systems of support to ensure that learning is affordable. However, in a statement to the OECD in 2005, the National Union of Students in Finland asserted that 55% of 19-year olds passed the matriculation examination – the main route to higher education – in 2004. But, ‘when looking at their socio-economic background, around 80% of them had a family background of one or two higher education degrees.’14. The implication is that free access does not mean wide access and high participation does not mean wide participation. This issue is re-visited and discussed in some detail in the results section. First, however, details of the systems of fees and financial aid implemented in the four countries are set out. 3.3. Implementation This section looks at tuition fees in the UK, detailing the terms and objectives set out in a series of Education Strategies and Acts. Initiatives intended to mitigate the impact of fees for individuals from lower income families are also covered. Attention is then paid to tuition fees in the Netherlands and proposals in Germany, with a focus on how these systems differ from the UK. Finally, the system of income and other support for students in Finland, which has no tuition fees, is set out. 3.3.1. UK In the UK expanding and widening access to HE has been a key concern for government. Recent reforms of the funding system have been passed in order to provide universities with greater funding and also free resources to help students from lower socio-economic backgrounds. These measures have been designed to try to maximise access from these groups and have been accompanied by a series of complementary measures.

13 Remarks on the Implementation of Tuition Fees in Germany, Frank Ziegele, (2001) Centre for Higher Education Development. 14 Equity in Education: Statement for the OECD hearing 14th of April 2005, The National Union of Students in Finland.



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In September 1998, an up-front flat fee of £1,075 was introduced for students starting all higher education courses15. Fees had existed prior to this, but had been paid by Local Education Authorities for UK students. The rationale put forward for transferring some costs to the individual in 98 was essentially based on the ‘pro-fee’ arguments outline above: public funds subsequently freed up could be invested in improving compulsory education and fees were justified by the anticipated financial benefits to the individual. In an attempt to mitigate impact on access for lower-income groups, means tested exemptions to pay fees were introduced on the basis of parental income. In 2001/02, students who depended financially on their parents and whose parents’ residual income was less than £20,000 did not pay any fees. Those whose parents’ residual income was between £20,000 and £29,784 paid part fees.16 At the same time maintenance grants previously awarded to individuals from lower income families were reduced. In the following years, grants were abolished altogether in favour of loans. The compound effect of these changes was to make higher education more expensive for most people. Although students from low-income groups were exempt from fees, the abolition of a maintenance grant meant greater debt than under the previous system. In order that this should not significantly deter people from lower socio-economic groups to enter HE, repayment of student loans became income contingent. Repayment was set at 9% annually of income over £10,000 - the salary threshold at which repayment kicked in. However, the student loans offered were too small to cover fees and all living costs, “[T]hus students are poor, forcing them to rely on their parents, to use expensive credit card debt and / or to spend long hours earning money. These factors all impede access.” 17 In addition, the system was too complicated, putting off potential students who were unclear about what their entitlements exactly were. In part a response to concerns such as these, significant amendments were introduced through a Higher Education Whitepaper in 2003 (The Future of Higher Education), which led to a Higher Education Act in 2004. The Whitepaper was intended to signal a renewed commitment to widening participation in higher education. Therefore, although it paved the way for some fees to be raised from 2005, it also introduced new financial support measures. The main elements relating to tuition fees are set out in the box below.

15 As stated above, Scottish students studying in Scotland did not start paying fees at this time. 16 Higher Education in the United Kingdom: Country Report, Henno Theisens (2003), Centre for Higher Education Policy Studies 17 Barr (2003)



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UK HIGHER EDUCATION WHITE PAPER, 200318

• The Government will continue to pay up to the first £1,100 of tuition fees, depending

on the income of the student’s families. • A new higher education grant of up to £1,000 for those from low income families

will be introduced in October 2004. • The requirement to pay upfront tuition fees will be abolished – no student will have

to start paying their contribution to the course until after graduation. • Students who choose to defer their fees will repay them through the tax system,

related to their income after graduation. • Students will not be charged a real rate of interest on any fee contribution they decide

to defer – the amount will only be uprated to take account of inflation. • The income threshold at which students start to repay their loans will be raised from

£10,000 to £15,000 in April 2005.

The re-introduction of means tested grants and abolition of up-front fees in favour of deferred payment were widely welcomed, as was raising the income threshold for repayment. Additionally, from 2006 fees will no longer be fixed but rather vary between zero and £3,000 a year. Fee remission continues: people from lower income backgrounds will not pay the first £1,125 of any tuition fees and some may be exempt from the whole amount. The Higher Education Act also established an Office of Fair Access (OFFA). OFFA’s main remit is to ensure that universities take necessary action to promote increased access in the face of increasing tuition fees. Any institution intending to charge tuition fees above the standard level (above £1,200 and up to £3,000) will need an Access Agreement approved by the Director of OFFA. Access Agreements cover a period of up to five years, and must set out any plans and milestones of the HE institutions for outreach work to encourage more potential students from under-represented groups to consider higher education19. Both the government and research community, however, recognise that attempts to widen participation must run deeper than this pre-occupation with costs. The Department for Education and Skills’ Widening Participation in Higher Education paper stresses attainment

18 The system of financial support for higher education students that was introduced following the Higher Education Act 2004, as detailed in ‘Widening participation in higher education’, Department of Education and Skills 19 Issues in Higher Education Policy: An update on higher education policy issues in 2004 in 11 countries. Beerkens et al, 2004, CHEPS.



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and aspiration. “Raising standards of education and attainment is the best long term route to widening participation in higher education,”…and…. “Improving levels of attainment need to be matched by raising young people’s aspirations. One in four working class young people who achieve eight good GCSE passes do not end up in higher education.” The Widening Participation document outlines a range of measures to improve standards and widen opportunities throughout a child’s life. This includes investment in higher quality early years education and childcare, as well strategies to improve literacy and other standards in schools. Equally, in August 2004, the national “Aimhigher” initiative was launched in England, with the aim of ‘widen[ing] participation in higher education by raising the aspirations and developing the abilities of young people from under-represented groups.’ The programme encompasses a range of activities to engage and motivate young people who have the potential to enter higher education but are under-achieving, undecided or lacking in confidence.

AIMHIGHER ACTIVITIES

• Offer information, advice and guidance to potential HE students and their teachers

and families so that learners are well advised about their future. • Organise summer schools, taster days, master classes and mentoring schemes to

raise the aspirations and attainment of young people with the potential to enter HE. • Work with employers and training providers to progress students onto vocational

routes to HE. • Work to encourage those already in the workplace to become full-time, part-time or

distance learning students. 3.3.2. Netherlands The Netherlands has a relatively long tradition of tuition fees. Since 1991, all students have to pay a fee, which is the same whether they are attending Universities or the vocationally oriented hogescholen (HBO) institutions. The amount of the fee has been increasing from €800 in 1990 to €1400 in 2002. All Dutch full-time students of at least 18-years, however, are eligible for student financial support. This is supplemented by additional loans and grants to a value dependent on an individuals’ own or parental income. The Information Administration Group (Informatie Beheer Groep, IBG) determines the level of allowances and loans each individual is entitled to and also administrates repayment of student debts. Gradual changes implemented in recent years have seen the level of grants reduced, parental contributions increased and performance demands imposed. Since 1996, performance grants have been awarded as a loan, only converting into a non-repayable grant on completion of certain performance criteria. The 2003 CHEPS study of Higher Education in the Netherlands points to several empirical studies



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suggesting that actual student expenditure is substantially higher than the standard budget allowed by the government. This implies that either parents contribute to a larger than expected extent, or that students are involved in the labour market.20 Recent debates in the Netherlands have centred on the possibility of differential tuition fees for different courses and institutions. Those in favour argue that higher tuition fees are justified for high quality programs (top masters) by the higher expected future returns to education. Opponents argue that this could create a small elitist top-layer in the higher education. Reviews of the financial support system are also under discussion. 3.3.3. Germany In Germany, in January 2005, the constitutional court overruled the 6th amendment of the Hochschulrahmengesetz, which guaranteed basic study without tuition fees. This has paved the way for Lander (states) to introduce tuition fees to first time higher education students. It is expected that the first Länder will start with the introduction of tuition fees in winter semester 2006/2007. As with the UK, the motivation for introducing fees in Germany appears to be mainly driven by constraints on public funding. In some German states, tuition fees are already in place for specific groups of higher education students in Baden-Wuttemberg,Nordhein-Westfalen, Bavaria and Saxony. While objections have not generally been raised to focused fees in these Länder, there has been strong public resistance to general tuition fees. Criticism centres on the potential impact on participation, and particularly from lower socio-economic groups. In the face of this, it is likely that the widespread introduction of tuition fees will be complemented by changes to the current system of financial aid. The German 1971 Federal Education Financial Assistance Law Bundesausbildungsfoerderunsgesetz (BAfoG), aims to improve access to higher education regardless of parent’s financial capacity and as such, grants and zero-interest loans are awarded to students in financial need. In the years following its creation, BAfoG was subject to significant cutbacks and the proportion of students receiving support dropped from 40% to 18% between 1971 and 1999. However, in 2000, this figure increased to 19.8% and in 2001 reforms to the system signalled an increase in funding.21 Limits for parental income and monthly allowances were increased and the existing benefits on the loans - zero interest rate and repayment delayed until five years after graduation – remained. Despite this, BAfoG is still intended as financial assistance to cover living expenses and would not be regarded by most as adequate to cover tuition fees, were they to be introduced.

20 Higher Education in the Netherlands: Country Report, Petra Boezerooy, 2003, CHEPS 21 Financing Higher Education in Germany (2003), Centre for Higher Education Development



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3.3.4. Finland

As mentioned above, Finland, like the other Scandinavian countries, is grounded in a principle of free education. There are no tuition fees for any degree courses at Finnish Universities, for either home or foreign students, and no plans to introduce them. In addition, a system of support of financial support is intended to mitigate financial barriers to higher education. This financial aid comprises study grants, housing supplements and government guaranteed student loans. The former two are government-funded and paid monthly to the student’s bank account. Total aid awarded to an individual depends on personal financial circumstances, as well as the type of school, age and marital status of the student, and the mode of accommodation.

The housing supplement can cover 80% of the individual’s rent, but will not be available if rent is less than €58,87 per month and will not be granted for the part of rent that exceeds €214,44. Student loans are granted by banks operating in Finland and repayment normally begins on completion of studies. Interest assistance on loan repayment is available to all those who have a low income and who have not received financial aid for a specified period.22

The link between a robust financial support system and accessibility appears to be borne out by the high participation rates in Finnish higher education. However, despite this, and the high standard of the country’s compulsory education sector23, research suggests that access is still not equitable across socio-economic groups.24 3.4. Results It is clearly difficult to accurately measure impact of any one single factor on access to higher education. The systems described above cannot be divorced from underlying differences in national education systems and wider societal structures. This said, considerable research has focused on changing patterns of participation following the introduction of tuition fees, both in individual countries and as cross-country comparators. Contrary to widespread public belief, the majority of these studies suggest that introducing tuition fees does not inevitably harm access to HE for individuals from lower socio-economic groups. “Evidence suggests that introducing tuition has not made a great deal of difference in the participation rates of under-represented groups. In the UK, the percentage of enrolment of students from ethnic minority groups increased by 9.7% in 1994-1995 –with no tuition fees- to 11.5% in 2001-02 -with tuition fees. In Australia, there is no evidence that increasing tuition discouraged students from participating in university, including those from low-

22Student Financial Support: An inventory in 24 European countries, Hans Vossensteyn (2004), Centre for Higher Education Policy Studies 23 Finland was placed first in the OECD's 2003 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) study of learning skills among 15-year-olds 24 See A. Furlong et al (1998) and Statement of National Union of Students in Finland to OECD (2005)



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income backgrounds.”25 Similar studies (Vossensteyn: 2001) have found that financial incentives do not have a major impact on enrolment patterns in the Netherlands. Equally, ‘a recent report by the Irish Department of Education and Science indicates that the introduction of the free fees initiative in 1995 had ‘little or no impact to date on promoting equity and broadening access to higher education for the lowest socio-economic groups’. While all socio-economic groups experienced actual increases in participation between 1991 and 2001, within the University sector, ‘the lower socio-economic groups represented an even smaller proportion of entrants in 2001 than they did in 1995.’’26 This may be because fees are only a small part of the total cost of attending HE –which, in turn, is only one of the factors affecting access to HE, as reviewed in the our main report. A study by the Educational Policy Institute in Washington look at wider costs of HE and demonstrated that the link between fees, affordability and access is far from straightforward.27 This study analysed data relating to higher education, ranking countries according to accessibility and affordability. While recognising that there are many different interpretations of ‘accessible’ and ‘affordable’ the paper justifies its selection of six measures of affordability and four for accessibility. The affordability measures, weighted to reflect relative importance, relate to education costs (including tuition, books and other necessary materials), living costs, grants, loans and tax expenditure. They are all expressed as ‘ability to pay’, which is based on GDP, in order to take account of international variations in income. Unsurprisingly, the free provision and generous financial aid typical of Scandinavian countries place Sweden and Finland at the top. Perhaps more surprisingly, the Netherlands is ranked as the third most ‘affordable’ despite its tradition of tuition fees. This can be explained, however, by the fact that fees are fairly small and living costs relatively low in relation to the amounts offered through grants and loans. The Netherlands comes higher than three ‘free’ tuition countries – Germany, France and Ireland – that show high registration fees and high costs for educational materials. The message portrayed by this study is clear; affordability is not determined by tuition fees alone.’ It is also interesting to look at accessibility, which the Global Higher Education Rankings determined through the following four (weighted) indicators: participation rates; attainment rates; educational equity index (EEI); and gender parity index (GPI). EEI is an estimate of educational inequality that measures the degree to which students from high socio-economic status backgrounds (as measured by parental education levels) are over-represented in higher

25 Changes in Tuition Policy: Natural Policy Experiments in Five Countries, Watson Scott Swail, Ed. D. and Donald E. Heller, (2004) Educational Policy Institute (Canada) 26 Tuition Policies in a Comparative Perspective: Theoretical and Political Rationales, Pamela N Marcucci and D. Bruce Jonhstone. 27 Global Higher Education Rankings: Affordability and Accessibility in Comparative Perspective (2005), Educational Policy Institute



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education. 28 As seen below, Netherlands comes out on top in the final accessibility rankings, followed by Finland and then UK. The first two are explained by EEI and gender parity scores in the Netherlands and very high participation rates in Finland. Table 3.1: Overall accessibility rankings

Participation Attainment EEI GPI Overall rank

Netherlands 3 3= 1 1= 1 Finland 1 8 5 5= 2 UK 5 5= 2 5= 3 US 7= 1 7 12 4 Canada 7= 2 3= 10= 5 Australia 6 3= 6 7 6 Ireland 12 5= 3= 9 7 France 4 9 8= 8 8 Sweden 9= 7 8= 13 9 Italy 2 12 10 10= 10 Germany 13 11 11 1= 11 Belgium 9= 10 13 3 12 Austria 9= 13 12 4 13 Source: ‘Global Higher Education Rankings’, (2005) Educational Policy Institute The UK in fact fares well on the EEI, coming second behind Netherlands on this specific measure. This suggests that access to higher education across socio-economic groups is no worse in the UK than in many other countries. What the results of this particular study do imply, though, is that affordability does not equal accessibility. 3.5. Conclusion This chapter has suggested that inequitable access to higher education across socio-economic groups persists. Although most European countries saw a growth in the higher education sector during the 1990s and a corresponding increase in overall participation, the lower socio-economic groups remained under-represented. Although commitments to address this have been pledged, there is no evidence to suggest a resulting positive impact yet. Focusing on the issue of tuition fees, however, it appears that their introduction does not necessarily harm access across socio-economic groups. While there is some noteworthy evidence to suggest that lower socio-economic groups may be highly debt adverse, a large number of studies have concluded that the presence of tuition fees is not a good indicator of equitable access. This is not to suggest that tuition fees could not harm access, just that they cannot be considered in isolation. Tuition fees are one element of the cost and corresponding financial aid system that must be considered as part of attempts to widen access.

28 A high EEI score implies that the composition of the student body ‘looks like’ society as a whole, while a low EEI score implies that the student body is drawn disproportionately from already privileged families.



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High overall costs can deter individuals from attending HE, more so for those from lower income groups. The crucial factor, therefore, it has been argued (Bar:2003), is to make higher education affordable at the point of use. If amounts are sufficient and used to maximum effect, grants and loans should be able to do much to re-dress the income inequalities that may put off lower income groups. In addition, if re-payment of student loans is income contingent and deferred to a time when it is realistically affordable, then any debt accrued should become manageable. It is likely that the UK system has not gone far enough on this front to date; although the system changes signalled by introduction of tuition fees do not appear to have strengthened the relationship between participation and social class, they clearly have done nothing to diminish it either. Results from the Global Rankings study confirm that affordability is about more than tuition fees. The UK rates very poorly on affordability but this is less to do with tuition fees and more to do with high living costs and insufficient financial aid. Conversely, Finland and Netherlands are affordable because they have very good financial support systems and lower living costs, even though one has fees and the other does not. However, the overwhelming consensus suggests that attempts to widening participation must not focus exclusively on the HE entry point. Inequalities in aspirations and attainment are shown to develop earlier in the schooling career, and these affect access to HE, amongst other factors.



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4. IMMIGRANTS IN DENMARK By Ann-Marie Nevala, ECOTEC Research and Consulting 4.1. Introduction Immigrants to the EU and their descendants constitute a growing proportion of the EU population, particularly in the old-EU15 member states. It is widely recognised that the increase in the number of immigrants and descendants of working age can have a positive effect on the European economy if they have an employment rate corresponding to that of native residents. Integration has become particularly hot topic in the face of political pressure and labour market challenges caused by the ageing population and low fertility rates. Numerous studies have demonstrated educational attainment is a crucial element in the labour market integration of immigrants. The discrepancy in the educational attainment of non-Western immigrants and natives, however, remains significant; at the same time the number of low skilled immigrants is on increase. Improving access to education for this group can also eliminate wider societal inequalities. This case study presents two main arguments. First, it assesses one national policy approach in substantial detail, the Danish Integration agreement that was signed in 2002. This tripartite agreement includes a number of different provisions that aim to improve integration, especially training and labour market integration, of immigrants. The agreement established several key policy tools to facilitate the integration process, including tools to improve access to language courses, work placements and vocational adult training courses for newly arrived immigrants. Second, the case study includes a European comparative discussion of the way in which access to higher education is shaped by different national education contexts among second-generation immigrants. This second part looks in particular at ways in which early childhood education and compulsory schooling systems in different countries directly affect the access to HE for this target group.

4.2. Danish Integration Agreement

4.2.1. Setting the Agenda Denmark cannot be described as an immigrant country in historical terms. It has only been in recent decades that the number of refugees and immigrants entering the country has increased. In 1980 29 immigrants and descendents30 accounted for 3% of the population, whereas in 2004

29 Ministreriet for Flygtninge, Indvandrere og Integration: Årbog om udlændinge i Danmark 2004 – Status og udviklong. 30 A person is defined as a Dane if at least one of his parents is both a Danish national and was born in Denmark. It is therefore of no significance whether the person himself is a Danish national or was born in Denmark. If the person is not a Dane, he is an immigrant if he was born abroad, and a descendant if he was born in Denmark.



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this proportion was 8.2%. Three quarters of the immigrant population come from non-Western countries31. Their proportion of the population is forecasted to increase in the future. With this background, the debate around the situation of non-EU immigrants in Denmark has shifted from a focus on their role as a labour market reserve to the problems posed by their integration into the Danish labour market. While employment rates for persons of Danish origin are close to 80%, less than 50% of immigrants from outside Europe and North America are employed32. The primary reason for the lower rate of employment is poor educational background and language skills. A large proportion of immigrants have not gained any professional qualifications in their countries of origin33 and only 10% of immigrants aged 25-64 from non-Western countries have gained a Danish professional qualification after their arrival in Denmark34. Drop-out rates from higher vocational education are also extremely high among this group35. Several Danish studies have shown that having some form of Danish vocational education is crucial to the position of immigrants in the labour market, while there seems to be no positive effect of having an education from the country of their origin36. The situation is similar across other European countries. The 2003 Communication from the Commission on Immigration, Integration and Employment outlines the key barriers different Member States experience to integration and highlights the lack of sufficient language skills as the main barrier. The lack of education and formal skills together with difficulties in assessing and validating qualifications of immigrants are also been mentioned as key barriers for successful integration. The reason for the Danish agreement to focus on newly arrived immigrants are the shortcomings in educational attainment of second-generation immigrants are not as acute as in this group. For instance, when looking at access to HE among the age group 20 to 24, the rate is very poor among recently arrived migrants, but the participation rate of their descendants is the same as the rate of Danish men. In addition to poor labour market situation and educational attainment, three other key drivers played a part in creating an impetus for the creation of the agreement. Firstly, the growing share of older workers in Denmark. Second, a rising concern about the flow of 'social tourists' in the context of the Danish “universalistic” welfare state. Lastly, immigration became the number one political issue in the country after a new coalition government of the Liberal

31 Mainly from Turkey, Iraq, Lebanon and Bosnia. 32 European Commission: European Employment Observatory Review Autumn 2003. 33 Professional qualifications are defined as completed vocational training or higher education programmes. 34 European Commission: European Employment Observatory Review Autumn 2003. 35 Bjørg Colding (2005) A Dynamic Analysis of Educational Progression: Comparing Children of Immigrants and Natives Danes. Institute of Local Government Studies. 36 The Danish Ministry for Refugee, Immigration and Integration Affairs (2002) Yearbook on Foreigners in Denmark 2002.



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Party (Venstre) and the Conservative People's Party (Det Konservative Folkeparti) took office in November 2001. Shortly after their election, the new government passed a new wave of measures and regulations to reduce the number of refugees and stimulate their integration into the labour market. As the Danish policy-making framework is characterised by a strong tri-partitism, the government also invited the social partners to join the negotiations. The topic was already high on the agendas of social partners, LO37 and DA38, who had also drafted a proposal on a new integration policy just months before the consultation with government. Both of these proposals formed a part of the content of the actual agreement which was signed in May 2002 with a high level of consensus. The agreement was signed by the Danish social partners (DA and LO), the government and municipalities (Local Government Denmark). The agreement provides the general framework for the government's policy to integrate newly arrived immigrants more effectively and efficiently and places an emphasis on empowering immigrants and refugees to take their own responsibility for the integration. Universal access to training is also at the heart of the policy. The Danish municipalities are responsible for the implementation of the agreement and providing the agreed services for all new immigrants and refugees. 4.2.2. Policy design and implementation A new policy consensually designed over a relatively short period of time, the agreement provided the policy framework for integration in Denmark and outlined a range of instruments which provided newly arrived refugees and immigrants with automatic access to language training, practical work experience and opportunities to undertake vocational training as soon as they have received a permit to stay. The agreement also established new regulations on the early assessment of training needs and validation of immigrants’ formal, non-formal and informal competences. The policy consists of a three-step induction programme which mainly takes place in companies over a three-year period. Individuals may benefit from all different phases, or only some depending on their needs (e.g. depending on previous qualifications and language skills). The following table introduces the three phases of the programme39.

37 The Confederation of Danish Trade Unions (Landsorganisationen i Danmark, LO) 38 The Danish Employers' Confederation (Dansk Arbejdsgiverforening, DA) 39Partly based on Carsten Jørgensen (2002) Social partners and government sign agreement on integration of immigrants. EIRO.



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Phase 1 – workplace introduction Immigrants may begin their integration programme by undergoing workplace introduction. During this stage, individuals are not under an employment contract and they receive an allowance from the municipal authorities to support them. The aim is to introduce a newly arrived immigrant to a Danish workplace. Individuals do not work during this phase but focus on shadowing other employees, take Danish lessons and may also start vocational training courses. Given these new measures, the companies are expected to recruit the people concerned at an earlier stage than is currently the case. Phase 2 – workplace training The second phase, during which vocational training is provided, aims at making the individuals concerned ready for ordinary employment as early as possible. Companies play a bigger role in this phase, which involves the following: • an individual will work part-time in a company (a part of the salary is paid by the

company); and • an agreements is signed between relevant parties (individual, company and

municipality) to ensure that an individual can continue taking Danish lessons and vocational training courses. The public authorities pay the costs of training courses and an allowance for the time spend on training courses.

Phase 3 – ordinary employment The last phase of the integration process is ordinary employment, whereby the individual can – following the language, vocational training and on-the-job training programmes –be employed by the company according to the to the same collective agreements as other employees. As already seen, universal and immediate access to language training and vocational Adult Education courses is at the core of the agreement. As a result of Act No. 375 of 28 May 2003 on Danish Courses, local authorities in Denmark are obliged to provide Danish courses for up to three years after the first enrolment in a course for immigrants who live and are registered as residents in their constituency. This legislation therefore ensures universal access to language training and vocational education for all immigrants with a residence permit. Although other countries have also introduced similar elements for particular groups of immigrants, the Danish case is rather unique in its attempt to capture everyone in the target group. As a result of the agreement, teaching of Danish language is also organised in a more efficient and flexible manner than before. This is ensured by placing a larger part of the teaching in companies, as language learning should not prevent immigrants from obtaining employment. This is based on an assumption that greater motivation and opportunity to learn Danish is ensured by sending immigrants out to a Danish work place together with Danish colleagues who can then also help to integrate them.



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According the agreement, language courses should also be adapted to the teaching needs of the individual and the company. Nevertheless, at the same time, new national standards have also been fixed for proficiency in Danish, which must be attained during the integration phase, thus making serious demands on the Danish language teachers. Teachers must be able to combine teaching in general language proficiency and teaching in technical language in the company and perform continuous evaluations of the immigrant’s language proficiency, as well as prepare the individual for the final centrally organised language examinations. The integration agreement also emphasises early assessment of prior learning and training needs. Validation of foreign qualifications is the responsibility of CVYY, an institute under the Ministry of Education. Assessment of vocational training needs and wants of immigrants comes under the responsibility of the municipalities, who also provide access to vocational training courses to those who require it, although in some cases on-the-job training is preferred option of individuals and companies. Vocational schools have also introduced a number of initiatives aimed at immigrants to attract more individuals with a foreign background to take up training and reduce drop-out rates. For example, immigrant students in the basic nursing (carer) programmes are exempted from English courses. Furthermore, vocational training schools (in the social and health sectors for instance) in collaboration with language schools and local authorities have designed introductory and preparatory courses for foreigners. As a result of these initiatives, foreigners from non-Western countries have constituted a steadily increasing proportion of the number of students aged 15-24 in social and health training programmes40. This increase has been greater than the increase in the foreigner's proportion of the population among this age group. The new integration policy also acknowledges that the first integration efforts should be made already at pre-school stage, and they should continue throughout compulsory schooling. Access to pre-primary education in Denmark is nearly universal41. However, participation rates are somewhat lower for immigrant children, approximately 90 per cent of three- to five-year-old immigrant children participate pre-primary education42. Fees are means-tested in order to reduce inequalities in access for those from lower socio-economic groups. However, one reason for the difference in participation between the native Danish children and immigrants may be that many newly arrived immigrant are not used to young children staying away from their homes for many hours every day and consequently do not see this as a natural option. Traditionally in Europe governments have not held access to pre-primary education at a high place in the national policy agenda. In recent years the Danish government, alongside a number of other European countries, has allocated more substantial resources for immigrant pupils to become fully proficient in the langue of instruction, and allocated less resources for

40 Ministry of Refugee, Immigration and Integration (2005) Yearbook on Foreigners in Denmark 2004. 41 Eurostat 2004. 42 OECD (2000) Early Childhood Education and Care Policy in Denmark.



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teaching them their mother tongue. For example, legislation from 1996 enables local authorities to organise language-stimulation activities for children aged 3-5 years43. 4.2.3. Funding The funding framework for the above policy is complex. A proportion of the expenses are directly covered by the government, the remainder being covered by municipalities through an incentive scheme created by the government. The incentive scheme aims to encourage municipalities to activate the target group and provide universal access to Adult Education and language courses to immigrants. For each individual the local authorities succeed to integrate in sustainable employment within the programme period, local authorities receive a financial reward from the government. With regards to the costs, it is fairly universally agreed that an integration process that is based on a flexible and tailored approach to learning, training and workplace integration is expensive. The cost of integration programme per person varies depending on how many phases of the integration process each individual requires to undertake before being integrated into the labour market. The provision of training and language learning in a workplace in particular is very expensive, although efficient at the same time. The policy is expected to have longer-term sustainable effects. Investment on education and training is expected to be paid back by increased labour market participation of newly arrived immigrants. Improved access to education is also expected to have an impact on the type and level of jobs the target group can obtain. 4.2.4. Challenges and Results As the implementation of this policy is recent and an evaluation of the agreement will only begin at the end 2005, the findings presented here are largely based on interviews with relevant stakeholders from the Ministry of Refugee, Immigration and Integration, LO, DA and Local Government Denmark44. From these interviews, it is clear that the implementation of the agreement has faced some challenges over the first couple of years of operation. The overall feeling among the stakeholders is that the take up of learning opportunities has increased somewhat among the target group, although no data is yet available to support this view. At the same time, a rather widespread consensus can be sensed that the take-up has not been as high as expected by government. As a response to this situation, the government released a new policy paper on the integration agreement in May 2005, which introduced further elements of compulsory participation in training courses and work placements. A refusal to take up learning or

43 Ibid. 44 Trine Schaldemose Roos, Integration Consultant – LO / The Danish Confederation of Trade Unions; Berit Kjær Petersen, Consultant - The Confederation of Danish Employers; Martin Isenbecker, Head of Division – Department for Integration / Danish Ministry of Refugee, Immigration and Integration Affairs; Camilla Jørgensen - Local Government Denmark (KL).



