sulawesi: the environment, the people and theuce project

7/28/2019 Sulawesi: the Environment, the People and theUCE Project

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1

Sulawesi: the Environment, the People and the

UCE Project

Tim Babcock, Bruce Mitchell, Baharuddin Nurkin and

Susan Wismer

THE UNIVERSITY CONSORTIUM ON THE ENVIRONMENT

IIn the early days of 1997 a small group of Canadian academics,

together with a larger cast of Indonesian colleagues, came

together to embark on a complex five-year endeavour we have

chosen to call the Project. The purpose of the Project was to

strengthen capacity within selected university-based

Environmental Studies Centers (ESCs) in the Sulawesi region of

Indonesia to train environmental specialists and to conduct high

quality research and analysis targeted to specific issues of interestto national and local governments. The Project was a component of

the much larger Collaborative Environmental Project in Indonesia

(CEPI),1 funded by the Canadian International Development

Agency (CIDA), the goal of which was to strengthen capacity at the

national and sub-national levels in Indonesia to ensure the effective

implementation and promotion of sound environmental policies

and programs.2

Officially, the Project which is the subject of thisbook was labeled the Education and Training Program of the CEPI

Project, one of three parallel and loosely linked CEPI programs

operating under the aegis of the Indonesian State Ministry of the

Environment and the Environmental Impact Management Agency,

BAPEDAL.3

The Canadian academics were, for the most part, senior profes-

sors at York University in Toronto and the University of Waterloo.The two universities had constituted a legal entity known as the


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University Consortium on the Environment (UCE), which had

undertaken similar work in Java and Bali (1989-1996) under anoth-

er CIDA-funded project, the Environmental ManagementDevelopment in Indonesia (EMDI) project (discussed further

below). The three Indonesian universities which had collaborated

with UCE under the EMDI project - Gadjah Mada University

(UGM) in Yogjakarta, the University of Indonesia (UI) in Jakarta,

and the Bandung Institute of Technology (ITB) - continued to be

supporting partners during the new Project (also known as

UCE2), but the major capacity building focus was on the four

provincial universities in the Sulawesi region, an area of special

interest to CIDA since the early 1970s. The four universities were

Hasanuddin University (UNHAS) in Makassar, South Sulawesi;

Haluoleo University (UNHALU) in Kendari, Southeast Sulawesi;

Tadulako University (UNTAD) in Central Sulawesi; and Sam

Ratulangi University (UNSRAT) in Manado, North Sulawesi.4

In the following sections of this Introduction we review theorigins of the Project particularly in terms of Canadian involvement

with capacity building and related development activities in

Sulawesi, present some general background information on the

Sulawesi region, discuss perspectives on capacity development

which underlay the Project, and outline the structure and main

themes of the book. A more detailed discussion of the goals, objec-

tives, outputs and outcomes of the Project is presented in Chapter

2.

CANADIAN DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE FOR RESOURCE MAN-

AGEMENT IN SULAWESI, AND THE ROLE OF CANADIAN UNIVER-

SITIES

Official Canadian development assistance to Indonesia went into

high gear, relative, that is, to overall Canadian aid spending world-

wide, in the early 1970s. At that time, the Indonesian Directorate ofCity and Regional Planning (Direktorat Tata Kota dan Tata

Daerah, Department of Public Works) had requested support from

4 From Sky to Sea: Environment and Development in Sulawesi


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various international donor agencies to fund a series of regional

development planning studies, and Canada, through CIDA, agreed

to co-finance studies in Sulawesi and Eastern Indonesia5

. TheSulawesi study, carried out between 1976 and 1979, was imple-

mented, on the Canadian side, by a multidisciplinary team of spe-

cialists recruited and managed by the University of British

Columbia. This project marked the beginning of Canadian develop-

ment assistance to Sulawesi, and was also the first of a series of

projects in Sulawesi either designed and proposed by, or in other

cases simply managed and implemented by, Canadian universities.

It produced a comprehensive assessment of potentials for enhanced

socioeconomic development in the region, based on appropriate

utilization of local natural resources, and most notably proposed a

model of integrated (multisectoral) rural area development.

Five years later the regional development study formed the

basis of a decade of CIDA aid in the form of the Sulawesi Regional

Development Project, focusing on rural development and capacitybuilding in planning agencies in the four provinces, and with assis-

tance by teams of advisors contracted and managed by the

University of Guelph (1984-1994). Among other initiatives under-

taken by that project, concepts and methods of sustainable develop-

ment planning were introduced to local planning agencies

(Cummings, 1993a). During this period, Guelph also received

funding from CIDA for a twinning project with Hasanuddin

University to develop a post-graduate program in natural resources

management. From the mid 1980s to 2002, as well, CIDA contract-

ed Simon Fraser University to manage a large-scale university

development project in Eastern Indonesia that worked intensively

to develop basic sciences at, among others, Sam Ratulangi and

Haluoleo Universities. One important component of the later phase

of this project was Education for Sustainable Development, a

program whereby environmentally-oriented teaching modules weredeveloped for inclusion in basic science courses (the ESC at

UNHALU played a significant role in the development of this

5Sulawesi: The Environment, The People and The UCE Project


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material).

The origins of the UCE Project which is the subject of thisbook, however, lie largely within the Environmental Management

Development in Indonesia (EMDI) project. This project, which

lasted from 1983 to 1996, was Canadas largest and most sustained

form of assistance to the early development of environmental man-

agement in Indonesia, and was a key element in the building of

capacity in the relatively young Indonesian State Ministry of the

Environment. Under the management of Dalhousie University, the

EMDI project provided various forms of assistance to a small num-

ber of Environmental Studies Centers throughout Indonesia,

including Hasanuddin University.6 Rodger Schwass, Dean of

Environmental Studies at York University, and Len Gertler,

Professor and Director of Planning at the University of Waterloo,

worked together under EMDI to assess the capacity of ten of the

relatively new Environmental Studies Centers across Indonesia.7

Through this work they came to know each other, as well as otherEMDI advisors hired by Dalhousie: some of these individuals later

became key participants in the group of private companies that

formed CANORA. In this manner relationships were established

which contributed to mutual understanding of and respect for what

York and Waterloo could offer.

