tablodizacion en irlanda
TRANSCRIPT
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TabloidizationandtheIrishPressMedia
AnanalysisofhowtheIrishIndependentreactedtothe
introductionof
Irish
versions
of
British
tabloids.
AttractaM.Mooney
200364709
MastersofArtsinInternationalJournalism
UniversityofLeeds
September2008
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Acknowledgments
Manypeoplehavegreatlyhelpedmeoverthepastyear,offeringadvice,supportanddistractions.I
wouldliketoexpressmysincerethanksto:
MyriaGeorgiouforsupervisingthisdissertationsinceJune.Yourhelp,adviceandunderstanding
overthepastfewmonthswasgreatlyappreciated.Thankyou.
MichaelRowlesforreadingthediscoursesectionofthisstudy.Thankyouforyouradvice.
MyDadforeverything.Weareblessedtohavesuchafantasticfather.AndtoEmmett,Gerardand
Neasaforalwaysbeingthere.
ToRichardforallthelovelydistractions.Yournaggingpaidoff Ididfinishiteventually.
ToMarkandFiona,goodfriendsandfellowformerCSers.Thanksamillionforfindingthetimeto
proofreadthisforme.IoweyoubothafewdrinksIrishstyle!
TotheOBrienfamilyforsuchanicesendoffbeforeImovedtoLeeds.
Andfinally,thankstotherestofmyfriendsandfamilyforbeingthere,providingdistractions,
supportandunderstanding.
Dedication
Inloving
memory
of
my
mother
Deirdre
Kennedy
Mooney,
my
aunt
Nuala
Kennedy
O
Brien
and
my
grandmothersKathleenMooneyandMollyKennedy.Iamluckytohaveknownsuchstrongwomen
Imissyouall.RIP.
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Abstract
Theunderlyingtheoreticalassumptionof thisstudy is that tabloidization is the resultofamplified
marketpressuressuchasincreasedcompetition.Thesemarketpressuresdictatethatanewspapers
content, layout and tone must appeal to the widest market possible in order to retain and gain
readersandadvertisers(McNair,2001).ThisstudyexaminestabloidizationintheIrishpress,priorto
and following the introduction of Irish versions of British tabloids. Using the conceptual lens of
tabloidizationandtheframeworkofMcLachlanandGolding(2000),thisresearchpresentsacontent
analysis of the Irish Independent during a one week period in the years 1986, 1996 and 2006.
Discourseanalysisisfurtherutilisedtosupporttheresultsofthecontentanalysis.
Thefindings
demonstrate
that
over
the
period
of
analysis
the
Irish
Independent
has
become
more
tabloidised in its range of topics, layout and use of language. However, there was no significant
increaseinpresentingthemainactorofeacharticleintermsofhis/herprivatelife.Theresultsalso
indicatethattheextentoftabloidizationvariedovertheperiodofanalysis,with1996showingless
markersoftabloidizationcomparedto1986and2006.Thissuggeststhatthenewspapermayhave
reacteddifferentlytotheintroductionofthetabloidIrishSunin1996,comparedtothemidmarket
IrishDailyMailin2006.Inconclusion,theresultsindicatethatmarketpressuresdoresultinchanges
to a newspapers content, layout and tone, though these changes may not necessarily be in the
directionoftabloidization.
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Contents
Acknowledgements 1Abstract 2
Contents 3
1.0 Introduction 42.0 Literaturereview
2.1Tabloidization 7
2.1.1Definingtabloid 72.1.2Tabloidizationandthetabloidizationprocess 82.1.3ThePublicSphere,DemocracyandTabloidization 11
2.2 IrishMediaSphere 132.3 Literaturereviewconclusions 15
3.0 Methodology3.1 Aims,objectivesandresearchquestions 16
3.1.1
Aims
16
3.1.2 Objectives 163.1.3 ResearchQuestions 16
3.1.1.1 Topics 163.1.1.2 Languageandtones 163.1.1.3 Style 17
3.2 Researchmethods 173.2.1 Contentanalysis 17
3.2.1.1. Populationandsample 18
3.2.1.2 Theframework 193.2.1.3 Unitsofanalysis:designingthecodebook 203.2.1.4 Thepilotstudy 203.2.1.5 Conductingtheresearch 20
3.3 CriticalDiscourseAnalysis 213.4 EvaluationofMethodsandlimitations 22
4.0 FindingsandDiscussion4.1 ContentAnalysis 24
4.1.1 Rangechangetothecontent 244.1.1.1Discussionofresultsrange 27
4.1.2 Form 284.1.2.1Discussionofresultsform 32
4.1.3 Style(modeofaddress) 324.1.3.1Discussionofresultsstyle 34
4.1.4 ContentAnalysisConclusion 344.2 Discourseanalysis
4.2.1 PresentingPolitics 354.2.2 Depictingusandthem 384.2.3 CrimeandPunishment 394.2.4 Discourseanalysisconclusion 41
5.0 Conclusions 426.0 Bibliography 44Appendices 50
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Introduction
The concept of tabloidization,oftendescribed as the dumbing down of news (McNair, 2001:44),
hasbeenheavilydissectedanddebatedrecently(BiressiandNunn,2008;SparksandTulloch,2000).
It isarguedthattabloidizationtrendshaveresulted inserious,objectivejournalismbeingreplaced
with a cultural form which is less about serious issues of concern and instead focuses on
entertaining,therebyappealingtoamassmarket(Brookes,2000).RespectedreporterssuchasJohn
Pilgercontendthatagenerationofjournalistsnowexistswhobelieveracism,sexism,voyeurism,the
ridiculingofpeopleand fabricationsarewhat thepublicwant (1991).At theheartofthisdebate,
criticssuggest thatthesubsequentdearthofserious,accurate information,deemednecessary for
citizenstomakedecisionsofimportance,isdamagingthepublicspherebycausingageneralapathy
topoliticalandsocialissues(McNair,2001).
Sincethelate1980s,theindigenousIrishnewspaperindustryhasexpressedconcernovertheimpact
of freely available British newspapers, and British tabloids in particular (Horgan, 2001). The total
salesofBritishnewspapershaveincreasedsubstantiallyduringthepasttwentyyears,withtabloids
suchastheDailySunshowingthegreatest increase (KellyandTruetzschler,1997).Britishtabloids
have further amplified their presence in Ireland by providing Irish editions of their newspapers.
