supervision for teacher development: a proposal for...
TRANSCRIPT
International Institute for Educational Planning
Trends in school supervision
Supervision for teacherdevelopment: a proposalfor Pakistan
Mehrunnisa Ahmad Ali
The designations employed and the presentation of material throughout
this review do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the
part of UNESCO or IIEP concerning the legal status of any country, territory,
city or area or its authorities, or concerning its frontiers or boundaries.
The publication costs of this study have been covered through a grant-
in-aid offered by UNESCO and by voluntary contributions made by several
Member States of UNESCO, the list of which will be found at the end of the
volume.
Cover design: Pierre FinotComposition and printing: IIEP Publications.
International Institute for Educational Planning7 - 9 rue Eugène-Delacroix, 75116 Paris
© UNESCO May 1998
v
CONTENTS
Page
List of abbreviations vii
Presentation of the series ix
Introduction 1
I. The current context 3
1. Teachers and teaching 3
2. Supervisors and supervision 7
II. An alternative model 15
1. Theoretical underpinnings 15
2. Proposed changes and potential challenges 17
(a) External supervision 18
(b) Inter-school supervision 21
(c) In-school supervision 23
Conclusion 27
References 31
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AEPAM Academy for Educational Planning andManagement
BPS Basic Pay Scale
BCE Bureau of Curriculum and Extension
DEO District Education Officer
GCET Government College for Elementary Teachers
IIEP International Institute for EducationalPlanning
LC Learning Co-ordinator
NWFP North West Frontier Province
PTC Primary Teaching Certificate
SDEO Sub-Divisional Education Officer
vii
PRESENTATION OF THE SERIES
This publication forms part of a series on ‘Trends in school supervi-
sion’, which accompanies the implementation of an IIEP project on
‘Improving teacher supervision and support services for basic education’.1
The project, which began in 1996, is one of the main research components
of the Institute’s Medium-Term Plan for 1996-2001. The Institute wishes to
express its sincere thanks to BMZ (the German Federal Ministry for
Technical Co-operation) and to UNICEF for their support in the
implementation of this project.
Earlier research, at the Institute and elsewhere, has pointed to the need,
in an era of increased decentralization and school autonomy, to strengthen
the skills of personnel involved in supervision and support at local level
and in schools.
Two related points are worth mentioning here, as they form both the
background to and the rationale for the IIEP’s concern with this area of
management. Firstly, professional supervision and support services for
teachers, although long existing in almost every country, have been ignored,
increasingly so since resources have become more scarce. This neglect has,
until recent times, been reflected by a similar indifference among
researchers. Secondly, one important reason why the quality of basic
education has deteriorated in many contexts is precisely related to the
weakening of these services.
The IIEP project, developed against this background, consists of
research, training and dissemination activities. Its specific objectives are
to assist countries in diagnosing and reforming the existing services of
ix
1 Other titles in the series include:• Carron, G.; De Grauwe, A. 1997. Current issues in supervision: a literature review.
Paris: UNESCO/International Institute for Educational Planning.• Perera,W. J. 1997. Changing schools from within: a management intervention for
improving school functioning in Sri Lanka. Paris: UNESCO/International Institutefor Educational Planning.
• Khaniya, T. R. 1997. Teacher support through resource centres: the Nepalese case.Paris: UNESCO/International Institute for Educational Planning.
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
supervision and support, and to identify promising strategies for their
reorganization and strengthening. The series of publications, of which this
monograph forms a part, is the result of research, implemented in several
regions, to address a number of questions, such as:
• How is supervision and support organized in different countries? What
have been the major trends in their recent evolution?
• What are the principal problems which supervision and support servi-
ces are presently facing in terms of: organizational structures, overall
management and daily functioning?
• To what extent and under what conditions do these services have a
positive impact on the quality of the teaching-learning processes in
schools?
• What are the major innovations taking place, mainly in respect of the
devolution of supervision and support to the school-site level? How do
these innovations operate? What are the main results?
In order to formulate answers to these questions, the project elaborated
the following operational definition of school supervision and support ser-
vices: all those services whose main function is to control and evaluate,
and/or advise and support school heads and teachers. The focus of the
project is on external supervision and support, that is to say on the work of
inspectors, supervisors, advisers, counsellors, etc. located outside the
school, at local, regional or central levels. A common characteristic of these
officers is that regular visits to schools are an essential part of their man-
date.
However, many countries, in their attempts to reform and innovate su-
pervision, are increasingly relying on in-school or community-based
strategies (such as resource centres, school clusters, in-school supervision
by the principal or by peers, school-based management) to complement, if
x
Presentation of the series
not to replace, external supervision and support. The project therefore
also pays attention to a number of such innovations and, in more general
terms, the strengths and weaknesses of strategies, aiming at the
reinforcement of internal quality-control mechanisms.
This series of ‘Trends in school supervision’ thus consists of a variety of
titles: national diagnoses on supervision and support, comparative analy-
ses of the situation by region, case studies on innovative experiences,
monographs and discussion papers on specific management issues. It is
hoped that the series will not only fill a gap in educational research, but
will also inspire supervisors who want to improve on their practice and, in
particular, policy-makers intending to reform supervision.
xi
1
INTRODUCTION
Supervisory practices in any context reflect the predominant views
about the nature of teaching, the roles of teachers and how they learn to
teach. Until the 1980s teaching was viewed basically as transmission of
predetermined knowledge to students. Teachers were charged with the
responsibility of transmitting this knowledge in as uncontaminated a form
as possible, through scientifically tested procedures thought to be
immutable and universally applicable. Learning to teach was largely a matter
of mastering these procedures. Supervisors were employed as objective
evaluators to check if teachers were indeed using the prescribed methods
in their classrooms and to take corrective measures, if needed.