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workplace training may result in losing benefits. Municipalities have also been offered further financial incentives to increase their efforts to involve immigrants in the training programmes. The new policy paper has not been praised by the stakeholders to the same extent than the first paper. While employers have, to a certain extent, welcomed some of the new incentives, trade unions were not consulted about the latest paper and are critical of it. In their opinion, the provision of negative incentives (e.g. threat of losing benefits) to improve take up of training and integration measures is discriminative. Some further challenges have hindered the implementation of the policy, which should be taken into consideration when designing and planning similar measures. Firstly, as already mentioned, tailored company-based language and training courses have proved expensive for municipalities to provide, consequently the supply of this type of provision has not been as high as it was expected. However, at the same time they have been found to be extremely effective. The Ministry of Education has suggested better cooperation between companies on joint language classes and greater adoption of IT and net-based teaching to improve supply. Secondly, although the policy itself was designed over a short time period, its implementation was rather slow as the agreement had to be followed by legislative changes which came through one-two years after the original agreement was signed. Moreover, a number of changes have been made to the policy since it was originally introduced. Constant changes have made it difficult for municipalities to keep their staff aware of all new procedures and laws. Thirdly, the programme period of three years is considered to be too short for many members of the target group. Those with very poor educational background find it difficult to follow the fast process of integration and may require just language and basic skills training for a longer period before they can move to vocational training courses. 4.3. Access to Higher Education45 This section of the case study presents the experience of second generation immigrants –rather than newly arrived immigrants- in relation to their access to tertiary education. Its focus is comparative, rather than being based on the experience of one country, by contrast to the previous section of the case study. A recent study by Crul and Vermeulen (2004)46 compared the educational success of second generation Turkish migrants in six European countries; Austria, Belgium, Germany, France, the Netherlands and Switzerland. This particular study demonstrated a few interesting lessons with regards to access to higher education, and this section of the case study is based on its findings.

45 The section is largely based on a study by Crul and Vermeule (2004) Immigration and Education. The Second Generation in Europe. Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies (IMES), University of Amsterdam. 46 Crul and Vermeule (2004) Immigration and Education. The Second Generation in Europe. Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies (IMES), University of Amsterdam.



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The key finding of the study is that twice as many Turkish second-generation young people can access (middle or) higher education in France and Belgium than in Germany, Switzerland, Austria or the Netherlands. Four key factors that affect the level of access to higher education by second-generation immigrants were identified in the study. Firstly, and perhaps most importantly, the study found that the school selection mechanisms can seriously hinder the access to higher education for second-generation immigrants. In Germany and Switzerland children are channelled into and in Austria into different compulsory education tracks already at the age of 10. The selection process takes place in Belgium at the age of 14 and in France a year later. The countries with an early selection process have a high percentage of immigrant children who go into short vocational streams that are terminal and do not give access to HE courses upon completion. On the contrary, later selection in France and Belgium results in considerably higher percentages of second-generation immigrant children choosing more prestigious streams of education that provide better chances to access HE. The reasons for immigrant children ending up in shorter streams of compulsory schools is often to do with a lack of clear understanding of the schooling systems and their impacts on education later in life. Further three features of the national education systems can either facilitate or hinder access to education later in life by second generation immigrants: • Access and the entry age to pre-primary education. Immigrant children in France and

Belgium on average have between one and three years of additional education at pre-primary age than in other countries covered by the study. Thus, immigrant children in these countries have a better chance to speak the host country's language daily with their peers and learn it in an educational environment. This is an advantage for immigrant children in these two countries - language skills can have a long lasting effect on educational success. In addition, Belgium and France also have universal participation in pre-primary education47.

• The number of face-to-face contact hours with teachers during the years of compulsory schooling. Here again, the rate is below average for Turkish pupils in the German speaking study countries. This may put the immigrant children at a disadvantage in the education system.

• The amount of support available to migrants inside and outside the school system. This can influence educational success, and access to HE. According to the PISA study48 migrant children in France, Belgium and the Netherlands receive the most support, while the migrant children in Germany receive the least.

When looking at all these variables together, it is clear why second-generation Turks in France access HE at higher rates than anywhere in Europe49. Children start the school early in France, have more hours of face-to-face tuition, have the most supplementary support inside

47 Eurostat 48 OECD (2000) Pisa. 49 Crul and Vermeule (2004) Immigration and Education. The Second Generation in Europe. Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies (IMES), University of Amsterdam.



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and outside schools, and do not undergo educational selection until a fairly late age. In the case of Austria and Germany children enter school late, are selected early to different schooling streams and also have few contact hours and receive less supplementary support. The French context is an example of good practice in terms of accessing HE, but the system also has some drawbacks when comparing it against Austria and Germany. Interestingly, although the French system provides a better access to higher levels of education for immigrants than many other systems, the French HE system is also characterised by high drop-out rates among the Turkish second-generation immigrants50. Consequently many young immigrants in France end up leaving the education system without a diploma and a high level unemployment is normal among these individuals. Interestingly, the countries that provide fairly poor levels of access for young migrants to higher education (Austria, Germany and Switzerland) deliver a smoother transition to the labour market for this group51. This is mainly due to the successful apprenticeship structures of which core principle is to introduce young people to working life at an early stage. After working as an apprentice in a company, apprentices are often hired to work there full time, while in the countries with weak apprentice systems young people must find employment by themselves, and often, in the case of immigrants, with few social networks to rely on. 4.4. Conclusions This case study has discussed the issue of access to education for two different target groups, newly arrived immigrants and second-generation immigrants. The challenges faced by these two groups in accessing education are very diverse. Second-generation immigrants perform significantly better in education and employment than those who have recently arrived. The differences are often accentuated by legislation, which prevents newly arrived immigrants to take up learning or training before they have obtained a permit to stay in the country. The policy example from Denmark displayed a good deal of flexibility and new ways of thinking. This applies, in particular, to the enhancement of contact with the workplace, through universal access to vocational training courses and language learning, in combination with the new requirements placed on the immigrants themselves. The example also demonstrated that the problems faced by newly arrived migrants are multiple and the example showed that the provision of universal access to Adult Education and training does not necessarily result in widening participation, suggesting that a voluntary approach to education and training provision also has its limitations. This can be a result of cultural, language, religious, family and even health circumstances of immigrants. For example, women from certain immigrant groups are not expected to take up learning due to their role within a family. Furthermore, the questions of social assistance and 'making work pay' are also of relevance in the countries with traditionally strong welfare systems like Denmark – the target

50 Crul and Vermeule (2004) Immigration and Education. The Second Generation in Europe. Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies (IMES), University of Amsterdam. 51 Crul and Vermeule (2004) Immigration and Education. The Second Generation in Europe. Institute for Migration and Ethnic Studies (IMES), University of Amsterdam.



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group may not want to or may not able to take part in learning or training in a workplace if it means that they will be financially worse off by working/studying rather than staying on benefits. As a result, this year, accompanied by some controversy, the Danish government decided to strengthen the role of negative incentives. The discussion on access to HE demonstrated that national education frameworks have a considerable impact on the level of access among second-generation immigrants. The comparison produced interesting findings and identified significant drawbacks in two different types of systems. In countries where the second-generation immigrants experience a smooth transition to the labour market as a result of thriving apprenticeship structures, only small numbers manage to access HE.. At the same time the second-generation immigrants in countries with better access to higher education face a weaker labour market situation due to high drop-out rates. This analysis has demonstrated that the wide diversity of educational systems in the EU member states makes the simple transfer of ‘good practice’ from one environment to another difficult. However, countries have much to learn from one another and exchange of experiences is obviously encouraged under the Open Method of Co-ordination. When analysing good practice examples in access to education, equal opportunity policies must stay at the core of any policy but they must also appreciate the diverse needs and backgrounds of this target group. European countries are also under a greater pressure to improve their national validation mechanisms if they are to ensure an easier entry for highly qualified immigrants in the light of forthcoming labour shortages.



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5. DISTANCE LEARNING IN SPAIN By Jacob Dencik, ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd. 5.1. Introduction This case study examines distance learning and the role of new information and communication technologies in facilitating access to HE in Spain. More specifically, the case study will examine the development, implementation and outcomes of the two Spanish open universities: the Universidad de Educacion a Distancia (UNED), created through a central government act in 1972, and the Universitat Oberta de Catalunya (UOC), established by the autonomous region of Catalonia in 1995. The Open University system in Spain provides an illustrative example of how to address the barriers to education and training associated with geographic distance (a particular problem for people in rural areas) and lack of time nationally. Spain is the leader in the provision of distance education in the European Union as measured by the volume of students enrolled in a distance education or training programme at further or higher education level. The development of distance learning in Open Universities in Spain has been at the forefront in the application and utilisation of ICT for learning purposes, in particular by the UOC. As its point of departure, the case study will examine the policy initiatives that have underpinned developments of distance learning in Spain, including a brief outline of how early developments in pioneering countries in the area of distance learning, such as the UK and US, and wider EU policy has affected initiatives in Spain. The case study will then explore how these policy developments manifested themselves in the Open University system in Spain, focussing firstly on the creation of UNED and secondly on the development of UOC. In so doing, the study will explore the obstacles, problems and successes that have been encountered in the initial implementation and subsequent development of both universities. This will be followed by an outline of funding mechanisms and access trends. The analysis then turns to the outcomes and outputs achieved from each of the two Universities and a brief discussion of future developments. The study ends with an analysis of lessons learned for other EU countries about the possible role of Open Universities and distance leaning in facilitating access to lifelong learning. 5.2. Motivation and agenda setting The establishment of the Open University system in Spain is the result of wider efforts to facilitate distance learning with a view to address the need to develop opportunities for university access “to those that, by different reasons, residence, labour duties or any other can not attend the traditional university classes. From this perspective, the distance learning seems to be the most appropriate, the only one able to assure the required flexibility, without damaging the quality level of the learning style” (Act 2310/72). The greater emphasis on distance learning in the Spanish education system follows similar trends in other European countries towards making access to learning opportunities



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independent of an individual’s physical location or time constrains. These trends follow from wider objectives of facilitating lifelong learning opportunities to meet the skills requirements of the knowledge based economy. Moreover, distance learning is seen as a means to address the greater demand for higher education at a lower cost than the traditional provision. Hence, the main drivers for the introduction of distance learning and use of ICT in higher education is the growing emphasis on reaching as many students as possible, while keeping costs low. This motivation and trend manifests itself in initiatives arising at both national and regional level. This is in accordance with the constitutional structure of Spain, where education is considered to be a shared responsibility of the state and the autonomous communities. At the national level, both the Ministry for Education, Culture and Sports and the Ministry of Science and Technology are involved in the development of ICT utilisation in universities. This involvement has manifested itself in a range of projects aimed at developing the integration of ICT in HE, such as the action plan ‘Plan de accion info XXI’ which contains a number of projects initiated and funded by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sports. Similarly, the Ministry of Science and technology is involved in projects intended to “enhance the models of teaching and learning at the universities through the introduction of new technology”52. At the regional level, a range of different actors and stakeholders are involved in distance learning initiatives. For example, while the UOC is an outcome of a regional initiative with the government of Catalonia as lead initiator, it is a result of the collaborative efforts of a range of regional stakeholders such as the Catalan Federation of Savings Banks, the Official Chamber of Commerce, the Industry and Navigation of Barcelona, Televisio de Catalunya, SA and Catalunya Radio, SA. Inspired by the Open University in the UK, the aim of the UOC is “to create a university that made higher education accessible to people who for reasons of work, place of residence, age or other personal reasons could not study at a traditional university, but would prefer to take advantage of a distance education system”53. In sum, faced with the challenges of globalisation and the knowledge based economy, the importance to Spain of enhancing individuals’ opportunities for lifelong learning is increasingly recognised. The development of distance learning and the integration of ICT in higher education are seen as key tools for this. Distance learning and the introduction of ICT are thus viewed as increasing accessibility to HE for adults, allowing them to more easily combine work, family and studies.

5.3. Policy design and implementation

5.3.1. Introduction Planning for an open university in Spain began in the mid 1960s and was successfully completed in the context of the 1970 General Law of Education which stipulated a range of

52 European Commission (2003), Studies in the Context of the e-learning Initiative: Virtual Models for European Universities (lot 1), p. 156 53 European Commission (2003), Case profile for the Open university of Catalonia (UOC), Spain, p. 40



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reforms aimed at ensuring that the education system would be able to meet the new demands resulting from economic and social changes in Spain and internationally. The emphasis on distance learning in the education reforms was to a great extent inspired by developments in the rest of Europe, notably the UK where the first distance learning university was established in 1969. In the 1980s, more attention was paid to the need to adapt education and training provision to the innovation processes in the economy, so as to ensure that the provision of new skills and competencies is available to adults. This also involved greater emphasis on the use of new technology, notably ICT, to facilitate learning opportunities. Similar trends were witnessed in the UK, France and Italy. More recently, distance learning has become increasingly important on the Spanish policy agenda, with the demand for lifelong learning placing greater emphasis on initiatives that can facilitate learning opportunities outside of the boundaries of the education institution. The primary vehicles for the implementation of distance learning by means of open universities and ICT in Spain are the two open universities UNED and UOC, initiated at national and regional level respectively. 5.3.2. UNED UNED is the only university which covers all of Spain, and is the largest virtual university in Spain and Latin America. Official planning for it was initiated in 1968 and the University’s charter was granted in 1972. The institution shares the same legislative underpinning as traditional universities, and can confer degrees and diplomas. Moreover, the UNED promotes research and has more than 85 PhD programmes. UNED offers three different characteristics in comparison with other Spanish universities:

• it was created to enable access to HE for all the people that for space, temporal or physical reasons can not attend a presence university;

• its distance learning model requires the same general conditions as the instruction systems, that is to say, previous planning, process orientation, evaluation and feedback, but all of them subordinated to a specific methodology that has not been involved in space or time restrictions;

• it comprises all the national territory. As such, the university caters for a different type of learner than traditional universities. Accordingly, 75% of its students are between 25 and 45 years old. UNED recognises that its learner profile, coupled with the use of new technologies to provide distance learning, demands differences in pedagogy with other universities. Hence, since its beginning in 1972, the method of education and training has increasingly moved from a reliance on traditional materials to radio, video, TV, computer assisted learning, CDs videoconferencing, and the recent development of a virtual university operating on the internet. In tandem with these developments, UNED has been very active in the creation of new didactic materials and the useful application of these. These developments are reflected in the commitment of UNED to



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new learning theories and experimental pedagogy which guarantees the clarity and quality of the main contents and contains the technological means to assure a fluid communication with the teacher/professor that is needed in distance education. To provide its courses, UNED employs almost 2,000 staff, of which approximately half are academic (mostly full-time). Teaching teams are an important part of the structure at UNED and is an important co-ordinating tool. Each team prepares the teaching material for its own subject and selects the method by which the subject will be taught. The teams enjoy great freedom in deciding on these aspects, although they must observe the general rules set out by the Distance Education Methods and Media Committee. The publication or renewal of all UNED teaching material proposed by a teaching team must be approved by this committee. The result is that the quality of courses is homogenous and teaching materials and methods are innovative. The main challenge for the development and implementation of UNED has not been the development of the technical platform, but rather the difficulty of adapting material and staff to the new methods of learning and teaching. This represents a critical challenge for all attempts to implement distance learning and introduce ICT in a learning context. Addressing this challenge is a key objective for UNED, such as to continue the expansion of distance learning provision.

5.3.3. UOC The UOC was founded as a private institution in 1995 with a particular focus on the Catalan language and cultural sensitivities. The UOC is legally established as a foundation consisting of representatives from the government of the autonomous region of Catalonia, the Council of the Chambers of Commerce of Catalonia, The Catalan Savings Bank Federation and Catalan Television and Radio. Their goal was to create a university “that made higher education accessible to people who for reasons of work, place of residence, age or personal reasons could not study at a traditional university, but would prefer to take advantage of a distance education system”54. Accordingly, the UOC mainly targets:

• People wanting initial academic training as well as supplementary academic training • 25-50 year-olds who either left university without completing a degree or who want to

develop skills in new areas • ICT literate individuals with access to the Internet • Those in employment, so that either they or their employers can pay for their courses • Individuals nationally and internationally

In achieving the stated goal and meeting the needs of its target groups, a number of challenges have to be overcome, including:

• Responding to the needs of companies, institutions and individual professionals for alternative methods of delivering educational services.

54 European Commission (2003), Case profile for the Open University of Catalonia (UOC), Spain, p. 40



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• Employing the latest multimedia and interactive technologies to offer teaching beyond the barriers of space and time.

• Offering more direct attention towards students by providing a network of regional support centres that extend throughout Catalonia, where students can take care of administrative formalities, meet with teachers and students and also attend conferences, seminars, round tables and video conferences.

In addressing these challenges, the central feature of the UOC is a new model of university based on the concept of the ‘virtual campus’ that links students electronically. The virtual campus exists in the form of a communications network which covers and interconnects the entire territory of Catalonia, overcoming obstacles of time and space, whilst providing personalised contact between students, professors and the UOC. Accordingly, the development strategy for the virtual campus was based on integrating three basic elements into a campus intranet: e-mail, relational databases and web information pages. When the UOC was established 1995, the Internet, and especially the Web, could not deliver multimedia materials. For this reason, the UOC initially sent traditional paper-based materials to its students. However, as technology progressed in terms of delivering rich information in a variety of formats, the University increased its use of CD-Roms and Web-materials, and teaching materials created by collaborative teams of designers and technological specialists. Materials are now paper-based or multimedia. To date, more than 650 course materials have been developed by the UOC. Via the virtual campus, students have access to the internal databases of the university, can make inquiries and carry out administrative formalities. All courses are structured around a core of required and optional semester-length subjects. Each subject, in turn, consists of various modules with specific learning objectives. The different types of courses cover both initial and supplementary academic training:

• Initial academic training • Masters • Doctoral programmes • Summer school • Educational services for institutions and enterprises

In accordance with the objective of the UOC to reach target groups usually unable to access higher education, the aim has been to place the needs of the student at the centre of its approach. In addition to the use of the virtual campus, this approach has involved new organisational and pedagogical models. Hence, “university students learn because the methodology employed brings them face to face with knowledge in a particular way, obliging them to resolve problems, to search for information, to compare it empirically or by means of alternative sources, and to work co-operatively”55. This also means that teaching is organised in an uncharacteristic way, with three types of teaching staff: Teachers, Counsellors and Tutors. The teachers’ tasks are to assess the progression of courses, evaluate their quality, and monitor the counsellors and tutors working on courses. Meanwhile, the tutors and counsellors run the courses. The student centred model of the UOC is depicted in the figure below. 55 European Commission (2003), Case profile for the Open University of Catalonia, p. 53



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Figure 1: UOC's Student Centred Model.

The UOC employs only 150 full-time teachers while there are approximately 2,000 part-time counsellors and tutors. The great number of part-time staff gives the UOC the flexibility to provide the courses requested by students. The approach to distance learning adopted by the UOC is thus dependent upon a pool of people interested in working part-time for the university. However, in this context it is worth noting that in Spain, young academics experience difficulties obtaining positions at traditional universities. The UOC can take advantage of this situation by offering young academics an entry into employment. However, the untraditional roles of staff and lack of job security has also caused difficulties with the implementation of the UOC. Notably, academic staff is required to adopt the new methods and pedagogy used to facilitate distance learning. With both a new organisational and pedagogical model, staff members have had to adapt to a number of simultaneous changes. The main barriers to the successful use of ICT to facilitate distance learning are thus related to the adaptability of universities and staff. As long as such difficulties persist, the full potential of the UOC will not be exploited. Moreover, it is unclear if the extensive use of part-time staff is a sustainable approach to human resource management. In addition, the unique approach to learning has required extensive investment in time and financial resources to develop digital learning material and keep it updated. Indeed, extensive investment in high quality learning materials is a central feature of the approach to distance learning in Spain and Europe, and finds its initial inspiration in the success of the British Open University. In contrast, many distance learning initiatives in the US rely more on recorded lectures or videoconferencing as tools for learning. 5.4. Funding



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UNED is funded by the Ministry of Education, and levies fees on its students. It also has other various sources of funding from sponsors and institutions. 40% of the budget is obtained from fees and 35 % from grants. The UNED provides value from the point of view of the government as the unit cost (average per student) works out at 40% of that of other Spanish universities. Similarly, although the UOC is a private institution, the financial aspects of the UOC are controlled by the Catalan parliament. This means that approximately 52% of the budget comes from the government of Catalonia, and 44% from student fees, with the remainder coming from other sources, such as the Spanish government and consultancy services (2003). In addition, the UOC exploits other private funding opportunities, with private companies supplying some of the ICT hardware free of charge or at reduced prices. The student fees differ for people from Catalonia, who pay a subsidised fee, and individuals outside of the region, who are charged the full cost, equivalent to approximately three times the subsidised price. Research is funded by agreements with companies and by various public administration entities (Catalán, Spanish and European), mainly through research and development programmes. Companies also contribute to research programmes by sponsoring chairs, observatories and research projects. The UOC has also signed agreements with public and private institutions in the region in order to share such resources as teaching staff, library resources and buildings. An important part of the investment budget is dedicated to production of content materials. Over the past six years substantial investments have been made in development of new multimedia teaching material as the core basis of its provision. For both UNED and the UOC, and other universities in Spain, funding for the introduction and utilisation of ICT comes from both the national ministries and autonomous regions. Further funding is obtained from the EU. 5.5. Results, outputs/outcomes The main achievements of the distance learning initiatives in Spain are the number of participants in open universities. Almost 200,000 students were enrolled at the UNED in the year 1996-1997. Wider benefits have been produced for people studying in other Spanish universities. With regards to the integration of ICT in the universities to facilitate distance learning, the situation in Spain has improved a lot since the introduction of Open Universities. In the last three to four years Spain’s universities have become very aware of the opportunities associated with the effective integration of ICT, and much has been done to improve the infrastructure of universities to accommodate such changes. The success of the UNED and UOC is thus not confined to their own activities, but has also acted as a source of inspiration for other universities in Spain. In what follows of this section, we will outline the results and outcomes of UNED and the UOC in more detail.



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5.5.1. UNED UNED has showed a rapid increase in enrolments from 130,000 in 1993-1994 to currently more than 200,000. Hence, when UNED recently celebrated its 25 years anniversary, it was as a major institution in the overall provision of higher education in Spain. From the perspective of increasing access for disadvantaged groups, UNED has proven particularly successful. UNED’s extended reach is reflected in its 600 students from penitentiaries, 1100 disabled students, and the fact that more than 70% of its students are workers from different Spanish geographical areas. The success of UNED is further reflected in the increasing international expansion of the university’s activities, with a number of bilateral agreements having been reached with European and Latin American institutions through UNED international. 5.5.2. UOC The UOC has been ranked among the top five open universities in Europe in quality of teaching and learning. The success of the UOC is highlighted by the increasing number of students enrolled. In 2001, the university had more than 15,000 registered students,up from less than 1,000 in 1996. In general, the experience of the UOC has shown that a new type of learning organisation may require a new type of organisational structure, with its staff fully concentrated on a virtual or Web-centric approach to learning. In short, when looking at the experiences of both UNED and the UOC it is evident that it may be difficult to build up a new approach to HE based on old-fashioned structures. As a virtual university focused exclusively on providing learning experiences within the context of e-learning, the UOC has benefited from solid support from public administration and from the complete commitment from its senior management at the strategic level. The UOC uses a modern and innovative methodological teaching model supported by powerful communication tools as a core effort in the creation an authentic sense of community amongst its students. Because knowledge creation is considered one of the most important success factors, the UOC is also promoting excellence in its field of expertise, namely ICT and its influence on society with special emphasis on e-learning: new ways of delivering learning in an interconnected world. As an indicator of its success in this area, the virtual campus of the UOC received the European Bangemann Challenge Award, which is given for the best European initiative in information technology. Moreover, the UOC has been reselling its platform in many countries in South America and Africa, providing further evidence of the success of the initiative. The UOC, like UNED, is also becoming increasingly active internationally, most notably in Latin America.



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5.6. The role of EU policy The EU has been very active in the field of distance learning in recent years. Following a number of initiatives and programmes such as DELTA, EUROTECNET, COMETT, LINGUA and FORCE, the formalisation of the involvement of the European Union in the area of distance learning came with the Memorandum on Open and Distance Learning, published by the European Commission in 1991, and with the two articles of the Maastricht Treaty of 1992 that recognise the role of open and distance learning in the European policies in the field of education and vocational training. More recently, the main drivers at European level which have influenced the development of distance learning and the use of ICT are associated with the Bologna process, with its objective of increasing the mobility and employability of European higher education graduates. In particular, the Bologna process has been significant in shaping the move towards ensuring that the learning achieved by means of distance learning gets accredited. This has been coupled with the influence of EU initiatives such as the E-learning Action Plan (2001), which was launched to promote the use of ICT for learning purposes and emphasised how the use of ICT to education and training provision increases the opportunities for education outside traditional formal institutions bringing new learning opportunities to people, wherever they may be. These trends at EU level have clearly been significant in promoting distance learning and the application of ICT across the EU, including the initiatives in Spain. However, it is also important to note that it is unclear whether recent EU policy in these areas have followed rather than initiated the developments in Spain. Indeed, the UOC seems, in particular, to be at the forefront of the application of ICT for distance learning purposes and may thus have been a source of inspiration rather than outcome of recent e-learning initiatives at EU level. 5.7. Future developments Distance learning in Spain is likely to see further expansion as the demand for education and training increases, and can most easily be met by offering distance learning courses using modern technology. The fact that more of the traditional universities in Spain are beginning to apply ICT and the methods used by UNED and the UOC to meet increasing demand is further evidence indicative of this trend. For UNED, the main priorities for future years are:

• The future development of virtual campuses at the universities • An increase in the use of ICT on campus and of courses being offered in e-learning

format • The development of digital material

This agenda is driven by pressure from national ministries and the autonomous governments, an awareness of the need to keep up-to-date in the area of ICT, and an objective of reaching as many students as possible. Moreover, for the EU as a whole, UNED has identified three main



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areas that require extended EU and national co-operation, including standards, accreditation and the standardisation of curricula and models for virtual universities. The Bologna process will play a key role in moving each of these three areas forward. For the UOC, the University’s first priority is to increase student numbers in Spain and South America. Therefore, the UOC will concentrate on the subject areas of business, technical studies and continuous training, which are in high demand. It is anticipated that this goal will help break down barriers of time and space, enabling the UOC to become a major player in Latin American higher education. In Catalonia, the UOC aims to increase the number of courses offered and to maintain its status within the Catalan university system. For the UOC and UNED quality concerns are of critical importance. In recent years, residential universities have witnessed increased demand for online learning, something they view as a threat. These universities have traditionally questioned whether virtual universities can meet good quality education standards. To address these concerns, UOC’s management is looking for and establishing quality indicators to measure the university’s contribution to education. To create a favourable image and brand recognition for the university, the UOC’s faculty and staff are also working with key universities and research institutes from several European countries including the United Kingdom, Italy, Finland, Germany, Switzerland and Belgium. New European and American universities are currently in the process of joining the UOC working network. 5.8. Conclusions Distance learning and the use of ICT for learning purposes is experiencing tremendous growth in Spain. This is driven by a number of factors, the first and foremost of which is an increasing need for greater and more flexible learning opportunities to achieve continued growth. As it is evident from the analysis above, the approach to distance learning adopted in Spain aims to facilitate access to HE for as a large number of students as possible. As part of this agenda, UNED and the UOC represent an innovative response to the challenges facing a modern knowledge-based economy. They are of particular interest because they are initiated from the recognition that the new technological developments of the knowledge-based economy offer a range of new opportunities for learning to all. Accordingly, our analysis has illustrated how UNED and the UOC are making use of ICT to reach students that are usually beyond the reach (in space and/or time) of traditional universities. The approach to developing distance learning and the application of ICT to improve access to HE in Spain has been characterised by an emphasis on structuring the education and training provision around the needs of the individual student. This is seen as a critical feature of distance learning and, accordingly, the structures that have been put in place are made as flexible as possible, including the extensive use of part-time staff that allows for less rigidity in the kind of courses provided. However, it is also clear that the success of this approach relies on the availability of academics that are willing to accept such work conditions. The experiences of the UOC also illustrate the potential benefits of entering into public-private arrangements for facilitating the flexibility required for successful distance learning.



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Hence, the fact that the UOC has been a private institution, with significant public funding, has provided it with greater freedom, flexibility and resources to meet the demands of learners. This is a lesson that is worth considering for distance learning initiatives across Europe. A critical lesson from the experiences of both UNED and the UOC is the importance of overcoming the barriers to change associated with old routines, cultures and habits. In the case of Spain, these barriers have largely been addressed through the development of new universities dedicated to distance learning rather than the provision of distance learning from existing universities. However, it is of interest to note that traditional universities are increasingly trying to establish distance learning opportunities as well. This is a trend that can also be observed across the EU. As the demand for lifelong learning expands, the role of such open universities is likely to become more important, and the experiences in Spain provide valuable lessons for future efforts in all EU member states.



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6. TRAVELLER POPULATION IN IRELAND By Ann-Marie Nevala, ECOTEC Research and Consulting 6.1. Introduction The particular problems faced by “Travellers” in accessing quality educational opportunities have been recognised by international bodies and by national governments. Education is regarded as the key to breaking the cycle of poverty for this minority group. For example, reports by the World Bank and United Nations Development Program have emphasised that integration in education is an essential ingredient for improving the overall conditions in which the traveller population live. This is particularly so during the early stages of education, which provide the foundations for later learning in life. Although segregated schooling systems in central and eastern European countries have proved to be both unsuccessful and unpopular, special pre-schools for Traveller children have proved popular in Ireland and have succeeded in facilitating better access to the Irish educational system. A recent national evaluation on the Irish Traveller pre-schools concluded56: "It is clear that they can have a positive effect in counteracting the effect of the pronounced educational disadvantage experienced by Traveller families… when pre-schools are located both adjacent to Traveller homes and in close proximity to primary schools, the engagement of Travellers with the educational system may be enhanced". We will focus this case study on the examination of Irish policy on early childhood education for Traveller children, and also on the way in which it assists the Traveller community to better engage in the educational system. 6.2. Setting the Agenda Travellers are an indigenous minority, documented as being part of Irish society for centuries57. According to the Irish Central Statistics Office, there were at least 24,000 Travellers living in Ireland at the time of the 1996 census. The CSO and Pavee Point Traveller Centre released figures revealing that 4,790 Traveller families are resident in Ireland, with approximately 50% living in halting sites and caravan parks58. There are no accurate statistics on the access, participation or educational attainment rates of Travellers but it is widely acknowledged that traditionally participation and success in education among this group has lagged significantly behind the national average. The Irish government's Task Force on the Travelling Community concluded in 1995 that participation rates of Traveller 56 Evaluation Support & Research Unit / Department of Education and Science (2003) Pre-Schools for Travellers - National Evaluation Report. 57 Lesovitch (2005) Roma Educational Needs in Ireland – Context and Challenges. City of Dublic VEC in association with Pavee Point Travellers Centre and the Roma Support Group. 58 Eurydice: Eurybase - Ireland.