These have become progressively more popular, adding further competition to an already
competitive
newspaper
marketplace,
ensuring
that
the
indigenous
newspapers
are
under
increased
pressuretoretain,and increase,theirreadership.Althoughthe Irishpresstraditionally focusedon
seriousjournalism, over the last twenty years Irish newspapers have been accused of becoming
similartoBritishtabloids(London,2007). It iscommonlybelievedthatthemoral,seriousethicsof
Irishjournalismareslippingaway,andinsteadanewtypeofjournalismisreplacingthehardnewsof
the past with a type of news that focuses on sensationalism and entertainment (Seanad Eireann,
1995).NewspapersasrespectedastheWashingtonTimeshavesuggestedthatIrelandhasbecome
a vulgarized version of its British counterpart, where entertainment personalities are taken as
seriouslyaspublicpolicyspokesmen(London,2007).
The role newspapers play in providing information is well recognised. While many countries have
seenadecreaseinnewspaperreadership,withpeopleturningtotelevisiontokeeptheminformed,
newspaperreadershipisstillhighinIreland(NationalNewspapersofIreland,2008).Thisstudyaims
toexaminewhethertheintroductionofIrishversionsofBritishtabloids,especially theIrishSunand
IrishDailyMail,have resulted in the indigenous press moving away from weighty news stories of
politics
and
economics,
to
lighthearted
topics
of
celebrity
news
and
other
staple
topics
of
the
tabloidagenda.Ithasbeensuggestedthatevenorganisationswherecommercialmarketcriteriado
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notapply,suchastheBBC,havehadtosuccumbtoacertainamountof infotainmentbecausethe
publichascometoexpectit(McNair,2001).Therefore,itcouldbearguedthatthesechangesshould
beamplifiedinthecompetitive,commercial,Irishmarket.
It
is
maintained
that
the
increasing
presence
and
popularity
of
the
British
morning
tabloids
has
affectedtheIndependentGroup(nowIndependentNewsMedia)and itsflagshipIrishIndependent
(Horgan, 2001), in particular. Unlike many broadsheets, such as the IrishTimes, who target ABC1
readersinparticular,theIrishIndependenthasalwaysattractedreadersfromabroadrangeofsocial
demographics (JNRS,2008). The introductionof Irish editionsofBritish tabloids ensured that Irish
readershadafargreaterchoiceofnewspapers,especiallytabloidormidmarketnewspaperswhich
arenottraditionallytargetedatreadersfromtheABC1demographic.Thiswould indicatethatthe
BritishtabloidsweremorelikelytoimpactontheIrishIndependent,ratherthannewspaperssuchas
theIrishTimes.
The presence of the UK tabloids and the introduction of Irish versions of them have resulted in
heateddebatesabouttheireffectontheIrishnewssphere.However,whilethishasbeendiscussed
bymanypeople,organisationsandpublicbodies,therehasbeenlittleacademicresearchcarriedout
on the actual effect of UK tabloids on Irish newspaper content. It has been suggested that
tabloidizationofthepresstrivialisesserious issues,marginalises important information,and leads
tomass
apathy
and
cynicism
(McNair,
2001:44).
With
possible
consequences
such
as
these,
it
is
necessarytoseeifUKtabloidvalueshaveimpactedontheIrishpress.
AsthemostpopulardailynewspaperinIreland(JointNationalReadershipSurvey(JNRS),2008),the
news provided by the Irish Independent plays a key informational role. This study will examine
tabloidization, focusing on the content, style and language in the Irish Independent, prior to and
followingthe introductionsof IrishversionsoftheSunandtheDailyMail.Whilenewspapershave
addednumeroussupplementsdedicatedtolifestyle,sportsandothersoftnewsitems,thisstudywill
notanalysetheseastheyclearlyfallunderaseparateaseparatebannertonews.Insteadoneweek
of the newspapers home or main news in the years 1986, 1996 and 2006 will be examined by
conductingacontentanalysis,accompaniedbysupportingdiscourseanalysis.
This research will look at how a rapidly changing market reacts to globalisation of the media
industry. It will also prove valuable for investigating how media values might be exported and
challengedinanewmarket.Setoutinanumberofsections,thestudywillfirstlypresentaliterature
review
of
the
current
arguments
on
tabloidization
and
its
role
in
the
public
sphere.
The
Irish
newspapermarketwillalsobediscussedinordertodocumentthekeychangesintheindustryover
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the past twenty years. A methodology chapter will also be presented, explaining the choices of
methodology, the coding process and the benefits of content analyses. This will be followed by a
findings and discussions chapter which will outline the findings and discuss the results in detail.
Finally,conclusionsdrawnfromtheresearchwillbeoffered.
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LiteratureReview
It is argued that tabloidization should be studied with reference to the historical, cultural and
commercial factors of the market in question (Esser, 1999). Therefore, this literature review will
discuss the Irish newspaper market, as well as detailing tabloidization, its causes and effects.
AlthoughtherehavebeennoacademicstudiesoftabloidizationintheIrishpresstodate,thebroad
range of literature on tabloids and tabloid culture, and the limited number of academic work
availableontheIrishmediaprovidethebasisforthisliteraturereview.
2.1Tabloidization
Itiscommonlyacceptedthatastabloidshavechangedandalteredovertheyears(Rooney,2000),so
toohavebroadsheets(McLachlanandGolding,2000).Criticshavearguedthatthefrontierbetween
qualityand
popular
papers
has
virtually
disappeared
in
the
UK
since
the
1980s,
with
broadsheets
adopting more tabloidlike styles (Sampson, 1996). This assumption that the news media are
becoming more tabloidlike has generated much debate, with academics regularly analysing the
characteristics of changes found in the quality, quantity and the diversity of news products
(McLachlanandGolding,2000;BiressiandNunn,2008).Thisprocessispredominantlyreferredtoas
tabloidization.
Esser(1999)
has
argued
that
tabloidization
can
be
understood
at
both
amicro
and
macro
level.