The University Consortium on the Environment was formed

during the second phase of the EMDI project, to work in Java and

Bali as a part of EMDI, with the three major Java-based ESCs men-

tioned above. The CEPI project grew directly out of EMDI, and had

a major focus on Sulawesi. UCE, recognized for its effective work

with Java-based universities, was invited to continue its capacity-

strengthening initiatives with university-based ESCs, and to do so

in Sulawesi as one component of the CEPI Project.

It is not surprising, then, given this background, that the

Project which is the focus of this book was directed towards



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Sulawesi, and that it involved Canadian universities. Canadian uni-

versities were seen to have the capacity to provide the necessary

knowledge and skills to implement the Project, and were able tobring to bear invaluable experience gained from working elsewhere

in Indonesia, and to a certain extent in Sulawesi itself.8 When CIDA

conducted an inception mission to Indonesia in July - August 1996,

Ted Spence, a member of the Faculty of Environmental Studies at

York University, participated on the team, along with individuals

from the private companies which had formed CANORA. Thus the

first steps in the York-Waterloo involvement in the new program of

UCE activities in Sulawesi, under the CEPI project, were embarked

on.

THE SULAWESI REGION OF INDONESIA

A Brief Biophysical Description

Like the petals of a windblown orchid, the unruly penin-

sulas of Sulawesi reach out into the Celebes, Molucca,

Banda, and Flores seas. Within its odd, dancing outlines -the product of the collision of ancient continents - are

found extraordinary landscapes. Rugged mist-covered

mountains, primal tropical jungle, emerald-green rice ter-

races and deep, mysterious lakes dominate the interior.

Along the coast, dazzling coral reefs encircle dormant vol-

canoes that jut dramatically out of the sea. Stretches of

white sandy beach fringed with coconut trees and scat-tered fishing villages are flanked by rugged limestone out-

croppings that might have stepped out of a Chinese paint-

ing (Volkman, 1990b:15).

Among the five largest islands of Indonesia, Sulawesi - once

known in the West as Celebes - stands out for its unique K shape.

According to a recent inventory, based on satellite imagery provid-

ed by LAPAN (the Indonesian Aeronautics and Space Agency),17,506 islands have been identified in the archipelago that forms



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the republic of Indonesia, with Sulawesi lying at roughly the mid-

point of this widely scattered group of islands (Kompas, 2003).

Although geographically located at the center of the archipelago,for political and economic development reasons Sulawesi is desig-

nated a part of the Eastern Indonesia region. The Sulawesi region is

actually not one but a collection of islands, with its own small

archipelagoes extending in the north to the Philippines and in the

south far into the Flores Sea. It has a total land area of 189,216 km2

or about 10 percent of the total land area of Indonesia, ranking third

in size after Kalimantan (Borneo) and Sumatra (see Maps 1 and 2).

Donner (1987) describes Sulawesi as emerging from the deep

sea in ancient times. Structurally and geologically, the northern part

of the island is linked to the Philippines. Although the extreme

south reveals elements of the Sunda mountain system, the island is

considered the southern limit of the Samar arc of the Philippine

archipelago. According to Whitten (1990a), the two eastern arms of

Sulawesi were once part of New Guinea, from which they separat-ed some 15 million years ago to collide and join eventually with

what became, after a certain amount of rotation, the other two

peninsulas of the island. The island is characterized by rugged ter-

rain with steep slopes, where more than 50 percent of the land lies

at altitudes more than 500 m above sea level. Therefore lowlands

suitable for intensive crop agriculture and settlement are limited

and found mainly along the coasts, near rivers and around lakes.

The coastline is almost 4,800 km in length, a product of the islands

unusual four-armed shape. The presence of mountains, hilly karsts,

lakes and wetlands and a long coast line offers a wide variety of

land uses such as exist today and for further development of agri-

culture and aquaculture, recreation and tourism, and the livestock

industry.

Parts of Sulawesi consist of fragments of the old Sunda landmass mainly formed of granite material and belonging to the East

Asiatic system. In some areas such as the Maros and Pangkajene



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districts north of Makassar, limestone mountains with karst topog-

raphy form a most impressive panorama. There are eleven active

volcanoes in Sulawesi, many of them in the Minahasa region of thenorthern peninsula (e.g. Mt. Soputan, 1,661 m). Several mountains

with summits above 3,000 m occur in the central part of the island;

of these Mt. Rantemario (3,440 m) is the highest.

The suns position governs the two distinct seasons, the dry

and the rainy. When the Australian continent receives maximum

solar radiation between September and March, the Asian and

European land masses are relatively cool. Strong air movements

then develop and traverse the equator at a great height, cooling as

they descend on the northern land masses. After blowing back

across the equator, the cold air becomes warmer and gradually

stores water. Heavy rains then occur in large parts of Sulawesi.

From March to September the Australian continent cools off and

causes dry air from the southeastern parts to blow towards

Indonesia. During this time regions of Sulawesi located closer toAustralia, including much of South and Southeast Sulawesi, expe-

rience a dry season. The average annual rainfall in the region is

about 2,000 mm but in some places exceeds 3,500 mm.

These climatic characteristics provide suitable conditions for

the formation of a variety of tropical vegetation types. Typical

humid or moist forests occur in the northern part of island, in

Minahasa, Toli-Toli and the western part of Gorontalo. Similar nat-

ural forests also occupy the northern region of Southeast Sulawesi,

the eastern part of Central Sulawesi and the northern region of

South Sulawesi. Monsoon forests are mainly distributed in South

Sulawesi, the southern part of Southeast Sulawesi and the islands

of Buton and Muna (see Maps 3, 4, 5 and 6).