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children at all levels of the education system were “unacceptably low for a democratic society”59. Furthermore, Traveller adults have a general lack of knowledge about Irish education structures and children’s educational attendance is characterised by sporadic attendance60. Lack of family support for school, parental inability to help with school work, traditional gender roles, difficulties eliciting accurate information on children’s previous school experiences and/or enrolment, peer group relations in schools, illiteracy and lack of familiarity with formal learning environments are other key barriers to education for the Traveller community61. Poor attainment in early child education and compulsory schooling can have a longer-term impact on access to higher and continuing education. There is no national system for pre-school education in Ireland and children can enter primary school at the age of four years. The first two years in primary school are known as 'infant' classes. Although children are not obliged to attend schools until age six, over 65% of all four-year olds and almost all five year olds, are enrolled in infant classes in primary schools62. Where pre-school services exist beyond the primary education system, they are largely private in nature and outside the formal education system. The private institutions operate in urban centres where there is a high level of demand for childcare facilities by parents who are in paid employment. There are also a great variety of targeted, state-funded pre-schools, which are aimed at children from disadvantaged backgrounds. Such provision consists of63: • The Early Start programme – available to parents in disadvantaged areas as a way of

giving them a choice of pre-schooling for their children. The programme has been in operation since 1994 under the auspices of the Department of Education and Science. Provision caters for 1,680 preschool pupils.

• The New Deal – initiated in 1999 as a comprehensive and inclusive means to tackle educational disadvantage, from early childhood education to third level education.

• ‘Giving Children an Even Break’ – an initiative by the Department of Education and Science introduced in 2001, targeted at schools (and pre-schools) with the highest concentrations of disadvantage.

• The Department of Health and Children gives some financial support to voluntary organisations and private individuals who provide day-care services for children including pre-school children in some 230 centres. This assistance is targeted largely at pupils from difficult families or with specific disabilities.

59 Task Force on the Travelling Community (1995) Report of Task Force on the Travelling Community. 1995). 60 Lesovitch (2005) Roma Educational Needs in Ireland – Context and Challenges. City of Dublic VEC in association with Pavee Point Travellers Centre and the Roma Support Group. 61 Lesovitch (2005) Roma Educational Needs in Ireland – Context and Challenges. City of Dublic VEC in association with Pavee Point Travellers Centre and the Roma Support Group. 62 Eurydice: Eurybase - Ireland. 63 Ibid.



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Since the 1970s there has been a growing awareness within the Irish educational system of the need to provide for, and encourage participation by, Travellers64. Early intervention has been regarded as significant in improving access and attainment in education because of the importance of the child’s early educational experiences. In Ireland, the importance of early intervention was at first placed on Traveller education at primary level and much later in the pre-primary stage. The very first Traveller pre-schools emerged in the mid-1980s from community initiative among Traveller parents and others determined to raise the educational standards65. Development of pre-schooling aimed only at Traveller children, however, is contrary to the Irish government and educational authorities' general policies on compulsory schooling and further education. The over-arching policy view is that Travellers should be fully integrated into mainstream schools/colleges, instead of segregated institutions. However, the first pre-schools for Travellers grew from bottom-up initiatives where the stakeholders considered the targeted approach as the most suitable one. These schools were set up to encourage long-term participation in education and prevent literacy and numeracy problems. Barriers to Roma children’s participation and achievement in education are multi-faceted, and thus the targeted approach was considered necessary. 6.3. Policy design and implementation66 As it has just been outlined, the first Traveller pre-schools in Ireland were established largely through voluntary local effort and later came to receive support from the Department of Education and Science. National policy for the provision of targeted pre-primary education system has in fact followed local action that spurred the development of Traveller pre-schools. As such, the government's involvement in developing the education system to better cater for the needs of the Traveller community and address the problems in unequal access to education strengthened only as a result of the findings from abovementioned 1995 the government's Task Force on the Travelling Community. Their report included an important set of recommendations concerning the provision of pre-school services for children from the Traveller community. The report set out that the provision of such services would help to ensure more successful participation by Traveller children in mainstream education, and the Task Force recommended an extension of the pre-school service so that pre-school education would be made available to each Traveller child for a two-year period before entering primary school67. The Task Force also recommended the Department of Education to assume formal responsibility for all pre-school provision for Traveller children.

64 Evaluation Support & Research Unit / Department of Education and Science (2003) Pre-Schools for Travellers - National Evaluation Report. 65 Evaluation Support & Research Unit / Department of Education and Science (2003) Pre-Schools for Travellers - National Evaluation Report. 66 Information is largely based on information from Pre-Schools for Travellers - National Evaluation Report written by the Department of Education and Science (2003). 67 Ibid.



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The publication of the Task Force Report and the Report of the National Education Convention led to further development of a policy for Traveller education. The White Paper on Education (1995) committed the Government to achieving full participation by Travellers in the education system and set ambitious targets. An Inter-Departmental Working Group was also established to address inequalities in access to education for Travellers. A number of important pieces of legislation were enacted, aspects of which were specifically intended to secure the rights of minority communities in education68. At the heart of the approach adopted by the Department of Education and Science was an emphasis on the integration of Traveller children in mainstream classrooms. This was expected to enhance participation and educational achievement and contribute to greater access to second level education. Parallel to these developments, greater attention was paid to early childhood education in the deliberations of voluntary agencies and public policy development. In 1999, the Government published Ready to Learn: White Paper on Early Childhood Education. The report acknowledged the important role pre-school education and care could play in the development of cognitive ability, language and social skills, and the contribution they could make in the prevention of educational disadvantage and social exclusion. An independent Early Childhood Education Agency (ECEA) was set up to formulate and manage a policy for early childhood education, including targeted interventions for children up to 6 years who are disadvantaged or who have special needs. Policy development in this area culminated in the development and publication of the National Children’s Strategy in November 2000. By the school year 1999/2000, the Department of Education and Science supported 52 pre-schools from travellers, set up in areas with a significant Traveller population, mainly in urban areas. The pre-primary education system for the group is becoming more 'professional' with, for example, the implementation of a new Quality in Education mark (QE) (under the responsibility of the Centre for Early Childhood Development and Education). State funded pre-schools, including those aimed at Travellers, are obliged to meet the standards of the QE mark (while private operators are encouraged in this respect). However, legislative provision for pre-school education remains absent69. 6.4. Funding The pre-schools aimed at the Traveller community receive support from the Department of Education and Science, other Government departments, statutory bodies, local authorities and a range of voluntary and charitable bodies. As mentioned above, the Department of Education grant-aids 52 pre-schools for Traveller children, catering for nearly 550 Traveller children in 200170. Each pre-school receives 98% of the salary costs of teachers from the Department of

68 For example, the Education Act (1998) formalised the rights of all children to education, including the right of access to all schools and the Equal Status Act (2000) outlawed discrimination against Travellers (and other minorities), including discrimination in education. 69Eurydice: Eurybase - Ireland. 70 Ibid.



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Education and Science71. The Department provides an additional €25,400 annually for the running costs of these preschools72. However, the Department does not fund childcare assistants. Many schools receive this funding from the local health boards, but it is not universal and pre-schools had to rely on a wide range of funding sources for this expenditure. Transport costs, also borne by the Department of Education and Science, are a significant cost in a number of pre-schools. Provision of a transport service to pre-school provision has had a considerable impact on access and attendance but the evaluation of the pre-school provision concluded that where long-distance transport schemes are operated to the detriment of pupil/teacher contact time and good home/pre-school links, the schemes should be discontinued. The evaluation also noted that pre-schools spent more on educational equipment than they received from the Department of Education and Science for this purpose. 6.5. Results Each year approximately 550 Traveller children benefit from pre-school education in special pre-primary institutions. They are normally available for four- and five-year-old children. Although the pre-primary education system for Travellers was originally established as a local bottom-up initiative, it is clear that the system has helped to expand access, not only to pre-primary education, but has also made a contribution towards better integration to compulsory education. Better integration to compulsory schooling system again has its own implications to access to secondary and higher education and learning later on in life. As the system was originally designed by members of the Traveller community, the provision was built to address the obstacles that would hinder access to a mainstream provision. For example, the provision of free tuition and free supervised transport can be highlighted as examples of good policy practices in this context. A recent evaluation, to which this chapter has already referred, of the pre-school structure for the Traveller children, highlighted that engagement with the pre-schools has had a positive influence on the Traveller children and their parents. The provision has proved very popular and their role in the management committees of schools has been enhanced. While it was found that there some advantages attached to locating pre-schools on Traveller sites, the evaluation concluded that, in general, placing pre-schools nearer to schools facilitated greater integration of Traveller children into mainstream primary schools. Consequently, the report73 recommended that any further development of pre-school buildings should take place as part of the general expansion of pre-school places for educationally disadvantaged children rather than on sites that are for the exclusive use of Travellers. The evaluation on the system also identified weaknesses in current Irish policy. In particular, the ad-hoc nature of the management structure still hinders a systematic and co-ordinated

71 Evaluation Support & Research Unit / Department of Education and Science (2003) Pre-Schools for Travellers - National Evaluation Report. 72 Eurydice: Eurybase - Ireland. 73 Evaluation Support & Research Unit / Department of Education and Science (2003) Pre-Schools for Travellers - National Evaluation Report.



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approach to the operation of the system. This reflects the origins of the travellers’ pre-schools as a voluntary effort. Although new independent organisations have been established to oversee general pre-primary provision, a policy on pre-school services for Travellers and indeed for disadvantaged groups in general should be further strengthened. 6.6. Future The analysis provided in this case study has demonstrated that the Irish State is becoming increasingly involved and interested in travellers’ early childhood education and it is an area that can be expected to undergo further reforms. The evaluation by the Department of Education and Science underlined that significant resources will be required to ensure widening participation in the future. The policy efforts are likely to focus on clarifying responsibilities for provision. Over the past four years, there have been developments in terms of defining the respective roles of different government departments (Education and Science, Justice, Equality and Law Reform and Health and Children), as well as the involvement of other agencies and the Traveller community itself in the area of early childhood education. The establishment of a new Centre for Early Childhood Development and Education is hoped to bring greater consistency to the provision of services. 6.7. Conclusions This case study has provided an example of the way in which Traveller community's own action has resulted in the development of their a national system of pre-primary education for this community, in the absence previous State provision for early childhood education and care. The development of separate pre-schools was a natural development, given the social and cultural milieu of the early 1980s. The formation of such a structure allowed the targeting of resources to a community that was experiencing severe educational disadvantage. A particularly successful outcome has been the enhanced engagement of Travellers within the educational system, with a potential to improve access to education later in life. These findings are in the line with numerous international studies on pre-primary education that provide ample evidence of a wide range of benefits generated by quality early intervention. Benefits are regarded even more significant for children who came from disadvantaged backgrounds. However, social conditions and perceptions have changed significantly in the last couple of decades, in terms of policies and legislation since the 1980s and the educational policy environment is now characterised by greater inclusiveness. Although the current system has proved popular among Traveller families in Ireland, the changing pre-primary policy context and international political pressure to avoid separate schooling for the Roma means that changes to the pre-school policies can be expected. Early childhood education policies are receiving increasing attention in Ireland and there are plans to further widen access to the Early Start provision. This may mean integration of services to cater for children from all disadvantaged groups, including the Traveller community. At the same time the engagement



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of the Traveller community and children with the overall education system has grown over time, thus the demand for segregated provision may also be expected to decline over time. In the Irish case it must be remembered that the government's over-arching policy on education already strictly favours mainstream structures. The segregated Traveller pre-school system was borne from local action, which suited the social climate at the time, and still succeeds in generating positive educational experiences for children 20 years after its introduction. This demonstrates there is no definitive ‘best model of practice’ of providing educational services for travellers, for example, in a sense that the transferability of the Irish policy at the moment is questionable. However, it provides elements of good practice for example in the way in which access to separate pre-school provision seems to have functioned as a step in a process of expanding access also to mainstream provision in the future. Furthermore, the system has without widened participation of the Traveller community in pre-school education. It can be therefore concluded that a key element in attempting to draft educational policies that widen participation for travellers should begin with an examination of the context in which these policies take place. Development and promotion of educational provision for travellers involves recognising that issues are far-reaching and complex. The involvement of the target community in design and implementation is fundamental.

Annex 5

Qualitative Review: Access to pre-primary, tertiary and adult education

Study on Access to Education and Training –Tender No EAC/38/04, Lot 1 Annex 5: Qualitative Review: Access to pre-primary, tertiary and adult education Manuel Souto Otero and Andrew McCoshan (ed.)


Study on Access to Education and Training –Tender No EAC/38/04, Lot 1 Annex 5: Qualitative Review Manuel Souto Otero and Andrew McCoshan (ed.) November 2005 ECOTEC Research and Consulting Limited Priestley House 12-26 Albert Street Birmingham B4 7UD UK Tel: +44 (0)121 616 3600 Fax: +44 (0)121 616 3699 Website: www.ecotec.com

6-8 Marshalsea Road London SE1 1HL UK Tel: +44 (0)20 7089 5550 Fax: +44 (0)20 7089 5559 13b Avenue de Tervuren B-1040 Bruxelles Belgique Tel: +32 (2)743 8949 Fax: +32 (2)743 7111 Modesto Lafuente 63 – 6a E-28003 Madrid España Tel: +34 91 535 0640 Fax: +34 91 533 3663 31-32 Park Row Leeds LS1 5JD UK Tel: +44 (0)113 244 9845 Fax: +44 (0)113 244 9844

CONTENTS 1.0 QUALITATIVE REVIEW: ACCESS TO PRE-PRIMARY EDUCATION ........ 1

1.1. Introduction.............................................................................................................. 1

1.2. Participation in Pre-primary Education.................................................................... 2

1.3. Responsibilities of Different Stakeholders............................................................... 5

1.4. Structures of Provision........................................................................................... 11

1.5. Access Criteria ....................................................................................................... 14

1.6. Barriers to Participation and Methods to Improve Access for All ......................... 19

1.7. Discussion .............................................................................................................. 25

1.8. Conclusion ............................................................................................................. 27

2.0 QUALITATIVE REVIEW: ACCESS TO TERTIARY EDUCATION.............. 29

2.1. Introduction............................................................................................................ 29

2.2. A system in transition: general trends.................................................................... 30

2.3. Responsibilities of different stakeholders .............................................................. 31

2.4. Structures of provision ........................................................................................... 34

2.5. Entitlements and obligations .................................................................................. 40

2.6. Barriers to take-up of educational opportunities .................................................... 42

2.7. EU developments: the Bologna process................................................................. 45

2.8. Conclusions............................................................................................................ 48

3.0 QUALITATIVE REVIEW: ACCESS TO ADULT EDUCATION..................... 52

3.1. Introduction............................................................................................................ 52

3.2. Responsibilities of different stakeholders .............................................................. 53

3.3. Structures of provision ........................................................................................... 62

3.4. Structural configurations and access to adult education and training .................... 66

3.5. Entitlements ........................................................................................................... 66

3.6. Barriers................................................................................................................... 73

3.7. Discussion/Conclusion........................................................................................... 75

Access to education and training in Europe: Qualitative Reviews


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1.0 QUALITATIVE REVIEW: ACCESS TO PRE-PRIMARY EDUCATION By Ann-Marie Nevala, ECOTEC Research and Consulting 1.1. Introduction The International Standard Classification of Education (ISCED) defines pre-primary education or ISCED level 0, as comprising programmes that offer structured, purposeful learning activities in a school or a centre (as opposed to home) to children aged at least 3 years74. Such programmes are normally held to include organised learning activities that occupy on average the equivalent of at least two hours per day and 100 days per year. However, within the scope of the study there are countries, for instance Austria and the Nordic countries, in which home care is also regarded as pre-school education. Indeed, there is a growing consensus in the study countries that childcare and pre-primary education are inseparable concepts. Some countries, however, make a distinction between 'child care' to look after children while their parents are at work and 'early education' to enhance child development and prepare for formal schooling. In practice the division is not clear as there are opportunities to learn in settings labelled as childcare, and some educational settings provide care for children75. However, for the purpose of this chapter and as also defined by Eurydice76, the institutions which have to employ staff with qualifications in education are defined as pre-school institutions. In fact, the majority of the staff in pre-school establishments in Europe has tertiary education qualifications77. The concept and objectives of pre-primary education are fairly similar in all of the 33 study countries under review for this project. The key aim behind pre-primary education is the development of children's independence, citizenship and well-being. In the EU, the role and objectives of pre-primary education in all member states are also to familiarise children with life in society and to teach them to live alongside others78. Pre-primary education plays an important part in children's emotional and cognitive development, facilitating the transition from playful learning to formal learning and contributing to children's success at school. In many of the study countries, pre-primary education systems are currently being reviewed and reforms are being adopted or are being planned. A major force that is often highlighted as being behind the reassessments of pre-primary education infrastructure and delivery is the growing labour force participation of women, which is placing increasing demands on the existing systems. Furthermore, the role of pre-primary education in the preparation of children for compulsory education is an aspect currently receiving much attention. In this respect, it is considered increasingly important to make sure that pre-school provisions do not become 'crash courses' for children who are about to enter formal schooling. A preferred approach is that attending pre-primary school is organised as a gradual process of building a foundation 74 UNESCO 75 OECD: Starting Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care. 76 EURYDICE/EUROSTAT: Key Data on Education 2005. 4 Ibid. 78 Eurydice: Pre-school and Primary Education in the European Union.



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for lifelong learning, focussing on children's holistic development and giving them a solid grounding for learning throughout their lives. For example, at the end of the 1990s, 12 OECD countries participated in a programme "Making lifelong learning a reality for all". Within this programme the ministers of these countries highlighted the high priority of the aim of improving access to, and quality of, early childhood education in partnership with families. It was significant that the ministers did recognise the importance of strengthening the foundations of lifelong learning starting in the early childhood years. Particularly, the assumed role of childcare and pre-school education in preparing children from socio-economically disadvantaged families for formal schooling in primary school is high on many national policy agendas. Making use of national reviews on education by UNESCO79 and Eurydice80, this chapter focuses on discussing and reviewing the rate and extent of access to education-oriented pre-primary institutions. The chapter is structured as follows. Section 2 provides information on the participation rates in the study countries, and aims to classify them according to the level of access. Section 3 outlines the responsibilities of different stakeholders towards making pre-primary education accessible for all. Section 4 discusses the main features of the pre-primary education structures in the study countries. Section 5 outlines criteria for access to pre-primary education, entitlements and obligations regarding pre-primary provisions, and also discusses provisions for specific disadvantaged groups. Section 6 reviews the main barriers to the take-up of educational opportunities for children in the target age-group for pre-primary education institutions and also discusses different provisions to reduce inequalities in access, and different methods to improve access levels. Section 7 discusses key findings and trends. The final section summarises findings and provides an overall assessment of access to pre-primary education in the countries under review.

1.2. Participation in Pre-primary Education

Pre-primary education is available at three years old (or earlier) in almost all the study countries. As displayed in the table 8.1, in most countries participation by four-year-old children is the norm or is rapidly developing, despite the fact that attendance is in most countries voluntary. When looking at the average participation rate of pre-school education81, the countries covered by this study can be clustered around four groups: A) Universal access Belgium, France, Italy and Spain display a situation where children under compulsory schooling age have a universal access to pre-primary education. In fact, in Belgium, France and Italy more than 90 % of children attend pre-school already at the age of three.

79 UNESCO (International Bureau of Education): World Data on Education. 2003. 80 Eurybase; Structures of education, vocational training and adult education systems in Europe; and National summary sheets on education systems in Europe and ongoing reforms 81 Refers to the participation rates from the age of three until the age of compulsory schooling in the country. In some countries pre-school provision is available for younger children, however, comparable data is only available from the age of three.



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B) Mass participation On average, over 75 per cent of children are enrolled in pre-primary education in Czech Republic, Latvia, Denmark, Germany, Estonia, Hungary, Malta, Portugal, Sweden, Iceland, Norway and Japan. The average access rate is particularly high (over 90 per cent) in Denmark, Malta, Iceland and Japan. The average enrolment rate in Latvia is the only one not reaching over 80 per cent.

C) Non-mass participation An average participation rate among children below the compulsory schooling age remains below 75 per cent in Austria, Greece, Cyprus, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Poland, Slovenia, Slovakia, Finland, UK, Bulgaria, Romania, Turkey82 and the United States. When analysing the figures more closely, the following trends can be detected: • According to the available statistics, the enrolment rates are the lowest in Turkey (only

every fifth five-year-old child is enrolled in pre-primary education). • The average participation rates also remain low in Poland (50%), Lithuania (54.8%),

Cyprus (55%), Finland (57.6%) and the United States (59.3%). Lithuania, Cyprus and the United States are characterised by relatively stable participation rates, although the enrolment rates tend to increase during the years closest to the entry to compulsory education. The participation in Poland and Finland on the other hand reaches nearly 100 per cent at the age of 6 when children enrol for a year of pre-primary classes before entering compulsory education. These classes are of compulsory nature in Poland, and voluntary in Finland.

• A substantial number of children in Lithuania (27%), USA (25%), Cyprus (24%), Bulgaria (20%), Romania (18%) and Greece (17%) enter the compulsory school system for the first time at primary level.

D) No participation The Republic of Ireland does not have public pre-primary education systems in a strict sense. In the Republic of Ireland, there is no national system for pre-school education and the children can enter primary school at the age of four. The first two classes in primary school are known as 'infant' classes. The majority of pre-school children are educated within the primary education system and where pre-school services exist beyond this, they are largely private in nature and outside the formal education system.

82 EUROSTAT does not hold data on the participation rates of four-year-old children in Turkey, but only 22.7 per cent of children aged 5 are enrolled in pre-schools.



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Table 183: Gross enrolment rates at ISCED level 0 – as percentage of population aged 3, 4, 5 or 6 in 2003 and an average participation rate. COUNTRY 3 years 4 years 5 years 6 years Average EU 25 68.2 85.7 74.6 26.1 63.7 EU 15 72.7 91.2 76.5 15.9 64.1 NMS 10 43.0 55.4 64.7 78.9 60.5 Belgium 99.6 100.5 99.2 - 99.8 Czech Republic

66.3 89.8 97.6 - 84.6

Denmark 82.7 93.2 92.0 99.6 91.9 Germany 71.4 85.9 86.8 - 81.4 Estonia 76.2 80.9 83.2 103.3 85.9 Greece n.a. 57.0 82.7 - 69.9 Spain 95.3 100.2 103.0 - 99.5 France 100.9 103.1 101.0 - 101.7 Ireland 2.3 - - - 2.3 Italy 100.0 102.8 99.9 - 100.9 Cyprus 30.9 58.0 76.2 - 55.0 Latvia 63.7 66.5 90.2 90.0 77.6 Lithuania 46.3 53.1 64.9 - 54.8 Luxembourg 55.1 68.3 97.6 - 73.7 Hungary 73.4 91.6 97.8 - 87.6 Malta 81.2 98.7 - - 90.0 Netherlands 0.1 - - - 0.1 Austria 44.2 82.5 93.5 - 73.4 Poland 24.5 34.1 44.5 96.7 50.0 Portugal 60.5 80.7 91.3 - 77.5 Slovenia 62.3 73.5 80.0 - 71.9 Slovakia 57.5 70.0 84.1 - 70.5 Finland 35.8 44.7 52.9 96.9 57.6 Sweden 79.5 82.7 85.0 96.5 85.9 United Kingdom

50.4 94.9 - - 72.7

Bulgaria 63.9 76.6 80.1 77.4 74.5 Romania 44.1 66.2 81.8 92.9 71.3 Turkey n.a. n.a. 22.7 n.a. 22.7 Iceland 92.9 93.7 95.3 - 94.0 Norway 76.6 84.2 86.5 - 82.4 United States 41.4 61.6 74.8 - 59.3 Japan 66.3 92.7 97.1 - 85.4 Source: EUROSTAT 2003

83 n.a.= not available



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These statistics also demonstrate a trend where enrolment rates tend to increase during the years closest to the entry to compulsory education.

1.3. Responsibilities of Different Stakeholders

This section describes the division of responsibilities between national and local public authorities, private providers and parents in the design, delivery and operation of pre-primary education in the study countries. It focuses on assessing the situation where the national (and regional and state) authorities generally provide the quality, funding and legislative framework for pre-primary provision, although recent developments in a number of the study countries have displayed a trend of decentralisation where responsibilities have been devolved to municipalities, private providers and families. This shift has been motivated by efforts to bring decision-making and delivery closer to the people being served and to adapt services to meet local needs and circumstances. Responsibilities for the Provision of Pre-primary Education at National Level The responsibility for providing the overall regulative framework (most often pedagogical, funding and quality measures) for pre-primary education from the age of 3 or 4 falls on ministries of education in a great majority of the study countries. The responsibility, however, has shifted in many of these countries from the social and health authorities to the education authorities over the past 10 years. This shows a clear trend in the way in which many governments view pre-school education as an element of the wider education system rather than only as a form of childcare. For example, in all the new Member States and Accession countries the national ministries for education hold the responsibility for the framework and the quality of the pre-primary provision. A similar situation also applies to half of the study countries with universal access to pre-school: France and Italy. In four of the study countries, the responsibility for pre-school provision belongs to the regional authorities. The situation applies, for example, to Austria, Belgium and Germany where it is the duty of the regional authorities to provide the structural, financial and pedagogical pre-school arrangements. In Austria, nursery school provision is entrusted to the provinces (Austrian länder) in both legislative and executive matters. In Belgium, the Federal government awards financial resources for each Community for education, and each Community government exercises executive power over the organisation, administration, structure and curricula of education. In Germany, the most traditional form of pre-school education, kindergartens (available for children aged 3 to 6), are the responsibility of the ministry of social affairs in each länder, except in Bavaria or Lower Saxony where the ministries of education are in charge of this provision. But pre-primary classes (for five-year-olds who have not yet reached compulsory schooling age) in primary schools tend to be the responsibility of educational authorities in each länder. In the United States, the overall responsibility for the pre-school provision and child care is devolved almost completely to the individual states, although the system has traditionally relied on market approaches with fairly little government (state or federal) regulation.



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The following table outlines the authorities responsible for the provision of pre-schools in a number of the other study countries: Table 2: Distribution of responsibilities in pre-primary education COUNTRY RESPONSIBILITY

Japan Kindergartens that provide pre-school education to children 3 to 6 years of age are under the authority of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT). Nursery schools are for children under 6 years of age whose parents are at work, and are the responsibility of the Health, Labour and Welfare Ministry.

Denmark Pre-primary institutions, such as day nurseries (0-3) and kindergartens (3-7), are the responsibility of the Ministry of Social Affairs and are run by the municipalities or independent / private bodies. On the other hand, pre-school classes (5-7), which are often attached to primary schools, come directly under the responsibility of the Ministry of Education.

Finland From birth to the age of six, children can attend day-care centres (kindergartens) or family day-care groups in private homes. The Ministry of Social Affairs and Health is in charge of this provision. Each local authority is also obliged to provide pre-school classes for all children in the year preceding the start of basic education (which begins at the age of seven) either in kindergartens or primary schools. Ministry of Education together with the National Board for Education are responsible for providing the pedagogical and quality framework for pre-school classes.

Norway Pre-primary (0-5) education is the responsibility of the Ministry of Children and Family Affairs. School provision as such starts with compulsory primary education.

Portugal Ministry of Education is responsible for running most of the nursery schools in the country but also Ministry of Labour and Solidarity is responsible for a proportion of pre-school establishments, mainly those with emphasis on family support.

Scotland (UK) The Scottish Executive Education Department (SEED) has responsibility for pre-school provision.

Turkey Ministry of Education is responsible for providing pre-primary education in nursery classes (for children aged 3 to 6) and 'practical' nursery classes (5-6). Responsibility for day nurseries, nursery schools and child care institutions are the responsibility of other ministries and institutions in the educational or care sector.

In terms of children aged under 3, the ministries of education also carry the responsibility for the provision of formal day-care / pre-school provisions in many of the study countries. For example, in the Baltic States, Slovenia, Spain and Sweden ministries of education are the only authority responsible for pre-primary provision to one-year-olds. However, in many countries other ministries are responsible for child care services (0-3), which are not part of pre-primary education provision as such84. For example in France, responsibility for the care for children under the age of three belongs to the municipalities and the ministry of social affairs. In other

84 See the Section 1 for the European definition of a pre-primary institute.



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countries provision of nurseries for children aged under 3 may also come under the ministries of youth or childhood provision. Decentralisation of Responsibilities for the Provision While the national and regional85 authorities in most countries hold the executive and legislative decision-making power over structural, financial and pedagogical matters, responsibilities have also been decentralised to local stakeholders (mainly municipalities) over the past 10-15 years. Decentralisation has been expected to facilitate the development of pre-school services that are more "client-orientated", address individual needs and reinforce diversity of choice. The process has also facilitated diversification of the types of provision in a number of countries86. As an example, a general regulatory framework for the pre-school provision exists in some of the Nordic countries, but municipalities are now responsible for deciding the appropriate balance of services, are given a considerable discretion in fixing staff ratios, and are responsible to a certain extent of the supervision of the services. In Italy and Portugal, new laws have decentralised responsibilities to the school level which now have the autonomy to decide staffing levels and budgets. In the new member states, the decentralisation has enabled the development of privately- or church-operated alternatives, contributing to a greater diversity in the pre-school provision. In some countries the decentralisation process was also accompanied by de-regulation to introduce market-driven policies. For example in England, the Local Early Years and Child Care Development Partnerships work in partnership with state, private and voluntary providers to expand pre-school provision, with the aim of improving access. Responsibilities for the Operation of Pre-primary Establishments Public providers Pre-primary education can be operated by public or private providers, and the importance of different types of providers varies from country to country. In terms of public provision, in most of the study countries municipalities are responsible for the operation and day-to-day management of a great majority of pre-school establishments. This applies to countries with universal/mass/non-mass participation levels, for example Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Latvia, Lithuania, Norway, Slovenia and UK. Regional and national authorities also own and operate some pre-primary schools, although normally only a small fraction of the total provision in the country. In Romania public kindergartens are established by county school inspectorates. Austria, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Japan and Slovak Republic, for example, have directly state funded pre-schools, although in many cases these tend to be special pre-school institutions (e.g. aimed at children with disabilities). Communes are responsible for financing and setting up pre-schools in France and Luxembourg.