On
amicrolevel,tabloidizationcanbeseenasamediaphenomenonthat involvestheamendmentof
media formats because of commercial requirements and reader preferences (ibid.). On a macro
level, it is a social phenomenon instigating and symbolizing major changes in society (Esser,
1999:293).Thefollowingsectionwilllookattabloidizationinrelationtothecauseandprocessesof
tabloidization(microlevel)anditseffectonthepublicsphere(macrolevel).
2.1.1Definingtabloid
The concept of tabloidization forms the foundation of this research. However, tabloidization is
difficult to define, not least due to the complexity in defining what a tabloid is. Nevertheless, in
order to understand tabloidization, it will be necessary to first provide an awareness of what a
tabloidis.
Thewordtabloidisoftenused invaryingcontexts.Forexample,tabloid isusedtorefertothesize
andshapeofanewspaper.However,asSparks (2000)notes,notall tabloidsizednewspapersare
tabloidin
the
pejorative
sense
of
the
word.
For
example,
although
tabloid
in
size,
Le
Monde
and
the
Timesareseentobetheveryoppositeintermsofcontentordesign.Thewordtabloidisalsousedin
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discussionsabouttelevisionandradio(BiressiandNunn,2008).Therefore,whiletheuseoftheword
tabloidintermsofsizeandshapeisuseful,especiallyincaseswhereanewspaperhasattemptedto
make itself more accessible to its readers by altering its layout or shape, it does not provide an
unmistakabledefinitionofatabloid.
Tabloid is also used to describe content and language. It is argued that tabloids devote relatively
little attention to politics and economics, instead focusing on sports, scandal and popular
entertainment (Spark, 2000).Similarly, tabloid is used todescribe acertain type of writing,which
tendstobecasual,conciseandsensationalistinbothtoneandlanguage(Conboy,2006).Incontrast
to this, the broadsheet media focus heavily on informing the public, using serious language and
tones(McLachlanandGolding,2000).
Tabloidsarealsocountryspecific.Forinstance,inthehighlycompetitiveBritishnewspapermarket,
tabloids, while focusing on celebrities and infotainment, also include serious news, even if it is
presented in a concise manner (Uribe and Gunter, 2004). In contrast, in the uncompetitive
newspapermarketintheUSA,tabloidstendtoshunnewsinthetraditionalsenseoftheword(Bird,
2008). Similarly, while the UK has three newspaper categories serious, midmarket and tabloid,
Ireland,withitshistoryofbroadsheetjournalism,tendstoclassifynewspapersaseitherbroadsheet
or tabloid (Horgan, 2001). This ensures that midmarket newspapers, such as theDailyMail, are
describedas
tabloids
in
Ireland.
As documented above, it is difficult to define tabloid. Although the word is used to refer to size,
style,contentandlanguage,individuallythesedefiningfactorsdonotprovideacompletedefinition.
Instead, it could be argued that the definition of tabloid, and therefore tabloidization, is country
specific,dependentonculturalandeconomicfactorsofthemediamarket.
2.1.2Tabloidizationandthetabloidizationprocess
Likethewordtabloid,thereisnospecificmeaningfortabloidization.Althoughthetermwasinitially
used to describe a decrease injournalistic standards, it is now regularly applied to all types of
popularmediacontentincludingrealityTV,talkshows,celebritymagazinesandevendocumentary
(BiressiandNunn,2008).Inrelationtojournalism,moststudiesdefinetabloidization intermsofa
decreaseinhardnews,anincreaseinsoftnewsandanemphasisontheprivatelivesofbothregular
andfamouspeople(Sparks,2000).Otherstudiesontabloidizationhaveincludedelementssuchasa
feminisationofcontent(Pantti,2005),changesinjournalisticbehaviour(Esser,1999)andadynamic
layout(Schonbach,
2000).
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It isarguedthattabloidizationcausesashift intheboundaryofjournalism,resulting intheserious
pressormediamovingtowardstabloidcontentandvalues (Spark,2000).Asnoted,tabloids focus
much of their attention on the personal and private lives of both celebrities and ordinary people
(Bird, 2008). Serious political, economic and social issues that lack a sensationalist element are
relegated
to
small
updates,
or
even
avoided
completely
(Sparks,
2000).
Tabloidization
results
in
a
greater number of infotainment and soft news stories found in the serious press. According to
Franklin (1997:45), thenewsmedia have increasinglybecomepartof theentertainment industry
insteadofprovidingaforumforinformeddebateofkeyissuesofpublicconcern.Forexample,the
divorce proceedings of Sir Paul McCartney and Heather Mills were widely covered by both the
tabloidandseriouspress(cf.Addley,2008andFlynnetal,2008).Thisshifttowardsentertainment
and soft news has been described as newszak news converted into entertainment (Franklin,
1997:5).
Howevertabloidization,intermsofashiftintheboundariesofjournalism,isnotsimplylimitedtoa
decrease in serious news and an increase of soft news. Tabloidization may also result in
decontextualisation and personalisation (Bird, 2000). In their study on UK tabloids and climate
change, Boykoff and Mansfield (2008) highlight how tabloids frequently report climate change
inaccurately, choosing what to report withoutprovidingcontext.For example, the introductionof
carbontaxeswasreportedintheDailyMailasBrownpreparestoputuptaxonpetrol(inBoykoff
andMansfield,
2008:
3).
The
study
highlighted
the
marked
difference
between
newspaper
reports
and the scientific date available, with all tabloid newspapers reporting the scientific data
inaccuratelyorwithoutthenecessarycontext forreaderstounderstand thedata (ibid.).Similarly,
both Bird (2000) and Calabrese (2000) have noted how tabloidised articles often focus on an
individualandprovidelimitedcontext,whichisessentialforreaderstodevelopanunderstandingof
thesituationathand.
It is argued that the priorities ofjournalism also alter during the tabloidization process (Sparks,
2000). Instead of providing serious information for citizens, it is maintained that the media now
prioritise profits over their public service function (McNair, 2001). Franklin notes that broadsheet
newspapersnowcontainlessnews,especiallyinvestigativestories,foreignandpoliticalnews(1997).