The more recent concept of teaching is based on the assumption that
knowledge is constructed, dynamic and conditional (Nelson and
Hammerman, 1996), and teaching is intellectually and morally complex
work (Lampert, 1985; Ball and Wilson, 1996). The role of the teachers is to
facilitate student learning on the basis of morally defensible grounds, while
managing the multiple and conflicting social, political and economic agen-
das played out in schools (Britzman, 1986). Teachers learn to teach by
emulating their own teachers (Lortie, 1975), generalizing from their own
experiences as learners (Holt-Reynolds, 1991), and also by being socialized
in schools, communities and education systems in which they work
(Zeichner and Gore, 1990; Fullan, 1991, 1993; Wasley, 1991). Supervision
in this paradigm is directed towards helping teachers become smarter at
making professional judgements, not only about curriculum, students and
pedagogy, but also about the structures and cultures in which their work is
located. Darling-Hammond and Berry (1988, p.11) describe the theories
that underpin these two models of supervision, in the following words:
“One theory, which may be called bureaucratic in orientation, assu-
mes that knowledge for teaching is unnecessary because techniques,
tools, and methods can be prescribed from above; they need not be
crafted by teachers themselves. The other theory, which may be
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
2
called professional in orientation, assumes that pedagogical
preparation is essential, because teachers must be capable of making
complex educational decisions on behalf of the diverse students.”
This paper claims that the current practice of supervision in Pakistan is
based on the bureaucratic view of teaching and argues that, as such, it does
not contribute to the professional development of teachers. It begins with
the characterization of the current teaching and supervisory practices to
identify the need for change, then presents an alternative supervisory model
consisting of three tiers: external supervision, inter-school supervision and
in-school supervision. It calls for formal assessment of student and teacher
learning, while broadening the concept of student outcomes and teachers’
roles. It refocuses supervision on schools and school clusters rather than
on individual teachers. Finally, it contends that this model has the potential
to shift the locus of control for professional development closer to schools,
and thereby address some of the issues that plague teacher development
in Pakistan.
3
I. THE CURRENT CONTEXT
This section describes teachers and supervisors, their professional
preparation, selection and work. This background provides reasons why
supervision in Pakistani schools needs to be re-structured and re-cultured.
1. Teachers and teaching
As in many other developing countries, school teaching in Pakistan is a
poorly paid and flatly structured profession, employing a larger number of
women than any other salaried profession.2 Women enter this profession
because schools offer a ‘safe’ environment where they only interact with
children and other women, and because school teaching allows them to
continue meeting their responsibilities as homemakers. Men enter this pro-
fession when nothing else is available to them. Almost every male teacher
holds another job, teaching as a private tutor, running a small business or
working on the land. Female teachers typically do not hold other jobs, but
serve their large, extended families after school hours.
Schools are categorized as primary (Grades 1-5) and secondary (Gra-
des 6-10). 3 However, middle schools in Pakistan are attached either to
primary schools (mostly in the province of Punjab), or to secondary schools,
and are not separate physical or administrative entities. According to the
most recent available approximate figures, teachers’ distribution by gender
and by level taught is shown in Table 1 below.
The credentials required for a primary-school teacher are a matriculation
certificate, which represents 10 years of schooling culminating in a public
examination, and a Primary Teaching Certificate (PTC), which represents
2 The share of women in all professions is low in Pakistan. Women form about a third ofthe teaching force, in part because public schools include many single-sex schools, where bothstudents and teachers are recruited from among the same sex.
3 In the State of Punjab, there are three types of schools: primary (Grades 1-5), middle(Grades 6-8) and secondary (Grades 9-10). However, middle schools are attached to primary orto secondary schools and are not separate physical or administrative entities.
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
4
one academic year of professional training at a Government College for
Elementary Teachers (GCET). The matriculation certificate can be earned
by taking the public examination as a private candidate, without attending
a regular school at all. The PTC can also be earned through distance
education, or as a private candidate by taking a written examination and
presenting a certificate that the candidate has worked in a school.
The credentials for teaching in middle schools and high schools
represent an additional two and four years of general education, but the
duration of the professional education and the routes for certification
remain the same. There is widespread public agreement that none of these
certificates are valid or reliable measures of academic or professional
competence. Moreover, it is claimed that cheating in written examinations
and false certification of teaching experience are common practices. The
certification, therefore, does not ensure understanding of school-level
subject matter content, or the development of principled pedagogical
practices.
The limited influence of pre-service teacher education has already been
well documented (Lortie, 1975; Jackson, 1986). In Pakistan this problem is
exacerbated by the abysmal quality of teacher education programmes. A
draft report prepared by the World Bank (1994, p. 8) states:
Table 1. Teachers’ distribution by gender and by level taught
Male Female Percentage Total
of females
Primary schools 311,500 100,700 24.4% 412,200(Grades 1-5)
Middle schools 62,500 40,400 39.3% 102,900(Grades 6-8)
Secondary schools 160,800 57,100 26.2% 217,800(Grades 6-10)
Source: Pakistan Statistical Yearbook 1995. Federal Bureau of Statistics, Government of Pakistan.
The current context
5
“GCET staff are usually transferred, often against their wishes, from
secondary schools and have neither first-hand experience with
primary teaching, nor the incentive to gain knowledge of primary
schools... Since 1988 four major studies have been done on teacher
training. The essence of the findings is that the staff of the GCET are
poorly trained and under-motivated, use inappropriate methods,
have poor facilities and do not supervise the teaching practice of
student teachers in a way likely to enhance teaching skills.
Assessment of the students depends entirely on rote performance
...”
Commenting on the curricula of pre-service education programmes,
Smith et al. (1988), in their survey of teacher education in Pakistan, state
that they did not see any evidence of:
• differentiated objectives for children of different ages;
• consideration of the interaction between child development and
learning environments;
• the management of multi-grade schools in villages or large classes in
cities, both of which are key characteristics of Pakistani schools.
They go on to claim that the courses were “heavily theoretical with little
evidence of the use of simulations, micro-teaching or practical activities
related to the craft of teaching”. Their illustrative example of how the 39
weeks of a PTC programme were spent, shows that 58.3 per cent of the
time was used for actual teaching contact, 18.2 per cent for teaching
practice, and 23.5 per cent for examination-related activities. Smith and
his colleagues report that they did not find any standardized evaluation
instruments which could provide evidence of linking theory to practice in
the teacher training programmes. The published curricula for the
professional courses require six weeks of teaching practice with 40 formally
assessed lessons, but certified teachers claim that no more than two of their
lessons were ever observed and assessed.
Teacher recruitment in Pakistan is a highly political process (Smith et
al., 1988; Ahmed and Ali, 1989). It is claimed that some politicians gain
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
6
votes by securing government jobs for residents of their constituency.