The fauna of Sulawesi reflect the influences of both mainlandAsia and the Australian continent. Wallaces Line, named for the

great British naturalist of the nineteenth century Alfred Russell



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Wallace, runs between Sulawesi and Kalimantan to the west and

marks a general distinction between the birds and mammals of the

two regions, although much less so for plants (Whitten, 1990b:20)(see Figure 22.1, p.585). Particularly notable are such endemic

species as the endangered anoa (Bubalus depressicornis, a minia-

ture water buffalo), the vulnerable pig-like babirusa (Babyrousa

babyrussa), the threatened Spectral Tarsier(Tarsius spectrum, one

of the worlds smallest primates), four species of macaques and the

marsupial kuskus (Phalanger ursinus or Ailurops ursinus). The

unique maleo bird (Macrocephalon maleo) occurs only in

Sulawesi, and is endangered. It exists only in limited numbers due

to a combination of habitat degradation and illegal hunting. If no

effective protection measures are taken immediately, continuing

scarcity or even the disappearance of these endemic and unique

wildlife species will result, and they will remain alive only in mem-

ory (Whitten et al., 1987; Kinnaird, 1995).

The Peoples of Sulawesi and their Relations with the EnvironmentThe earliest evidence of human habitation in Sulawesi dates to

roughly 30,000 years BCE (compared to 1,000,000 years in Java;

Bellwood, 1990:24; see also Bellwood, 1997 for a detailed survey

of the prehistory of the region). The current indigenous population

of Sulawesi, though exhibiting a great degree of ethnic diversity, is

largely of the same Austronesian (formerly Malayo-Polynesian)

stock that populates most of Western and Central Indonesia, and to

a lesser extent the Eastern region, as well as the Philippines to the

north. All of the numerous indigenous languages of Sulawesi, too,

are Austronesian, many more closely related to the languages of the

Philippines than to those of Western and Central Indonesia. The

Bugis, whose homeland is in the fertile plains of South Sulawesi,

are the largest ethnic group in Sulawesi, and have for centuries

traveled far afield in their famed sailing boats to trade and establish

settlements, and kingdoms, along the coasts of eastern Sumatra,Kalimantan and the Malay Peninsula.9 Other major groups include

the Makassarese, Mandar and Torajans in South Sulawesi,



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Minahasans or Manadonese in North Sulawesi and the Butonese of

island Southeast Sulawesi.

All over Sulawesi, too, but particularly in Central Sulawesi,

are found numerous small, scattered upland or interior ethnic

groups. The sociocultural and political distinction between the set-

tled, civilized coastal and plains dwellers, thriving on wet rice

agriculture and trade, and the unruly, unsettled, uncivilized

and primitive (and often either invisible, ignored or exploited)

upland peoples, depending on supposedly unproductive and

destructive slash and burn farming systems, is an important one

in understanding the dynamics of history, and human-environment

relations, in Sulawesi, to the present day (see Henley, 1989; Li,

1999). The coastlines of Sulawesi are dotted with settlements of the

marine-oriented Bajo (Bajau, Sama), frequently dwelling in houses

built on stilts over the water. In all provinces, too, can be found

agricultural settlements established by transmigrants from Java,

Bali, Lombok and East Nusa Tenggara, largely with governmentfunding but not uncommonly, in the more fertile areas, self-funded.

Transmigrants, some of whose settlements date to late colonial

times, formed up to five percent of the population of Central and

Southeast Sulawesi by the mid 1980s (Babcock, 1986; Babcock

and Cummings, 1984), and by 1998 probably made up a fifth of the

population of Central Sulawesi.10 Ethnic diversity is further

enhanced by the presence of substantial numbers of people of

Chinese descent, mainly in the larger cities and towns, as well as

smaller numbers of people of Arab descent (originally from the

Hadhramaut region of present-day Yemen). Some 80 percent of the

population of Sulawesi is Muslim.11 Of the remainder, Christians, of

a great many denominations, form the largest group and are partic-

ularly concentrated in Minahasa (North Sulawesi), Poso (Central

Sulawesi), and Tana Toraja (South Sulawesi).12



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Well before the arrival of Dutch traders in the early 1600s, the

peoples of the coastal plains of southern Sulawesi were organized

into a number of trade-based kingdoms; Buton in southeasternSulawesi was also the center of a far-flung empire. Elsewhere in

Sulawesi, particularly in more remote upland areas, people lived in

hamlets or small communities with little in the way of large politi-

cal groupings, though along the coasts, petty states, often under the

influence of the larger southern kingdoms, also existed.

Makassar, the port city of the great twin kingdom of Gowa-

Tallo, had become during the 16th century an important trading

center for the international spice trade, with resident buyers from

European countries and India purchasing clove and nutmeg origi-

nating from the Spice Islands to the east. To gain a monopoly

over this trade, the Dutch East India Company conquered the port-

city in 1666, having just a decade or so earlier established them-

selves in the Manado region as well. Over the succeeding centuries

the Dutch only gradually established control, and administration,over other parts of Sulawesi, the final push for complete control

dating, as in the rest of the Dutch East Indies, to 1905.

After the Japanese occupation during World War II came to an

end in 1945, Sulawesi became part of the Dutch-created State of

East Indonesia (with Makassar as its capital) within a federal

republic united with the Netherlands, but was dissolved into the

unitary republic in 1950, as a separate province. Regional revolts,

directed in part against central government control over local natu-

ral resources, caused chaos throughout both northern Sulawesi (the

Permesta Revolt; see Harvey, 1977) and southern Sulawesi (the

Darul Islam rebellion; see Harvey, 1974; 1985). A major result of

the civil war that ended only in the mid 1960s was the destruction,

or deterioration through neglect, of much of the physical infrastruc-

ture in Sulawesi. Development programs in the early years of theNew Order government of Soeharto thus concentrated on the

rehabilitation of previously existing roads, bridges and irrigation



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systems. Subsequent economic development programs first

focused on supporting intensive wet rice cultivation through the

BIMAS program of green revolution technology, and later on thepromotion of industrial (or estate or tree) crops, such as