Itisarguedthatthedeclineinseriousnewsreflectsanincreasinglycompetitiveandchangingmarket
place (ibid.),wheremarketprincipleshave infiltratedthepreviouslyprotected (partially,at least)
sphere of public information (McNair, 2001:44). Competition among news media has increased,
with ownership becoming more concentrated and media conglomerates amplifying in size and
power.Market
pressures
dictate
that
newspapers
focus
on
profitable
stories
which
draw
readers
and,therefore,advertisers,andcanbecollectedas inexpensivelyaspossible (Sampson,1996).As
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investigatory and foreign news is expensive to collect, newspapers have reassigned their focus to
cheaperoptionssuchasentertainment,lifestyleandcolumnists(Franklin,1997),whichdrawhigher
advertisingrevenue(Sampson,1996).Therehasbeenarefinementofacommercialisedjournalism
which prioritises the desires of advertisers to reach large audiences above all other concerns
(Conboy,
2006:207).
In
fact,
it
is
argued
that
tabloidization
is
primarily
the
results
of
a
commercial
media,increasedcompetitionandtheneedtoattractadvertisers(Esser,1999).
Tabloidizationalsodescribesshiftsintheboundariesoftastewithinmediaforms(Sparks,2000).The
purpose of tabloidized news is less to inform than to elicit sympathy a collective Oh how
dreadfulfromthereadership(Franklin,1997:8).Itisarguedthatnewsreportsexploitpersonal
tragedies,suchasatragicdeathofachild,forpublicspectacle,appealingtoourmorbidcuriosities
(ibid.).Similarly,recenttrendshaveresultedinagenreofmediacontentwherepeopleconfesstheir
deeply personal, and often complex, problems and are offered advice by unqualified or non
accreditedpeople.Inthissense,tabloidizationcanbeseenasatypeoffeminisation(Pantti,2005).
Livingstone and Lunt (1994 in Pantti, 2005) note this confessional media culture could weaken
patriarchal authority, allowing the individual and his/her experiences to be valued as valid
information. However, this confessional culture is a particularly contentious feature of
tabloidization,condemnedas trivialorevendegrading (Aldridge, 2001). It isargued thatalthough
thisnewemotionalitymayoffertemporaryandcomfortingcommunitiesoffeeling,itdoesnotlead
tocollective
political
participation
and
moral
action
(Pantti,
2005:374).
Whilemuchofthedebateontabloidizationfocusesonchangestocontent,Franklinhasarguedthat
recent trends in newspapers have resulted in the growth of broadloids (1997:7). These are
broadsheet newspapers that appear to resemble tabloids in terms of style and layout, as well as
content (ibid.). Tabloid staples such as banner headlines, alliteration and the use of puns have
becomecommonfeaturesofseriousnewspapers(ibid.).Similarlymanytraditionalnewspapershave
increasedtheirfontsizeandnumberofpictures,andfeaturelesstext,shorterwords,biggerpictures
and colour pictures (ibid.). These new dynamic layouts and style changes can be considered a
featureoftabloidization(Schonbach,2000).
Tabloidization results in a broadsheet newspapers news agenda moving closer to that of the
tabloids,withanincreaseinvisualmaterial,ashorteningofarticles,changestoeditorialcopyanda
move away fromhardnews reporting towards softer items, featuresand columns (Sparks, 2000).
Therefore, tabloidization could be described as an increased emphasis on entertaining, using
emotive
content,
a
dynamic
layout,
increased
visuals
and
simple,
easyto
consume
articles
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(Schonbach, 2000). However,cultural,historical and market pressuresalso need tobe considered
whenexaminingtabloidization(Esser,1999).
2.1.3ThePublicSphere,DemocracyandTabloidization.
As
noted,
studies
have
shown
that
the
tabloidization
process
has
resulted
in
the
serious
media
moving towards the news values of tabloids (McLachlan and Golding, 2000). However, despite
denunciationoftabloids,theextentandexactnatureofthesechangeshasbeendisputedbycertain
writers (Stothard (1997) in Aldridge, 2001; Sparks, 2000). Others have questioned whether these
changes have possible damaging consequences for society (Brants, 1998), leading to suggestions
thattabloidizationdamagesthepublicspherebytransformingjournalisticculturefromasourceof
mass enlightenment and civic empowerment to a cause of mass pacification and intellectual
degeneration(McNair,2001:45).
Ataprimarylevelthefunctionofnewsistoprovideuswithanongoingnarrativeabouttheworld.
From a modernist perspective, the media plays an important role in the democratic process,
providing informationforcitizensnecessarytoformulatejudgementsandmakeinformeddecisions
(ibid.).Infact,mostpeopleinmoderndemocraciesreceivetheirnewsthroughthemassmedia,with
the media acting as both an input and output of the political system (Klein, 2000). The media
accomplishtheirinputfunctionbypublishingfactsandopinionsofsocialrelevance,indicatinghow
thepublic
feels
about
problems,
people
and
decisions,
while
their
output
role
is
fulfilled
by
providing
thepublicwith informationaboutdecisions,politicalandsocialprocessesand thepoliticalsystem
(ibid).Thiscreatesamediatedpublicsphere,aplacewherethepubliccanaccesssocietaldialogues
(Dahlgren, 1995). The result is a mediated publicness, a public life marked by a much higher
degreeofvisibility(rnebringandJnsson,2008:25).
Tabloidization mitigates against the public sphere, by working in opposition to the creation of
general truths, general principles, which could guide the formulation and implementation of the
necessaryregulationofsociallife(Gripsrud,1992:89).Bourdieus(1996inGripsrud,2008)critique
ofjournalism and its role in the public and cultural sphere highlights howjournalism is losing its
autonomy to economic and market principles. Instead, the public sphere becomes an arena for
spectacle,presentedmainlyasentertainment,distractingthepublicfrommattersofprincipleby
offering voyeuristic pseudoinsights into individual matters (Gripsrud, 1992: 90). Tabloidization
placestheemphasisonthesensational,thepersonalandthepersonality,ratherthanprovidingvital
information necessary for the public sphere. Without an informed citizenry, democracy is
improvisedand
at
risk
(Franklin,
1997:5).