85 In the case of Austria, Belgium and Germany. 86 OECD: Early Childhood Education and Care.



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Private stakeholders also play an important role in setting up, operating and managing pre-schools in some of the study countries. The following paragraph will explore the role and responsibilities of private stakeholders in more detail. Private providers Private provision includes for-profit and non-profit services that are managed by an individual or private organisation. Private non-profit providers include voluntary and community groups (e.g. parent co-operatives), churches with the legal status of charities or other non-profit organisations. Private provision may be fully or partly publicly-funded or entirely privately-funded. In many countries private pre-school providers must meet the same quality standards as those run by municipalities (or the state), in others quality standards between providers differ as content and structure is not standardised. As mentioned, decentralisation and devolution of pre-primary service provision to the local level have facilitated the diversification of providers, meaning privatisation of services in some cases. In spite of this development, non-public nursery schools still remain less common in countries with fairly low levels of overall participation, for example in the new Member States and candidate countries (e.g. Czech Republic, Lithuania, Poland, Bulgaria, Slovenia, Romania and Turkey). However, Romanian and Czech authorities interviewed for this study have noted they are receiving more and more requests from private organisations to set up kindergartens. In the UK, the division between public and private pre-primary structure has become less distinct. Publicly-funded early-year's education is being expanded and developed in co-operation with the private and voluntary sectors. Private providers in some countries were found to be increasingly prevalent due a lack of adequate state provision. For example, in the US millions of children, especially those children from low-income families, do not have access to early care and education due to a limited state provision87. Accessing quality early education in the US is both expensive and difficult, as availability and financial assistance are scarce relative to the demand88. The prevalence of privately funded providers has also increased in Germany (particularly in Eastern Germany) where approximately 70 per cent of kindergartens are run by independent bodies such as churches, voluntary and charitable associations (Verbände der Freien Wohlfahrtspflege). Nearly 60 per cent of kindergartens in Japan are private, while 40 per cent of children in Italy attend non-state institutions.

87 OECD: Early Childhood Education and Care in the USA. 88 Williams & Mitchell: The Status of Early Care and Education in the States. The Institute for Women's Policy Research.



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Role of Parents In most countries the role of parents (the guardians or the carers of the children), is viewed as a crucial supplement to pre-primary education in the process of bringing up a child. Parent engagement to the pre-school education promotes positive attitudes toward children's learning and supports parent and community empowerment89. The main responsibility for children’s education lies with the family, and the education providers' function is primarily to provide a supporting, pedagogic environment for the child's development. Informal contact between the institutions and parents is therefore viewed as important because parents can assist the school staff to tailor educational programmes to the needs of particular children or groups. This contact is mainly facilitated through meetings between education providers and parents. In Portugal for example, school-based parent associations defend and promote the interests of their children through joint meetings with the school leaders. In Denmark, the Netherlands and Norway parents have a clearly defined role in planning and running pre-school activities, including financial and staffing decisions. In Norway this relationship is formalised through parents' participation in the co-ordinating committees of the pre-schools establishments and through parents' councils. In the case of Cyprus, approximately 53 per cent of pre-school establishments are run in collaboration with parents' associations and local authorities (and are subsidised by the Ministry of Education and Culture). There are pre-primary schools in Iceland that are fully operated by associations set up by parents and in Czech Republic90 a trend (since 1989) toward decentralised decision-making has increased parental influence on the pre-primary provision at local level. Parents may also have to contribute to the funding of the provision as only a few of the study countries provide either fully free or partly free pre-primary education. Belgium and Luxembourg are the only countries where participation to pre-primary education is free of charge for everyone in both public and private establishments. Many other countries have free public pre-primary schools, whereas enrolment fees are often payable in the private sector. Only Denmark, Germany, Estonia, Cyprus, Austria, Slovenia, Sweden, Iceland and Norway do not have free public pre-primary schools (see Table 3)91. Means-tested pre-school fee system is prevalent across the study countries, including Austria, Finland, Sweden, Portugal and Romania. There would appear to be no direct relation between free pre-primary education and participation rates as high participation rates are apparent in some countries where the admission is fee-paying, and relatively low in some where it is free (at least in the public sector)92.

89 OECD: Staying Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care in the USA. 90 OECD: Staying Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care. 91 EURYDICE/EUROSTAT: Key Data on Education in 2005. 92 EURYDICE/EUROSTAT: Key Data on Education in 2005.



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Table 3: Availability of free pre-primary provision offered in education-orientated institutions in Europe, 2002/2003 Country BE CZ DK DE EE EL ES FR IE IT CY LV LT LU HUPublic x x x x x x x x x x x Private x x x * x Country MT NL AT PL PT SI SK FI SE UK IS NO BG RO Public x * x x x x x x x Private x * x x x Source: Eurydice/Eurostat: Key Data on Education in Europe 2005.

* There are no pre-primary education institutions of this kind

Pre-primary education is usually subsidised by local authorities / municipalities, state or provision is enabled through contributions from parents. Alternatively the operation is ensured by contributions from all these stakeholders, like in the case of Norway where the costs are shared between the State, municipalities and parents. In some study countries (e.g. Hungary, Turkey), participation is free but parents may be asked to contribute towards activity and school materials (e.g. exercise books). It is also quite common for parents to be asked to contribute towards the costs of meals and transportation for school trips and optional extra-curricular activities (such as sports classes). On the other hand in Cyprus, the government covers the cost of the pre-primary tuition fees and subsidises the equipment needed, with parents covering all other expenses concerning the operation of the schools (e.g. staff costs). Similarly, in Estonia, parents are asked to cover the cost of the child’s catering at their child's institution, and the partial financial coverage of management costs, remuneration for staff, social tax and the cost of teaching aids. Again the actual amount of the rate covered by parents will differ according to their means but will in not case exceed 20 per cent of the minimum wage rate established by the government of the republic. Responsibilities, Trends and Implications to Access When looking at the division of responsibilities for the provision and operation of pre-schools in the study countries, a few clear trends have been detected: • There is a growing view of pre-primary education and care as a shared responsibility.

Traditionally non-parental care before the entry to primary education was seen as inferior to the care that parents can provide. There has been a longer-term shift toward a view of children's early education and care as a shared responsibility between the family and the state, and parents increasingly recognising the role of pre-school in preparing children to succeed in formal schooling, the labour force and society as a whole.

• The overall executive and legislative responsibility has shifted in many of the study countries from social to education authorities. This however does not seem to have a direct impact on the participation rates.

• Recent trend of decentralisation and devolution of responsibilities to municipalities level (and schools, parents and communities) in a number of study countries (countries with universal/mass/non-mass participation levels) has promoted a more co-ordinated working at certain localities, however, has also led to some concerns about variation in quality and



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access across municipalities and regions. These can be demonstrated by examples from Sweden and USA. In Sweden, the decentralisation took place during the period of recession and resulted in lower quality standards in some municipalities than others93. The system from the United States is characterised by a market approach with few national guidelines and regulations. And the weak regulative framework has resulted in widespread variation in staff-child ratios, and even in health and safety standards and access rates. The success rate of decentralisation reforms depends on the local expertise and the degree to which a wide range of local stakeholders take part in negotiating the local pre-school quality and access standards.

• As a whole, parents are more integrally engaged in pre-school education than before, but the patterns of parent participation differ from country to country. Some of the challenges to active engagement of parents include cultural, linguistic, attitudinal and logistical barriers. It is relatively common for the study countries to experience difficulties in ensuring equitable representation across families from diverse backgrounds.

1.4. Structures of Provision

Four different models of pre-primary education are dominant in the study countries. Nursery schools / kindergartens provide the general structure for pre-primary school systems across all the study countries. In addition, many of the study countries also have complementary pre-school structures in place. Rural, mobile, home based and integrated services are illustrations of more flexible and diverse arrangements. Seven study countries have also introduced one-year pre-school classes and targeted programmes aimed at disadvantaged groups are fairly common all across the study countries. Predominant Structure94 The most common structure for the pre-school provision is a 'mono-systemic child focussed, centre based, professional delivery strategy'95 – generally known as nursery schools / kindergartens that are typically available for children from the age of 3 to 6. This principal structure applies to the vast majority of pre-school establishments across the world. The institutions may be public or private, or they may come under the authorities responsible for education or other government departments, such as social services or health – but staff responsible for children's education, almost without exceptions, have qualifications in education. This structure is very much predominant in all of the study countries. So the structure is very similar, but the enrolment age and the age at which children start primary school vary. Czech Republic, Italy, Cyprus, Luxembourg, Hungary, Germany, Austria, Portugal, Slovak Republic, Japan and Romania have pre-schools available for children from the age of 3 to 6. The provision expands over a longer period in other countries, for example pre-primary

93 OECD: Starting Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care. 2001. 94 Mainly based on Eurydice/Eurostat: Key Data on Education in 2005. 95 Leseman (2002) Early Childhood Education and Care for Children from Low-income or Minority Backgrounds. University of Amsterdam/OECD.



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education in Slovenia and Iceland is available for children aged 1 to 6. On the contrary, the standard provision is available in Greece, Malta and UK only for a two-year period. One-year Pre-school Classes The structure of pre-primary provision in Denmark, Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, Lithuania, Poland and Sweden differs from the other countries in a sense that they all provide, as an additional element to the standard provision, special pre-school classes for children the year before the start of their compulsory education. This trend is dominant in non-mass participation countries96 that are characterised by a relative late enrolment age to primary schools and the availability of a very early provision. The implication of this provision to access is very clear; it widens participation to the great majority of children in Bulgaria and Lithuania and makes access universal or nearly universal in other countries. In Poland and Bulgaria the attendance to these classes has recently become mandatory, while participation remains voluntary in the others. These classes are often organised in a primary school setting, while the other form of pre-primary institutions in these countries tend to function in non-school settings. Supply of pre-school establishments in primary school premises is also fairly common in Belgium and Slovenia. Home Based Care Services and Education Programmes To ensure access to children from remote villages and towns, some countries have started to run 'mobile' pre-school education units (e.g. France, Portugal and Spain). The most common forms are visiting teacher and home educational activity schemes. The Itinerant Child Education is a form of pre-primary education in Portugal for children between 3 and 5 years of age in isolated rural areas, where it is difficult to gather a group of children to create a nursery school97. This service is organised by a teacher who goes to various places (e.g. community centres) or directly to the families on a daily basis. This type of provision in Portugal is the responsibility of the Regional Education Boards (DRE). Municipalities in the Nordic countries, principally in Denmark, Finland and Sweden, also provide additional family day-care provisions (besides the traditional form of kindergartens and pre-school classes in primary school settings). The family day-care involves municipal pre-school teachers providing care in private homes for children from several families. Similar home-care provision also exists in Austria, although not to the same extent than in the Nordic countries, as the educational level of care-takers is lower. In Austria, so-called 'day parents' mainly look after children in their own private homes, usually in addition to their own children. However, this form of provision has strongly gained in significance in recent years due to the increasing childcare demand as well as improving qualifications levels of 'day parents'.

96 Excluding Estonia, Denmark and Sweden. 97 Minimum pre-school group size is 15.



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Other examples of home-based programmes are the Parent as Teachers Programme (USA) and the Homebased Instruction for Pre-school Youngsters – HIPPY (the Netherlands, Turkey and USA). The HIPPY programme empowers parents as primary educators of their children in the home and foster parent involvement in school and community life. Targeted and Family Focussed Support Programmes While some countries have made it a policy priority to ensure equal access to all children to early childhood education by promoting universal access (further information below), others choose to provide targeted programmes to certain groups of the population in addition to mainstream provision. For example, pre-primary provision for children with disabilities includes education in special classes or separate schools as well as in mainstream settings. Prevalence of either separate or integrated provisions varies heavily from country to country, but as a whole, more countries recognise the benefits of pre-school provision for children with disabilities in an integrated environment where they are supported by additional members of staff. Ensuring access to good quality childcare and pre-primary education is also of particular importance to children from lower-income families and most of the study countries provide special programmes for children from disadvantaged groups. For example, the Irish government runs 'Early Start' and 'Breaking the Cycle' initiatives that are preventative intervention schemes offered to pre-school children (3 to 4 years old) in selected schools in designated disadvantaged areas. Head Start is a similar programme from the USA aimed at children living in families with below-poverty level incomes. Sure Start is a similar programme from the United Kingdom. It was modelled after Head Start, but includes in addition to pre-school education targeted family support and health services for families. At the local level some countries have recognised the importance of integrating services to meet the needs of children and families in a holistic manner. Services integration has taken many forms, including team work among staff with different professional backgrounds. In Sweden, the open pre-schools are intended for parents who are at home with their children. These pre-schools often collaborate with public bodies like social welfare services, maternity and children's health care services if they are based at housing estates.



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Trends and Implications to Access Kindergartens / nursery schools remain as the main service delivery mechanism while the extent and number of complementary arrangements depend on a number of variables and trends, such as; • the extent of decentralisation in the country (the role of local actors) and the impact on the

diversity of the provision; • geographical aspects (remoteness of rural regions); and • public policy priorities (equitable access for all, or targeted programmes for

disadvantaged groups). There are no direct links necessarily between the structure of the provision and access. The countries with long pre-school provisions however do offer, free of charge, focussed pre-school classes for children the year before their compulsory schooling age. These classes have had an exceptional impact on access, and perhaps indicate that due to the length of the available provision, a concentrated year-long programme is required to boost participation among all groups of the society. On the other hand, this argument is to a certain extent challenged by the experience from the Danish system where one-year classes do exist but the participation rate is also high throughout the pre-school system. Pre-school fees may also play a part as usually these one-year-classes are free of charge for everyone. It also seems that countries with the tradition of strong self-government are characterised by fairly fragmented provisions having several different forms of services in addition to standard kindergartens. The structure of the provision in the countries with universal participation is somewhat simpler and shorter. Nursery schools create the central structure for the provision, which however is also supplemented by special rural and other niche programmes. In fact, Spain, Italy and France have been particularly successful at addressing the regional and local variation in access as the access pre-primary system is universal, while the countries are large with extensive rural regions. 1.5. Access Criteria Voluntary 'Vs' Mandatory Participation In the majority of countries, participation in pre-primary education is voluntary; the decision is made by parents or guardians98. By contrast, Luxembourg, the Netherlands and UK99 have made education compulsory for four-year-old children. And in recent years new laws have been introduced in a number of European countries that make sessions preparing children for school life obligatory. In Hungary, children from the age of five must take part in school activities preparing them for their entrance to school. Similarly, in Latvia, attendance of pre-primary education for

98 Parents and guardians normally also have the choice to send their child either to a public or privately based provider. 99 Northern Ireland



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children aged one to four is optional, however, it is mandatory for five- and six-year-olds. Bulgaria states that although attendance in kindergarten is optional, attendance at the pre-school preparatory groups is obligatory, one year prior to admission to school. In Poland, the final year of pre-primary education has been compulsory for children aged 6 since 2004/2005. Cyprus has followed the example from the Netherlands and Luxembourg by extending the compulsory primary school education by 1 year in 2004/2005. Pre-school education in Greece is not compulsory, at least not yet, but it is gradually being made compulsory in certain regions of the country. As for other countries, it was found that participation in pre-primary education was not mandatory. The wave of new legislations from Eastern Europe demonstrates a new policy practice from governments toward pre-primary schooling. So far the positive impact of an element of obligatory participation is unquestionable in terms of widening access, and the impact can be expected to grow in significance in the future. While these countries have now potential to reach universal participation among these age groups, we can still expect variations in the participation rates among children below the compulsory pre-school age. Otherwise these countries do not display clear common features, except the participation rates in all of these countries100 have traditionally lagged behind the European average. Admission Requirements and Leaving Age In most countries, there are no special admission requirements for pre-primary education organised either in day-care or in comprehensive schools. The decision regarding children's participation in pre-primary education is made by their parents or other guardians, unless participation has been made mandatory as the previous chapter demonstrated. However, admission requirements were found to depend to some extent on whether the provider was private or state-run, with owners of the former often being free to set down the requirements of admission. Overall, however, the most common admission requirement to pre-primary educational institutions was found to be based upon the age of the child. This criterion was widespread in all the study countries. For example, in Spain the age is the very only admission requirement to a pre-primary school. Once children were inducted into the pre-primary educational system, there was variance between how long children remained involved for before entering compulsory education. The most common starting age from the 33 countries investigated was three or four, while children in a few countries may attend pre-school even earlier. In countries where pupil admission in publicly funded establishments is limited by the number of available places, institutions implement some priority admission criteria. For example, in Denmark where demand for pre-primary education outstrips supply, one of the criteria for selecting students is if a student has any special pedagogical or social needs (other criteria are children of one parent families, children sent by another authority, children of parents working away from home and children who's brothers and sisters are already enrolled in the institution).

100 Excluding Hungary.



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Many countries select children on the basis of social and financial criteria (e.g. Greece, Denmark and Head Start programme in the US), or on the basis of families coming from certain area that fall into the designated area of disadvantage (e.g. Ireland and France), alternatively by prioritising certain age groups (e.g. Poland and France) or depending on the pre-school of siblings (e.g. Malta and Denmark). In addition, in Greece every kindergarten has its own district, with the exception of those in shared premises. In order for a parent to register their child in kindergarten, the family must reside in the kindergarten school district. This has then also got to be backed up by a solemn statement of residence where required. In the event of demand outstripping supplying for kindergarten places, a lottery is held. Another form of stratifying entrance eligibility was through a judgement based on the personal attainment of the prospective student, established through entrance tests. For example, in Austria, physical, mental and psychological fitness are admission requirements. However, in Latvia, pre-primary educational institutions are prohibited from setting up entrance tests, although it was desirable for students to have a basic grounding in behavioural protocol, hygiene and self-attendance. School leaving age was found to be variable between country to country and provider to provider, depending on the students' aptitude and readiness to progress. For example, in Belgium, if a child of school age (six) is found not to have the maturity to progress to primary education, it may be suggested that the child postpones enrolment for another academic year. However, the final decision lies with the parents of the student. Pre-school Place as a Statutory Right A large disparity was found between the level of choice that parents and guardians have in choosing a pre-primary provider. One of the major contributory factors for this was whether the country has committed to provide a guaranteed place for each child. In these countries, admission to pre-primary education is assured, allowing the parent to have more flexibility in choosing a provider. In the following study countries, children of pre-primary school age have a statutory right to a place in pre-school: • In Sweden children are guaranteed a place in pre-school education on account of the

'child care guarantee', ensuring a place in pre-school for all children aged one to five. • In England and Wales, the Local Education Authority (LEA), under the 1998 Schools

Standards and Frameworks Act have a duty to ensure sufficient provision of pre-school education, be it either voluntarily or privately run; and since April 2004, part-time places have been made available for all three and four year olds, should their parents want to take it up. Similar regulations have applied in Northern Ireland since 1999 where local authorities have a duty to secure at least part-time nursery education places for children in their area under the compulsory school age.

• In Spain, according to the 2002 Organic Act on the Quality of Education (LOCE) state provision for pre-primary must be guaranteed to all families.

• In Finland, local authorities have been required to assign a pre-primary place to each child that is entitled to it since 2001.



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• In Hungary local authorities are also obliged to provide a pre-school place for children from their constituency.

• In Italy and Belgium children aged 3 to 6 have a legal right to a free of charge school-based pre-school provision.

• In Portugal children from the age of 4 to 6 have a legal right to free jardim enrolment. This indicates that a pre-primary place as a statutory right is becoming an element of national pre-primary policy agendas. New legislations in this field have been introduced in the past 4-7 years. Interestingly though new laws only provide guaranteed place for children of certain ages in most cases, and do not necessarily lead into universal participation. Only Spain, Belgium and Italy displays a situation where all children of pre-school age are engaged in pre-primary education, while for example in Finland, where local authorities are required to provide a place for every child and where pre-school fees are means-test101, participation rates still remain behind the European average rates. Although France, where participation is also universal, does not have an explicit law on access to pre-primary education as a statutory right, the national policy states that 'in the absence of a nursery school or an infant class, children aged five, for whom parents request school admission, are admitted to the infant section of a primary school'102. Access Criteria for Immigrant Children Traditionally, integration of immigrant children in pre-primary education has not been the subject of priority measure for public authorities. As a general rule, most countries extend the right to education, equal access to school services and financial assistance to all children of compulsory school age irrespective of their nationality or immigration status. But in terms of pre-primary education, the case turns somewhat more complicated because of the status of pre-primary education (as a compulsory or non-compulsory form of education) varies from country to country. Outside the compulsory education age-range, education of immigrant children of pre-primary education age is related to the existence of a universal right to access to pre-primary provision103. Only a few countries have devised special arrangements to cater for the youngest immigrant children in schools or centres for pre-primary education. There are a few countries in particular that encourage the access to education for immigrant children who are not yet of compulsory school age. In Spain and the United Kingdom (England, Scotland, Wales) provision of places for non-native residents in pre-primary education is regulated by legislation. In other countries such as Belgium, France, Finland and Sweden, law states that non-native children may not be discriminated against when they apply for pre-schools. In Lithuania immigrant children may attend nurseries or pre-primary preparatory groups on request. In Denmark municipalities must run specific language enhancement programmes for bilingual infants (under school age) where necessary.

101 Excluding the final year of pre-primary education which is provided free of charge for all. 102 Eurydice: Structures of Education, Initial Training and Adult Education Systems in Europe; France. 1999. 103 Eurydice: Integrating Immigrant Children into Schools in Europe. European Commission, DG Education and Culture. 2004.



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A few countries have chosen to provide structured information about pre-primary education, activities and opportunities to the immigrant families, for example through brochures and websites. These are available in Belgium (the Flanders), Finland, Netherlands, Sweden and United Kingdom (England, Northern Ireland and Wales). Furthermore, a number of Spanish Autonomous Communities are actively increasing awareness about pre-primary education. In the Netherlands, the Multicultural Development Forum runs a campaign to promote participation of immigrant children in pre-primary provision. Recently, the trend is that the study countries have started programmes to introduce very young immigrant children to the national language of instruction before they begin compulsory education (e.g. Germany). Belgium (the Flemish Community), Czech Republic, Finland, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Norway and some municipalities in Sweden also provide language reception classes for immigrant children to prepare them for primary school. The pre-school staff in England and Scotland have been instructed to give particular attention to children for whom English is a foreign language. These trends relating to improved access for immigrant children are linked to the European Union's Charter of Fundamental Rights that sets out a number of principles to ensure access to civil, political, social, economic and cultural rights for everyone. But more importantly, recent developments are greatly based on the impetus created by the Commission's policy on Immigration, Integration and Employment in which the member states were called to step up their efforts to integrate immigrants. Many of the changes are also firmly rooted to the social, economic and political situation in many of the old-15 member states where serious concerns are raised over forthcoming labour shortages, high rates of unemployment and early school leaving among immigrant population and poor language skills among immigrants from all age groups. Furthermore, the share of children from ethnic minorities is growing more rapidly than the ethnic population for example in the countries such as Belgium and the Netherlands104. As a result of these factors, countries have come to realise the importance of early intervention, starting from early childhood care and education, which is it often more effective than integration measures later in life. Access and Children with Special Needs105 With regards to the choice of pre-primary institutions, parents in most of the study countries have the option to choose the pre-primary centre which suits them best. However, the choice can be limited because of different variables such as limited service supply and geographical factors. With regards to children with disabilities, this choice can also be limited if the pre-primary establishment to which an application is made argues that it does not have the resources the child may need. In certain countries, children with disabilities are given priority to access educational centres for pre-primary education. This is the case in England, Finland, Germany, Iceland, the

104 OECD: Starting Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care. 2001. 105 European Agency for Development in Special Needs Education (2003): Special Needs Education in Europe – Thematic Publication. Eurydice.



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Netherlands, Norway, Spain and Sweden. Countries can also choose other policy options to ensure access for children with disabilities to pre-primary provision. The governments can ensure that additional resources are allocated to reduce child-staff ratios and to provide a more individualised service and specialised staff. In a number of study countries, children with special educational needs have the right to a professional and educational support, as for example in Italy, and they often attend mainstream pre-primary settings. Support is usually provided by a specialist teacher or other professionals from the local health authorities. In Sweden, all children have a right to pre-primary care and those with special needs have the right to extra support. Summary of Recent Trends When analysing the entitlements and obligations towards pre-primary education, interesting developments can be identified from the past 5 years. While some countries have chosen to make a part of the provision mandatory, other countries have highlighted, in the form of new legislation, pre-primary education as a statutory right for every child. Age remains as the most common admission requirement to pre-primary establishments. The analysis of the rights of special target groups, in this case immigrant children and children with disabilities, produced one very apparent trend - the focus on early intervention. However, the intervention approach is different between these target groups. While special programmes are aimed at integrating immigrant children to the pre-school education as early as possible, the participation of children with special needs takes more often than before place in mainstream pre-primary settings. 1.6. Barriers to Participation and Methods to Improve Access for All The importance of ensuring equitable access is widely recognised in national and EU policy documents. This section will focus on analysing the key barriers, particularly those linked to limited supply, affordability of the provision, geographical constraints and impact of an increase in female labour market participation. Demand vs. Supply The supply of pre-primary education provisions is enhanced when input costs (teacher salaries, staff-child ratios, technology and licensing requirements) are low, fairly minimal quality regulations, and subsidies are made available to parents (vouchers, tax reductions) instead of to pre-schools directly106. Demand for pre-primary education outstrips supply in nearly a third of the study countries. Ten European countries have declared waiting lists that hinder access to pre-school education (Austria, England, Germany, Iceland, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Romania

106 Ibid.



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and Switzerland)107. The situation is similar in the United States and Japan. In the USA, the pressure on pre-primary provision is due to factors such as the rise in the number of women in the workforce, particularly married mothers who, with no mandated paid maternal or paternal leave are now returning to work within a year of giving birth. The Japanese authorities have been faced with the same problem and have responded to this problem by starting to pilot establishments that provide integrated child care and pre-primary services as a way of reducing the number of children on waiting lists, thus improving access to pre-primary institutions. Other countries have adopted different sets of measures to address the problems created by the supply of pre-school institutions not meeting the demand. Some countries have introduced special programmes (e.g. Head Start, Sure Start, Breaking the Cycle) aimed at children from lower socio-economic groups to ensure provision available for those who need it the most. In Romania, the participation in pre-school education has decreased in recent years due to a lack of resources, resulting sometimes in the closure of pre-primary establishments. The Spanish authorities have established a significant number of new pre-primary schools in urban areas, mainly because of the growing number of immigrants concentrated in the urban districts. Affordability of Pre-primary Education Affordability of pre-primary education is a much debated issue when looking at access pre-school education. Although it was earlier discussed that there appears to be no direct relation between free pre-primary education and participation rates, the cost of education can be the main barrier for participation for those from lower socio-economic groups. This is prevalent especially in systems where the cost burden falls on parents. In fact, tendencies for children from low-income families to receive inferior services remain a challenge in certain countries108. Many parents, for example in Norway, the Baltic State and the US are finding day-care institutions expensive109. In the US, parent payments are generally very low for means-tested public provision (e.g. Head Start), but access to these services and other subsidies is limited. Furthermore, lower-income families who do pay for services often end up paying a higher proportion of their income for services than higher income families110. Across the study countries services for children under 3 are more expensive for parents than pre-school services for older children. This is due to the high cost for infant-toddler provision and the different delivery mechanisms, and creates a particular challenge once again for lower-income families. The affordability is directly linked to the extent of the state (or local authority) support, and the extent to which nursery schools are state-supported or private varies widely across Europe. On average OECD countries pay around 75% of the costs of pre-primary education

107 European Agency for Development in Special Needs Education (2003): Special Needs Education in Europe – Thematic Publication. Eurydice. 108 OECD: Starting Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care. 2001. 109 Eurydice: Eurybase and Leseman (2002) Early Childhood Education and Care for Children from Low-income or Minority Backgrounds. University of Amsterdam/OECD. 110 Ibid.



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through public funds, with parents paying the remaining 25%, but there is still variation between individual countries111. Increased public investment can have considerable effects as demonstrated in Portugal where access to pre-primary education rose from 57 per cent in 1996 to 72 per cent in 1999 following expanded investment by the state. In the United Kingdom and the United States the pre-primary education system relies heavily upon contributions from parents112. In fact, there is a slight trend toward a greater reliance on privately-delivered but publicly-financed providers in the OECD countries, in order to reduce costs for municipalities and provide parents with more diverse options113. Countries have adopted a range of financing mechanisms to improve affordability including direct funding, fee subsidies and tax relief. While most countries seek to expand supply and raise quality through direct subsidies to providers (supply side measures), some favour indirect demand driven measures (fee subsidies and tax relief to parents). The opinions on the best policy approaches to solving this matter differ very strongly, in spite of the fact that both approaches produce are equity concerns. Experiences from the UK (and Australia) of implementing indirect ways of subsidising, through demand-side subsidies (vouchers and tax measures) suggest they may be the best strategy in this regard. Provision of tax relief allows families to deduct early childhood education and care expenses from their tax liability. For example, the Childcare Tax Credit in the UK is targeted to make childcare services more affordable for low- and middle-income families. Nevertheless, it has been found that the extent to which tax relief mechanisms help those from lower-income families access nursery school education is questionable in a sense that they may not help very low-income families if they do not earn enough to pay taxes. Studies114 analysing experiences with largely publicly funded and organised pre-school systems, for instance in Finland and Sweden, suggest that supply-side subsidies may be preferable. But the implementation of the Nordic model may not be feasible in most of the other study countries due to the prevailing national policies not being in favour of such a large public expenditure to non-parental day care. Therefore as a conclusion, the OECD study115 suggests a preference for a combined approach: supply side investment to the full range of providers in exchange for guarantees of improved access and quality can be strengthened by demand-side subsidies to make programmes more affordable for those from lower-income families. Geographical Barriers Improving access to pre-primary education to those from remote rural areas is a common challenge to a number of the study countries. For example, in Romania the choice of institution, especially in rural areas can be limited as there is normally only one kindergarten

111 ibid 112 Although in the UK the fees are heavily subsidised by the state. 113 OECD: Starting Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care. 2001. 114 Leseman (2002) Early Childhood Education and Care for Children from Low-income or Minority Backgrounds. University of Amsterdam/OECD. 115 OECD: Starting Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care. 2001.