clove and coconut (grown mainly by smallholders). Meanwhile,

valuable Sulawesi hardwood began to be exploited on a large scale

through the granting of timber concessions by the central govern-

ment to politically well-connected individuals.13

Sulawesi had an estimated population of 14.4 million at the

time of the 2000 census, just over 7 percent of the countrys total

population (estimated at 201 million; Suryadinata et al., 2003:3),

with an overall annual growth rate of 2.39 percent (compared to the

national figure for the period 1990-2000 of 1.35 percent). The over-

all population density was approximately 75 people per square

kilometer, with a range from 32 in Central Sulawesi to 143 in North

Sulawesi; at the same time, the national average was roughly 106,

with a high of 946 in Java (BPS, 2000). Particular areas of densepopulation are those close to Makassar City14 in South Sulawesi and

in the Minahasa district (kabupaten) of North Sulawesi where areas

of intensive agriculture are supported by fertile soils derived from

volcanic materials. Split into North and South Sulawesi in 1960,

the region was further divided into North, Central, South and

Southeast Sulawesi in 1963. With the rapid devolution of central

government powers to the region in the wake of the downfall of

Soeharto, a fissiparous process aimed at creating new provinces,

districts, subdistricts and villages has been noted all across the

country. In 2001 the relatively small Gorontalo region (population

roughly 830,000) split from North Sulawesi to become the fifth

province of Sulawesi, and movements exist to support the forma-

tion of separate provinces in western and eastern Sulawesi, as well.

As in most other regions of Indonesia, agriculture is the basisof the economies of most rural areas. Archaeological evidence for

rice cultivation in Sulawesi dates back to around 500 CE



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(Bellwood, 1990). Production of rice as a main crop is determined

by the availability of suitable land and irrigation water. Intensive

paddy fields are found mainly in lowland areas close to coastalregions or lake areas with level land. In some upland areas, partic-

ularly in South Sulawesi, rice is grown in paddy fields constructed

on terraces. Elsewhere upland rice is grown on swidden fields in

rotational (shifting or slash and burn) cultivation systems.

These ancient, extensive multi-crop farming systems are coming

under increasing threat from widespread cutting of forests by tim-

ber companies, from the establishment of protected conservation

areas and from settlement expansion, reducing the amount of land

available for long-term rotations. South Sulawesi leads the other

provinces by far in rice production and is the second largest produc-

er in Indonesia. Surplus rice is sold to other provinces, mainly in

Eastern Indonesia and Kalimantan.

Sulawesi, particularly Minahasa and some kabupatens in

Central and South Sulawesi, was well known for copra productionduring the 1950s and 1960s. The commodity was mainly sold

abroad for foreign exchange. Another important industrial crop

closely identified with Sulawesi is clove, grown by small-holders

most famously in the Minahasa district of North Sulawesi but also

in upland areas in South and Central Sulawesi, and much used in

the manufacture of Indonesias kretek cigarettes. Since the early

1990s, the region has experienced a cacao boom. Cacao has

become the main agriculture export commodity and South

Sulawesi is the largest cacao producer in Indonesia. Coffee is

another important crop in certain areas (often labeled Kalosi cof-

fee, after a place in South Sulawesi adjacent to Tana Toraja kabu-

paten where in fact more of it is grown.) . The prices of these com-

modities are all closely linked to the sometimes wild fluctuations of

world markets, and to equally wild fluctuations in exchange rates:

many fortunes have been made - and lost - both by farmers andtraders who deal in these crops. These high-value export crops

helped to protect rural livelihoods in particular areas when the



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Asian economic crisis hit the country in 1997. But crop fevers

have also led to large movements of migrants from one part of the

island to another in search of suitable land, and to ensuing ethnictensions that in certain areas, in particular in Poso kabupaten of

Central Sulawesi, have led to large-scale loss of life in recent years

(see Li, 2002 and elsewhere for a discussion of the case of cacao in

Sulawesi.)

Forests and marine resources have been another key basis of

resource development and a traditional source of livelihood. As in

many other developing countries, and certainly in many other parts

of Indonesia, inappropriate utilization of these resources has pro-

duced severe environmental consequences. Private sector econom-

ic development, as well as large populations dependent on the agri-

culture sector for their livelihood, have tended to accelerate over-

exploitation of forest resources, unsuitable agriculture land man-

agement and depletion of fish stocks. As in many other parts of

Indonesia, forest degradation is the most serious threat to environ-mental integrity in many areas (see Chapter 17 by Nurkin in this

book). The diminishing forest area and changes in stand quality and

composition have altered and decreased the area of wildlife habi-

tats, reduced stream flows, degraded water quality and increased

rates of water loss and, increasingly, of flooding during the wet sea-

son. These problems are in part attributable to the large numbers of

land-hungry farmers clearing steeply sloping forested land for agri-

culture expansion both for subsistence as well as for commercial

crops. Unsustainable timber harvesting on a large scale has also

been a significant contributor to this phenomenon. The relative

importance of each of these two factors, however, is the subject of

some debate.

Destruction of mangrove forests (in large part to provide areas

for brackish-water aquaculture) and of coral reefs (mainly throughthe use of chemicals and bombs to stun high-value fish being

caught for the export market) is common in most coastal regions of



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Sulawesi (Tomascik et al., 1997; Rahmat, 2000; Operation

Wallacea, 2001; Rizal, 2002). Besides impairing the integrity of

coastal and marine ecosystems the degradation of these resourcesthreatens fisheries as a main source of affordable protein for coastal

communities.

Among other important natural resources minerals play a

major role in a small number of areas of Sulawesi. Most notable are

the nickel mines in the Soroako area of South Sulawesi, exploited

since the late 1960s by INCO (see Robinson, 1986 for a discussion

of the impacts of INCO mining operations on local communities in

the area.) Copper has been mined in the Gorontalo area, asphalt on

Buton Island in Southeast Sulawesi, limestone for cement produc-

tion in the vicinity of Makassar, and more recently gold, mined on

a commercial scale as well as by thousands of illegal individual

miners mainly in North Sulawesi, again with severe environmental

consequences. In recent years, too, explorations for oil have been

undertaken.