Teaching jobs are favoured in this respect, partly because of the laxity of
the entry requirements, and partly because the teachers’ performance,
indeed their presence in school, is difficult to monitor.
New teachers do not go through an induction programme but all
teachers, in theory, are supposed to undergo some form of in-service
training once every five years. In practice, the only teachers who receive
in-service training do so because their schools happen to be located in the
geographic area selected for donor-funded projects. Thus some teachers
may be trained repeatedly, while others may never encounter any new
curricula, materials or instructional practices throughout their teaching
careers. The preliminary analysis of a recent study of a large-scale in-service
programme shows that there is no evidence of change in teachers’
understanding of subject matter or in their practice as a result of the
programme (Farah, 1997).
Gaps in teachers’ subject matter knowledge have been well documented
in other parts of the world (Ball, 1988; Ball and McDiarmid, 1990), but this
issue has not been systematically studied in Pakistan. However, reports
addressing other matters and anecdotal evidence bear testimony to the
gravity of the situation. One anecdote, from a personal contact, concerns
a test based on Grade 5 science, mathematics and English language given
to 400 applicants for teaching positions in an area in northern Pakistan;
not one teacher scored more than 30 per cent, the pass mark for students.
Other examples include the following: a Grade 4 teacher, selected by the
head for her perceived competence as a science teacher, who classified a
butterfly as a bird; a teacher who informed her Grade 3 students that the
republic day and independence day of Pakistan were anniversaries of the
same event (Ali, 1992); and a secondary-school teacher who was unable to
differentiate between the values of 0.1 and 0.01 while planning a lesson
with other colleagues during an in-service course.
Teachers’ instructional styles in Pakistan have changed little in the last
few decades. Both primary- and secondary-school teachers typically begin
The current context
7
a lesson in most subjects by reading aloud from the textbook, and then ask
students to read aloud extracts from the text. The teachers then ‘explain’
the text and follow this by writing a few questions, along with the answers,
on the blackboard for students to copy into their notebooks. Students are
expected to memorize the questions and answers and their accurate recall
is counted as evidence of having learned the lesson.
2. Supervisors and supervision
The organisational chart below represents the official supervisory
relationships in secondary and primary schools.
The external supervisors of secondary schools are the District Educa-
tion Officers (DEOs) who have the Basic Pay Scale (BPS) of Grade 18. Their
duties include: regular inspection of schools, checking the maintenance
and repair of the building, ensuring adequate supplies, writing annual re-
ports about their district, posting secondary teachers and appointing
primary teachers, and helping the Director of the Bureau of Curriculum
and Extension with in-service teacher training programmes.
Selected secondary schools with a large student population and a good
reputation are labelled ‘pilot’ or ‘comprehensive’ schools, and have princi-
pals (BPS 18), while others have heads (BPS 17). Both are supervised directly
by the DEOs because the principals and heads do not recognize the
supervisory authority of any officers below that level. Most teachers in a
Figure 1. Supervisory structure in secondaryand primary schools
Secondary schools Primary schools
DEO DEO
Principal/Head SDEO
Teachers Supervisor/LC
Teacher
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
8
secondary school are in BPS 15, which is at least two levels below that of
the designated head.
Sub-Divisional Education Officers (SDEOs, BPS 17) and/or Supervisors
(BPS 16) or Learning Co-ordinators (LCs, BPS 11) supervise primary schools.
All teachers in a primary school ordinarily have the same grade level (BPS
7), but some qualify for a higher grade (BPS 9) on the basis of their years of
service. The most senior teacher in terms of length of service is responsible
for administrative tasks, but does not qualify for extra benefits for this
additional responsibility. More importantly, the most senior teacher is not
officially responsible for the supervision of other teachers in the school,
although various researchers (Farah, 1996; Simkins et al., in press; Warwick
and Reimer, 1995) have recorded the supervisory roles assumed by the
most senior teacher in primary schools.
DEOs can be responsible for 100 to 175 secondary schools; the SDEOs
or supervisors for about 20-25 primary schools; and, in districts where
learning co-ordinators have been appointed, they are responsible for
supervising 10-15 primary schools. Officially, DEOs are selected for the
post on the basis of the number of years they have served in the education
department as teachers and as principals. Unofficially, ‘having a voice’ in
the Department of Education is their most important qualification.
Consequently, teachers who may have distinguished themselves in the
classroom or in the staff room, but who lack this ‘political’ asset, may never
be appointed as supervisors of secondary schools. Supervisors of primary
schools (except learning co-ordinators) have a background in secondary
school teaching. Not only is their knowledge of primary schools inadequate,
they also have a disparaging attitude towards primary-school teachers, based
on their lower levels of education, salaries and social status. Experienced
as well as novice primary teachers, in the absence of an explicit official
differentiation between the two categories, are supervised by them.
The World Bank financed ‘First Primary Education Project’, a new tier
of education officials for the external supervision of primary schools,
created in 1979. Primary-school teachers with 10 or more years of
The current context
9
experience were hired as learning co-ordinators (LCs) to provide on-the-
job instructional support to other primary teachers. Warwick and Reimer
(1995, p. 98) state that some of the LCs hired for the project received one
type of training, others received another type, and some received no trai-
ning at all. An early evaluation of the project showed that teacher
absenteeism was reduced in areas where LCs were deployed. On the basis
of this evaluation, LCs were employed in selected districts in all four pro-
vinces of Pakistan. However, the authors claim:
“[LCs] have not lived up to their promise as leaders. Many make so
few visits to schools that they are not in a position to have any long-
term influence on teachers. Even if they come one day a month,
which most do not, their suggestions to teachers may be forgotten
between visits. Teachers are most likely to change their classroom
practice when they are not only given a suggestion about what to
do, but a chance to carry it out over several days or weeks.”
Subsequent reports show that LCs focused almost exclusively on moni-
toring teacher attendance and school records, rather than helping teachers
improve classroom instruction (World Bank, 1988). Other studies (e.g.
Farah, 1996; Memon and Mithani, 1996; Smith et al., 1988) underscore the
fact that supervisory personnel and practices have made no difference to
the quality of instruction in schools.