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in each village. In Hungary, parents have a right to free choice of pre-primary institution, but in reality only half of the parents have a realistic chance of choosing an institution for their children. This is because the Hungarian self-government structure consists of over 3000 municipalities of which a great majority are small with less than 1,000 inhabitants. Consequently, the pre-school supply in most settlements is extremely limited. Many other countries also display clear regional differences in the degree of pre-school provision. Although the French pre-school education system is known for the universal participation rates among 3 to 5 year-olds, large geographical inequalities in access to the provision among 2-year-olds can be detected. Striking regional differences in access to pre-primary education also exist in the USA. As an example, 55.6 per cent of four-year olds in the state of Oklahoma are enrolled in the state funded pre-kindergartens, while 10 different states (e.g. Alaska, Idaho, Mississippi and Utah) do not fund public pre-kindergarten programmes at all116. The declining birth rates are also hindering the participation in countries such as Estonia and Latvia, as municipalities have had to close many pre-school institutions in rural areas. Over the past 10 years, a number of countries have introduced new policies and innovative programmes to address geographical disparities in access to pre-primary education. Small villages are often being grouped together into consortia or inter-municipal nursery schools to ensure a better management of the services and an efficient use of available resources. These schools serve children from several communities, or part-time classes in areas with a very low population density. These types of structures can be found, for example, in Cyprus, France and Spain. The nursery schools in the French rural areas can also benefit from a mobile 'EMALA' teams who provide educational and activity materials to small rural pre-primary schools. In Denmark, Finland and Sweden, the family day-care provision complements the limited access to pre-schools in more remote regions (although the number of family based pre-school teachers has been in decline in the past decade in Sweden). Spain has introduced similar programme ‘pre-school at home’ under which a teacher visits children's homes once or twice a week, provides teaching materials and shows parents how to use them. The ‘Breaking the Cycle’ initiative in Ireland was introduced in 1996 and focuses on disadvantaged urban and rural areas. The programme has now been replaced with similar programmes such as ‘Giving children an even break by tackling disadvantage’ scheme. In the programme, participating schools are provided with extra teaching and financial resources so that their pupils can take advantage of quality education no matter what their social or economic circumstances The limitation such as a lack of available school staff assigned to each institution may also prove to be barrier to an operation of pre-school establishments in some rural areas. This has been exacerbated by some member states who have established staffing standards in order to define the minimum and maximum number of students per adult in both school and non-school institutions coming under the public sector.

116 Institute for Women's Policy Research (2001) The Status of Early Care and Education in the States.



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Rise in dual-earner households The employment rate of women has increased in a great majority of the study countries in the past 15 years. The Lisbon strategy defines greater female employment as one of the key economic priorities, consequently substantial numbers of active labour market policies to increase employment rate of women have been introduced at local, national and EU levels. The policies addressing constraints around childcare and pre-primary provision are also integrally involved in the labour market participation of women, thus been high on the policy agendas during the current decade . Countries have responded to increases in the female labour market participation with different levels of success. When looking at the situation over the 5 past years (see Table 4), the employment rate of women has increased considerably in Spain, from 41.3 per cent in 2000 to 48.3 per cent in 2004. The country, however, has at the same time been able to maintain universal participation rate in pre-primary education. Bulgaria, Latvia and Greece are other countries that have witnessed substantial increase in female labour market participation during this 5 year period, however, access to pre-primary education in these countries is far from universal at the moment. Interestingly, other countries, like Malta, display a relatively low female participation in labour force, but still nearly all four-year-olds are enrolled in pre-primary education.



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Table 4: Female employment rates117

2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

Difference between 2000-

2004118 EU-25 53.6 54.3 54.7 55 55.7 2.1 EU-15 54.1 55 55.6 56 56.8 2.7 Belgium 51.5 51 51.4 51.8 52.6 1.1 Czech Rep, 56.9 56.9 57 56.3 56 -0.9 Denmark 71.6 72 71.7 70.5 71.6 0 Germany 58.1 58.7 58.9 58.9 59.2 1.1 Estonia 56.9 57.4 57.9 59 60 3.1 Greece 41.7 41.5 42.9 44.3 45.2 3.5 Spain 41.3 43.1 44.4 46.3 48.3 7.0 France 55.2 56 56.7 57.2 57.4 2.2 Ireland 53.9 54.9 55.4 55.7 56.5 2.6 Italy 39.6 41.1 42 42.7 45.2 5.6 Cyprus 53.5 57.2 59.1 60.4 59 5.5 Latvia 53.8 55.7 56.8 57.9 58.5 4.7 Lithuania 57.7 56.2 57.2 58.4 57.8 0.1 Luxembourg 50.1 50.9 51.6 52 50.6 0.5 Hungary 49.7 49.8 49.8 50.9 50.7 1 Malta 33.1 32.1 33.9 33.6 32.8 -0.3 Netherlands 63.5 65.2 66.2 66 65.8 2.3 Austria 59.6 60.7 61.3 61.7 60.7 1.1 Poland 48.9 47.7 46.2 46 46.2 -2.7 Portugal 60.5 61.3 61.4 61.4 61.7 1.2 Slovenia 58.4 58.8 58.6 57.6 60.5 2.1 Slovakia 51.5 51.8 51.4 52.2 50.9 -0.6 Finland 64.2 65.4 66.2 65.7 65.6 1.4 Sweden 70.9 72.3 72.2 71.5 70.5 -0.4 UK 64.7 65 65.2 65.3 65.6 0.9 Bulgaria 46.3 46.8 47.5 49 50.6 4.3 Romania 57.5 57.1 51.8 51.5 52.1 -5.4 Turkey 25.8 26.3 27 25.7 24.3 -1.5 Iceland - - - 80.1 78.8 - Norway 73.6 73.6 73.7 72.6 72.2 -1.4 USA - - - - - - Japan - - - - - -

117 Eurostat 2003. The rate is calculated by dividing the number of women aged 15 to 64 in employment by the total female population of the same age group. The indicator is based on the EU Labour Force Survey. 118 This is an accrued calculation between the difference in percentage in 2000 and 2004.



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Not only are women with young children participating labour market, but they are also involved in a range of employment types with non-standard forms of employment becoming more common119. Accommodating the range and complexity of parental working patterns create challenges for early childhood education policies. Services need to be also designed to respond to the labour market fluctuations if parents experience periods of unemployment, which may lead into resource constraints (e.g. finance and staffing). However, pre-school education policies that are too focussed on working parents may indeed reinforce polarisation of families.

1.7. Discussion

This section looked at recent trends in access to pre-school education in the study countries. The linkages between different variables such as costs of pre-primary education and participation rates were also discussed. It also considered particular effects of good quality early childhood education and care for children from disadvantaged groups. As mentioned earlier, when analysing the correlation between the access to pre-primary school provision and the cost of the provision, the link is not conclusive 120. High participation rates are apparent in some countries where admission is fee-paying, and relatively low in some where it is free (at least in the public sector). As an example, early childhood education provision is free for everyone in Belgium and Luxembourg – Belgium has a full participation rate, but in the case of Luxembourg just over half of 3 year-olds attend pre-schools and the participation becomes nearly universal only when the education turns mandatory. Public pre-primary provision is also free, for example in France, Italy, Greece and Turkey, but the participation remains low in Greece and Turkey, especially in Turkey. It is also interesting to examine the pattern of investment in pre-primary education and enrolment rates. Most OECD countries spend between 0.4 and 0.6 per cent of GDP on pre-school education121. Actually on the investment front, a number of countries have over the past five years made real commitments to universalising access to pre-primary education, thus allaying fears that pre-school education would be a low investment priority in the education sector. Denmark (1.0%), Hungary (0.9%) and Lithuania (0.8%) have the highest level of spending on early childhood education. Two European countries, Ireland and Turkey, spend the least of all 28 OECD countries on early childhood education. In this context it must be noted that the majority of Irish children enter compulsory education at the age of 4. However, the Turkish government's low spending on early childhood education is also very clearly reflected in the participation rates – participation in Turkey remains very low, only every fifth 5 year-old has access to pre-school education. This argument is supported by the findings from a recent OECD study122 which

119 OECD: Starting Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care. 2001. 120 Eurydice / Eurostat: Key Data on Education in 2005. 121 OECD: Starting Strong, Early Childhood Education and Care. 2001. 122 Ibid.



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highlighted that limited public investment can lead to a shortage of pre-school places, unequal access and segregation of children according to income. When comparing per child expenditure in pre-primary to per-child expenditure in primary education in some of the study countries (Figure 1), we find that unit costs are lower at pre-primary level than at primary level in the majority of the study countries for which data is available. This analysis shows, interestingly, that pre-primary unit costs are substantially higher than primary costs, for example in Czech Republic, Slovakia, UK and USA. While the participation rates in pre-primary education are nearly universal the year before compulsory education in Czech Republic and the UK, the participation rates in Slovakia and the US are lagging behind the European average. Elsewhere, for example, in France and Italy, the investment is lower per child at pre-primary level than at primary level but the countries have full participation in pre-school education. The Slovakian situation may however be explained by the pupil/teacher ratios (10:1 in pre-primary, 19:1 in primary). Figure 1: Comparison of per-child expenditure at pre-primary and primary levels, 2001 (primary education = 100)

56 60 60

76 7787 87 87 88 91 95

108 113 117131

139

172

0

50

100

150

200

Swed

en

Denmark

Japan

Belgium

Finlan

dSp

ain

Austri

a

Netherl

.Ita

lyFr

ance

Polan

d

Norway

USA

German

y

Czech

R.

Slova

kia UK

Per c

hild

exp

endi

ture

Note: The figures for Italy and Poland refer to public institutions only.

Source: UNESCO Institute for Statistical Database and UNESCO Early Childhood Education and Care: Assessing Progress Towards the

EFA Goals.

Good quality provision can have a particularly strong effect on educational success later in life for those from lower-income families, and can help to counteract some of the negative effects of poverty123. A wealth of American studies have also revealed the broad societal and economic benefits that a good quality early childhood education can yield for this particular group. However, the problem often lies in the limited supply of such provision. Head Start in the US is the largest implementation of centre based education programmes worldwide, yet it provides for only 36 per cent of the eligible low income and ethnic-sociolinguistic minority children in the country.

123 Williams and Mitchell: The Status of Early Care and Education in the States.



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Research in North Carolina, for example, analysed children from disadvantaged areas who benefited from full time, year round care and education from infancy through five years of age. The results illustrated that they performed better in school, completed more years of education, were more likely to attend university and had higher earnings than their peers who did not take part in similar early childhood education programmes124. Another study by American researchers Lee, Schnur and Brooks-Gun (in Leseman125) on Head Start found larger effects for children from Afro-American families than for children from European-American working class families. Furthermore, several other studies reported greater benefits for children from homes with lower pedagogical quality (more stress, more authoritarian parenting, lower cognitive stimulation, less literacy) than for children from homes with higher pedagogical quality.

1.8. Conclusion

This analysis has demonstrated that pre-primary education is generally available from 3 or 4 years of age in the study countries. Also, although participation in pre-primary education is voluntary in almost all the countries, one very apparent trend is an overall increase in participation and a move towards nearly universal participation - with the aim of giving all children at least one year of free publicly funded provision before the beginning of compulsory schooling. At the moment, over half of the study countries have mass participation (over 75%) in pre-primary education between the age of three and the age when they start compulsory education. The review also revealed large disparities between regions and countries. The participation rates are relatively low in the United States and some of the new EU member states and candidate countries. Furthermore, children from remote rural communities, disadvantaged urban areas and lower-income families often suffer from poorer access to early childhood education due a lack of adequate available state provision. Four European countries in particular, Belgium, Spain, Italy and France, have been successful at addressing the regional and local variation in access and the challenges created by greater female labour force participation, and currently enjoy universal participation to pre-primary education. In the past 5 years a number of countries have introduced an element of mandatory participation by making the final year of pre-school provision compulsory. This has in some cases had a positive effect on access, however, some academics are worried that with this trend pre-school pedagogy will lose its emphasis on play, children's natural learning strategies and their holistic development. But it is also worth noting that the argument that early childhood education should be available to all children, as a child's right rather than as a parents' right, has gained further legitimacy and resulted in increased public investment over the past 10 years. This trend is very far from the historical perspective of pre-school institutions which were intended for children of the working classes whilst their mothers worked in factories – with the main objective being to provide supervision for children.

124 Williams and Mitchell: The Status of Early Care and Education in the States. 125 Leseman (2002) Early Childhood Education and Care for Children from Low-income or Minority Backgrounds. University of Amsterdam/OECD.



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The review also recognised a trend toward viewing pre-primary education as a shared responsibility between the family and the state, and toward recognising it as an asset preparing children to succeed in formal schooling and education later in life. Also with the recent shift in the overall executive responsibility for provision from social to education authorities, the role of pre-school education in the education ladder, rather than as a form of childcare, can be said to have been reinforced. At the political level, it has been recognised increasingly in recent years that equitable access to quality pre-primary education can strengthen the foundations of lifelong learning and support the broad educational and social needs of families. The objectives, programmes, assessment methods and specific teaching approaches of pre-school education are also receiving more attention from national governments demonstrating an increasingly strong aspect of professionalism. This review has highlighted a trend of decentralisation and devolution of responsibilities that has promoted more co-ordinated working at certain localities, but has also generated a need in other to ensure that local and regional authorities secure adequate resources to implement these policies. This suggests that there is a role for national governments to design and implement stronger quality assurance and access control mechanisms, which are often most effective when they are characterised by a strong participatory approach. Based on existing international research findings this chapter also aimed to briefly discuss the possible correlations between different indicators such as cost and investment levels and participation rates. The research reviewed suggests that there is a link between the level of government's investment in pre-primary provision and the rate of participation, but a high level of investment does not always directly yield improved access because of a number of different variables, such as quality, the staffing ratios and the level of investment required for modernisation. In addition, the influence of subsidised and free provision for children from lower-income families is considerable. As a result, a number of governments have introduced initiatives to reduce inequalities in accessibility to pre-primary education, for example, subsidy schemes and programmes aimed at particular target groups. Finally, the review has also showed that policy measures that seek to increase participation for presently under-represented groups need to be at the heart of any national policy to find a balance between policies aiming at expanding provision and those that improve equitable access. Clear targets for equitable access and strategies for meeting those targets should therefore be developed more often. It is also important to create a structure that responds to the widely differing needs of communities. The countries with universal or nearly full participation rates should focus on maintaining the current levels of provision with an eye on longer-term planning, and continue to exchange views on successful policies that are crucial in the face of new challenges. Strategy responses to emerging problems such as declining birth rates, the need for more flexible pre-primary structures and poor access rates among younger children (0 to 3 years) should also be kept highly exposed on the policy agendas. With regards to the public policy approaches for all the countries, it is clear from this review and other existing literature that a sustainable and accessible pre-primary education policy requires, in all countries, substantial public funding, as well as ongoing public investment in the infrastructure.



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2.0 QUALITATIVE REVIEW: ACCESS TO TERTIARY EDUCATION By Ruud Van der Aa (ECORYS Netherlands) and Papiya Chatterjee (ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd.) 2.1. Introduction “The basic economic resource – ‘the means of production, to use the economists’ term – is no longer capital nor land, nor labor. It is and will be knowledge. (..) Value is now created by productivity and innovation, both applications of knowledge to work” (Drucker, 1993)126. It is a generally accepted trend that in Western societies rapid technological advances have led to the transition from production-based to knowledge-based economies. A crucial resource for any country in order to maintain its position in a fiercely competitive global market is a highly educated workforce127. The magnitude of this trend might be shown by the development of the volume of “knowledge workers” in the USA. In 2000 the number of knowledge workers in the United States of America was estimated at 30% of the total work force, whereas in 1960 this was about 8%128. In various European countries the share of knowledge workers is estimated to be even higher129. In achieving the Lisbon Strategic goals higher education is attributed an important, though not exclusive role. Key elements in this are the supply of new scientists and engineers in sufficient numbers, the reinforcement of research at university level and the constant updating of the scientific workforce, as well as the overall educational level of the working age population and the intensity of lifelong learning activities130. Moreover, education plays a role in fostering the advancement and dissemination of science and technology in the transition to the knowledge society131. The knowledge society depends for its growth on the production of new knowledge, its transmission though education and training at the higher levels, its dissemination through information and communication technologies, and on its use through new industrial processes or services132. Europe has one of the world’s largest, mainly publicly funded, higher education systems. Around 4,000 institutions cater for approximately 16 million students133. More than 75% of these students study at public institutions and it is a daunting task in its own right to map the landscape of responsibilities for higher education for a single state, let alone for a group of countries. In the following sections of this chapter an attempt is made to grasp the main

126 P.F. Drucker (1993), The post-capitalist society, New York, HarperCollins Publishers 127 Two decades of reform in higher education in Europe: 1980 onwards, EURYDICE, 2000. 128 R. Florida (2002), The rise of the creative class,. New York: Basic Books. 129 European Commission (2002). Key Figures. Luxembourg: Office for official publications of the European Commission. 130 2001 Innovation Scoreboard, European Commission 2002, cited in: Investing efficiently in education and training: an Imperative for Europe, COM (2002), 779 final. 131 A. de la Fuente and A. Ciccon (2002)e, Human capital in a global and knowledge-based economy. Brussels: European Commission 132 The role of the universities in the Europe of knowledge, COM (2003, 58 final 133 Wende, M. van der, R. Middelhurst, Cross-border post-secondary education in Europe, OECD, Paris, 2003.



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features and trends relating to the access in higher education. Firstly, we will look at the main changes in systems and policies that are taking place at the moment. Secondly, we have a look at the distribution of responsibilities of the different stakeholders in higher education. Thirdly, we will outline the main features of the structures of provision in higher education and remarkable differences between countries. Fourthly, the focus will be on the entitlements and obligations regarding higher education. More specifically we will look into admission requirements and tuition fees. Fifthly, barriers to take-up educational opportunities will be discussed. The chapter will be closed with a discussion on the outcomes and an overview of conclusions. 2.2. A system in transition: general trends According to a recent study for the Dutch Ministry of Education European higher education is in a phase of great transition134. “Perhaps not since the emergence of the national higher education systems in the 19th and early-20th centuries has European higher education embraced such wide-scale changes as those occurring today. Supported by grand initiatives outlined in legislation like the Treaty of Maastricht and the Bologna Declaration, the push today is to move beyond European higher education’s generally nationalistic underpinnings (Scott, 1998) into a transparent and fluid “European area of higher education” (Willekens, 2001).” Since it seems undeniable that European national higher education systems are moving toward a more common structure, it is necessary for each country to take stock of its existing system and consider how it compares with its peers. For the credentials and coursework of a higher education institution in one country to successfully transfer to another, it is necessary to not only ensure that certain quality standards are met but also that adequate institutional and financial arrangements be made135. An important element in the transition process of European higher education is the role of public and private financing and the relation between them. At the Lisbon Summit the European Council called for “a substantial annual increase in per capita investment in human resources”136. However, owing to the relative scarcity of public resources, there is also a strong need for a more efficient use of existing resources and a larger contribution form the private sector and the social partners. An important aspect in this refers to the use and validation of previously acquired learning, which helps to make better use of private investments in (non-formal) learning. Besides budgetary constraints, the discussion on the relation between public and private funding in higher education is fed by three important trends: internationalization,

134 Jongbloed, B. and C. Salerno, Funding and recognition. A comparative study of funded versus non-funded higher education in eight countries, Center for Higher Education Policy Studies, August 2002. 135 Ibid. 136 European Commission (2002). Investing efficiently in education and training: an imperative for Europe. COM (2002) 1779 final



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individualization and computerisation137. The market for higher education is becoming more and more an open market in which the role of national boundaries in restricting the access to higher education by foreign students is diminishing. Furthermore, citizens and students have become well informed demanding consumers. Supported by computerized information the demand of students has become less predictable and even whimsical, taking into account international providers of higher education. Educational providers respond by changing their educational supply, target groups, strategy and organization. National authorities often are not neutral in this and even promote these developments. National policies in EU countries increasingly stress the autonomy of citizens and companies, whilst the government setting the rules of the game. The granting of greater autonomy to institutions, particularly in institutional governance, budget spending and course planning is intended to promote an entrepreneurial spirit and thus promote efficiency, cost-effectiveness and flexibility in the light of scarce public resources138. 2.3. Responsibilities of different stakeholders Key elements in the distribution of responsibilities are the provision, funding and (quality) control of higher education. Responsibility for the provision of higher education Although in any given national system for higher education it is the State that determines which institutions are entitled to grant degrees, it can be said that higher education no longer is strictly the domain of public colleges and universities alone139. The landscape is dotted with a wide variety of institutions all offering a diverse array of programmatic offerings. Public institutions compete with a variety of private providers that span a broad spectrum. The majority of students is enrolled in public institutions but in some countries the rate of enrolment is high either in institutions that are privately managed (as in the Netherlands and in the United Kingdom) predominantly drawing on public funds or in institutions that are both privately managed and predominantly financed form private sources like in Portugal (or in the US)140. In general it can be said that in the reviewed countries the state has the prime responsibility for ensuring a proficient supply of higher education. This state involvement finds expression by way of direct or indirect funding (grants and loans to students). Basically, most legislation does not differentiate between public and private education, both falling under the same laws and same recognition criteria. However, this does not automatically imply a level playing field between public (state) and private (non-public) institutions. In most countries the HE sector is dominated by state universities and colleges. For instance, in Austria there are 21

137 Jongbloed, B. Grenzen aan de bekostiging van het hoger onderwijs: de situatie in Denemarken, Duitsland, Engeland, Frankrijk en Australië (Limits to the funding of higher education: the situation in Denmark, Germany, England, France and Australia), Enschede: Center for Higher Education Policy Studies, June 2003. 138 EURYDICE, Two Decades of Reform in Higher Education in Europe: 1980 Onwards, April 2000. 139 Jongbloed, B, op.cit. 140 Debande, O., Student Finance Schemes: a market assessment, European Investment Bank (EIB), June 2003.



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state universities and 7 privately maintained (and officially recognized) HE institutions. In Germany there are 91 private, mainly very small, HE institutions on a total of 359 institutions. In France higher education is provided in the universities (89), all of which are public, with the exception of five Catholic institutions and the grandes écoles. In the United Kingdom, traditionally seen as a representative of free market mechanisms there is only one private university (Buckingham). In Belgium (Flanders) private education is not legally organised at all; hence certificates granted by private HE institutions are not officially recognised. In Italy, on the other hand, private universities have existed for a long time. These institutions can obtain financial contribution from the state according to the number of students enrolled. Especially in East European countries private education has been rapidly growing in recent years after the overthrowing of communist regimes. Traditional universities and colleges suffer from insufficient capacity and sometimes also quality. In the Czech republic, for instance, the Higher Education Act of 1998 enabled the establishment of private HE institutions. Since then the number of private institutions has grown to 36 state approved institutions by the end of 2004; some of these were founded by international bodies (e.g. PHARE). State approval is only granted when some strict scientific and educational criteria are met. In Poland the establishment of private (non-state) higher vocational institutions was made possible in 1998. The first non-public institute was registered in 1991. In 1992 there were 15 schools of this type. In 1997 the number of non-state HE institutions exceeded the number of state-run institutions. In the academic year 2002/03 there were already 261 non-state HE institutions including 134 institutions operating on the basis of legislation for schools of higher education and 124 operating on the basis of legislation for higher vocational schools. Most of them offer courses at the higher vocational level, although in 2003 over 80 of them had a right to open and run Master degree courses. A similar development is apparent in the candidate countries Romania and Bulgaria. In terms of direct financial support, each country covered in this review has institutions whose programmes are recognised, or meeting legislated criteria, but receive no public funding. The prevalence of such a sector differs largely across the countries examined here. At the extreme, looking only at direct support suggests that states like the Netherlands and Belgium provide no public support to their private sector. A similar statement can be made about England where the “private sector” consists of only Buckingham University. At the other end of the spectrum are places like France where exists a significant number of recognised yet non-funded HEIs. Responsibility for the funding of higher education Higher education providers receive funds from multiple sources: government, students, industry, private philanthropy, etc. These funds, in turn, are used for a variety of purposes such as subsidising educational activities, funding basic and applied research, and providing for administrative and support staff costs. Notwithstanding this diversity it can be stated that public financing is considered as the traditional approach for supporting higher education in most countries. This is the case because tertiary education in most EU countries is considered a public good and also that access should not be restricted by economic reasons. Even if tuition fees have been introduced, they only contribute for a small amount of the funding



33

needs of higher education. In most European countries the subsidy rate for higher education (defined as the share of direct public expenditure in educational institutions and total public subsidies to households and other private entities in total sources of funds) is above 90%141. In other words, higher education is provided free at the point of delivery. Responsibility for the quality of higher education With the exception of the UK and Eire, European HEIs have, until recently, been closely controlled by the state (at national and/or regional level). This control has concerned such things as the duration of studies, the titles of awards, the appointment of teaching and administrative staff (both of which have the status of civil servants in most states), the admission of students, and, in some countries, curricular structure, course content and final examinations. Some of these areas –such as admission of students- may have a strong impact on access to tertiary education. The general tendency in the last decade towards the decentralisation of higher education and the granting of greater autonomy to universities has been paralleled by a requirement for external quality assurance procedures. As such, there is more control within the university system by the state, but less control before and during student’s selection processes. The trend in several countries is therefore for increasing students’ possibilities to choose the university they want to attend e.g. in the case of Spain- and for universities to have more autonomy to choose students. It is expected that this will enhance competition and increase quality of tertiary education. Leaving the selection to universities however, may have also a negative impact on the quality of recruits since universities may try to maximise their income and take any students (particularly in a context of decreasing age cohorts). Systems to serve to the greater autonomy of universities have come into being, mostly in the 1990s, at the national level in France (the CNE), in the Netherlands (the VSNU for the universities and the HBO-RAAD for the Hogescholen), in Sweden (the Quality Audit and Enhancement Unit of the National Agency for Higher Education) and in Spain through the Consejo de Universidades, and at regional level in Germany (for example, the evaluation agency in Lower Saxony). Now, throughout Europe there is a tendency to develop recognition and accreditation procedures, applying to private institutions as well as public institutions. In all states, the prerequisites to receiving public funding have a quality-oriented slant. Every state imposes some standards in the course of recognising HE providers. The regulations laid down in various laws are meant to ensure that the academic degrees students receive are more valuable than the paper they are printed on142. Yet there is another form of recognition, usually independent of the State, that also exists to ensure institutions and programmes meet basic quality standards. This is commonly known as accreditation, and more recently it has taken on increased visibility as many European states work toward realising the goals and objectives laid out in the Bologna Declaration,

141 Debande, O., Student Finance Schemes: a market assessment, European Investment Bank (EIB), June 2003 142 Jongbloed, B. and C. Salerno, op.cit..