Any survey of economic activities - in particular as related to

the environment - must also take note of tourism, including

local/domestic recreational activities, a phenomenon of increasing

importance in specific areas since the discovery of the magnifi-

cent Tana Toraja highlands by European tourists in the 1960s and

the similar discovery of the Bunaken coral reefs off Manado in

the 1980s. Most of this tourism is based on enjoyment of natural

scenic beauty, and to some extent on endemic wildlife, whether on

land or under water, and in the case of Tana Toraja in particular on

various aspects of local culture (Adams, 1984; Volkman, 1987;

1990a; Volkman and Caldwell, 1990). Environmental degradation -

in particular of the world class coral reefs - would have an

irreparable impact on tourism in the region (on the case of coral

reefs, see Rahmat, 2000; Lee, 2000; Elliott, 2000; Elliott et al.,2001; Pangemanan, 2001). Mention must also be made of the

important role of maritime trade and transport - Bugis,



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Makassarese, Mandar and Butonese people in particular have been

renowned boatbuilders and seafarers since ancient times, and still

ply the waters of the archipelago with large sailing vessels,although most of these today are either machine-assisted or com-

pletely run by mechanical power. Today, too, many other branches

of the service sector have become increasingly important as eco-

nomic activities. Most industry in the region is devoted to second-

ary processing of natural resources and agricultural products.

The promotion of regional development during the 32 years

(1966-1998) of Soehartos Orde Baru (New Order) regime

throughout Indonesia resulted in industrial growth and urban

expansion. Concerns related to these phenomena include increasing

levels of air pollution in urban areas, solid waste disposal and

stream water pollution. Pollution problems were largely confined to

the major cities of Makassar and Manado but are becoming com-

mon in smaller urban areas such as Kendari, Pare-Pare and

Gorontalo City, too. Increasingly, agriculture-based pollution,derived from inappropriate use of fertilizers and pesticides and

leading to eutrophication of nearby lakes and threats to the health

of humans and wildlife, has become an issue of concern to environ-

mentalists (Baltzer, 1990; Giesen et al., 1991).

As alluded to above, perhaps the major social problem related

to environmental issues is conflict over land use, and more gener-

ally over control and access to natural resources (see Li, 1991;

Aragon, 2001; Human Rights Watch, 2002; STORMA, 2002; 2003;

and Li, n.d.). Many cases of conflict between local communities

and private-sector developers or government authorities have aris-

en over such issues as the siting of electric power plants, dam con-

struction (Li, 2000), demarcation and regulation of national parks

and conservation areas, real estate expansion, timber concessions

and large-scale private cash crop plantations. The issues surround-ing these conflicts are complex, with social, cultural, economic and

political aspects; many chapters in this book touch on some of



16/36

these. In this connection it is important to note the increasingly

widespread existence of NGO-led environmental activism all over

Sulawesi. NGOs saw their earliest development in the 1980s, at atime when international donors began to make substantial amounts

of aid available to them, and have taken great advantage of the con-

siderably expanded democratic space available to them with the

demise of the Soeharto regime. Fundamentally, NGOs are con-

cerned with the relations between communities and the environ-

ment in which they are located, and with establishing more just and

fair processes of decision-making, among the various stakeholders

involved, redressing the balance of power that has long favored the

government and the private sector. Good environmental gover-

nance, which is at the heart of this movement, is now clearly on the

sociopolitical agenda, and will be a major issue to grapple with in

the decades to come.15

CAPACITY DEVELOPMENT AND ENHANCEMENT: THE PROJECT

THEMEThe UCE Project was an endeavour to address some of the environ-

mental management issues identified above through an institution-

al and capacity development approach. A key aspect regarding

institutional development is the capacity of public agencies, private

firms, nongovernmental organizations and community groups to

identify problems, assess alternative approaches, design a solution

and take action. Institutional arrangements are but one component

in any system for resource and environmental management. By the

late 1980s, and certainly by the 1990s, capacity building had become

a central concept in development programs being offered from devel-

oped countries, and Canada has been no exception. Increasingly,

Canadian institutions such as CIDA and IDRC have oriented many

of their programs to improve human and institutional capacity in

developing countries, and a significant portion of such initiatives

has focused upon environmental problems. In this section, attentionis given to outlining the understanding of capacity development to

which the participants in the Project broadly subscribed.



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Capacity building has been defined and interpreted in vari-

ous ways. Cohen (1995:408) concluded that Perhaps no concept ...

is as carelessly used as is capacity building. .... Over the past fewyears the concept has been diluted by definitional expansion. In

his view this dilution has led to conceptual chaos. While concep-

tual chaos is not usually helpful, it should also be recognized that

standardized definitions are not always desirable either. As Catlett

and Schuftan (1994:168) have observed, No recipe, standard

framework or set of principles can be advocated to ensure the sus-

tainability of institutional change. Each individual circumstance

warrants a unique approach. Their comment highlights the impor-

tance of being able to custom design capacity-building initiatives

with regard to the context and needs of a host country, its organiza-

tions and its people (Welles, 1995). Nevertheless, it seems reason-

able to believe that generic issues exist and deserve consideration

in most capacity-building exercises, even if specific actions may

vary from case to case.

The interpretation of capacity building used by UCE follows

suggestions from both Grindle and Hilderbrand (1995:441-463)

and from Cohen (1995:407-422). Cohen (1995:409) urged a return

to a well established and narrow definition of capacity building, as

expressed in the Dictionary of Public Administration: Capacity

building ... includes among its major objectives the strengthening

of the capability of chief administrative officers, department and

agency heads, and program managers in general purpose govern-

ment to plan, implement, manage or evaluate policies, strategies, or

programs designed to impact on social conditions in the communi-

ty. This definition is appropriate as long as attention also is given

to environmental, economic and cultural conditions in communi-

ties, and the targets are extended explicitly to include people

involved in research and education activities in universities

(Currey, 1993; Biswas, 1996; Hartvelt, 1996). Also useful isGrindle and Hilderbrands (1995:455) definition of capacity as the

ability to perform appropriate tasks effectively, efficiently and sus-



18/36

tainably. This definition requires elaboration regarding what are

appropriate tasks, and they suggest that such tasks are defined by

necessity, history or situation in specific contexts. Their view-point reinforces the position accepted in this chapter that tasks

must be specified and assessed for their appropriateness within a

given country (Grindle and Hilderbrand, 1995:445).