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WhileHabermas initialclaimedtherewasonesingularpublicsphere (1989),Frasersuggeststhere
are a number of public spheres (1992). After all, there is always a central struggle for visibility,
resulting inamediatedpublicsphereconsistingofmainstreamandalternativespheres(rnebring
and Jnsson, 2008:25). It could be argued that tabloids or tabloidised newspapers act as an
alternative
sphere,
allowing
marginalised
and
non
elitist
groups
to
gain
access
and
representation
(rnebring and Jnsson, 2008). Tabloids have been credited with providing pleasures that are
particularly pertinent to those who feel barred from participating in controlling discourse of any
sort (Fiske, 1989: 116). Those in favour of tabloidjournalism argue that the traditional press
attempttoreinforceconsensusanddominanthierarchies(Fiske,1992),ensuringaninherentlyelitist
public sphere. In contrast, it has been suggested that tabloidjournalism provides an alternative
mediasphereforpublicdiscourse,wheretraditionalpoliticalreportingandcriticismofpoliticalelites
and processes can work alongside each other, thereby avoiding the deferent nature towards
traditionalauthoritythatisfrequentlyfoundinthequalitypress(rnebringandJnsson,2008).This
postmodern perspective views the particularisation of public issues as a corrective to the
universalising, impersonal, abstract modes of address and forms of information associated with
traditionalmedia(Peck,2000:233).
Under these arguments, tabloidisedjournalism is ajournalistic other. However, it is argued that
therehasalwaysbeenanother,atypeofjournalismthatappealedtoaportionofthepopulation,
nottypically
targeted
by
traditional
media
(rnebring
and
Jnsson,
2008).
This
has
ranged
from
the
pennypressofthe1800s(Gripsrud,2008)tomoderndaytabloids.
Whiletabloidsareoftenviewedwithsuspicioninsomecountries,inotherstabloidsareseenasone
ofthewaysthatnewscanberescuedfromirrelevancetothelivesofthemassofpeoplewhowould
otherwiserejectitentirely(Sparks,2000:9).However,somesuggestthatthisargumentisonlyput
forwardby thosewhoproduceandprofit from tabloidization (Gripsrud,2008).While it isclaimed
thattabloidjournalismprovidesanalternativepublicsphereforcitizens,itcouldalsobearguedthat
this alternative sphere is provided by popular journalism, rather than tabloids. The confusion
between the definitions of tabloid and popularjournalism is at the core of this issue. Popular
journalismprovidesnewsoftennecessaryforcitizens,suchas localpoliticalorhealthnews(ibid.).
Thesetypesofjournalismareeducationalandserious,butsimultaneouslynotsufficientlyhighbrow
tobelongtothequalityagenda(ibid.).Incontrast,tabloidjournalismfocusesonthesensational,the
celebrityandtheoftenunnecessary,providing limited, ifany, informationneededforparticipation
in thepublicsphere (McNair,2001).Althoughpopularjournalismmaybebeneficial for thepublic
sphere,these
arguments
demonstrate
that
tabloid
journalism
has
little
benefit
to
offer
the
society
welivein.
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2.2IrishMediaSphere
With a history of broadsheet and serious journalism, Irish tabloids, in contrast with their UK
counterparts, were a relatively late arrival to the newspaper market. TheSundayWorld was first
published in 1973, and although tabloid in format, it was, and is, recognised for its investigatory
journalism
and
its
focus
on
Irish
politics
and
issues
(Horgan,
2001).
TheoriginalnationalIrishdailytabloid,theIrishDailyStar,waslaunchedin1988andhasarelatively
high concentration of Irish news (Kevin, 2003). Although a British version of the Daily Star was
previouslyavailable in Irelandprior to 1988,acollaboration between the Independent Groupand
UnitedNewspapers(nowExpressNewspapersandthe initialpublishersoftheDailyStar) launched
anIrisheditionandincreasedthereadershipfrom47,000priorin1988(Horgan,2001)to92,000by
1999 (Audit Bureau of Circulation (ABC), 1999 in Medialive, 1999). It was one of the first hybrid
newspapersinIreland,blendinglimiteddomesticallygeneratedcontentwithwholepagesofcontent
from the British edition (Horgan, 2001). Although this formula was initially unsuccessful, the
newspaperwasredesignedin1990,increasingitsIrishcontentandalthoughfocusingonscandal,it
avoidedthesexscandalsassociatedwiththeUKStar(ibid.).Thisdocumentedthatalthoughsome
mediavaluescouldbeexported,othershadtobechangedandaltered.Forexample,unlike inthe
UK,thenipplesoftheStarcartooncharacterwerecoveredbystarsintheIrishedition(ibid.).
However,
the
close
relationship,
in
both
proximity
and
language,
between
Ireland
and
the
UK
ensured that many Irish people, especially those in urban areas such as Dublin, were regularly
reading British newspapers. There was particular interest in the British tabloid press, especially
newspaperssuchastheMirrorandtheSun,whichhadrelativelyhighcirculationfiguresat60,000
and 30,000 each respectively in 1990 (Barrett, 2000). These newspapers operated an aggressive
marketingcampaign,includinglowcoverprices(CommissionontheNewspaperIndustry,1996).By
1995, Irishnewspapersshareof themarketdropped toa lowof69percent,adecreaseofseven
percentinfiveyears.InpartresponsetothisandtheincreasedpresenceofBritishnewspapers,the
IrishgovernmentsetupacommissionTheCommissionontheNewspaperIndustrytoexamine
the Irish newspaper sphere. However, while recognising the threat of British newspapers, the
Commission suggested that the indigenous press were also responsible for their own declining
readership(ibid.).
Although IndependentNewsMedia (INM)arepartownersoftheonly Irishdailytabloid, theStar,
the media group were also most affected by the increasing presence and popularity of British
newspapers,and
especially
the
threat
of
the
tabloid
morning
newspapers
(Horgan,
2001).
While
its
flagshipnewspaper,theIrishIndependent,isthemostreaddailynewspaperinIreland(ABC,2008),
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itscirculationdecreasedbynearlyeightthousandfrom1990to1993,leadingcriticstosuggestthat
theUKtabloidswerecausingthedecline(Horgan,2001).
ThisinterestinBritishnewspapers,aswellasthedramaticgrowthoftheeconomyandthesuccess
of
the
Irish
Daily
Star,
indicated
that
there
was
a
demand
for
tabloids,
and
Irish
versions
of
them.
TheIrishSunwaslaunchedinthemid1990s,takingmostofitscontentfromitsBritishcounterpart.