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particularly the European-wide implementation of a two-tiered Bachelor and Master system. While accrediting bodies may not directly influence whether an institution or programme is formally recognised by the state some accrediting agencies are formed through government mandate and their findings frequently are given ample consideration within various education ministries143. The extent to which formal modes of quality assurance exist across the countries in this study varies. In Germany for instance the Länder are responsible for awarding recognition to non-public institutions. The Federation and the Länder have agreed that non-public institutions are to be accredited by the Science Council (Wissenschaftsrat). Institutional accreditation in Germany is seen as a procedure of quality assurance which is to determine whether an institution is capable of providing study courses which according to legislation belong to the sector of higher education. Therefore it must also be ensured that those belonging to the institution have at least a minimum level of co-determination in teaching and research matters. Official recognition by the respective Land is dependent on proof that the privately maintained HEI is of equivalent status (not identical in form) to state HEI. Especially in East European countries, where private education has been rapidly growing in recent years accreditation or recognition rules play an important role in ensuring the quality of higher education, although in most cases not differing between public and non-public institutions. In the Czech Republic for instance, only institutions which have been given state recognition by the Ministry of Education on the recommendation of the Accreditation Commission may operate as a private HEI. An application for accreditation in the Czech Republic must include among others: a long-term plan for educational and scientific, research, developmental, artistic or other creative activities and information on how its operations will be provided for in terms of finance, material, and personnel. In Romania there are national quality standards for HE providers, ensuring a quality-control over the rapid development of both public and private education. In order to be recognized as part of the national education system, private education institutions have to be accredited through specific procedures established by law. Diplomas and certificates issued by the accredited private education institutions produce the same effects as the ones issued by the public education institutions. 2.4. Structures of provision Delivery of education and training at tertiary level are offered by a variety of institutions that extend beyond universities, as we alluded to in the earlier section. This section describes types of tertiary education institution in more detail. The second part of this section focuses on other organisational variations in the delivery of higher education and will specifically hone in on distance learning as an alternative delivery mechanism. Institutions offering tertiary education In general, it can be said that in most of the 33 countries in the review, tertiary education is provided by university institutions and non-university institutions, and the latter category can

143 Ibid.



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be include a range of bodies such as colleges, polytechnics, and academies (e.g. military). Broadly speaking, universities tend to provide qualifications with an academic emphasis and non-university institutions provide qualifications with a professional/vocational emphasis. A trend towards greater diversification of tertiary education institutions can be perceived. This greater diversification of tertiary education institutions helps to cater for different types of students and needs, and therefore enhances choice and access possibilities, whilst also helps to cost-containment. This however is a generalisation and this does vary from country to country. Examples of the variations are given below: In Austria and Germany, there are four categories of educational institution which offer tertiary education programmes – universities, arts universities, Fachhochschulen and other institutions (e.g. theological colleges). In Austria, universities have traditionally dominated the tertiary education sector landscape and these are public educational institutions which are directed towards the advancement of knowledge and new approaches to the arts through academic research and research-based teaching. Fachhochschulen in Austria, were only introduced in 1994, whereas in Germany, Fachhochschulen were introduced for the first time in 1970 and currently some 25% of higher education students are enrolled in Fachhochschule programmes. In both countries, these institutions are heavily oriented towards the requirements and needs of professional occupations. Countries including Poland, Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania, Slovenia, Turkey and Japan provide tertiary education mainly through universities specializing in theoretical education and non-university institutions providing more vocational emphasis. For example, in Turkey, higher education is defined as any post-secondary programme that has a duration of at least two years. The higher education system consists of universities (fifty-three state, nineteen private) and non-university institutions (police and military academies, colleges). Each university is comprised of faculties and four-year schools (the latter with a vocational emphasis) offering bachelor’s degree programmes, and two-year vocational schools offering pre-bachelor’s (associate’s) level programmes of a strictly vocational nature. In Japan, higher education is mainly provided by universities, junior colleges and colleges of technology. Universities are higher education institutions which conduct teaching and in-depth research in specialized academic disciplines and provide students with broad knowledge. Junior colleges aim to conduct teaching and in-depth research in specialized subjects, and to develop in students abilities required for vocational or practical life. Colleges of technology aim to conduct in-depth teaching in specialized subjects, and to develop in students such abilities as are required for vocational life. Portugal and Finland both have a binary system of higher education institutions made up of universities and polytechnics. In Portugal, universities (Ensino Superior Universitário) provide courses in practically all fields of study, from the more classic to the new fields of level 3 vocational training - Arts, Social and Behavioural Sciences, Corporate Business and Administration, Law, Natural Sciences, Mathematics and Information Systems, Sciences of Engineering and Technology, Medical Sciences, Sciences of Education and Teacher Training, Agriculture, Forestry Fisheries, Architecture and Town Planning, Physical Education and Sport, Social Service. The Education Act states that polytechnics (Ensino Superior Politécnico) provide high level, solidly based cultural and theoretical training, developing the



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skills for innovation and critical analysis and teaching theoretical and practical scientific knowledge and its applications, with a view to future professional careers. In Finland, as well as through universities and polytechnics, university level education is provided at one military academy, the National Defence College run by the Defence Staff. Polytechnic students complete higher education degrees with a professional emphasis: the starting points for the development of these degrees include the requirements and needs of working life and the degrees qualify for different expert functions in working life. Tertiary education provision in the UK, Denmark and Sweden is characterized by the fact that they also have specialist institutions focusing on a single faculty. For example in Sweden there are 13 universities, 37 university colleges, and 26 colleges of health sciences, as well as a host of single-faculty institutions. Universities and university colleges are marked by a wide variation in programme offerings – some provide research and training whereas others only provide a few professional programmes such as teaching, education and business administration. Single-faculty institutions include the Royal Institute of Technology, the Stockholm Institute of Education, nine colleges of fine arts, and various health science colleges providing preparatory training in the paramedical professions. The university sector in Denmark includes 11 universities, five of which are multi-faculty universities. The other six specialise in fields such as engineering, education, veterinary science, agriculture, pharmacy or business studies. In addition, there are a number of specialist university-level institutions in architecture, art, music, etc. regulated by the Ministry of Culture. In the UK, single faculty institute exist as part of the University of London e.g. the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. Distance learning and continuing education

Distance learning is an increasingly popular method for the delivery of tertiary education in EU countries. However, another variation worthy of mention is continuing education, and this will be outlined in further detail after considering distance learning in more detail. Distance studies provide an alternative to attending a study institution in person. This form of learning enables students to organise their studies independently without being restricted by a location or time-related nature and therefore they can adapt their learning to suit their circumstances. Distance learning offers many people who are keen to study, but for whom conventional on-site learning at an institution of higher education would not be possible, the opportunity to attain the educational objectives associated with a course of study at a tertiary education institution –see the case study on distance learning in this report for further details.

In a recent study by the OECD (2005) it is stated that e-learning in general is “becoming increasingly prominent in tertiary education”144. The justifications for this growth are wide-ranging, complex and contested, including widening access, on-campus pedagogic innovation, enhancement of distance learning, organizational change, knowledge-sharing and revenue generation. All available evidence points towards growing enrolments and provision. However, after the hype of the new-economy, growing disenchantment wit e-learning has replaced over-enthusiasm. Failures of e-learning operations have, at least temporarily,

144 OECD/ CERI (2005) “E-learning in tertiary education. Where do we stand?”



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overshadowed the prospects of widened and flexible access to tertiary education, pedagogic innovation and decreased costs that e-learning once embodied.

The OECD study reports that provision with “high” on-line content (e.g. web dependent, mixed modules, fully online) accounts for well under 5% of total enrolment in tertiary education in most OECD countries. However, the study notes that enrolments are difficult to track because e-learning enrolments are often at credit rather than degree level. In some of the institutions investigated by the OECD for its study the number of students enrolled in at least one course with high online presence would typically be much higher, and sometimes from 30 to 50% of total enrolments.

The conclusion of the OECD in this report is that e-learning activities across tertiary education institutions are very diverse, but that in most campus-based institutions the growth of e-learning to date has not challenged the centrality of the face to face classroom setting. This brings the OECD to the conclusion that contradictory to the predictions of the dot-com boom, distance online learning in general, and cross-border e-learning in particular (i.e. programmes taken by students in countries other than where the institution’s central campus is located) have generally failed to emerge as significant activities or markets to date. Moreover, modules (or courses) accounted for the majority of e-learning activity, reflecting the dominance of e-learning as a supplementary tool to on-campus delivery at undergraduate level. Whole on-line programmes where most common at post-graduate level. This is in line with the view that this type of provision favours the experienced learner wanting to combine work/ family with further studies.

Most of the 33 countries in our review have some kind of distance learning facility for tertiary education, but are at different stages of development and have embraced the distance learning concept to varying degrees and are therefore at different stages of development regarding this provision. Variations between the countries in the review, are now described in further detail.

In France, distance learning provision dates back to 1939 through the creation of the National Centre for Distance Learning (CNED), a State public institution governed by the Ministry of Education, Higher Education, Research and Vocational Integration. The distance learning tools used include written media, oral audio tapes and video cassettes. On-line data processing tools are now also used to access reference data banks, take tests and dialogue with instructors (for some courses). In addition to this distance learning, the CNED also proposes regroupings and tutorials of variable lengths. Certain French universities also provide distance education through remote university education centres (CTU). In the UK, a major provider of distance learning is the Open University (OU). Students have been admitted to the OU since 1971, and it is now Britain’s largest university in terms of student numbers, with some 200,000 students currently registered on its various programmes of study. The OU, like other universities, is an autonomous institution and is able to award its own degrees. There are three main types of course are available: undergraduate-level courses, postgraduate courses — both taught and research, and study packs. The courses are offered as part of certificate, diploma or degree programmes but can also be studied for credit, independent of any other qualification. It is argued that modularisation helps access because students get their learning recognised and accredited even if they do not complete a full degree or qualification.



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Course materials include specially produced textbooks and course readers linked, in most cases, to other materials: radio and television programmes; audio and video tapes; home experiment equipment for science and other courses; CD-ROMs and computer software; and internet sources. All registered students have a local tutor and counsellor, whom they can meet along with fellow students at one of the network of some 250 study centres throughout the UK. Students are also encouraged to form informal networks among themselves, with electronic mail and conferencing becoming an increasingly important medium for communication. Students also meet at the residential schools that are an integral part of many OU courses. Anyone over the age of 18 within the European Union and members of the British Forces posted overseas may enrol at the Open University – e.g. during the nineties the U.K. based OU, became popular in Ireland and a full-time Secretariat operates from Dublin. There are also remote study centres in Austria, which offer students the opportunity to study through the OU, although all studies must be conducted in English. All OU students are supported by a system of tutors, group work in study centres and attendance at summer schools. No entry qualifications are required for OU courses, other than for higher degrees. Applications from socially and economically disadvantaged students are particularly welcome and special provisions are made to enable those with special educational needs to participate. The OU has a relatively large number of students with disabilities, and has opened a Centre for Assistive Technology and Enabling Research (CATER) to develop courses and communication technology learning strategies that are more accessible to students with disabilities, and in this respect is an example of good practice. Another country which has a long tradition of distance education is Sweden where most universities and university colleges offer some kind of distance learning. An area of development that is driving the growth of this kind of education is the increased availability of ICT, such as personal computers, fax machines, interactive video, and videophone which is widening the scope for this type of education. As a result, the Swedish Government has established the Agency for Sweden's Internet University to promote the development of IT-based education and to provide information about the different university-level courses and programmes available via distance education.

Netherlands also has developed a strong distance education system. The Open University of the Netherlands (OUNL) is a state establishment offering distance learning courses at university level for people aged 18 and over and it aims to make higher education accessible to adults who want a second chance. Its “openness” manifests itself in the following ways: absence of any admission requirements relating to prior education; freedom as to place and time of study; and freedom as to choice of courses - students can combine modules to make up their own programme of study. In the nineties, it became clear that the OUNL was serving graduates wishing to expand or update their knowledge in the context of lifelong learning whilst not necessarily looking to obtain a full university degree, whereas originally, it targeted students wanting a “second chance”. So to some extent the OUNL increased access to HE but not necessarily to reach new people; it therefore increased educational inequalities or differences in access.



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For most of the countries that provide education by distance learning, most of the programmes are offering academically-related courses, but for example, in Greece and Finland there is also the opportunity to study vocationally-related courses through distance learning. In Greece, from 1992, the Organisation for Vocational Education and Training (OEEK) launched an effort to provide distance vocational training. At present, work has begun under the Second Community Support Framework on creating a separate agency, a Distance Training Institute, with cooperation between the Ministry of National Education and Religious Affairs and OEEK. Open university education in Finland is provided by continuing education centres, other university organisations and various adult education institutions. Vocational specialisation studies are large-scale programs for further education training, based on polytechnic degrees. Open polytechnics have been around since 1997, and all polytechnics present this opportunity. The studies conducted there are the same studies that are included in the polytechnic degree programme. In 2004 approximately 11,000 students attended open polytechnics.

Countries that have little provision of distance learning include Hungary, Poland and Slovenia. For example, there is a lack of alternative training institutions, such as an open university system, in Hungarian higher education. The development of non-traditional training programmes within state institutions began after 1995, mostly through PHARE support, and from the late 1990s, several internet-based 'universities' began to be organised, yet they are still at a too early stage of development to impact upon the delivery of traditional higher education.

As mentioned in the introduction to this section, continuing education is another way to deliver tertiary education. Two countries that have dedicated systems for this type of delivery include the UK and Finland. In the UK, University for Industry (UfI) is an initiative launched by the Government to play a key role in its strategy for lifelong learning. The UfI acts as a broker helping people and businesses to identify their learning needs and to access this learning in the appropriate form. It aims to break down barriers to learning by making provision more flexible and accessible. It promotes learning ranging from basic skills of literacy and numeracy to specialised technological skills and business management. Many higher education institutions offer extra-mural courses that are specifically intended to meet the needs of local communities. Consequently, they may offer part-time courses providing professional updating, which people attend on day-release from work or attend in the evening, or leisure courses on subjects such as local history or geography, or language or literature classes. In Finland, adult education provided by universities is mainly arranged at universities’ continuing education centres. The main aim of continuing education is to provide academically educated people with an opportunity to update their knowledge and skills or to acquire new professional skills or qualifications145.

We have seen therefore that tertiary education distance learning has the potential to increase access, and there are hopes that it helps to reach people from less privileged backgrounds and with lower previous educational attainment, rural areas and working people but we also see

145 Spain also has a strong Open University system (made of two Open Universities), which is described in more detail in the project’s case-studies.



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that in practice it has also increased educational inequalities –since it is being accessed to a relatively large extent by people who already has tertiary education qualifications.

2.5. Entitlements and obligations Admission requirements Within Europe there is considerable variation in the requirements for access to higher education. In most countries a school leaving diploma forms the basic requirement for entry into higher education but many states have systems to restrict the numbers of students admitted by imposing quotas usually termed a numerus clausus. If demand exceeds the number of places available, places are allocated by means of a draw or, if the institution so wishes, it may select students itself. The UK is regarded as being at one end of this spectrum having a highly selective system with fixed numbers for every course and different levels of additional selection procedures146. Sweden also has a numerus clausus for all higher education with selection for admission. However, both the UK and Sweden have well-developed alternative routes into higher education. At the other extreme are countries in which the secondary school leaving certificate guarantees admission to higher/tertiary education institutions (though not necessarily to a specific institution for a specific course). This right, which is enshrined in law, is based on the concept that maturity implies academic aptitude. Such countries include, Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Italy (with some restrictions) and the Netherlands. France, however, also has the highly selective grandes écoles, which admit students only on the basis of highly competitive examinations. In France there is also a separate examination for admission to medicine. In some countries, too, (for instance, Germany and the Netherlands) there are different types of high school and some certificates may provide admission to university and others only to non-university tertiary education institutions. In several countries where there is non-selective entry (such as France and Italy) a high proportion of students fail to complete successfully the first stage of their study in tertiary education. Whereas drop-outs are normally considered a sign of inefficiency of the education and training system, at the same time they mean that those who have dropped out have had access to some kind of tertiary education, which is better than them having had no access at all to it. In between, there are countries such as Greece, Portugal and Spain (and many Central and Eastern European countries) where, in addition to the possession of the secondary school leaving certificate, students traditionally had to take either a national university entrance examination or examinations conducted by individual universities. The university place offered may be determined by the state on the basis of the student’s performance in the national examination. In Spain there a number of private universities, the oldest being those associated with the roma Catholic Church. Admission to these is by competitive examination and selection is more intense than in the state universities. In Greece only one in three successful students in the university entrance exam is offered a place, which accounts for the great mobility of Greek students within the EU. In Portugal the places available for entrance 146 See also: Higher education in the learning society, National Committee of Inquiry into Higher Education (NCIHE), 1997.



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to public HEI (ensino superior course) are controlled exclusively by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education and are fixed and published annually by the authorities of the institutions involved, accompanied by the respective justification. Each school of ensino superior sets the tests it demands for entrance to each of its courses, for which it may use national secondary education exams ( a procedure adapted in the 2001/02 school year) or other tests expressly designed for this purpose. In the 1990s there has been a rapid growth in the number of commercially run private tertiary education establishments in many Central and Eastern European countries, and indeed, in Greece and Spain. This has taken place in response to a high level of demand for access to higher education in general, or for higher education of a particular type Tuition fees In Europe there is large variation in the organisation and levels of tuition fees in higher education. Table 5 provides a summary of this variety, based on data from 1999-2000, which questions the impact of tuition fees at their current level on access to tertiary education in Europe147. Also the average grant is shown. The only country where tuition fees are at a considerable level and students on average could pay these tuition fees from the public grant subsidies they receive is the Netherlands. In the UK with even more substantial levels of tuition fees, the average grants given to students fall far below the level given to Dutch students. Table 5: Annual average grant per student, average tuition fees (1999-2001, in €)

Country Student grants Tuition fees Denmark 3750 0Flanders 342 100-600France 494 200-850Germany 374 0Netherlands 1750 1300Sweden 2150 0United Kingdom 700 1700Source: CHEPS calculations, 2001. Recently a Dutch study has been published on Perceptions of student price responsiveness148. The study states that “many studies across a wide range of countries have come to the conclusion that financial incentives like tuition fees, grants and loans hardly impact students’ choices and their enrolment patterns (Leslie and Brinkman, 1987, Heller, 1997, De Jong et al., 2001). Only a small number of studies indicate that developments towards cost sharing

147 Kaiser, F., H. Vossensteyn, J. Koelman, Public funding of higher education.A comparative study of funding mechanisms in ten countries. CHEPS-Higher education monitor. Center for Higher Education Policy Studies. Enschede, november 2001. 148 Vossensteyn , J.J., Perceptions of student price responsiveness. A behavioural economics exploration of the relationships between socio-economic status, perceptions of financial incentives and student choice. University of Twente, the Netherlands, 2005.



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through tuition and student support policies may have harmed access for students from lower socio-economic groups (McPherson and Schapiro, 1998; Heller, 2001). The studies that do report an impact of tuition and student support on access particularly show that lower-SES students choose shorter, cheaper, less prestigious, and less risky educational opportunities (Heller, 1997; McPherson and Schapiro, 1997)”. This would locate debates on the impact of tuition fees in the domain of studies of social justice, rather than in the domain of access studies. Based on data for the Netherlands the findings in the above mentioned study correspond well to the general picture from the literature that students are not very responsive to financial incentives. Nevertheless, trends toward (further) cost sharing often encounter opposition and are argued to have negative effects on access to higher education, particularly for those from disadvantaged backgrounds. In view of this study’s major findings, this opposition can be explained by students’ strong perceptions of financial incentives and differences for students from various SES-backgrounds. However, the results also show that differences in perceptions do not automatically lead to different choices. Maybe therefore, no single Dutch study to date has been able to show that increased cost sharing has harmed access for disadvantaged students. Student numbers have steadily increased irrespective of demographic developments and the socio-economic composition of the student body has not changed over time (De Jong et al., 1991; Hofman et al., 2003). The major finding that different price perceptions do not necessarily lead to different choices is also consistent with international student choice literature. Also other empirical studies give ample opportunities to consider the impact of tuition policy on enrolment in higher education — but they fall short of permitting a summary conclusion that freezing, reducing or introducing tuition fees will have a predictable effect. The fact is, there are many complex social issues that influence a decision to attend university; tuition is just one of them149. This suggests that variation and trends in enrolment are the result of a complex interaction of factors, as illustrated in our theoretical framework, only some of them based on price. As well, some argue that tuition fees have a relatively small effect on enrolment because they typically represent the smaller cost of attending a post-secondary educational institution. Other costs, such as the opportunity costs associated with foregone earnings, housing costs and other costs of living, are much higher than direct costs for tuition fees. 2.6. Barriers to take-up of educational opportunities One of the barriers to the take up educational opportunities often highlighted, relate to the financial contributions that students have to make while attending higher education –although we have seen that the effect of tuition fees on access is not as strong as often presumed. To compensate for these contributions students can apply for grants (which do not have to be repaid by students) or make use of loans (which do, after their period of study). The financial support for students in the Member States of the European Union and the EFTA/EEA

149 Swail, W.S., Heller, D.E., Changes in tuition policy. Natural policy experiments in five countries. Canada Millennium Scholarship Foundation, 2004.



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countries may be regarded as a continuum ranging from exclusively grants-based systems to exclusively loans-based systems such as the one in Iceland. According to the EURYDICE grants are the most widespread form of support, but many countries also offer loans that are guaranteed and/or subsidised by the State150. In most countries in which loans are obtainable, they form an integral part of support and, together with grants, constitute a combined system of financial support. The two components are usually awarded depending on similar requirements, and only students entitled to a measure of support in the form of a grant may acquire a loan in order to supplement it. In most combined systems, students are generally free to decide whether they will accept the supplementary loan entitlement. An exception to this is in Germany where students eligible for financial assistance were obliged to receive a non-repayable grant and an interest free loan in equivalent proportions regarded as an integral support package. Repayment terms for this state loan depends on social considerations and income. Since 2001, a maximum of 10.000 Euro had to be repaid. Once the maximum period during which assistance is payable has been exceeded, students, as a rule, only receive funding in the form of a bank loan, which is subject to payment of interests. In some countries, however, the systems of grants and loans are separate and operate independently of each other. The conditions governing their award may also be different. Students not entitled to a grant may be eligible for a loan. In France, where the loans system is separate, students entitled to a grant cannot obtain the loan known as a prêt d’honneur. In the Flemish Community of Belgium, Greece, Spain, Ireland, Austria and Portugal, only grants were available in the 1990s. In general it can be stated that countries in the north-west of Europe have a mix of grants and loans, whereas the financial support for students in the south-western countries of Europe mainly or exclusively rely on grants. In eastern Europe participation in higher education is financially supported by scholarships and various forms of social allowances, although this is often limited to enrolment in public funded institutions. In Poland, in order to make higher education accessible to higher number of young people, the system of financial support to students from the state budget has been introduced. In Hungary the most general form of support is an academic scholarship that differentiates and allocates state support essentially on the basis of the academic performance of the individual student. In general financial support systems for students can be said to enhance the access to higher education by securing equality of (financial) opportunities regarding the right to education. For instance, in Spain the State has established a general scholarship and aid system charged to its General Budget in order to remove the socio-economic obstacles. Economic requirements tend to secure that these benefits will be granted to those students who do not have enough family income in order to meet the education expenses of their members. In Finland the purpose of the student financial aid is to guarantee equal opportunities in education by securing the students’ income. In Ireland the universities are working with so called “access” schemes explicitly meant to promote educational opportunity for students

150 Key topics in education. Volume 1: Financial support for students in higher education in Europe, EURYDICE, 1999.



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from disadvantaged areas. Furthermore the Irish government and the HEA are very keen that progress is made in redressing the existing participation imbalance between students of different economic income groups. However, as in all countries, this appears to be a complex process in which not all the variables involved are easily amenable to access interventions. In the Netherlands, to promote efficiency in higher education a performance-related grant has been introduced. This works on the principle of “loan then grant”. The amount of the basic grant and supplementary grant are initially received as a loan. The student must obtain a degree within ten years of starting his of her studies for the loan to be converted into a non-repayable grant. It is important to highlight that the “objective costs” of tertiary education, whilst important, are not all. How people perceive these is equally important in shaping their behaviour. Some programmes, like the “Aim Higher” programme in the UK, try to change the perception of people from less privileged backgrounds on the costs and benefits of higher education to expand access.



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2.7. EU developments: the Bologna process Key areas When considering the issue of access to education in the tertiary sector within Europe, it is of central importance to consider the Bologna process and its attempt to create an open European higher education area (EHEA), a framework that is expected to enable closer cooperation between higher education institutions, facilitate student and staff mobility and increase both the competitiveness of Europeans in the world labour market and the attractiveness of European higher education in the world. As far as the European Union is concerned, the Bologna process is aligned to the broader framework of the Lisbon objectives. The aim of the process is thus to make the higher education systems in Europe converge towards a more transparent system whereby the different national systems would use a common framework based on three cycles - Degree/Bachelor, Master and Doctorate. The basic aims of the Bologna Declaration may be summarised in three key words: mobility, employability, and competitiveness. In more detail, the objectives are the following:

• "adoption of a system of easily readable and comparable degrees"; • "adoption of a system essentially based on two main cycles, undergraduate and

graduate"; • "establishment of a system of credits – such as in the ECTS system - as a proper

means to promoting the most widespread student mobility"; • "promotion of mobility by overcoming obstacles to the effective exercise of free

movement"; • "promotion of European co-operation in quality assurance with a view to developing

comparable criteria and methodologies"; and • "promotion of the necessary European dimensions in higher education".

Two key aspects to consider regarding increasing access to education are the progress on adoption of the two main cycles and the enhancement of student mobility through the ECTS system. In many countries, there was a two cycle structure in place (Bachelor/Master) much before the Bologna Declaration (particularly in certain fields of study). In Eastern Europe, the two tier structure was introduced in the 1990s coinciding with the far-reaching reforms in their education systems and the fall of communism. In certain countries where the two cycle structure was in place, their systems did not correspond exactly to the Bologna requirements, but adaptations or extensions have been made since 2000, apart from Greece where a decision for a full implementation of the structure is pending151. For some countries the task was to make the structure compulsory or extend it. In Finland in 2004 a law was passed in which their institutions will be obliged to introduce the two-cycle structure. In Denmark, the Bachelor/Master structure has been extended to studies in medicine, engineering, surveying, theology and music. From 2003/2004, Austria extended the application of the two-cycle

151 Eurydice: Focus on the Structure of Higher Education in Europe 2004/2005 – National Trends in the Bologna Process.



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structure to the Fachhochschulen. Some countries varying from Bulgaria to Iceland still provide long studies alongside those structured in two cycles. However, in other countries including Germany, Lithuania and Poland, these long programmes will be permanently replaced by the two-cycle structure by 2010. As mentioned earlier, the two-cycle structure is applicable to almost all fields of study, but there are exceptions. Architecture and engineering are exceptions in Estonia and Italy. Also in France it is only possible to study engineering in the schools of architecture in one long cycle. In September 2003, the ministers responsible for higher education in the signatory countries of the Bologna declaration agreed to promote close links between European higher education and European research. Most of the signatory countries consider the doctorate to be a third cycle in higher education, and since committing themselves to the Bologna process some of them have confirmed this in recent legislation. In all the signatory countries, access to doctoral studies is generally based on possession of the second cycle qualification, however in France and Spain it is also compulsory for students with the Master level qualification to complete a qualifying programme of doctoral training before commencing individual research. In nine countries including Croatia, Germany, Greece, and the UK, students may commence the doctorate after obtaining a bachelor qualification, but this is subject to certain further conditions. The two cycle courses will make First Degrees shorter in some European countries lowering costs and making them more attractive to students and reducing drop-outs. Another key element in making the process of the structure of European higher education more uniform is the European Credit Transfer and Accumulation System (ECTS). ECTS was originally used as a transfer system for student mobility in the Erasmus programme. Its importance is both relevant to student mobility and the development of international programmes, which may make tertiary education more attractive to young people. Most countries implemented ECTS between 2000 and 2005. Among the countries that had a national credit system in 2004/2005, some of them have adapted it (e.g. Netherlands, Italy and Norway). Bologna process stocktaking In March 2004 the Bologna follow-up Group established a working group to carry out a stocktaking exercise on the progress made in three priority action lines: quality assurance, the two-cycle degree system and recognition of degrees and periods of study. With regards to the general implementation of the Bologna agreement in this respect, the report concludes that there is good news for the 40 countries involved in the Bologna Process: the collective and voluntary inter-governmental process is a success. Furthermore, it is reported that common goals are being pursued and targets are being met by the great majority of countries. There is also a positive evaluation for Higher Education institutions, who are found to be working hard to implement the Bologna actions, and whose achievements are now visible. Finally, the report concludes that, for students, the Bologna process seems to create a more open world of learning, with enhanced mobility, transparency, transfer and recognition of qualifications. Concerning the introduction of the two-cycle degree system, the Follow-up group paid particular attention to student enrolment and the access of the system from the first cycle to



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the second cycle. The working group prepared a report152 that was discussed at the Ministerial Group in Bergen, May 2005. The adoption of the two-cycle degree system, with its origins in the Sorbone Declaration, is seen as critical to the future of the EHEA and its implementation throughout the area is well under way. Already by 2005, at least 55% of countries have the system in place on a wide scale, with a further 21% having it in place in a more limited capacity. The target set by Ministers to have begun implementing the two-cycle degree system by 2005 has largely been met. With only one exception, all participating countries have embarked on this process. More importantly, the percentage of students covered by the two-cycle degree system is also increasing. In 17 countries, 81 to 100% of students were already enrolled in the two-cycle system in 2005, and in six countries, 51-80% were enrolled in it. A further seven countries had 25-50% enrolment, and ten countries had 1-24% enrolment. In just three countries no students were enrolled in the two-cycle system in that year. According to the Bologna follow-up Group, it is safe to predict that the objectives of this action will be achieved by 2010. The stocktaking analysis also indicates that access between cycles is available for all students in 44% of the participating countries, while some minor structural or procedural problems persist in a further 28% of countries. In the Berlin Communiqué, the principle of access is based on the definition in the Lisbon Recognition Convention –that is, having the right to apply for admission. In 19 countries there is access for all students to at last one second-cycle programme without major transitional problems. In 12 countries there is a relatively smooth transition for a majority of students, with minor structural or procedural problems. Three countries offer a number of first cycle programmes that do not provide access to the second cycle. Access to second cycle programmes is limited for the majority of students in seven countries because of structural or procedural obstacles. In two countries it is currently no possible to speak of access from the first cycle to the second cycle, as the relevant structures are not yet in place. Making comments on the evolution of the Bolgona process, the students’ perspective on access, has proved different to that of the Communiqué. Whereas the Berlin Communiqué defined access in terms of the “right to apply for admission”-as already mentioned above- the ESIB (the National Unions of Students in Europe) in their submission to the report of the Bologna Follow-up group, looked at access more specifically, as “admission” and the factors influencing student choice. Thus defined, they reported transitional difficulties for students seeking to progress between cycles, for example due to the need to undertake bridging courses when moving between the university and non-university sectors. They also mentioned that restrictions are now currently being placed on progression to the next cycle in several countries, including limits on the number of students who can progress and the introduction of corresponding selection procedures. Finally, they indicated that there were restrictions on the movement between different fields of study in different cycles and that tuition fees also posed a barrier.

152 Bologna Process Stocktaking (2005), Report from a working group appointed by the Bologna Follow-Up Group to the Conference of European Ministers responsible for Higher Education, Bergen, 19-20 may 2005.



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The definition of access adopted by the ESIB therefore extends the notion of access into areas which could potentially create difficulties in different participating countries to achieve progress in relation to it. It also extends the impact of the Bologna process into wider public policy domains, some of which re outside the remit of Ministers with responsibility for Higher Education, as highlighted by the Working Group. 2.8. Conclusions In order to explain these three issues in further detail, we have described the following aspects in the context of widening access to higher education: funding – private and public; admission requirements; tuition fees and financial support for students; academic and vocational routes; and distance learning. Each of these shall now be summarised to draw out the salient issues relating to widening access to education and training as stipulated in the Lisbon agenda. Funding – private and public Through the review it was found that in most countries it is the state that has the main responsibility for ensuring that the supply of higher education meets the demand and that it is of sufficient quality. A noteworthy diversion from this is Eastern European countries where private education has been growing rapidly since the overthrow of communism in the 1990s. It was found that higher education providers receive funds from multiple sources: government, students, industry, private philanthropy, etc. Despite this variety of sources it can be said that public financing is considered as the traditional approach for supporting higher education in most countries. Even where tuition fees have been introduced, they only contribute a small amount of the funding needs of higher education. In most European countries the subsidy rate for higher education is above 90%153. In other words, higher education is provided free at the point of delivery. This is because tertiary education is considered a public good in the majority of countries, although there is a trend towards cost-sharing due to budgetary constraints and the increasing volume of people going into tertiary education and also to use this money to generate more funds for students from lower socio-economic backgrounds. Also, with increased diversification there are still some forms of tertiary education that are relatively cheap (even if fees at university are going up, fees in polytechnics and further education colleges are much lower). This, however, may generate some issues in terms of social justice (people from lower socio-economic backgrounds who do not obtain grants may be forced to attend “cheaper” tertiary education courses, whereas people from middle classes who can afford to pay higher fees for their education may continue to take up places in mainstream HE.)