Supervisors are not responsible for identifying teachers’ professional
needs, responding to them in a sustained manner, or communicating them
to another organization that can do so. The Bureau of Curriculum and Ex-
tension (BCE), which is responsible for designing the curriculum of primary
and middle school teacher certification programmes, is supposed to provide
off-site support to teachers through short in-service courses, but is not
responsible for monitoring the outcomes of their pre-service or in-service
training programmes. There is no evidence of co-ordination between the
work of the BCE and DEOs or LCs, or among the other governmental and
non-governmental organizations that offer in-service courses to
schoolteachers. In the absence of a systematic analysis of teachers’ needs,
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
10
government organizations, NGOs and donor agencies are guided by the
personal views of decision-makers, or their inadequately informed advisers,
about what teachers need to learn. Thus none of the provisions are based
on a systematic analysis of what teachers need to learn, or evaluations of
what they have learned through particular interventions.
A secondary-school teacher with 13 years of teaching experience
described a typical supervisory visit to his school thus:
“Typically, the supervisor arrives five minutes before school starts
and as soon as the bell rings, he gets hold of the register (where
teachers sign in every morning to record their presence). He then
has ‘explanation call’ of all the teachers who are late. They beg and
plead, and the lady teachers especially, they cry, and tell him that
that was the only day they were late. The bus tyre got punctured, or
their child was sick. One excuse after another …”
Asked if the supervisor visited the classrooms, the teacher said:
“Yes, he goes into the classes sometimes. He will ask for the class in
which his own subject is being taught. For example, a supervisor
with a background as an Urdu teacher, will go into an Urdu class
and ask the students to explain the meaning of a verse. Even if the
students know, they and the teacher are all so nervous, they forget.
Then he asks the teacher, ‘How long have you been teaching?’ She
will say ‘Ten years, sir’, and he replies, ‘How come the students don’t
even know this? What rubbish have you been teaching them for so
long?’ All this in front of the students! Sometimes he also goes
through a few copybooks. All he wants to see is the teacher’s signa-
ture on the copybook, to make sure she checks it. He doesn’t know
or care what is written in there ....”
The teacher was asked what happened after the visit. He replied:
“Nothing happens afterwards. For that, [the supervisor] would have
to enter it into the ‘service book’, which is the official record of a
The current context
11
teacher’s career. Nobody does that. They don’t want to hurt the
teacher’s chances of promotion. Who knows how many children he
or she is bringing up on that salary?”
The teacher also commented that, on the one hand, it was very difficult,
if not impossible, for teachers to be fired or demoted, which therefore meant
they need not be afraid of supervisory visits. On the other hand, if any
other superior officer or a teacher with the appropriate political connec-
tions wanted a particular teacher to be replaced by someone else, there
was nothing he/she could do, no matter how professionally competent he/
she was. As for the head of the school, he added that he/she would make
sure that there was a gift for the supervisor, such as ‘a crate of mangoes in
the summer’. This is to ensure that complimentary remarks are written
about the school in the official record of the supervisory visit, at least until
the next visit. No official reports of the visit are recorded in the DEO’s
office or sent elsewhere. The teacher claimed that the visit did not form
the basis of efforts to provide further support to teachers or the school. He
remarked that nobody had the time, mandate or motivation to help teachers
learn anything.
Although sporadic efforts have been made to train supervisors, they
invariably draw upon their own experience of being supervised to
construct their practice. Historically their role has been defined by the
colonial tradition of inspection, where the inspector represented exper-
tise as well as authority. He tried to ensure that the ‘correct’ methods and
materials were being used in schools, often by identifying mistakes by
teachers and demonstrating model lessons in class. The inspector had the
authority to transfer teachers to their preferred schools, promote them, or
suspend them for negligence of duties. While many of the social practices
associated with the hierarchical relationship between teachers and
supervisors have survived, supervisors no longer feel that they represent
authority or expertise.
The report of a training workshop for supervisors (AEPAM, 1994) states
that supervisors are not able to perform their duties adequately because
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
12
administrative action against teachers cannot be taken because of political
pressure. Supervisors participating in this workshop also claimed that they
had too much paper work, no transport facilities and too many schools to
inspect, many of which were built in inappropriate locations. Furthermore,
they found the curricula overloaded and complex and asked for ‘the set
theory to be eliminated’ from the primary curriculum, most likely because
they themselves did not understand it. Evidently, supervisors find
themselves ill prepared and powerless to perform their perceived duties.
The internal supervision of a secondary school is the responsibility of
the principal or head, but primary schools have no designated internal
supervisors. However, what the principal/head of a secondary school, or
the senior teacher in charge of a primary school, can or cannot do is
determined more by local norms and the individuals themselves, than by
the official powers given to them (Farah, 1996). In their study of manage-
ment styles of head teachers, Simkins et al. (in press) found that the per-
ceptions of their roles varied a great deal among heads of government
schools. One head of a secondary school said: ‘I consider myself only as a
chowkidar (gatekeeper)’. Another stated: ‘I see my role more as an
accountant than an administrator or academic’. Yet another told the
researchers that she blocked the transfers of teachers she wanted to keep
and had others unofficially transferred to her school while they continued
to draw salaries from elsewhere, despite the fact that she had no official
powers for making teacher transfers. In his study of primary schools, Farah
(1996) found that senior teachers, or teachers ‘in charge’ of primary schools,
not only made major changes in the curriculum, such as the introduction
of English language as a subject, but also coached other teachers and raised
funds for their schools. Warwick and Reimer (1995, p. 99) also highlight
the ambiguous role of the head teacher in Pakistani primary schools:
“Their titles suggest authority — headmasters, headmistresses, head
teachers — but they usually have none. They become school heads
because they happen to be the most senior teacher in the school. If
they move to another school where they are younger than another
teacher, they will no longer be heads. Most are full-time teachers
The current context
13
who handle some administrative tasks, such as sending in attendance
records to the district education office. They rarely supervise other
teachers, help them develop greater self-confidence and better
teaching skills, or work with them in other ways ... They were not
trained to be leaders, did not see themselves as leaders and did not
act like leaders.”