UK titles increased their readershipatamarginallyhigher rate than their Irishcompetitorsduring
the 1990s, with the Irish Sun accounting for most of this growth. Its circulation figures increased
from 30,000 in 1990 with the UK import, to 103,000 by 1999 after the introduction of the Irish
edition(ABCfigures inHorgan,2001).FollowingthesuccessoftheotherBritish imports,theDaily
Mail launchedaversionofitsmidmarketnewspaperin2006.Introducedtodirectlycompetewith
the broadsheet Irish Independent, the IrishDailyMail marketed heavily and sold for substantially
lessthattheIrishIndependent(RTE,2006)
BoththeIrisheditionsoftheIrishSunandIrishDailyMailhavebeenchangedandalteredtomake
themmorepalatabletotheIrishreader.LiketheIrishStar,thesearehybridnewspapers,containing
muchofthesamecontentasthemainUKedition,ortheScottisheditioninthecaseoftheIrishSun
(BurtonandDrake,2004).HowevertheyalsoincludeIrishnewsandeditorialcontent,aswellasIrish
specific advertising. However, neither the Irish Daily Mail nor the Irish Sun are classed as Irish
newspapers.This
is
because
they
do
not
meet
the
criteria
set
by
the
Commission
on
the
Newspaper
Industry(1996);mostoftheIrishDailyMailortheIrishSuncontentisgeneratedintheUK,thereare
limitedstaffbasedinIrelandandmuchofthenewsdoesnotconcernIrishissues.
TheeditoriallinealsodiffersbetweentheBritishandIrisheditions.Inthepast,theBritisheditionof
theSunhasbeendescribedasantiIrish(Searle,1989).Infact,Searle(1989:25)arguesthattheSun
regularly included articles, especially during the 1970s and 1980s, which caused an antiIrish
discourseinBritain.However,boththeIrishSunandIrishDailyMailseditoriallinehasbeenaltered
fortheIrishmarketandnowtendstoreplacearticlesthatcouldbeseenasantiIrishwithonesmore
acceptable to their Irish readers. For example, the film, The Wind that Shakes the Barley, was
describedasthemostproIRAfilmeverbytheSun intheUK(Greenslade,2006).Yetthe IrishSun
hailed the film as an Irish success story, praising it for giving "the Brits a tanning" (Wells, 2005).
Similarly, both versions of the Daily Mail also ran contrasting articles (Greenslade, 2006). The
newspapershaverecognisedthatsomevaluescannotbeexported.Thisisakintothelocalisationof
newspapers in Scotland which has seen the Sun and other London newspapers print Scottish
editionsto
directly
compete
with
local
Scottish
newspapers
(Williams,
2003).
Like
the
Irish
editions,
theScottisheditionsalsotakeadifferenteditoriallinetotheirLondoncounterparts(ibid.)
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British tabloids and their Irish editions now play a key role in producing news for the Irish
marketplace.TheIrishnewspapersphereisverycompetitive,with13nationalmorningnewspapers
for a country with a population of four million. McNair (2001: 44) has argued that the dumbing
down ofjournalism is a consequence primarily of increased commercial pressures. Under this
argument,
when
the
importance
of
hard
news
was
the
general
consensus
in
the
Irish
press,
it
was
much easier for the newspapers to apply higher standards of news values. The increased market
pressuresmayhaveresultedinatabloidization.
2.3Conclusion
Thisliteraturereviewhighlightsthattabloidizationdescribesareductioninhardnews,anincreasein
soft news, a dynamic layout, sensationalist language and an emphasis on the individual (Sparks,
2000).Theprocessistheresultofincreasedmarketpressuresandcanimpactdifferentlyonvarying
mediamarkets(Esser,1999).Consequently,itcouldbesuggestedthattheIrishnewspapermarket,
withitshighdegreeofcompetition,isparticularlyvulnerabletotabloidization.
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Methodology
3.1Aims,ObjectivesandResearchQuestions
Thestudydrewonthehypothesisthat increasedmarketpressures, intheformof Irishversionsof
Britishtabloids,havecausedatabloidizationoftheIrishIndependentsmainnewssectionduringthe
period1986to2006.Anumberofaims,objectivesandresearchquestionswereformulatedtoallow
anexaminationofthishypothesis.
3.1.1Aims
Theaimsofthisstudyare:
1. Toexaminetheconceptoftabloidizationandtofurtheraddtoexistingresearch2. To discover if there has been a tabloidization of the Irish indigenous press due to the
introductionof
Irish
editions
of
UK
tabloids.
3.1.2Objectives
Toensurethattheaimsarerealised,itwasnecessarytoformuatethefollowingobjectives:
1. Toapply theconceptof tabloidization toan Irishnewspapersnewscontentbyexaminingtheemphasisplacedon hardnewsand softnewsprior toandafterthe introductionof
IrisheditionsofUKtabloids.
2. Toexaminethestyleandlayoutofthenewspaperanddocumentifthishastabloidisedovertheperiodofanalysis.
3. ToexamineifthelanguageandtoneintheIrishIndependenthastabloidised,especiallyaftertheintroductionofIrishversionsofBritishtabloids.
3.1.3ResearchQuestions
Anumberofquestionswerederivedfromtheaimsandobjectives.
3.1.3.1Topics
Isthereanincreaseintopicsorcontenttypicallyfoundintabloidnewspapers?
Isthereanincreaseinthenumberofarticleswrittenaboutcelebritiesorentertainment?
HastheIrishIndependentincreaseditscrimecoverageovertheperiod?
Isthereanincreaseinhumanintereststories?
Hastherebeenadecreaseinseriousnews?
3.1.3.2Languageandtone.
Doesthe
Irish
Independent
use
language
typical
of
broadsheet,
mid
market
or
tabloid
newspaper,
andhasthischanged?
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Arethearticleswritteninatabloidtone?
Doesthenewspaperportraypublicpeopleintermsoftheprivateorpubliclife?
Hastherebeenanincreaseinstorieswhichfocusonscandal?
3.1.3.3
Style
Hasthelayoutbecomemoretabloidlike?
Hasthenewspaperintroducedaneasierlayout,withclearsectionheadings,etc?
Hastherebeenanincreaseinimagesorhavetheseimagesincreasedinsize?