153 Debande, O., Student Finance Schemes: a market assessment, European Investment Bank (EIB), June 2003



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Admission requirements This is an aspect where there is significant variation between the countries regarding access to higher education ranging from loose admission requirements to very strict ones. At one end of the scale are countries such as Austria, Belgium, France, Germany and Italy, where the secondary school leaving certificate guarantees admission to HEIs. But these countries also tend to have longer First Degrees and higher drop-out rates in the early years of HE. Then there are countries such as Greece, Portugal and Spain where in addition to the secondary school leaving certificate, students must either take a national university or individual university entrance examination, although the situation is very different in these countries. For instance, in Spain pass rates are very high, and most of those who pass the university entrance examination exam go into a Degree in Spanish Universities, which is in contrast to the situation in Greece, where availability of University places is much lower –and many students have to go abroad after they have finished their secondary education to study for a degree. At the other end of the spectrum is the UK, and to a lesser extent Sweden, who have a highly selective system with fixed numbers for admission on to each course (although balancing this out is the fact that they also have well-developed alternative routes into higher education). Tuition fees and financial support for students Another significant variation between the countries in the review is in the area of tuition fees. Here the Netherlands and the UK stand out as having the highest rates of tuition fees in the EU and in the UK this is not balanced out by a high grant to contribute to this. However in the Netherlands, a student would be able to pay his/her tuition fee through the grant system. As one of the barriers to take up educational opportunities relates to the financial contributions that students have to make while attending higher education, this can be made more equitable not only through the use of grants but also through a system of loans. The financial support for students in the Member States of the European Union and the EFTA/EEA countries may be regarded as a continuum ranging from exclusively grants-based systems to exclusively loans-based systems, although in the main grant systems are favoured as the form of support. Financial support systems for students can be said to enhance the access to higher education by securing equality of (financial) opportunities regarding the right to education –although increase fees were not found to have a significant effect against access as mentioned above in this report – perhaps, as mentioned, they could have an effect on the selection of the course of study. Economic requirements, and also admission requirements, tend to drive whether or not these benefits will be granted to those students who do not have enough family income to pay for their education-incurred expenses. The key aim in most European countries in this respect is that people are not deterred from entrance into tertiary education for economic reasons. The problem is that cost-benefits analysis of education investments are not an objective judgement. Risk aversion and perceptions are at play and general rules to scrap the effects of economic situations on educational decision-making are difficult to set out. The tendency seemed to be to lower costs as much as possible for all students, although as we have mentioned this is changing towards increased cost-sharing.



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The delivery of tertiary education

In most countries in the review, higher education is offered at both academic and vocational institutions, universities offering the former and non-university institutions (such as polytechnics) offering the latter. This is a pertinent issue in terms of access to higher education as those who wish to pursue non-academic routes are able to do so at the tertiary education level. A second prominent issue in terms of the structures of educational delivery which enable access to this level of education to be widened revolves around distance learning as an alternative structure in the delivery of higher education. Distance studies provide an alternative to attending a study institution in person. This form of learning enables students to organise their studies independently without being restricted by a location or time-related nature and therefore they can adapt their learning to suit their circumstances. In other words, distance learning offers many people who are keen to study, but for whom conventional on-site learning at an institution of higher education would not be possible, the opportunity to attain the educational objectives associated with a course of study at a higher education institution. Most of the 33 countries in the review have some kind of distance learning facility for this level of education, but are at different stages in the development of this type of provision. At one end of the spectrum are Spain and the UK, where distance learning through Open Universities (OU) has a high take up. The UK OU, like other UK universities, is an autonomous institution and is able to award its own degrees. The courses are offered as part of certificate, diploma or degree programmes but can also be studied for credit, independent of any other qualification. Course materials include specially produced textbooks and course readers linked, in most cases, to other materials: radio and television programmes; audio and video tapes; home experiment equipment for science and other courses; CD-ROMs and computer software; and internet sources. Anyone over the age of 18 and a European Union citizen and members of the British Forces posted overseas may enrol at the Open University. At the other end of the spectrum are countries that have little or nothing in the provision of distance learning and include Hungary, Poland and Slovenia. From the late 1990s, several internet-based 'universities' began to be organised, yet they are still at a too early stage of development to impact upon the delivery of traditional higher education.

When considering the issue of access to education in the tertiary sector within Europe it is of central importance to consider the Bologna process and its attempt to create an Open European Higher Education Area, a framework that is expected to enable closer cooperation between higher education institutions, facilitate student and staff mobility and increase both the competitiveness of Europeans in the world’s labour market and the attractiveness of European Higher Education in the World. The adoption of the two-cycle degree system, which is seen as critical to the future of the European Higher Education Area and its implementation throughout the area is well under way. It is concluded that the great majority of countries have arrangements to allow access for all students to at least one second-cycle programme. Unfortunately, the stocktaking exercise so far has gathered no information on the actual level of access and transfer of students from the first cycle to the second cycle. So on the one hand it seems undeniable that progress has been made, at the same time, however, new structures in HE have in most cases not been in place for very long and hence it is too early to draw conclusions on gains in access to HE due to the Bologna process.



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Through this review we have considered the following aspects: • what the trends are in the 33 countries in terms of entitlements to education and training; • why access levels vary between the countries covered by the study; and • the different degrees of inequality between different groups of the population This however was a daunting task in its own right to map such a landscape, and to that end we have attempted to provide a general picture of and highlight the issues affecting access to higher education in the 33 countries reviewed, rather than provide an exhaustive account of the variables affecting access to education in all the countries.



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3.0 QUALITATIVE REVIEW: ACCESS TO ADULT EDUCATION By Jacob Dencik and Natasha Calvert (ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd) 3.1. Introduction Adult education and training is taking on an increasingly important role in overall education and training provision. With the emergence of lifelong learning as a dominant paradigm of education and training provision, it is increasingly recognised that the opportunity to gain and update skills and abilities need to be available to individuals throughout their life. However, it is also becoming increasingly clear that adult education and training is taking on a number of different forms, as new opportunities for learning emerge outside of the formalised institutionalised provision of education and training. As noted in the conceptual framework of our study, adult education and training is more difficult to pin down to particular education and training providers, since much of the learning of adults will take place in areas of life not traditionally associated with learning, such as the workplace. Consequently, a review of adult education and training must, in as far as possible, encompass the wide variety of learning opportunities available to adults, and take account of the different stakeholders that play a role in facilitating such opportunities. In this review we will outline the key features and trends of adult education and training provision in the 33 countries that are part of our study. In so doing, we will first explore the role of different stakeholders in facilitating and providing learning opportunities for adults. More specifically, we will outline the different roles of the public sector and the social partners in various countries. This will be followed by a review of the structures of adult education and training provision. We will explore features and trends in both the formalised and non-formal/informal education and training opportunities available to adults. Subsequently, the entitlements for individual adults and organisations will be reviewed. We will, in particular, outline the different legal and financial entitlements to education and training leave of individuals, and the various rights of organisations to education and training support. This will be followed by a review of the different barriers for individuals or groups that the different approaches to adult education and training gives rise to. In section five we explore both barriers to access to adult education and training and how different policies have addressed such issues. Moreover, we discuss whether specific groups in society are more at risk of exclusion from adult education and training opportunities, and the factors that shape barriers for these particular groups. In the final section of the review, we provide a discussion of the findings and draw conclusions about their implications for our study of access to education and training.



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3.2. Responsibilities of different stakeholders In this section we will explore the role and responsibility of the public sector, the social partners and individuals in shaping education and training opportunities for adults. Public sector The role of the state in facilitating and funding adult education and training is more complex and takes on different forms than in pre-primary and tertiary education. This is partly because of the complex nature of adult education and training, and the intricate relationship between adult education and training and the labour market –e.g. through negotiations with social partners. Initiatives for adult education and training will thus in part operate indirectly through the labour market. When exploring recent trends in the role of the state in facilitating adult education and training, it is therefore important to examine the different leavers available to the state. One instrument to increase participation is direct expenditure by the public sector. Indirect expenditure through subsidies to employers for education and training purposes or regulatory frameworks that oblige employers to train their employees are other instruments to increase participation. The different leavers available to the state are used to different extents across countries. Hence, when reviewing recent trends in the 33 countries included in the study, it is evident that changes to the responsibility of the state has not followed a uniform pattern across countries, but there are also some common trends, in particular in training for unemployed adults, following a recent increase in the political emphasis on productive social policy and active labour market policies, in contrast to passive social protection mechanisms. As such, across all countries under review, the state has taken on increasing responsibilities for education and training of unemployed adults, as a result of increasing efforts to introduce activation schemes that includes an element of training. However, the increase has not been similar across countries, with expenditure levels and trends differing between countries under review, as is evident from the table below.



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Table 6: Public expenditure on training for adult employed and unemployed as % of GDP Country Public expenditure on training for adult

employed and unemployed as % of GDP (2000)

Austria 0.18 Belgium 0.25 Denmark 0.85 Finland 0.3 France 0.25 Germany154 0.34 Netherlands 0.45 Portugal 0.16 Spain 0.21 Sweden 0.3 UK 0.05 Source: OECD It is evident from the table above that in some countries, e.g. Denmark, the state takes on significant responsibility for funding and provision of adult education and training. This responsibility manifests itself in direct funding for institutions providing adult education and training. In other countries, notably the UK, the role of state funding for adult education and training is more limited and more individual contributions are expected. Others, such as the Netherlands, have developed a dual system of lifelong learning where the state has responsibility for initial education and training, while the other stakeholders are responsible for training of people in employment. Additionally to national developments, there is a general trend towards devolving responsibility for adult education and training to the sub-national level. This is particularly the case in countries with federal governance structures, such as Austria and Germany, where responsibility is increasingly falling on the individual laender. Consequently, the different laender adopt different approaches to adult education and training, with significant diversity in approach within the country as a whole. Moreover, some countries, such as Denmark, France, Italy and the UK are moving towards more decentralisation of powers and responsibilities in the area of lifelong learning to regions. For example, in Denmark the responsibility for General Adult Education lies with the county authority, while evening schools are under the auspices of the municipal authorities. It is also of interest to note that in the UK, the last few years have seen major developments towards devolution of powers in education, and more generally, towards local areas, with local Learning and Skills Councils being established across the country. The devolution of powers or attempts to involve regions is also evident in some of the New Member States, accession and candidate countries. Hence, “in the Czech Republic, regions cooperate with the state in

154 Only unemployed



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setting up priorities for education and co-financing education, and training activities and HRD regional councils have been established; a similar trend can be seen in Slovakia with the transfer of competencies on education and employment to eight regions and the ongoing establishment of regional councils for VET; so too in Slovenia with Regional Human Resource councils; in Turkey with regional districts boards for public education; in Romania with local committees for the development of social partnership in vocational education and training (VET); and in Hungary where the Development and Training Sub-Fund is allocated to regions according to their priorities, and regional centres of excellence have been set up as part of the Regional Operational Programmes (in the context of the preparation for Structural Funds). In Poland, regions (voivodship) and districts (powiat) play a major role in setting up education and employment related priorities, and coordination with the State is difficult and poor”155. In addition, while countries like Denmark, France, Italy and the UK have decentralised to regions (a trend which can be seen as a contribution to the objective of improving insight into learning demand and bringing learning closer to home), they and others such as Germany and Finland also show a tendency to increase the powers of individual education and training institutions and to strengthen the role of regional stakeholders in regional consultation structures (e.g. France). The enhanced role and responsibility of the individual education and training institutions is particularly prevalent in the UK. It is also noteworthy that in countries that have been major beneficiaries of EU structural funds, such as Spain, Greece, Portugal and the new accession countries, the EU rather than national governments is a primary provider of funds for adult education and training programmes. Notably, in the New Member States, accession and candidate countries, “the increase and diversification of Phare funding which now covers most of the main LLL [lifelong learning] priorities through activities to support the renovation of schools, provide technical equipment, and modernise and create counselling and guidance centres, now play a significant role in the major fields of reforms of education and training systems, as do the United Nations Development Programme grants and World Bank loans in some countries, the developments of the EU programmes Leonardo da Vinci and Socrates and the EU initiative EQUAL”156. Hence, it is evident from the above that while there are general trends across countries towards greater decentralisation and improving the efficiency of adult education and training, it is important to note that “policy responses vary according to a country’s economic and social contexts, the historical development of its education systems, and the political structures and systems in place”157.

155 European Commission (2003), Implementing Lifelong Learning strategies in Europe, Acceding and candidate countries, p. 5-6 156 European Commission (2003), Implementing Lifelong Learning strategies in Europe, Acceding and candidate countries, p. 3 157 OECD, 2003b, p.7



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Social Partners The role of the social partners in general, and the business community and employers in particular, in lifelong learning strategies has become increasingly prominent across Europe. This is in part in recognition of the market failures that exist in the area of adult education and training, such as labour market imperfections, capital market imperfections and training market imperfections, which lead to under-investment. In order to address these problems, “A more structured involvement of employee representatives and the social partners at various levels of negotiation and dialogue on training”158. Indeed, it is of interest to note that while “much of the industrial relations literature is focused on the trend towards decentralisation of bargaining, more flexible use of labour and power shifts from trade unions to employers, the organisation of CET [continuing education and training] in many countries reflect a different tendency, i.e. that of increasing dialogue”159. However, while it is increasingly recognised that it is important to involve the social partners in shaping adult education and training opportunities through involvement in committees and partnership, the intensity of the actual involvement and responsibility differs greatly between countries. In countries such as Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France and the Netherlands the involvement of employer and employee organisations is particularly important. Such involvement is partly shaped by a long tradition of social partner involvement in labour market policies. In contrast, the role of social partner organisations is less pronounced in the UK and the US. In these countries, the responsibility is left to individual employers and employees with, for example, the government in the UK promoting the idea among employers that addressing basic skills should be a normal part of workforce development activity. In the US, recent evidence shows that consultation on CET (continuing education and training) in joint labour-management committees is restricted to 4% of union contracts and 8% of those with 1,000 or more employees, indicating that the role of social partners and bargaining is very limited160. Moreover, “The use of national tripartite structures as a predominant platform for social dialogue in acceding and candidate countries has offered only a limited potential in terms of promoting in practice the concept of responsibility sharing. In fact, the experience of the transition process in Central and Eastern Europe demonstrates that in most cases governments have kept a leading role in setting the agenda of these structures while the possibilities for social partners to have through them an effective influence on the policy making process [in the area of lifelong learning] have remained rather marginal. This situation should be linked with the still important deficit in many countries of autonomous social dialogue at sector and plant levels”161. Between these groups of countries at either end of the spectrum, there are a number of countries that have a more medium-level involvement of social partners in shaping adult education and training. These differences are presented in the table below.

158 OECD (2003), p.32 159 OECD (2003), p. 38 160 OECD 161 European Commission (2003), Implementing Lifelong Learning Strategies in Europe: Progress report on the follow-up to the 2002 Council resolution on Lifelong Learning, p. 8



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Table 7: Involvement of social partners in continuing education and training Joint governance of

CET funds by social partners

Intensity of collective bargaining on CET

Extent of participation on CET in works council-type bodies

Austria No xx xxx Belgium Yes xxx xx Czech Republic No - x Denmark Yes xxx xxx Finland Yes xx xxx France Yes xxx xxx Germany Yes (few sectors) xx xxx Hungary - - xx Italy Yes xx x Japan No x xx Netherlands Yes xx xxx Norway - xx xx Poland - - - Portugal - x x Spain Yes xx xx Turkey No - - UK No x x US Yes (few sectors) x x Source: OECD x = little activity; xx = medium-level activity; xxx = widespread activity It is evident from the table above that there are different levels of involvement of the social partners in different countries, and that the involvement may take on different forms. Accordingly, while Belgium and Italy use relatively more collective bargaining on continuing education and training than work councils, other countries, such as Germany, Austria and the Netherlands place relatively greater emphasis on the existence of indirect or representational employee participation at company or workplace level through elected work councils, rather than collective bargaining. Meanwhile, Denmark and France have extensive involvement of the social partners through both collective bargaining and work councils. Moreover, it is important to note that the role of employers is not limited to involvement in dialogue with employee representatives. Rather, employers may decide to take the lead in providing training opportunities for their employees. This is reflected in differences in the overall expenditure of employers on continuing vocational training. It is of interest to note that there is no direct apparent relationship between the level of social partner dialogue on adult education and training issues, and the level of expenditure on continuing vocational training by employers. Accordingly, the UK which has little dialogue between social partners has experienced significant increases in the level of employer expenditure on continuing vocational training (see table below) in the 1990s.



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Table 8: Costs of continuous training courses for enterprises Costs for enterprises of continuous training courses as

% of total labour costs 1993 1999

Austria 1.3 Belgium 1.4 1.6 Czech republic 1.9 Germany 1.2 1.5 Denmark 1.3 3.0 Spain 1.0 1.5 Finland 2.4 France 2.0 2.4 Greece 1.2 0.9 Hungary 1.2 Ireland 1.4 2.4 Italy 0.8 0.8 Luxembourg 1.3 1.9 Netherlands 1.8 2.8 Norway 2.3 Poland 0.8 Portugal 0.7 1.2 Sweden 2.8 UK 2.7 3.6 EU 12 1.4 2.0 EU 15 2.0 Source: CVTS 1 and 2 In addition to the direct funding of employers, some countries have instituted national or widespread sectoral training levies or social security contributions that are earmarked for continuous training, as summarised in the table below.



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Table 9: Incidence of training levies and earmarked social security levels Training levies and earmarked social security

contributions National level Sectoral Level

Austria No No Belgium Yes Yes Czech Republic No No Denmark No Yes Finland Yes (for training leave) No France Yes Yes Germany No Yes (few sectors only) Hungary Yes No Italy Yes Yes Japan No No Netherlands No Yes Norway No No Poland No No Portugal No No Spain Yes No Turkey No No UK No No US No Yes (few sectors only) Source: OECD It is thus evident that the funding and involvement of social partners take different forms, and that in some countries this involvement will be at national level, while in others it will be at the sectoral level. Moreover, there is not a uniform trend towards more or less involvement of social partners. Rather, countries that have little tradition of involving social partners in education and labour market issues, continue to show little involvement of these actors in the area of adult education and training, while countries with a tradition of significant involvement of social partners in the economy and society, extend this involvement to the area of adult education and training. With respect to the less formalised means of learning, i.e. learning that is not provided through education and training courses, it is more difficult to empirically ascertain the role of the social partners. However, research suggests that social partners have a significant role to play, in shaping opportunities for on-the-job learning and the creation of learning organisations. Indeed, rigidities associated with social partners’ narrow professional classifications based on qualifications acquired from participation in formal education may prove a significant obstacle to the implementation of flexible learning organisations and the creation of non-formal and informal education environments for adults. For example, it has been noted that in Germany “the Beruf concept is seen to be both an internal barrier [to learning organisations and human resource development in the workplace], preventing workers from taking on new tasks, and also an external barrier that restricts peoples’ room for manoeuvre because their occupations are defined in relation to a limited number of work tasks



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and are bound by rather rigid qualification and remuneration systems”162. Similarly, in Denmark there have been calls for greater flexibility and a system that relies less on the formal education system for information on the availability of skills among the labour force163. In order for such a transformation to take place, employers need to change their recruitment and promotion procedures, and other stakeholders in the labour market adjust the requirements for membership of professional bodies. The social partners thus need to shape the labour market in recognition of and such as to accommodate the increasing need for lifelong learning. In sum, it is evident that developments in the role of social partners in general and employers in particular, are very different across the countries under review. However, the differences are not limited to the level of responsibility of employers and social partners in shaping adult education and training opportunities, but also in the nature and form that the responsibility takes. As noted by the OECD (2003), “collective bargaining is occurring to various extents and at varying levels in OECD countries”. Individual Adult/Employee As with the responsibilities and roles of the public sector and social partners, the manner in which responsibility may fall on the individual adult may take a number of different forms. Hence, while there is little evidence that workers co-finance training through wage cuts, there is evidence from several countries suggesting that individual employees contribute with their time, i.e. training may take place outside of normal working hours. For example, research has shown that 20% of the in-service training volume in Germany is organised outside working hours. Moreover, in 55% of all firms in German private industry, employees use leisure time for continuing education and training164. With growing requirements for skill acquisition and renewal, the responsibility of individual employees is likely to increase in the future. However, it is of interest to note that the extent to which this individual responsibility and investment is publicly supported or subsidised, differs greatly between countries (see section on entitlements below). Moreover, with the emergence of self-directed learning and distance-learning opportunities, these new avenues of learning are emphasised in adult education and training strategies across the countries under review. This means that individual adults can increasingly take responsibility for their own learning trajectories, and access education and training opportunities more easily. With further developments in ICT as a new learning tool there are, potentially, significant effects on the freedom and responsibility of individual adults to pursue education and training activities. However, the extent to which these opportunities are being utilised differs significantly across countries. This is in part reflected in data on the participation in self-learning activities (see below). It is evident from the data below that the differences between member states in the use of these new means of learning are greater than the differences in use of traditional adult education and training.

162 Nyhan et al, 2003, p. 75 163 Tørnæs et al, 2004 164 OECD, 2003



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Figure 2: Share of employed population who participate in work-related self-learning

Finally, regarding unemployed adults there are increasing responsibilities on the individual to undertake training as part of activation schemes. The participation in continuing education and training is thus increasingly becoming a condition for receipt of unemployment benefits. This has been particularly evident in countries that have undertaken considerable reforms of their labour market policies, such as Denmark. Overall patterns It is evident from the above that the responsibility for providing and facilitating learning for adults is falling on different stakeholders in different countries. While some countries rely predominantly on the public sector to fund and provide adult education and training opportunities, other countries are moving towards a more commercial provision, with individual employers and employees taking on increasing responsibility. For example, in Finland, “perhaps the most striking feature of adult learning today is the regulated market, heavily subsidised by the state and regional administrations. There is a marked absence of a thriving commercial provision that characterises learning opportunities for adults in many other OECD countries”165. In contrast, for countries such as the US and UK the private funding of adult education and training by employers and employees is far more pronounced.

165 OECD (2001), Country Note Finland, Thematic Review on Adult Learning, p. 7

Base: Labour force, weighted column percentages Questions: C14a, C14b Sources: SIBIS GPS 2002, SIBIS GPS-NAS 2003



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This suggests that we can divide the countries into a typology of how responsibility is allocated between the public sector, social partners and the individual learner, and assess how the different allocations of responsibility relate to access. Notable examples of countries where the public sector is a key provider are the Scandinavian countries. Similarly, Denmark and France are countries where social partners are heavily involved. In contrast, the US and UK place a relatively greater responsibility on individual learners or employers. We would expect the different configurations of responsibility to provide different mechanisms of access. Where the public sector is primary provider of adult education and training, the access to adult education and training is dependent on fulfilling the criteria set from the relevant authority, or the rights to education and training stipulated by legislation. Where adult education and training is provided by means of market mechanisms, be it funded by employer or individual learner, access is dependent on affordability and availability of resources (both financial and time). Since traditionally excluded or disadvantaged individuals are often lacking the necessary means to finance adult education and training themselves, societies with limited public provision and greater reliance on private funding would be likely to display more limited access to adult education and training for these groups. However, evidence from previous parts of this project have shown that both the Scandinavian countries and the Anglo-Saxon countries both display relatively greater levels of access to adult education and training. In contrast, it is of interest to note that countries where the social partners are heavily involved without high public provision, do tend to show as strong a performance on access as either countries with high public provision or countries relying more on the individual learner or employer. This indicates that the role of social partners in shaping access to adult education and training is not uniform across countries, but depends on how the social partners interact with the public and private provision of adult education and training. Moreover, it is also important to distinguish between the different types of learning opportunities available to adults. For example, while there is significant public provision of and social partner involvement in formal adult education and training in Germany, this country displays lower levels of access to non-formal and informal learning opportunities in the workplace than, for instance, Nordic countries. The relationship between the responsibilities of different actors and stakeholders and access to adult education and training is therefore not uniform across different forms of learning and education and training provision. 3.3. Structures of provision It is evident from section 2 that there are great differences in the overall and relative involvement of different stakeholders in facilitating and funding adult education and training opportunities. The objective of this section to provide an outline of the key features, trends and differences in the structure of adult education and training provision in the countries under review. In order to do so, we will first explore national structures of formal education and training opportunities, followed by a review of the non-formal and informal learning opportunities.



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Formal education and training With the involvement of the public sector in many countries, adult education and training opportunities are increasingly emerging within the formal education and training system. Accordingly, whereas formal education and training was previously seen as providing skills for individuals prior to them entering the labour market, the call for lifelong learning forces education and training providers to adapt and integrate adult education and training within their activities. In addition, education and training providers have had to adapt to the new emphasis on individualized education and training trajectories, which puts the needs and circumstances of the individual learner at the forefront in the design and offering of learning opportunities for adults. However, this process of transformation is not uniform across the countries under review. Some countries, notably Scandinavian countries, have a long tradition of formalized education and training opportunities for adults. An example is the Danish ‘folkehoejskoler’ and the “development of adult education in Denmark, established on the basis of ideas advocated by N.F.S. Grundtvig and Christian Kold in the 19th century166. This is in part a result of the central role of education and training within the Scandinavian welfare model. Indeed, many of the more recent efforts to enhance adult education and training opportunities in the Nordic countries have taken place within the context of wider welfare reforms. At the other extreme, Greece has had no tradition of adult education. “Due to socio-economic and political reasons no adult education movement of the civil society has ever existed as in other parts of Europe”167. However, it is not only the extent and history of formal education and training provision that differs between countries, with some countries needing to do much catching up, but also the manner in which the formalised provision is structured, and notably how the institutions at different levels of education and training are responding to the need for lifelong learning. Schools and initial education system An interesting development associated with the increasing demand for lifelong learning and adult education and training is the transformation of secondary and basic education institutions aimed at making these more accessible to adults. Hence, the schools and initial education systems are being reformed in several European countries, to accommodate the increasing demand for basic education among adults. Recent reforms in the UK and France emphasise measures through which educational institutions could become local learning centres with easier access to them by many different groups. In Italy, a scheme aimed to train high-level technicians (IFTS) is an example of how the country is trying to establish cooperation between schools and universities, and facilitate a dialogue between the different institutional actors on the definition of needs, planning, design and implementation. The French Lycees de metiers provide an example of a similar approach.

166 OECD (2001), Thematic Review on Adult Learning, Denmark, p. 14 167 ESNAL



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In addition, countries such as Sweden, Norway and Denmark place great emphasis on the access by adults to general education programmes (at primary, secondary and tertiary level). Other countries emphasise the role of schools and initial education institutions in the provision of key competences with Austria having reformed the school system with a view to making the system both vertically and horizontally permeable, “with opportunities for second-chance completion and lateral shifts into different education and training pathways”168. In addition, England and Greece are reforming their schools and initial education systems to enhance the learning opportunities for adults Higher education The higher education system is also being reformed in some countries in efforts to facilitate learning opportunities for adults. Examples include the establishment of ‘open universities’ with the adult population as key target group in several countries, such as Spain, Netherlands, Belgium, Greece and the UK. Hence, in Greece “a national level open university has been established as have lifelong learning institutes, of which the target group is the local adult population, in each university”169. Such efforts are usually accompanied by initiatives to facilitate distance learning, such as to address the geographical barrier to participation in higher education. Adult education and training Education and training specifically tailored for adults has not only taken on an increasing role in light of the emphasis on lifelong learning, but is also being restructured such as to accommodate the particular needs of adults. As noted by the OECD, “Although different forms and patterns of institutional arrangements exist in adult learning across OECD countries, there is a general trend towards a more holistic or integrated approach in its conceptualisation”170. Previously, adult education was a somewhat separate and fragmented area of education and training, which tended to target specific needs of certain groups of adults. Recent years have seen efforts to mainstream the education and training of adults into general education policies. A central feature of this development has been the change in emphasis from adult education towards adult learning, which has involved attempts to create a more flexible system that encompasses the formal, non-formal and informal learning opportunities available to adults. The most important trend in adult education and training has thus been the attempts to facilitate and integrate non-formal and informal learning opportunities into the overall approach to adult learning. This approach has also had implications for the more formalised system of adult education and training which has had to adapt in order to accommodate and complement the less formal learning opportunities. Notably, significant strides have been taken towards the development of National Qualification Systems, with a shift in focus towards outcomes rather than the education and training process. Hence, “The definition of common criteria for the outcomes or results of

168 European Commission (2003), Implementing Lifelong Learning Strategies in Europe, p. 18 169 Ibid. 170 OECD (2001), p. 32



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training processes, can be an important tool to make different institutions work towards the same goals giving institutions and individuals flexibility to design their own education pathways”171. For example, the UK’s National Vocational Qualification (NVQ) is a unified system of vocational qualifications, while Finland has had a qualification system since 1994, based on competence-based examinations irrespective of where the knowledge and skills are acquired. Similarly, the Danish vocational education and training system is moving towards recognising the skills acquired in a range of learning environments. However, it is critical to note that it is often the formal education and training system that plays a central role in accrediting and validating the acquired skills. This facilitates access because individuals can join courses at their level of competence and do not need to go through a programme from the beginning. This avoids wastage of time/ money, increases motivation. The policy implication may be that more of these initiatives should be available. It is important to note in this respect that a European Qualifications Framework which will aid transparency and is based on competences and learning outcomes rather than learning processes is currently being developed by the Commission in collaboration with a wide range of partners. Non-formal and informal learning opportunities Running in parallel with the changes to the formal adult education and training system, most countries have undertaken efforts to facilitate increased adult education and training opportunities in less formalised learning environments172. There are a number of measures in Europe to expand the role of the labour market as an education and training provider. However, the extent and nature of such efforts are not necessarily similar across the countries under review. The UK has been at the forefront of encouraging learning opportunities in the workplace, with the ‘Investor in People’ initiative now encompassing more than 34,000 companies. In addition, England has been increasingly supporting SMEs and Scotland has continued to use the initiative as a tool for developing learning organisations. In 2002, the Netherlands followed the British example and introduced Investors in People, whilst also launching a major programme to promote training in SMEs, including training for training advisors and the development of a self-diagnostic instrument for firms. In Finland a new programme for on-the-job learning includes the aim to train 10,000 teachers and 20,000 on-the-job instructors within five years, an initiative co-funded by the European Structural Funds. Also here, there has been particular support for SMEs in this country. Notwithstanding such efforts, it is of interest to note that despite the emphasis placed on the workplace as a potential place of learning, with particular mention of the learning organisation as a central component of lifelong learning, a recent review of lifelong learning in the EU found that “there is little or no information on LLL [lifelong learning] initiatives

171 OECD (2001), p.34 172 For a review of current practices in validation of non-formal and informal learning in Europe see ECOTEC Research and Consulting (2005) “A European inventory on validation of non-formal and formal learning” Final report to the European Commission.