The authors go on to state that in the few primary schools where they
found heads supervising other teachers, their work had a positive impact
on the achievement levels of students in Grade 5 in mathematics and
science. Using the example of Thailand, where stricter gate-keeping,
professional education and system-wide adjustments in power and resource
distribution redefined the role of the school head, the authors argue for
similar efforts to be made in Pakistan. Prouty et al. (1993), on the basis of
their research in Thailand, Burundi and Zaire, also recommend that teacher
supervision should be an explicit part of the head’s responsibility. Govinda
and Varghese’s (1993) finding that a significant number of Indian teachers
perceived heads and colleagues to be sources of professional help, would
also support this recommendation. In Pakistan, the potential of the head
as a leader in developing successful schools has been underscored by Farah
(1996) in his comparative study of ‘successful’ and ‘control’ schools,
designed to find out how rural primary schools improve. The main conclu-
sion of this study was that “critical causal factors in the process of positive
school change are a combination of (1) a competent head teacher, and (2)
a vigilant and supportive community.”
II. AN ALTERNATIVE MODEL
The deep and pervasive problems of poor teaching in Pakistani schools
are unlikely to be resolved simply by changing the supervisory system.
Nevertheless, the existence of the supervisory system offers an opportunity
to re-direct its work in support of systemic school reforms. To do this, su-
pervision in Pakistani schools needs to be re-conceptualized, keeping in
view what we now know about teacher knowledge and learning and
professional development in school settings.
The alternative supervisory model described here is an ambitious one
which may appear unfeasible in the context described above. While
acknowledging the potential problems in implementing it, this model offers
something to work towards in light of research evidence, experiences of
countries similar to Pakistan4 and recent initiatives within Pakistan, which
suggest that it is a promising alternative. The next section begins by
articulating the model’s theoretical underpinnings. This is followed by an
elaboration of the three components of the suggested supervisory system:
external supervision, inter-school supervision, and in-school supervision.
The likely challenges arising from the proposed structures are then
identified, so that they can be studied further in order to make the
realization of this model possible.
1. Theoretical underpinnings
Eraut (1995) locates the areas of teachers’ professional knowledge in
three categories, i.e. subject-matter knowledge, educational knowledge and
societal knowledge that may have overlapping or distinct subdivisions.
Other researchers may use different categories, but educators now generally
agree that teachers need to know about the following: subject-matter con-
tent, learners and their contexts, learning and learning environments, cur-
riculum and materials, and pedagogical-content knowledge which helps
4 Presentations made at a seminar, ‘Improving teacher supervision and support servicesfor basic education in Seoul, Republic of Korea’, 6-8 May 1997, organized by IIEP, UNESCO, aremy major sources of information.
15
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
them design appropriate learning experiences for their students (e.g.
Shulman, 1986; Grossman, 1990; Borko and Putnam, 1995).
Researchers have also investigated how teachers learn various aspects
of their professional knowledge. Memories and observations about their
own teachers (Lortie, 1975) and their own experiences of ‘studenting’ (Holt-
Reynolds, 1991), are still acknowledged to be deeply influential on teachers’
practice. Teachers who have not had powerful learning experiences in pre-
service programmes acquire much of their professional knowledge through
experience in their own classroom (Hargreaves and Goodson, 1996), and
through the ‘folkways of teaching’ which they encounter in schools
(Buchmann, 1987). Their experiential learning and socialization in schools
induces habitual meanings and actions in the classroom. They also begin
to see their practice not as one among a number of possibilities, but as the
only way to teach (Buchmann and Schwille, 1993). Opportunities that help
teachers to appreciate the limitations of personal experience, re-examine
their practice and offer viable alternatives are necessary for them to learn
to teach according to the changing needs of students.
Some powerful ways of providing teachers with the opportunity to
change their practice have also been identified. Action research by teachers
(Cochran-Smith and Lytle, 1993; Glickman, 1990; Hopkins, 1989),
‘mentoring’ relationships between experienced and novice teachers
(Feiman-Nemser and Parker, 1992; Little, 1993), and coaching by experts
and peers which includes cycles of scaffolded planning, demonstration,
observation and feedback (Joyce and Showers, 1982, 1988; Sparks, 1986),
are now considered fairly powerful forms of professional development.
Educational researchers have also studied the relationship between
teacher-learning and school settings. The general conclusions emerging
from these studies are:
• heads of schools play a pivotal role in teacher development (Leithwood,
et al., 1994; Chapman and Burchfield, 1994; Farah, 1996);
• teachers need support as well as pressure from colleagues and mana-
gers (Fullan, 1991, 1993; Hargreaves, 1992);16
An alternative model
• internal as well as external resources are needed by schools to sustain
teacher development efforts (Rosenholtz, 1989; Fullan, 1993);
• internal as well as external criteria and mechanisms for monitoring
progress are necessary for teachers (Hopkins et al., 1997);
• cultural norms engender resistance to change (Corbett et al., 1987);
and
• the political and social aspects of teaching need to be addressed as an
essential component of professional development programmes (Smyth,
1995; Hargreaves, 1995).
Keeping in mind the significance of and the differences in school cul-
tures, Waite (1995) developed the notion of the ‘situationally contexted
approach’ to advocate much more attention to the local culture by
supervisors. He contends that this approach can be used effectively in
multiple contexts because it allows participants in the dialogue to negotiate
goals, objectives and actions, and their meanings, within the framework of
their contexts. Sergiovanni (1992) claims that as long as teaching is viewed
as individual enterprise, then bureaucratic, psychological and technical-
rational sources of authority will be used in supervision. He advocates
instead the use of professional and moral sources of authority, but warns
that this is possible only if teaching is viewed as a collective rather than an
individual practice. Hopkins, Ainscow and West (1997) underscore the
necessity of directing supervisory efforts at the whole school rather than
at individual teachers.
2. Proposed changes and potential challenges
This section discusses the potential and the limits of an alternative model,
consisting of three tiers: external supervision, inter-school supervision and
in-school supervision. The structural and cultural adjustments to be made
and the problems and dilemmas likely to be encountered are pointed out
for each component. In conclusion, the reasons why this model, despite
its many constraints, holds great promise for the professional development
of teachers in Pakistan are presented.
17
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
(a) External supervision
In this model, external supervisors, for both primary and secondary
schools, would be responsible for supervising 20 to 25 schools. They would
have three major roles to fulfil.