Aregraphs,graphicsandsubheadingsusedmoreoften?
Havetheheadlineschanged?
3.2Theresearchmethods
Quantitativecontentanalysis,combinedwithsecondaryqualitativediscourseanalysis,wascarried
outtoanalysetabloidizationwithintheIrishIndependent.Theanalysiscovereda20yearperiodand
focusedonanumberofindicatorsoftabloidizationderivedfromtheliteratureresearch.
3.2.1Contentanalysis
Themain
methodology
used
in
this
study
was
content
analysis,
specifically
adapted
for
academic
communicationsstudies.Themethodenablesasystematicexaminationofthecontent inorderto
accuratelyassessthetrueextentofaphenomenon, inthiscasetabloidization,and itspotentialto
influenceorcauseharm(Traudt,2005).Usingrepresentativesamplesofcontent,codersaretrained
tousethecategoryrulesemployedtogaugeorrevealvariations incontent(Riffeetal,2005).The
data collected is then analysed to explain distinctive patterns and characteristics or to discover
significantrelationshipsamongthecontentexamined(ibid.).
Thedefinitionofquantitativecontentanalysiscanbesummedupas:
...the systematic and replicable examination of symbols of communication, which have been assigned
numeric values according to valid measurement rules and the analysis of relationships involving thosevaluesusingstatisticalmethods,todescribethecommunication,drawinconferencesaboutitsmeaning,orinferfromthecommunicationtoitscontext,bothofproductionandconsumption(Riffeetal,2005:25).
Contentanalysisinvolvesfourmainstages:
1. Identifyinganddefiningthesampleofmediatobeanalysed.2. Establishingthevariablesandcategoriesofcontent.3. Measuringtheexistenceandoccurrenceofeachofthecategorieswithinthesample.4. Interpretingtheresults.
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3.2.1.1Populationandsample.
Although the study aimed to examine tabloidization of the Irish press, it would have been very
difficulttoanalyseallnationalnewspapers inthetimeframeavailable.Therefore,boundarieswere
set to determine the parameters of the investigation. The universe was thus defined as the Irish
Independent,
analysing
a
one
week
period
(Monday
to
Friday)
in
the
years
1986,
1996
and
2006.
The Irish Independent was selected because it has the highest circulation in Ireland (JNRS, 2008),
indicatingalargeaudiencethatcouldpotentiallybeaffectedbythemessageswithinitscontent.The
years chosen offered an insight into the Irish newspaper market during three different periods.
Duringthefirstperiod,1986,the Irish Independentoperated inanewspapermarketthatwasfree
fromIrishtabloids;though,asnoted,copiesoftheBritishtabloidswereavailableinthebiggercities.
Thesecondperiod,1996,occurredafterthelaunchoftheIrishSunandthefinalperiod,November
2006,followedtheintroductionoftheIrishDailyMail,launchedindirectcompetitionwiththeIrish
Independent. Although the Daily Mail is typically classed as a midmarket newspaper, this study
classestheIrishDailyMailasatabloidinlinewiththeargumentsmadeintheliteraturereview.
A sample week was then selected from this population. In a competitive marketplace, with
newspapersdirectly targetingreaders,newspapersmaymakeuseofdefensivetacticstomaintain
readership.AstheIrishDailyMailandIrishSunwerelaunchedinthefirsthalfoftheyear,itwasfelt
thatthe
sample
should
be
taken
from
the
second
half,
allowing
the
Irish
Independent
sufficient
time
tobecomefamiliarwith itsnewoperatingenvironment. Itwashopedthatthiswouldgiveamore
accuraterepresentationof itscontent.ThesummermonthsandDecemberwereruledoutdueto
Dil1summerrecessandtheapproachingChristmasholidaysrespectivelyasitwasfeltthesefactors
coulddistort the results.A weekperiodwas thenchosen randomly from OctoberandNovember.
ThesampleweekwasthefirstfullweekofNovember(Table3.1).Itwasfeltthatthisperiodwould
provide an accurate reflection of general newspaper coverage. There was nothing deemed
significantenoughthatcouldchangethewayitscontentwouldgenerallyappear.
As the study aimed to examine the Irish news section of an edition, rather thanjust the articles,
randomsamplingwasdecidedagainst.Itisarguedthatnewspaperscanvaryvastlyfromdaytoday
duetosupplements,emphasisoncertainarease.g.sportonMondays,andnumberofpages(Riffe
et al., 1998). Therefore it was necessary to include each weekday (MondayFriday) to ensure an
accuraterepresentationofthenewspapersweeklycontent.
1Irishparliament
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Thesamplecomprisedof15newspaperissuesoftheIrishIndependent.Therecordingunits,defined
asarticlesthatfellunderthehomenewsbannerorarticlesfoundonpagesthatfocusedonhome
news, were analysed. All supplements were excluded for analysis, as were the international and
business news pages, sports, entertainment and other sections. This exclusion was applied as the
main
aim
of
study
is
to
examine
if,
and
how,
the
main
news
section
has
become
tabloidised
in
an
Irishnewspaper,ratherthanexamineifthenewspaperhasbecometabloidised.
Table3.1Sampleinstudy
Period Days Issues Week
37Nov1986 5 5 148Nov1996 5 5 1610Nov2006 5 5 1
Total 15days 15issues 3weeks
Originally,the intentionwastoalsoexaminetheIrishTimes,IrishIndependent,IrishDailyMailand
IrishSunforaoneweekperiodinApril2008.However,afterconductingapilotstudy,thelengthof
time ittooktoanalyseeachnewspaperbecameaconcern.Thiswas largelyduetothequantityof
unitstobeanalyzedwithineachnewspaperedition.Itwasdecidedtoomitthisstudyasthiswould
onlydocumenthowtabloideachnewspapercurrentlyis,ratherthandocumentingiftabloidization
has occurred. In contrast, the Irish Independent study could verify if this process has taken place
whichwouldanswertheprimaryresearchquestion.
3.2.1.2 Theframework
McLachlan and Goldings (2000) pioneering study, which carried out a quantitative analysis of
tabloidization intheBritishpressbyusingfouroperationalcharacteristics,providedanexampleof
howtostudythiscomplexarea.Thecharacteristicsarerange, form,modeofaddressandmarket
structures.