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originating from within the workplace. Familiar concepts such as the learning organisation or l'organisation qualifiante du travail are noteworthy for their absence”173. However, the same review also notes that “the combination of education and training with work in various models of alternance is an important factor in developing the LLL reflex. Replies from several countries [to that EU’s project survey] suggest that education and training systems are increasingly evolving towards such a dual approach, placing a growing emphasis on work-related practice and employability”. For example, France has introduced a number of measures in the last few years to facilitate greater cooperation between education and training providers and stakeholders in the labour market. Finally, in the accession and candidate countries, “the formal education system continues to receive priority with adult education as an important part of it, while little attention is paid to ways of acquiring job skills and informal forms of learning”174. 3.4. Structural configurations and access to adult education and training It is evident from the above that adult education and training is not only becoming of increasing importance for the overall provision of lifelong learning, it is also taking on increasingly diverse forms. However, different forms are also taking on different importance in the overall adult education and training provision across the countries under review. As was noted in our conceptual framework developed previously in the project, this has a number of implications for our analysis of access to adult education and training. Notably, we noted that the basis for comparison between countries becomes more complex, with different structural configurations providing access to different types of learning opportunities. For adult education and training, the successful implementation of non-formal and informal learning structures is critical for enhancing access. This is perhaps unsurprising, in light of the barriers faced by adults (see section on barriers below for further elaboration), which involves combining learning with work and family obligations. Moreover, it is important to note that the countries that have made most significant progress with non-formal and informal adult education and training have not used these learning opportunities as a substitute for traditional formalised education and training, but a complementary feature to lifelong learning. 3.5. Entitlements

The notion of entitlement in the context of this study refers to the rights of various stakeholders to access available adult education and training. Unlike with schooling for children, entitlements to adult education vary considerably between countries, particularly with regard to eligibility and financing. These differences in part relate to the structures of provision and division of responsibilities between stakeholders outlined in the two preceding sections. However, entitlements are also informed by fundamental differences in the emphasis awarded to an individual’s rights in relation to learning.

173 European Commission (2003), Implementing Lifelong Learning strategies in Europe, p. 8 174 European Commission (2003), Implementing Lifelong Learning strategies in Europe, Acceding and candidate countries, p. 3



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After considering some different starting points concerning the broad understanding of rights, the main focus of this section is to highlight differences in individuals’ entitlements to education and training. Focusing first on formal education, access to basic and then continuing education are discussed. Eligibility, financial assistance and study leave are key issues raised in relation to this. Later on the chapter looks at various initiatives that have been implemented to try to widen participation. This includes an emphasis on accreditation of prior learning as well as programmes to widen participation amongst specific target groups, such as immigrants and adults with basic skills needs. Finally, this section looks at how entitlements of employers vary across countries. The main issues within this are financial incentives to allow employees to engage in formal and non-formal adult learning and programmes intended to maximise organisations’ own capacity. Rights to learning Differences in an individual’s rights to learning can be seen embedded in legislation and reflected in attitudes to learning in different countries. Notably, the Scandinavian countries of Sweden, Denmark, Finland and Norway have a strong tradition of lifelong learning. For instance, Norway’s Competence Reform (2004) stipulates a ‘legal right of adults to primary, secondary and upper secondary education’, a ‘legal right to leave of absence’ and a ‘legal right to documentation and assessment of non-formal and informal learning in working life and in relation to the education system.’ A number of countries – both Scandinavian and non – do incorporate one or more of these elements in practice, but these are seldom set out as clearly. The right to a training leave increases the possibilities of access to adult education since individuals do not need to negotiate with the employer the take-up of training, and facilitates access, but it also has financial implications for both the employer and employees and it is not widespread in Europe. In other countries, issues surrounding entitlements focus less on individuals’ rights to learning per se, and more on facilitating universal access to fundamental training and skills. For instance, in the UK ‘Skills for Life’ (2001) underlines an emphasis on the right of all individuals to basic and essential skills. A focus on skills to facilitate access to the labour force can be seen as a prevailing theme surrounding entitlements in many countries. Many Central and Eastern European countries, for example, do not articulate specific entitlements but have a wide range of programmes aimed at training and re-training adults for employment or re-employment. In Japan, the large majority of adult education is work related and provided through companies. Formal education Broadly speaking, formal provision available to adults in all countries can be divided into ‘second-chance’ and ‘further / continuing’ education. The former relates to basic or school-level qualifications, whereas the latter encompasses all continuing education, whether generalised or related to a specific job industry. In general – and in line with a shared commitment to raising basic skills levels – most countries have fairly open access to the ‘second chance’ education. This is complemented by complete or or partly subsidised fees for courses, that allow individuals to finish school curriculum courses. Many countries have implemented specific schemes, with dedicated funds, to encourage take up. In Sweden, an adult education recruitment scheme was



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introduced in 2003 in order to provide all people aged 25 to 50 with at least education at the equivalent basic and upper secondary education level. ‘Second chance’ courses are generally tailored to adults’ requirements. For instance, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia and Cyprus as well as all Western European countries, provide ‘second chance’ education through distance learning. In Cyprus, individuals over the age of 18 can complete secondary education in dedicated night schools espirna scholeia and undertake a one-year postgraduate programme at the Mediterranean Institute of Management. Some other countries, such as Greece and Italy, deliver adult provision in more established, dedicated adult education institutions. In Italy, Permanent Territorial Centres (CTPs) offer a range of basic and initial training. Individuals attending these centres are entitled to diagnostic skills assessments, which should ensure that they are directed to the most appropriate course. In Finland, adults can follow school curriculum activities in folk high schools, adult education centres and vocational training institutes. Entitlements for individuals pursuing further education or vocational training beyond the school-leaving level vary more markedly between countries. In addition to availability of provision, high variation in three inter-related variables affecting entitlement can be identified: eligibility; financial support; and employees’ rights to study leave. With regard to the first, admission requirements on to any course – particularly for an individual applying independently of employer support – will depend entirely on the specific course; stipulations vary between institutions, subject and course as well as country. Although course fees can also vary, some differences surrounding entitlements to financial support can be identified. As would be expected in light of the comments above, individuals in the Scandinavian countries can access fairly wide ranging funding structures. In Finland, there are numerous forms of financial support available for adults, such as: the adult education grant; financial aid for students; vocational training grant; adult education supplement; and support to participate in labour market training. In Sweden a fundamental principle stipulates that no one should be prevented from studying due to lack of financial means. As such, the country offers various financial incentive schemes, combining grants and re-payable loans. In other countries, state financial support for fees and living costs is not so widely available, often offered only to specific, generally under represented, groups. For instance, in Austria, the "Bildungskonto" (continuing training fund) offers financial support for continued learning to employed adults working and living in Upper Austria, although persons on parental leave, recipients of child benefits re-entrants to the labour market are also eligible. In Spain, priority for financial assistance is given to women, workers aged 45+ and the unskilled, as well as training in new technologies. A number of Central and Eastern European countries, including Bulgaria, Estonia and Cyprus offer some assistance to specific groups. A focus on entitlements of specific groups to targeted provision is given in below. Entitlements to study leave and corresponding financial obligations of employers also vary across countries. According to a CEDEFOP-sponsored report into Forms of Educational Leave175, only

175 ‘Forms of educational leave in Europe’, CEDEFOP, [Reference document sourced from CEDEFOP website]



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eight of the original 15 EU members plus an additional seven European countries ratified the ILO Convention 140 (1974) that identifies educational leave as part of an employee’s right to education and called for a policy concerning paid educational leave176. However, ratification of this convention does not correspond directly to the presence of related legislation. The CEDEFOP report finds three broad models of approach to paid educational leave across the original 15 EU member states plus Iceland and Norway: • Educational leave is short – three to five days – and used for work related continued

vocational training. Payment of wages is assured by the employer. (Denmark, Greece, Iceland, Luxembourg, Netherlands, Portugal, UK).

• Educational leave can vary from short to longer periods of up to a year or more, either on a full-time of part-time basis. Participants continue to receive, at least partial, salary from their employer – who is compensated from special purpose funds - or receive an allowance based around the minimum wage. (Austria, France, Belgium, Spain, Denmark, Ireland).

• Right to educational leave is stipulated by legislation, but employers are not obliged to continue to pay salaries. Individuals must access adult education and training funding streams. (Finland, Italy, Norway and Sweden).

Differing degrees of flexibility exist within this, however. For the majority of countries, educational leave is primarily concerned with up-grading the occupational qualifications of employees and therefore requirements of the company. This is reflected strongly for instance in the UK’s Skills Strategy (2003), which ‘aims to increase economic productivity through developing a highly skilled, productive workforce’. There are exceptions, however, in particular in the Scandinavian countries where it is more common for leave be taken for more individually-oriented learning pursuits. Indeed, a 2001 OECD review found that it is relatively easy to combine work and learning in Finland, with employers in the country generally considered ‘pro-training.’ In the Netherlands, Germany and Italy learning, training and educational leave tends to be shaped by sector requirements. In the Netherlands, for example, the majority of training tends to be enterprise based and, because it is arranged by collective agreements at sectoral level, considerable sectoral differences can be noted. In addition, employers often contributed to Individual Learning Accounts (ILA), funds set up by the government for individuals to pursue education and training. As a result, employers would normally influence decisions surrounding training. The ILAs were temporary and ended in 2004, but are feeding into more discussions surrounding more general learning models. Outside the former EU-15 countries, entitlements to training leave can also be identified to some degree in Estonia, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovenia and Bulgaria. However, in all of these cases, employers are only obliged to provide paid leave and training expenses if they have initiated the training. In Latvia, the opportunity for professional education and development whilst working,

176 Countries from the original 15 EU members that ratified and year they did so: Belgium (1993); Finland (1992); France (1975); Germany (1976); Netherlands (1976); Spain (1978); Sweden (1975); UK (1975). Other European countries that ratified and the year they did so: Bosnia and Herzegovina (1993); Czech republic (1993); Hungary (1975); Poland (1979); San Marino (1988); Slovakia (1993) and Slovenia (1992).



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and the associated conditions, is decided by individual contracts and there are not many employees engaged in training in these countries. However, the Czech Republic, Estonia and Slovenia have introduced systems of tax relief for people engaged in continuing education. In Hungary, the amount of tax-reducing support is 30% of the training fees paid in a tax year. It should also be noted that, while entitlements can be identified in most countries, capacity constraints tend to restrict the extent to which Small Medium Enterprises (SMEs) can reasonably facilitate educational leave. Financial incentives and other initiatives are often offered to counter this. These are discussed further below. Before, we discuss strategies for widening participation and informal learning. Widening participation and informal learning Even when individual entitlements theoretically facilitate universal access to adult education, specific social groups or sectors are often under-represented. This section starts by briefly looking at some general initiatives progressed in some countries to re-dress trends of unequal access in adult education. It then looks at programmes aimed at increasing participation amongst specific target groups, particularly those that typically face multiple barriers to formal education and the labour market. Many of these programmes are delivered in the informal learning sector. The section finishes by considering the increasing importance attached to accreditation of prior, and informal, learning. This is an important point to consider because recognition of prior learning can impact on future entitlements and the motivation to undertake further studies. Equality of access across the genders has been addressed to differing degrees across EU countries. Current initiatives include adult schooling during the day to try and encourage women with children to work towards qualifications in Greece, while Lithuania and Estonia also have programmes for women returning to work. In Iceland, some dedicated educational centres have been set up by women for women. Improving access for people in rural areas is also a priority. The growth of distance and on-line learning, discussed in section three, should help to increase access for both women with care obligations and individuals in rural areas. In Sweden, a Net University has been established to link up programmes already on offer in existing institutions. In line with the pre-occupation to upskill the labour force in line with industry requirements mentioned above, unemployed people are often entitled to a range of dedicated provision to increase their employability. A good illustration of this can be cited in Austria, where Arbeitsstiftung (work foundations) have been used to promote CVET in specific sectors. There are currently three types of work foundations, each open to specific groups of unemployed people. Participants can stay in the work foundation for three to five years, during which time they can take part in CVET programmes and are entitled to Ausbildungsarbeitslosengeld (vocational training unemployment benefit) –see also above in this chapter. In a similar vein, local training initiatives in Ireland, run through community based projects, offer temporary employment and training opportunities for unemployed people. This facilitates re-entry to the work environment through breaking the experience of unemployment. Job rotation schemes identified in Germany, Denmark and The Netherlands, provide opportunities for unemployed people to fill jobs temporarily vacated by employees on training leave.



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Clear entitlements to specific training for people who are unemployed or at-risk of being unemployed are also displayed in the Czech Republic, Slovenia and Poland. This is in contrast to the trend of weak entitlements for employees to pursue continuing education in general across Central and Eastern European countries, discussed above in this chapter. In the Czech Republic, people who are unemployed or employees of companies switching to a new production programme are entitled to ‘specific’ or ‘non-specific’ re-training programmes. Likewise, in Slovenia, there are a number of programmes intended to try and engage unemployed people. Other Eastern European countries are not so strong, however. Latvia offers training programmes for the unemployed who have no (or out of date) professional qualifications but are so over-subscribed that the Employment State services selects candidates on the basis of motivation. Slovakia is an example of a country that has no real training for unemployed people. Addressing basic skills needs is also a common objective of adult education. This is in part manifested in the ‘second chance’ provision outlined above, which entitles adults to access education in order to achieve school-level qualifications. However, it is widely recognised that many individuals in need of basic skills provision are reluctant to access education through formal channels. As such, targeted marketing campaigns are progressed and efforts made to engage individuals in non-formal settings, such as community centres. Through the framework of its ‘Skills for Life’ strategy, the UK in particular demonstrates a strong emphasis on the entitlement of all individuals to free literacy and numeracy provision. Specific initiatives targeting immigrants, refuges and asylum seekers are identified in most countries. In many cases, this is primarily concerned with provision of language tuition and, where necessary, basic skills. However, this provision can also act as stepping stone to accessing generalised adult education. This is particularly apparent in Finland, where immigrants and asylum seekers have a right to an education and training plan within their first three years of arrival. As with basic skills initiatives, the majority of provision specifically targeting immigrants and other vulnerable groups often operates in an informal arena. In Western European countries, a large component of this is initiated and run by project supported by European Structural Fund (ESF) monies. It is likely that accession countries will follow this pattern once they are eligible for ESF in 2006. A recognition of the important contribution of informal learning to lifelong learning has led to an increasing attention on accreditation of prior and informal learning. This is particularly marked in France, where all workers and job-seekers have the right to a review to have prior non formal or informal learning validated. Norway and Austria also highlight similar priorities and in Iceland the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture are developing methods to assess formal learning. In a number of Eastern European countries, notably Hungary and Slovenia, there has been recognition of a requirement to develop systems for validating previous and informal learning.



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Employers’ entitlements So far, this chapter has focused on entitlements of individuals. It is clear from the discussions that many of the issues relevant to accessing adult education are linked to those surrounding employment. For instance, much of Section 4.3 was concerned with adult learning that attempts to break down barriers to entering the labour market. In addition, as discussed in Section 4.2, individual entitlements to education are strongly affected by obligations of employers to provide grant study leave. In this context, therefore, it is worth briefly focusing on entitlements for employers. The main issue of relevance here is the financial incentives granted to organisations. In most Western European countries, companies are entitled to tax breaks on money spent on staff training at the very least. For instance, in Austria, Bildungsfreibetrag (training tax allowance) of 20% can be claimed against costs of external training. In Spain, Royal Decree 1046/2003 offers reductions in social security contributions for companies that train employees, with disproportionate large reductions for SMEs. Enhanced support for SMEs, which often have very limited resources, is a common theme in EU countries. In a smaller number of countries, including Denmark and Spain, employers contribute to a fund from which SMEs can claim financial support when employees participate in CVET. Amongst the New Member States, Poland, and to a lesser extent Czech Republic and Estonia are notable for having some form of similar systems. A final issue in relation to employer entitlements is the extent to which, in some countries employers can influence the training agenda, both within their specific sector and more generally. For instance, the UK’s National Employer Training Programme, set out in the Skills Strategy has a stated objective of ‘putting employers requirements at the heart’ of the training and skills agenda. This is mainly done through ensuring that greater inputs from employers in course design are gathered, to get them to “buy in” into provision and also through the delivery of provision in a more flexible way.

Overall features and trends in entitlements

This section has provided a general overview of the issues relevant to entitlements to adult education and attempted to draw some broad comparisons between different countries. Overall, there is an awareness of the importance of lifelong learning, and the entitlements of individuals to access learning opportunities across the 33 countries. This is most evident in relation to ‘second chance’ (school-level) and basic skills provision. Education within these categories will normally be free and most countries offer targeted basic skills programmes in informal settings. Specific groups, most particularly immigrants and refugees, are entitled to dedicated, targeted programmes within this. Some broad differences with regard to individual entitlements beyond basic skills learning can be noted. In general, Scandinavian countries very strong individual rights in relation to lifelong learning. This is reflected through ‘rights’ embedded in legislation, a wide range of financial support and leave from work granted for general adult education. This is in contrast to other countries where entitlements appear to be more focused on upskilling individuals –employed or unemployed – with skills required to create a ‘productive workforce’. For example, in



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Netherlands, Germany and Italy, individual entitlements to paid educational leave are in part determined at sectoral level, with subsequent differences noted across sectors. Central and Eastern European countries do not seem to set out entitlements as clearly as other EU countries, but a number do have initiatives aimed to train / re-train unemployed or at risk of unemployment of some sort. The documentation reviewed suggests that mechanisms and initiatives to encourage access to adult education are relatively strong in Poland, Estonia and Slovenia. Entitlements to informal learning are difficult to identify and therefore compare. However, Norway, France, Austria and Finland are among countries that emphasise the importance of accreditation of prior non-formal learning. Informal learning in the workplace is also encouraged through implementation of national standards, such as Investors in People in the UK and Investors in Human Resources in Poland. Financial incentives and initiatives to try and encourage companies to engage in training are also widespread, particularly targeting SMEs that are often constrained in their capacity to offer and deliver training. 3.6. Barriers The barriers to adult education are partly shaped directly by the features of adult education provision outlined in the preceding sections of this report, partly by how these features interact with wider socio-economic aspects. More specifically, the barriers will be an outcome of the different responsibilities, roles and entitlements of key stakeholders, and how these shape investment in different types of adult education and training. For example, funding barriers will be higher or lower depending on the disincentives for employers or employees to invest in adult education and training. Disincentives will in turn be shaped by the support (or lack thereof) from the public sector, and the legislative and regulatory environment that stipulates rights and responsibilities for the different stakeholders. As we have shown in the preceding sections, such features differ significantly between the countries under review. The issue of adult education and training cannot be separated from the wider education and training system either. Rather, opportunities for adult education and training are inextricably linked to the provision of basic primary, secondary and tertiary education. In particular, in several of the countries under review, studies suggest that the opportunities for education and training are closely related to the individual’s previous education. For example, findings from the International Adult Literacy Survey find a clear positive relationship between the level of education and participation in continuing education and training. A principal reason for such differences is the positive correlation between higher expected returns to the employer of vocational education and training and the level of education of the employees receiving training and education. However, while the correlation between level of education and the opportunities for adult education and training is positive in all countries, the sensitivity of participation in adult education and training to the previous level of educational attainment is not uniform across countries, with, for example Sweden showing less sensitivity than the US and UK. Sweden therefore has a more equal distribution of access opportunities across its workforce.



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Other barriers that emerge across the countries are related to gender, age, employment status, sector and occupation. Again, however, the severity of these barriers is not uniform across the countries under review. Employment status is less of a barrier in countries with extensive measures to facilitate education and training opportunities for unemployed and self-employed, as reviewed in above in this report and part-time workers. Part-time workers are often a concern because they tend to get on average very little training and as they are normally not selected for company training nor can benefit from training under Active Labour Market policies. Moreover, the gender barrier is less pronounced in countries with high participation rates of women in the labour market, such as the Scandinavian countries, the Netherlands, the UK and US, as compared to the Eastern European countries and Italy. In addition, as was noted above in this report, the primary investment of individual employees is time, and this resource may be constrained to different degrees for various groups in society. Moreover, the framework for adult education and training and wider socio-economic system may create and address time constraints differently in different countries. For example, time constraints as a barrier to access to adult education and training features heavily in countries such as the US, where a review of barriers to adult education and training found that ”certain barriers show up fairly consistently as being considered highly important, such as (1) the (lack of) time people have available to pursue AE [adult education], (2) family responsibilities, (3) the time and place the courses are scheduled, and (4) the cost of courses”177. In addressing the barriers facing groups excluded from adult education and training opportunities, the countries under review have taken a number of different initiatives (as reviewed in preceding sections). Most countries thus have measures targeting various groups at risk of exclusion, such as poorly qualified adults and immigrants or asylum seekers. Many measures intended to address barriers to lifelong learning are concerned with the provision of basic competencies to those who missed out in their initial schooling as mentioned in this report This can be done by accessing formal initial education (mainly secondary) programmes or through specific vocational or general adult education in various formal and informal settings178. For the less formalised learning opportunities, a number of different barriers are evident. Notably, as was noted in section 3, efforts to develop learning organizations have been slow and inadequate in most of the countries under review. Barriers to such developments emerge partly from rigid institutional settings with limited room for organizational change and recognition of skills not conferred by the formal education system. Such rigidity may be enforced by strong involvement of the social partners in training issues, as is the case in Germany179.

177 National Center for Educational Statistics (1998), Adult Education Participation Decisions and Barriers : Review of Conceptual Frameworks and Empirical Studies, p. 97 178 European Commission (2003), p. 28 179 Nyhan et al (2003)



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Furthermore, with the emergence of ICT as a new learning tool, new opportunities with associated barriers are emerging. In particular, while the introduction of ICT as a learning tool can in many ways help to overcome some of the barriers to adult education and training discussed above (notably time and cost constraints), this new technology may not be available to all. Lack of access to the new technologies for disadvantaged groups, the so called digital divid e, is therefore an issue of concern in all the countries under review. Indeed, if differences in access to new technologies persist, they may in fact increase existing inequalities in access to adult education and training rather than act as an access enhancing mechanism for disadvantaged groups. This is because they help to increase overall volumes of participation but mainly through the recruitment of students from non-disadvantaged groups. In sum, with the more varied opportunities for adult learning, a more diverse and complex set of barriers are emerging. Policy makers are only gradually beginning to address these problems. 3.7. Discussion/Conclusion In the preceding sections we have analysed and compared several features of adult education and training in the countries under review. It is evident that while adult education and training is becoming an increasingly important component in the countries’ strategies for lifelong learning, the approach adopted to facilitate education and training opportunities for adults differs significantly between countries. It is clear from section 2 of this report that the responsibility of different stakeholders is far from similar in the different countries. While the public sector is generally considered an important stakeholder in most countries, the nature of its involvement varies, with some countries operating with centralised governance structures, while others have moved towards a greater devolution of powers. In addition, the relative importance of social partners and the individual learner differs significantly between countries. The differences between countries also manifest themselves in the structure of education and training provision, as reviewed in this chapter, with the formal education and training system being reformed in different ways so as to accommodate the needs of adults. To varying degrees this has involved changes to initial and higher education systems, and the further development of specific adult education and training provision. Moreover, more non-formal and informal learning infrastructures are slowly emerging across the countries under review. These findings were followed by an outline of the differences and similarities in entitlements to education and training for individual adults in the countries under review, but also on the role of firms and other stakeholders involved in the funding and facilitation of adult education and training. Again significant differences across countries were evident. Finally, the trends and differences outlined in the first sections of this chapter also manifested themselves in differences in barriers to adult education and training. These differences were outlined in the last sections of the chapter.



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However, what are the implications of these findings for our analysis of access to education and training? It is perhaps tempting to conclude that the countries that have yet to develop appropriate infrastructures and systems for adult education and training should move towards the systems in place in countries with well developed adult education and training opportunities, such as Denmark and Sweden. Moreover, since the Scandinavian countries are generally using the public sector and cooperation between the social partners as vehicles for delivering adult education and training opportunities, it could be argued that this is the best way forward for developing adult education and training opportunities in all the countries under review. However, an alternative conclusion is that the approach adopted to adult education and training is inextricably linked to the wider institutional and socio-economic framework, and that the differences observed between countries is a reflection of wider differences in the socio-economic fabric. It is thus debatable whether it is appropriate to assume that the frameworks and systems of adult education and training should be symmetrical across the countries under review. Previous studies (Estevez-Abe et al, 2001) of education and training, found that the institutional framework in a country plays a critical part in shaping differences in education and training provision. With the increased multi-dimensionality of education and training provision associated with adult learning such differences are evidently brought to the fore. This may mean some countries have a greater need for the skills conferred by the formal education environment by the public sector, and will devote more resources to this segment of adult education and training. However, in other countries there may be a relatively greater emphasis on the non-formal learning opportunities. For example, the introduction of learning organisation structures may be more appropriate for some sectors rather than others. Indeed, learning organisations are supposed to be particularly suitable for companies in need of perennial adaptation to changing conditions (Senge, 1990). Some sectors are inevitably subject to greater change than others. These sectors may play a relatively greater role in the UK than France and Germany. If so, we would expect learning organisations to be more widespread among UK firms compared to France and Germany. Similarly, access to this particular type of adult learning is then more important in the UK than in France and Germany. Of particular interest to this review is thus the possibility that the emergence of lifelong learning as a dominant paradigm for education and training policy across the countries under review has enhanced some of the differences between countries in recent years. Accordingly, rather than seeing a convergence towards a common pattern of adult education and training provision, the emergence of the paradigm of lifelong learning may be creating greater divergence between countries, as differences in wider institutional settings and political economy are brought to the fore. These trends suggest that different policy strategies are required for the different configurations of lifelong learning in general and adult education and training in particular. For example, while the Scandinavian countries are pursuing a policy approach that places great responsibility on the public sector and social partners, the Anglo-Saxon countries are pursuing an approach that leaves greater responsibility to the individual learner or employer. However, both of these types of approaches seem to suit, and have grown out of, the particular context in which they are implemented, as access to adult education and training in these countries is above average. A critical feature of both the



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Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon ‘types’ of approach is the complementarity between the various parts of the approach. Hence, a critical lesson from this review is that ensuring access to adult education and training requires complementarity between the different elements of the policy strategy and the wider institutional framework. In sum, the review suggests that maybe we should not be looking for access to similar types of adult education and training in all countries. Rather, the type of education and training that is most important for successful participation in the economy and society may not be uniform across countries.

Annex 6

Methodological notes

Methodological notes on the production of data on inequalities in the LFS Methodological notes for the production of data on inequalities in the LFS ad hoc module on lifelong learning are given in the table below

Methodology for the calculation of net and gross enrolment rates Gross enrolment rate: Calculation method: Divide the number of pupils (or students) enrolled in a given level of education regardless of age by the population of the age-group which officially corresponds to the given level of education, and multiply the result by 100. GERth= Eth/Pthn*100 Where: GERth =Gross Enrolment Ratio at level of education h in school-year t. Eth =Enrolment at the level of education h in school-year t. Pthn =Population in age-group a which officially corresponds to the level of education h in school-year t. Net enrolment rate: Calculation method: Divide the number of pupils (or students) enrolled who are of the official age-group for a given level of education by the population for the same age-group and multiply the result by 100. Formula: NERth= Ethn/Ptha*100 Where: NERth =Net Enrolment Ratio at level of education h in school-year t. Ethn =Enrolment of the population of age-group a at a level of education h in school-year t. Pthn =Population in age-group a which officially corresponds to level of education h in school-year t. Therefore the data needed to calculate gross enrolment rates is: 1) Enrolment at the level of education h in school-year t. 2) Population in age-group a which officially corresponds to the level of education h in school-year t, and 3) Data on population by single year of age Data tests The use of pooled data is indispensable for our statistical approach for three main reasons, generally recognized as the main causes of pooling. The use of pooled data increases the number of observations and, therefore, our ability to assess the statistical significance of the estimates that we present. Pooling also allows our analysis to include a degree of variation that cannot be perceived in a country-specific sample. This facilitates the understanding of trends. Lastly, pooling allows our analysis to reach conclusions that are not constrained by

temporal or sectional limitations. We are not interested in exploring the determinants of education access in one place or one period of time. Rather our goal is to provide evidence that clarifies the relationships affecting education access in all countries and years in our sample. Ordinary least squares (OLS) estimates can be inefficient, biased, or both when they are applied to pooled data. Pooling may affect some of the most important assumptions of the OLS procedure. The most common problems are: contemporaneous correlation of the errors, autocorrelation, and heteroscedasticity. The correlation of errors either across sections (contemporaneous) or through time (autocorrelation) violates a fundamental assumption of OLS: independent observations (and independent errors). Pooled data can violate another OLS assumption: constant error variance (homoscedasticity). To test for contemporaneous correlation, we performed a Breusch-Pagan LM test of independence. This yielded significant results indicating that there is a problem of cross-unit correlation in our data. We then tested for unit-specific heteroscedasticity by performing a Wald test for country-specific heteroscedasticity. Our results once again indicated that there is a heteroscedasticity problem in our data. We finally tested for serial autocorrelation and found that there is first-order autocorrelation in our data. To address these problems with the structure of the data and correct for first-order autocorrelation (AR1) we performed a Prais-Winsten regression instead of OLS regression. This is a generalised least-squares (FGLS) method to estimate parameters in a linear regression model in which the errors follow a first-order autoregressive process. Our model also corrected for contemporaneous correlation. In the case of adult education, the structure of the data did not allow a Prais-Winsten regression, and in spite of the existence of first order autocorrelation we report OLS results. In all cases we applied panel-corrected standard errors (which resolve the heteroscedasticity problem).

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