First, they would represent standard criteria, measures and mechanisms
for assessing the performance of various schools. This aspect of their role
would be used to pressure schools to meet the expectations of their various
stakeholders. Reactions in the media to the recent release of the ‘Third
International Maths and Science Study’ findings show, once again, that a
comparative analysis of students’ academic performance remains the most
powerful measure of the educational success of individuals, institutions
and nations. Such comparisons, it seems, can motivate decision-makers,
from the national to the school level, to give greater attention to improving
education. Even illiterate rural parents in Pakistan use their children’s ability
to read and write and pass school examinations as fundamental criteria for
assessing school quality (Farah, 1997).
While academic learning is widely acknowledged as the foremost
purpose of schooling, it is by no means the only one. The school’s influence
in socializing a child into ‘a civilized person’ is often mentioned by parents
in rural communities of Pakistan (Stromquist, 1996). What parents actually
mean by this, what schools actually do, and how they can do it better, remain
unasked questions. However, a school’s contribution to the appropriate
socialization of its students is obviously an important criterion for judging
its success. Other practices, generally associated with ‘good schools’, once
their significance is established, can be investigated further and used as
criteria for assessing schools.
Once the common criteria and performance indicators have been
selected, and information systems have been set up, supervisors would be
responsible for assessing schools on a regular basis and processing the in-
formation with the help of the district office of the Education Manage-
ment Information System. Instead of processing only enrolment data as at
present, this office would process information about school performance,
18
An alternative model
enabling the supervisor to present it to parents and teachers, heads and
other education officers, researchers and politicians.
The second role of the external supervisors would be to introduce new
instructional strategies, learning materials or management approaches into
the whole school. They would introduce innovations such as the integrated
primary curriculum, the teaching kit and the formation of parent-teacher
associations. The supervisors would provide the professional support that
teachers and heads of the school need for trying out new ideas in schools
and classrooms. This support might be offered in the form of
demonstrations, facilitation of action research, workshops or other activities
negotiated among teachers, heads and supervisors. The role of the
supervisors would be to act as guides and mentors, especially to the head
of the school. Whether they worked with groups of teachers or with
individuals, their purpose would be to support the school, rather than
individual teachers, as a unit. Moreover, the head would be actively involved
in this effort.
The third major task of the external supervisor would be to
systematically document and communicate schools’ needs for external as-
sistance to appropriate agencies. A joint analysis of the supervisor’s previous
report by all the stakeholders could form the basis of requests for external
assistance. Other specific needs may be identified by students, parents,
teachers and heads or by the supervisors themselves, but they would be
communicated directly by the external supervisors to those who could
respond to them.
The implementation of this model would require undertaking some
additional research, strengthening the information management systems
and identifying appropriate measures for recruitment and training of
supervisors.
In several, especially developed, countries, research has been
undertaken to develop performance indicators for schools and tools for
measuring these. These results will need to be adapted to the Pakistani
19
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
context. Supervisors could play a role in this regard, in collaboration with
universities, the Department of Education, non-governmental agencies and
individual consultants. Others’ experiences, for example, studies from South
Asian countries that have a similar education system, would also be useful
to help clarify what is possible and worthwhile to assess.
Several related measures would be needed to prepare external
supervisors to undertake the kind of work described above. First, a more
stringent gate-keeping system would be needed for their recruitment. This
implies an unwavering application of the existing rules. Evidence of good
performance as a head, and prior teaching experience at the school level
at which the supervisor will be operating, would be criteria for candidacy.
Given that the positions of supervisors would be fewer and more visible,
the entry and performance requirements more demanding, and fewer peo-
ple would have the power to influence recruitment at this higher level, the
scale of malpractice in their appointments is likely to be less than for that
of teachers.
The above measures would require some additional resources, new
institutional arrangements and a structural reorganization. However, the
most challenging of all will be the cultural adjustments to be made by
everyone involved. The change of supervisory focus from isolated ins-
tances of teacher’s practice to processes of teacher learning, from
individual teachers to whole schools, and from administrative to
developmental matters will need to be carefully prepared. External
supervisors will indeed be asked not just to evaluate schools but also to
take responsibility for their development. This may prove too difficult to
accomplish in the face of habits of meaning and action (Buchmann and
Schwille, 1993).
Some supervisors may protest against the more stringent requirements
for their appointment, although their status as a group should increase.
They may resent the additional demands of their new job descriptions and
the loss of power over individual heads and teachers. Heads and teachers,
on the other hand, may resist providing vital information to supervisors,
20
The current context
who typically represent power and authority. They might feel too vulnerable
to expose gaps in their own knowledge and skills. The anticipation of these
problems, efforts to understand them better and measures to minimize their
negative impact would be needed to make the model work. Most
importantly, a continuous and coherent staff development programme,
combining quality induction training with regular in-service opportunities,
would be very useful. Such training should involve teachers, head teachers
and supervisors as a group, rather than supervisors as individuals.
(b) Inter-school supervision
This model proposes that all rural and urban schools be grouped into
school clusters. Each school cluster would consist of about five primary or
secondary schools within a defined perimeter. In addition, each primary
school cluster would have a special relationship with at least one secondary
school. The purpose of this arrangement is to facilitate the development
and use of resources for inter-school supervision. Its most innovative feature
would be the creation of a special cadre of supervisory teachers, who would
combine ‘situationally contexted’ supervision (Waite, 1995) in
neighbouring schools with regular teaching in their own school, albeit with
a reduced load.
The supervisory teachers would assist the external supervisors in tasks
where their special strengths were needed. Their participation in action
research initiated by external supervisors would help to establish local stan-
dards that students and teachers in similar schools may reasonably be
expected to work towards. By trying out new ideas, brought to them by
the external supervisors, they would test their feasibility in the local context.
Their knowledge of local children’s needs and capacities, parents’ aspira-
tions, teachers’ competencies and concerns, and availability of human and
material resources in the schools, would guide the external supervisor’s
decisions about what to expect from and what support to provide to
particular school clusters.