In the mid 1990s CIDA formulated its thinking on capacity

development, and adopted the following definition: a process by

which individuals, groups, organizations and societies enhance

their abilities to identify and meet development challenges in a sus-

tainable manner. Further, a CIDA operational guide for program

managers, prepared in 2001, defined capacity as the abilities,

skills, understandings, attitudes, values, relationships, behaviors,

motivations, resources and conditions that enable individuals,

organizations, networks / sectors and broader social systems to

carry out functions and achieve their development objectives over

time. The operational guide is based on seven principles: localownership, meaningful participation / partnership, understanding

the context, a complex mix of internal and external factors, a sys-

tems perspective, an iterative and flexible approach, and a long

term commitment (all quotations from Larouche, 2002, Chapter

3). To differing degrees these principles underlay much of what

UCE attempted to do in Sulawesi, and are a useful guide in assess-

ing the UCE experience in assisting capacity development in

Indonesia.

During the mid to late 1990s, the term capacity enhancement

became preferred to capacity building. The distinction is based

not just on academic refinement. The concept of capacity

enhancement starts from the position that capacity always exists in

an individual, community, group or system, and therefore a key

task is first to assess existing capacity, and then determine whatmight be done to enhance or improve it. In contrast, capacity

building may imply that no capacity already exists, which in many



19/36

ways is presumptuous, and certainly inappropriate if it leads devel-

opment practitioners to begin their activities without taking time to

determine which capacity is already in place (Eade, 1997:3).Although the term capacity building was frequently used

throughout this Project, this was done primarily to be consistent

with the terms of reference for the Project approved by CIDA.

Notwithstanding these terms of reference, participants strived to

operate from a capacity enhancement perspective. In that con-

text, it was recognized that opportunities usually exist to enhance

capacity at many levels, including, in the case at hand, individuals,

the Environmental Studies Centers, faculty members in various

academic departments at the Sulawesi partner universities, individ-

uals working in government departments and NGOs, as well as

their organizations as a whole, and local communities. As a result,

many of the Project activities were designed to enhance capacity

for more than one group. Chapter 3 of this book develops these

ideas further and presents a more detailed picture of how they were

transformed into programs of collaborative activities and of whatresults were achieved. Chapters 3 and 4 provide some reflections

on lessons learned.

PURPOSE, STRUCTURE AND THEMES OF THE BOOK

The proponents of this book had three main purposes in mind when

they began discussions that eventually led to its preparation. First

of all, it was intended to document the experiences and lessons

learned from UCEs work in capacity development for environ-

mental management in Indonesia. Some of the approaches attempt-

ed during the Project were innovative, at least in the local context,

and have potential applicability in other areas: it was felt that these

should be shared with a wide audience. Second, the book was

intended to provide a stimulus, and a vehicle, for Indonesian col-

leagues, mainly in Sulawesi, to increase their experience with the

production and successful publication of scientific articles interna-tionally. This was considered particularly important since Indonesia

ranks very low in terms of volume of international scientific pub-



20/36

lishing activity (p.c. Prof. Jajah Koswara, Directorate-General of

Higher Education, Jakarta 1998). Third, it was planned that the

book would contribute to a greater understanding of the environ-ment and issues of natural resource management in one area of the

fourth most populous nation of the world, Indonesia. Thus, the

book would not only review the experiences of doing institution-

al capacity development in a particular setting but also present

some of the concrete results of that activity.

The need for such a volume is further justified by the lack of

book-length publications which describe and analyze particular

development projects, the challenges they face, the results they

achieve and the lessons learned along the way. Perhaps one of the

best such analyses is Norman Uphoffs Learning from Gal Oya

(1992). Others, such as James Fergusons The Anti-Politics

Machine (1994) and Robert Klitgaards Tropical Gangsters (1991),

present severe critiques of, in the former case, large-scale multi-

donor development enterprises in Lesotho and, in the latter, a one-person development assignment in Equatorial Guinea (see also

Raper, 1970 and Zandstra et al., 1979). In the Canadian develop-

ment assistance context, Martopo and Mitchells edited volume on

the Bali Sustainable Development Project, a major component of

UCE1, presents a great deal of the results of the research that was

undertaken (Martopo and Mitchell, 1995), while in a lengthy arti-

cle, Bater et al. (2000) discuss the overall capacity-building

approach utilized in Bali. Ghislaine Larouche, former team leader

of a CIDA-assisted institutional development project in the water

resources sector in North Sulawesi, has recently produced a short

publication (Larouche, 2002) specifically intended to record the

lessons learned from the experience of that project. Amajor work

in preparation (Conover, n.d.) documents the history of environ-

mental management in Canada and Indonesia, with a particular

focus on Canadas assistance to Indonesia via the EMDI Project.But other examples, particularly along the lines of the present vol-

ume, are not numerous.



21/36

The themes of the book revolve around institutional develop-

ment and capacity enhancement and environmental research and

management - concepts and approaches, tools and techniques, andtheir results. The book is largely structured around these themes. In

addition to the present chapter, the first section, Background to the

UCE Project, includes a chapter by Setiawan locating the Project

within the recent Indonesian context of political and economic tur-

moil, particularly as related to the state of natural resource manage-

ment, and discussing the relevance of the Project to Indonesia. The

chapter provides a general assessment of the Projects contributions

as seen from the perspective of a senior Indonesian environmental

specialist.