The supervisory teachers would demonstrate ‘good teaching’, establish
‘mentoring’ relationships with teachers in neighbouring schools, and share
21
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
information, materials and experiences with them. They would visit
neighbouring schools, perhaps one day a week, in order to support study
groups, action research projects, development of learning materials, or cy-
cles of planning and coaching for classroom instruction. They would be
available for consultation in ways that the peripatetic external supervisors
would not. Their relatively greater accessibility, familiarity with local con-
ditions and relevant classroom experience would make them, potentially,
a very important resource for teachers working in neighbouring schools.
In secondary schools the nature of instructional supervision is
constrained by the subject specialization of the supervisor. Supervisors who
have been teachers of languages cannot assess the students’ performance
in mathematics, nor offer teachers of mathematics the kind of professional
support they need. Assigning some supervisory tasks across schools to
competent subject teachers, instead of employing external supervisors for
each of these subjects, makes educational as well as financial sense. The
supervisory teachers would combine their teaching and supervisory
responsibilities in a manner similar to that of heads of departments in large
private secondary schools, but instead of confining their supervisory tasks
to only one school, they would supervise teachers of their subject in a cluster
of schools.
Since secondary-school teachers generally have higher levels of
education, they are likely to have a better understanding of some of the
content of school subjects than their primary school colleagues.
Supervisory teachers in secondary schools would help teachers of primary
schools with whom they have a special relationship learn subject-matter
content.
Similarly, primary supervisory teachers with particular strengths in
various aspects of teaching, such as maintaining a high level of student
attendance, or effectively organizing multi-grade classrooms, or ensuring
that all of their students can read and write to a high standard, would help
other teachers in their cluster learn from their experience.
22
An alternative model
Teachers aspiring to supervisory teacher positions would take qualifying
examinations and then be interviewed and observed by a panel of educators
(which would include subject specialists for secondary school appoint-
ments). Following that, the candidates would go through a rigorous trai-
ning programme to prepare them for their new roles. Upon qualification
they would be given appropriate titles, as well as additional facilities and
remuneration. A higher position in the school hierarchy, indicated by the
special title, would be necessary for the supervisory teachers to have some
credibility. The additional facilities would enable them to travel and
purchase stationery, books and other materials. The additional
remuneration would provide the incentive for them to take on additional
responsibilities.
The creation of new positions associated with special ‘expertise’ and
the provision of higher remuneration will not be easy in a context where
all teachers typically have the same responsibilities and rewards. At present,
in Pakistani schools, increments in salary are earned only on the basis of
long service. Even the ‘unofficial’ positions of heads of departments in
some government secondary schools are routinely assigned to teachers
with the longest teaching experience. While some people may see the
elevation of particularly successful teachers to supervisory positions as
the creation of a career ladder for teachers, others may see it as a source of
friction among colleagues who previously had no reason to compete with
each other (Little, 1987).
Part-time supervisors loyal to one school may not be keen to support
teachers in other schools if they see them as competitors. The inevitable
comparison between schools when they are formally assessed by the
external supervisors may put pressure on the supervisory teachers not to
invest time and energy in the development of teachers other than those
who work in their own schools. An evident solution lies in comparisons
between school clusters rather than schools. This would motivate school
staff within the same cluster to work together. However, even in such a
scenario, or where supervisory teachers from a secondary school work
23
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
with primary-school teachers, there will be competing demands made on
their time and energy. Balancing the work of teaching and supervision,
especially when there may be different psychological, social and financial
rewards associated with one or the other, may prove to be difficult for the
teacher-supervisor.
(c) In-school supervision
According to this model, school heads would become institutional lea-
ders in the fuller sense of the term. They would be as responsible for teacher-
learning as much as student-learning in their schools. Heads of schools very
often do some classroom teaching. In the new supervisory system, they
would also undertake teacher education as part of their role. They would
be responsible for creating the opportunities for teachers to undertake
joint planning, to observe each other’s lessons, and to visit neighbouring
schools for workshops offered by supervisory teachers.
The heads would also play a leadership role in extending teachers’
professional horizons beyond their own classrooms. The pursuit of goals
such as increasing girls’ enrolment, raising funds to buy textbooks, or
promoting water conservation in the village may also be a legitimate part
of their professional activities. They would do this work through individual
and group meetings, workshops, projects, study groups, coaching and
teamwork. Although they themselves may not always be a direct source of
help to teachers, they would be responsible for enlisting appropriate sup-
port from others, within and outside their school. They would be expected
to establish networks with local communities, supervisory teachers in the
cluster to which the school belongs and other accessible individuals and
institutions, for the exchange of ideas, information or resources. Having
identified sources of help, they would also have to provide time for teachers
to make use of the available learning opportunities and help them to obtain
funds.
Heads of schools would not only support but also monitor teachers’
professional development. The data collected about their school for the
external supervisors might be used as one source of information for moni-
24
An alternative model
toring teachers’ work. In addition, they might observe teachers’ classes,
examine their plans or records of work, and periodically review their
students’ work. Like the heads of some private schools and corporate bo-
dies, they would regularly help teachers to identify areas of professional
competence needing improvement and negotiate with them the processes,
resources and assessment criteria to be used. The heads would help teachers
to make realistic plans and monitor the implementation of these plans. They
would maintain records of teachers’ performance and their development,
share them with the external supervisors and seek their advice, if needed.
Thus the head would be as accountable for teachers’ development as for
students’ development in the school.
For heads to take the responsibility of ensuring the quality of teaching
and learning in their schools, they would have to be entrusted with the
authority to make important decisions about the school. They could, for
instance, be given a role in the recruitment and discipline (reward or
punishment) of teachers. It could be argued that unless head teachers have
a voice in teacher selection and some control over them, these same teachers
would not be motivated to try to meet their expectations. Another, more
positive aspect, would be that they have some autonomy in the use of
financial resources to support teachers’ development activities. With access
to funds to allow teachers to visit neighbouring schools, or to buy stationery
for materials, heads will be able to work towards the professional
development of their teachers and thus gain in stature.
It is obvious that important changes would be required to redefine
heads’ roles in Pakistani schools. A first one concerns the legal framework.
Permanent positions of heads, which entitle the incumbents to additional
facilities and remuneration, would have to be created in primary schools.
Placing them on a higher level in the bureaucratic hierarchy would be
necessary for the teachers to feel accountable to them. The minimum
requirements for their selection may include successful experience as
supervisory teachers, and satisfactory performance in a qualifying
examination specially designed to assess their capacity for their new roles.