The second section, Institutional Development and Capacity

Enhancement, examines the general approaches the Project adopt-

ed in pursuing its core business. Chapter 3, by Babcock and

Mitchell, gives a detailed picture of the general design of the

Project, its component activities, and its overall results. In a discus-sion of Project implementation, the chapter describes some of the

challenges faced by a project of this nature, and some of the ways

these challenges were attended to. Chapter 4, by Abdul Manan, is a

companion piece to Chapter 3, being a reflection on overall capac-

ity enhancement in one partner ESC as seen through the eyes of its

long-time director. Chapter 5, by Benjamin, takes this picture down

to the level of one particular role an ESC plays, that of environmen-

tal information generation and dissemination, and discusses how

this role might be enhanced based on felt needs of local stakehold-

ers. The following chapter (5), by Babcock, takes one of the major

thrusts of the Project, developing the capacity to provide high-qual-

ity training services, and discusses the strategies and approaches

employed and the results achieved. Outputs with reasonably high

potential for sustained use in the future resulted from this area of

UCE activity, enabling Sulawesi ESCs to contribute more effec-tively to the huge effort needed to improve environmental manage-

ment capacity at all levels of government and society in the region.



22/36

The final chapter (6) in this section, by Dungga, reflects one ESC

counterparts experiences with a particular activity of the training

program, in the area of gender and the environment.

The third section of the book, Conceptual Frameworks for

Environmental Research and Management, moves the discussion

from general institutional development issues closer to the environ-

ment. Mitchells chapter (8) details the Projects understanding of

environmental and resource management, stressing the interdisci-

plinary nature of the enterprise, and links management to ecosys-

tem-based research with all its attendant challenges. Armitage and

Rizal (Chapter 9) then discuss one particular approach, co-manage-

ment, and explore the opportunities and limitations associated with

revitalization of certain customary practices and institutions in sup-

port of such an approach, in a coastal area of Central Sulawesi.

Following this, Wismer (Chapter 10) presents a sustainable liveli-

hoods framework that inspired much of the Projects training and

research activities in the latter half of its implementation. The finalcontribution to the section, by Rianse and Widayati (Chapter 11),

outline the authors experiences applying gender analysis concepts

to their environmental research and development activities in

Southeast Sulawesi.

The fourth section, Tools and Techniques, looks more close-

ly at some of the conceptual and practical instruments that were

applied and tested in relation to environmental management and

research during the course of the Project. Rahmat et al. (Chapter

12) describe one of the most successful participatory approaches

with which the Project experimented, the application of Futures

Search Conference methodology to the multi-stakeholder identifi-

cation of environmental management issues in a particular ecosys-

tem in Central Sulawesi, and of possible solutions acceptable to all

parties. Zubair (Chapter 13) then demonstrates the use of modelingto determine appropriate, feasible management options for reduc-

ing sedimentation of the Bili-Bili Reservoir in South Sulawesi,



23/36

based on modifications to upland farming systems. Prenzel et al.

(Chapter 14) demonstrate the application of remote sensing meth-

ods using SPOT satellite imagery for monitoring land cover changein the Tondano watershed, concluding that despite certain limita-

tions the methodology is appropriate for use by environmental

planners and managers at the watershed level. A more sociocultural

approach is discussed by Wiltshire in Chapter 15, which illustrates

the use of Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) techniques in understand-

ing human-environmental relations in island communities off the

coast of mainland Southeast Sulawesi. Finally, Demmallino high-

lights the potentials of involving local (indigenous) sociocultural

institutions for the management of conflict over utilization of natu-

ral resources in the Jeneberang river basin in South Sulawesi.

The concluding section of the book, Resource Management

Research: Some Results, provides a venue for Indonesian and

Canadian participants who conducted field research in one or other

of UCEs four major Joint Research Project areas in Sulawesi(discussed further in Chapters 3 and 8) to present samples of their

findings and analyses. These chapters, like many of the previous

ones, provide explicit recommendations for enhanced environmen-

tal management that arise from the cases at hand. Nurkin (Chapter

17) discusses problems of forest and land management in the upper

Jeneberang watershed, and the pressures on resources that largely

emanate from outside the region, and proposes various livelihood-

focused approaches that may alleviate these stresses. Suriamihardja

(Chapter 18), looks at the same river basin but from the coastal /

delta point of view, proposing a compromise management

approach that takes into account the needs and desires of delta res-

idents as well as the wider community. Moving back up the

Jeneberang a little, Dariati (Chapter 19) provides us with insights

into the deleterious effects of aggregate mining along the banks of

the river, and suggests how the wishes she elicited from local resi-dents could be attended to in making plans for a new approach to

quarrying in the area. Moving to Makassar, the major urban center



24/36

in the basin, Doyle (Chapter 20) demonstrates the capacity of local

communities, via a facilitation process, to compile a set of indica-

tors of sustainability for local domestic water systems which couldmaterially improve the quality of water service provision. Two sub-

sequent chapters take us to the Tondano watershed in North

Sulawesi. Wantasen et al. (Chapter 21) describe the current state of

the waterways and aquatic biodiversity in the river basin, highlight-

ing the negative effects of the improper use of agriculture-based

chemicals, excessive use of cage cultivation of fish, and poor

domestic waste disposal. Rotinsulu (Chapter 22) follows with a

description of the present status of terrestrial biodiversity, in partic-

ular endemic palms, in the watershed, outlines their utilization by

local communities, and assesses and provides specific recommen-

dations concerning various approaches to biodiversity conservation

in the area. The book concludes with an examination of the role of

communication modes and patterns in determining the success or

failure of environmentally-related development initiatives at the

village level (Tam, Chapter 23).