To become fully qualified, it might be useful for the aspiring heads to serve
25
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
a period of apprenticeship with experienced heads.
As always, the greater challenge would be to make changes in the cultu-
ral norms that define heads’ roles. Teachers, especially those working in
primary schools, might resist attempts to make them accountable to the
head. For those who do not even explain their absence from school to the
head teacher, being accountable for the quality of their teaching to someone
based in their own school would be very difficult. Education officers, such
as DEOs, will need to be made aware of the need for the change towards
greater school autonomy. At present, they exercise a great deal of power
over teachers’ appointments and transfers and are unlikely to support a
move to transfer this power to heads of schools. Heads of schools
themselves, who have typically had very little institutional responsibility,
may not want to be held accountable for the performance of students and
teachers in their schools. These different resistances will need to be
overcome. This is not impossible if there is a strong political will to make
the model work.
26
CONCLUSION
The creation of multiple levels of supervisory structures with coherent
goals but somewhat different mechanisms and foci is a distinctive feature
of this model.
• External supervisors would carry out the following: assess the per-
formance of schools and make information about them available to
other stakeholders; provide professional support to heads of schools;
and form schools’ links with ‘the outside world’, both in the form of
introducing innovations conceptualized elsewhere, and communica-
ting schools’ needs to institutions that can respond to them.
• Supervisory teachers would test new ideas in their classrooms and
provide ongoing, ‘situationally contexted’ support to teachers in a
cluster of schools, based on their subject-matter expertise and their
familiarity with local conditions.
• Heads of schools would provide institutional leadership, by
demanding better performance from teachers in the school and
creating an enabling environment for them to do so.
This model would address several problems inherent in the current
supervisory system in Pakistan. It would do the groundwork for developing
a system of mutual accountability by creating information and making it
available to the public and to those who can influence the development of
schools. It would help all stakeholders to focus on the outcomes in the
shape of the performance of students, teachers and schools, rather than on
the number and description of professional activities. This model has the
potential to improve the entire school, rather than individual teachers. It
provides opportunities for teachers in one school to learn from each other,
from teachers in neighbouring schools, and also from external sources. A
teacher could learn about classroom management from a colleague in the
same school, subject-matter content from a supervisory teacher, and inno-
27
Supervision for teacher development: a proposal for Pakistan
vations in the curriculum from the external supervisor. The frequency of
contact, modes of interaction and novelty of ideas in each of these arrange-
ments would vary, but collectively they could provide a rich learning
environment. The model would create a career ladder for teachers,
introduce rigour into their selection and training, and eventually develop
a larger pool of professional teachers and supervisors.
However, it is also important to foreshadow some of the factors that
may impede the realization of this model. Power conf licts among
individuals, groups and institutions would be the most difficult to deal with.
Senior officers in the education department who, along with politicians,
have controlled appointments and transfers of teachers might not want to
share this power with heads of schools. Adapting to a culture of
accountability would be another major challenge. Some teachers, heads,
supervisory teachers and external supervisors might resist attempts to make
the work of schools transparent to the public and to superior officers in
the education department. Competition among schools when they are
formally evaluated may lead to a narrow curriculum and exclusion of
academically weaker students. The higher expectations from everyone
involved may lead to a loss in confidence and low morale among some
teachers, which could make professional growth difficult. While all of these
are risks, recent initiatives in Pakistan and the experience of countries with
very similar problems provide reason for optimism.
In the North West Frontier Province (NWFP), one of the four provinces
of Pakistan, the performance of a representative sample of third and fifth
grade children from schools in all districts, has been tested in mathematics,
science and language since 1992. The results are communicated not only
to the schools, their supervisors and officers in the education department,
but also to local politicians. The information generated is also used to
prepare training materials and programmes, such as ‘How to teach fractions’
(Ahmad, 1996). The ‘Mentor Teacher Programme’ has recently been
initiated in another province, Balochistan. This programme places
experienced primary teachers, who have successfully completed an eight-
28
Conclusion
week training programme at the Institute of Educational Development, Aga
Khan University, in schools from where they serve as mentors to teachers
in their own and in neighbouring schools.
While the two examples above are from formally structured projects,
similar practices are being tried out spontaneously and informally by groups
of teachers. Farah (1996) found some such examples in his sample of
‘successful’ schools. For example, teachers in five Punjab schools were
getting together regularly to prepare their students for scholarship
examinations. Teachers from a girls’ school in NWFP were sending their
students’ examination papers to a neighbouring boys’ schools for
verification of criteria used for the marking. Another group of teachers
from a primary school in Sindh received regular support from a teacher in
a middle school when introducing the teaching of English to the school.
Changes in supervisory systems in South Asian countries with similar
histories, cultures and education systems support the suggestions made
above. Nepal has recently reorganized schools into clusters and set up
resource centres for their support services. Since 1992 heads of schools in
this country have been empowered to evaluate the performance of teachers,
make recommendations for their promotion and transfer, and to stop their
increments, if necessary. In Sri Lanka the position of Master Teacher has
been created to focus exclusively on academic supervision. In Bangladesh
the position of Assistant Thana Education Officer has been created to bring
supervision closer to schools. A careful study of initiatives such as these
would provide helpful guidelines for managing the problems associated
with the proposed supervisory model. In the final analysis, as Corbett et al.
(1987, p. 57) suggest, “Managing change, like politics, is the art of the pos-
sible.”
29
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35
IIEP publications and documents
More than 1,200 titles on all aspects of educational planning have been
published by the International Institute for Educational Planning. A
comprehensive catalogue, giving details of their availability, includes
research reports, case studies, seminar documents, training materials,
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Economics of education, costs and financing.
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Administration and management.
Curriculum development and evaluation.
Educational technology.
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Non-formal, out-of-school, adult and rural education.
Disadvantaged groups.
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The International Institute for Educational Planning (IIEP) is an internationalcentre for advanced training and research in the field of educational planning. It wasestablished by UNESCO in 1963 and is financed by UNESCO and by voluntarycontributions from Member States. In recent years the following Member States haveprovided voluntary contributions to the Institute: Denmark, Germany, Iceland, India,Ireland, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland and Venezuela.
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