End Notes:1CEPI was contracted by CIDA to the private-sector company

CANORA, itself a grouping of a number of small and medium

Canadian companies active in the area of environmental manage-

ment. Indonesia - and the international development enterprise - are

worlds filled with ever-changing acronyms. We have tried to keep

the use of these to a minimum in this book, though the ones we do

use were very current in the Project context. A list of the most fre-

quently used acronyms and Indonesian terms used in this book is

found in the Glossary.2See the Logical Framework Analysis (LFA) as refined and present-

ed in Mitchell and Babcock (1999) Appendix A. Development proj-

ect jargon, i.e., goals, purposes, objectives, results, outputs, out-

comes, impacts, etc., is confusing, imprecise and unstable. To theextent possible, the Project attempted to use the terms in ways con-

sistent with CIDAs Results Based Management framework, as



25/36

applied retroactively to the Project after it was well underway (see

CIDA (1999) for an outline of Results-Based Management).3

BAPEDAL was subsequently merged into the Ministry and ceasedto have a separate existence.4Developments subsequent to Project inception included the forma-

tion of a fifth province, Gorontalo, in northern Sulawesi, and a

sixth, West Sulawesi, carved out of South Sulawesi province, as

well as the conversion of state teacher-training institutes into full-

fledged universities. There are also a number of private universities

and colleges in the region, as well as a state Islamic institute of

higher learning. By the end of the Project, the inventory of

Environmental Studies Centers in the region numbered eight.5It is not clear why Canada chose to fund work in these particular

regions, although it has not escaped the notice of observers that

INCO, the major Canadian nickel mining corporation, had recently

embarked on large scale investment in nickel mining in South

Sulawesi, and thus the area at least was on the mental map of

Canadian officials with any involvement in decision-makingregarding Indonesia. Canadas involvement in development assis-

tance in Indonesia, and the capacity building project implemented

by the University of Guelph in Sulawesi, are discussed more fully

in the special edition of the Canadian Journal of Development

Studies, Cummings (1993a) entitled Indonesia: Multidimensional

Development. See particularly articles by P. Morgan and D. Drake

(1993) and by F.H. Cummings (1993b).6Dalhousie University made other important contributions to the

development of university-based environmental management in

Sulawesi, through the Japanese-assisted Environmental Study

Centers Development in Indonesia (ESCDI) project (1994-1997)

and the smaller Island Sustainable Livelihood and Environment

(ISLE) project (also CIDA-funded). The ISLE project worked with

UNHAS (though only tangentially with its ESC), while ESCDI

included both UNHAS and UNSRAT and, in a very limited waytowards the end, UNHALU and UNTAD as well.7It is worth noting that the chief Indonesian counterparts involved



26/36

in the initial design and subsequent management of UCE were also

university professors, Emil Salim, the first Minister of the

Environment (and member of the Faculty of Economics at theUniversity of Indonesia), and Dr. Koesnadi Hardjasoemantri,

Secretary to the Minister and subsequently Rector of Gadjah Mada

University (and member of the Board of Governors of Dalhousie

University). ESCs were Prof. Emil Salims brainchild, as he rec-

ognized that universities, in the early 1970s, were the major, or

only, source of formal environmental expertise particularly in the

regions outside Java.8The extent to which the Canadian universities involved obtained

deep, broad and long-lasting benefits from these activities has been

highly variable. In some cases, very few university faculty mem-

bers had any significant involvement, the work being mainly imple-

mented by advisors recruited from outside the universities on lim-

ited term contracts. When this approach was used, institutional

learning was often limited and not incorporated into university

teaching. More benefits accrued to Canadian university studentswhose field research in Sulawesi, mainly for Masters degrees, was

funded by these projects. Other benefits to Canada frequently men-

tioned include the development of a cadre of Canadian profession-

als with lengthy experience in Indonesia; a substantial number of

these have worked on more than one of the projects mentioned

above. See Chapter 3 for a further discussion of this point as it

relates to UCE. Smuckler (2003) discusses at length the role of a

major American university in international development since the

1950s, and pays considerable attention to its impacts on the univer-

sity itself. See also the special edition ofThe Canadian Journal of

Development Studies (Boothroyd and Angeles, 2003) on the role of

Canadian universities in international development.9The 2000 population census is the first since the 1930 Volkstelling

conducted by the Dutch colonial authorities to record data on eth-

nicity. These census figures indicate that the Bugis are the eighthlargest ethnic group in the country, numbering some five million

people or 2.5 percent of the national population. No other



27/36

Sulawesi-based ethnic group approaches this figure; Makassarese,

occupying eleventh place, are roughly two million in number or 1

percent of the national population. The Bugis are also the secondlargest ethnic group in Central and Southeast Sulawesi, as well as

in East Kalimantan (Suryadinata et al., 2003).10Central Sulawesi government sources give a figure of some 17

percent for the year 1998, but this is a ratio of numbers of people

resettled to the province to the current population and does not take

into account natural population growth in the transmigrant settle-

ments over the decades (personal communication, Tania Li, April

2003).11The first major period of widespread dissemination of Islam in the

region began in the early 17th century, although it was known in

coastal areas well before this time. Massive conversions to

Protestant Christianity, mainly in upland areas, date from the early

1800s in North Sulawesi, and in Tana Toraja and Central Sulawesi

from the early 1900s.12

See Babcock (1999) for bibliographic references concerning thepeoples of Sulawesi. Also see recent collections of articles edited

by Robinson and Mukhlis (1998) and Tol et al. (2000) concerning

various aspects of the sociocultural life of Sulawesi peoples.13No modern easily accessible history of Sulawesi as a whole exists.

Henley (2005) will fill a major gap for the northern part of the

island, as does Henley (1996). Cummings (2002) focuses on histo-

riography in South Sulawesi, while Schrauwers (2000) writes on

upland Central Sulawesi (the Poso region). Short histories of par-

ticular areas of Sulawesi can also be found in the increasing num-

ber of book-length monographs, mainly anthropological, being

published on the region; for a listing of these, and other books and

academic articles treating the history of Sulawesi, see Babcock

(1999), and the articles in Poeze and Schoorl (1991).14The largest city in Sulawesi, Makassar was known officially as

Ujung Pandang (a local / indigenous name) from the early 1970suntil October 1999, when it officially reverted to the name of the

famed ancient port.



28/36

15Thanks to Prof. Tania Li (p.c. 2004) for pointing out the impor-

tance of NGO-led environmental activism in Sulawesi. See

Kementerian Lingkungan Hidup (2003) for a description of theIndonesian governments understanding of good environmental

governance and its new program, Program Bangun Praja, designed

to support it.

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