1. Range: During tabloidization, it is argued that newspapers move away from hard newstowards
softer
items
(Uribe
and
Gunter,
2004).
By
assessing
the
volume
and
prominence
of
variousareasofreporting,intermsofsubjects,itshouldbepossibletoseeiftherehasbeen
atabloidizationofrange(ibid.)
2. Form: It hasalso been suggested that tabloidization has resulted in simplified formats. Byexamining the layout, pictures, vocabulary, syntax and presentation, it will be possible to
assessifthisistakingplace(ibid.)
3. Modeofaddressorstyle:Thetabloidizationprocessresultsinthepressmovingawayfromaselfconsciouslyseriousstyleandmodeofaddresstoastyleandassumedrelationshipthatis
more casual in both tone and language (McLachlan and Golding, 2000). By assessing the
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toneofthearticleandtherepresentationofcharacters intermsofpublicorprivate life, it
willbepossibletoexamineifthestylehastabloidisedovertime.
4. Marketstructure:Tensions,suchascompetition,inthemarketplaceaffectthedistributionandproductiondecisionofmediaorganisationsandmayresult intabloidization(Uribeand
Gunter,
2004).
While
the
empirical
research
primarily
focused
with
the
first
three
factors,
it
is also necessary to take market structure into consideration during the discussion of the
results.
3.2.1.3Unitsofanalysis:designingthecodebook
Usingthefouroperational indicatorsoutlinedbyMcLachlanandGolding (2000),asetofvariables
was formulatedtomakethehypothesisofthisstudymeasurable.Theadvantageofusingexisting
measures fromanotherstudywasthatthesevariableshadalreadybeentested (Riffe,etal,2005:
92).
To facilitate themeasuringofvariables,acodebookwascreated (seeappendix2).Variableswere
operationalised furtherbydevisingcategoriesbywhich thesevariablescouldbecoded,witheach
category assigned a corresponding number where necessary. Specific coding instructions,
classificationrulesandexplanationsaccompaniedthevariables.Thesewerewrittenwiththeaimof
beingasexplicitanddetailedaspossible inorder toachieve themostaccurate,validandreliable
results.
3.2.1.4Thepilotstudy.
Apilotstudy,analysingthesamplefrom1986,wasconductedinordertotestthecodingprocedure.
Thiswasconsideredanadequatesampleasitenabledthemeasurementstobetested,providingan
opportunity to highlight any issues with the codebook that subsequently required alteration,
amendmentoraddition.Thepilotstudyshoweditwasnecessarytoextendthelistofgenres,actors
and events, and provide extra clarification in terms of how to code language and tone. The pilot
studyalso indicatedhow longeacharticlewouldtaketocode,suggestingatimeframerequiredto
conducttheresearch.
3.2.1.5Conductingtheresearch.
Thecodebookwasusedtoanalyseeacharticleaccordingto26variables.Thedatawasrecordedon
the coding sheets by hand and then inputted into the computer statistics programme SPSS
(StatisticalPackagefortheSocialSciences)forinterpretationandanalysis.
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The length of time it took to analyse each newspaper edition differed as the size and number of
articles varied over the time period. However, on average one article took approximately six
minutes,indicatingthattheanalysisofall782articlestookapproximately80hours(seeappendix3
foranexampleofhowthearticleswerecoded).
3.2.2CriticalDiscourseAnalysis
Whiletheprimarymethodofanalysis inthisstudy iscontentanalysis,secondarycriticaldiscourse
analysis was utilised to enable an understanding of if, and how, the news discourse in the Irish
Independent has tabloidised since 1986. In particular it looked at how the Irish Independent uses
languagetocreate,supportorreinforcecertaindiscourses,inparticularatabloiddiscoursewhichis
knownforitssensationalismandlackofseriousnews.
Discourse can be seen as a socially and institutionally originating ideology, encoded in language
(Fowler,1991).Foucault,oneofthemostinfluentialwritersondiscourse,arguesthatdiscoursesare
takenforgranted truths or practices that systematically form the objects of which they speak
(1972:49). Adiscourseorganisesandgivesstructuretothestyleinwhichaspecifictopic,processor
objectistalkedabout,insomuchasitprovidesdescriptions,rules,permissionsandprohibitionsof
socialandindividualactions(Kress,1985:7).
Discourse
analysisis
an
interdisciplinary
discipline,
incorporating
analysis
of
avariety
of
contexts
ranging from the cognitive practices of production and reception to the sociocultural scope of
communicationandlanguageuse(vanDijk,1988).Drawingonpoststructuralistdiscoursetheoryand
criticallinguistics,criticaldiscourseanalysisfocusesonhowknowledge,power,socialrelationsand
identityareconstructedthroughtexts,eitherwrittenorspoken(Luke,1997).
Newspapers,asaprimarysourceofwrittentext,arecreditedwithbeing influential inconstructing
or supporting societal discourses (Conboy,2008). However,news discourse canbe describedas a
practicewhich far fromneutrally reflectingsocial realitywithempirical facts intervenes inwhat is
called the socialconstructionof reality (Berger andLuckmann,1966).Although researchershave
documentedthatnewsselectionandpresentationareoftenhabitualandconventional,ratherthan
deliberate (Schlesinger, 1978), the choice of word, phrase, or sentence structure is not neutral;
instead languageactsasahighlyconstructivemediator (Fowler,1991:1).Conboy (2006:4)notes
thatthestyleanduseoflanguageinanewspaperisaneditorialstrategy,allowingareadershiptobe
targeted,amongotherthings.Underthis idea, language isusedtoenticeacertainreader,usinga
standardof
English
familiar
to
the
reader
(ibid.)
which
helps
support
discourses
generally
held
by,
or
tocreatediscoursesthatwillappealto,anewspapers(desired)readership(Fowler,1991).
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However, each texts (article's) idiosyncratic features are reconstructed and reconstituted into
distinctivereadingsby individualsaccording totheirownsubjectivity.Foucaultdefinessubjectivity
as the process through which results the constitution of the subject, or more exactly, of a
subjectivity which is obviously only one of the given possibilities of organising a consciousness of
self
(1996:472
in
Bayers,
2004:20).
Foucault
suggests
that
a
persons
subjectivity
is
shaped
because
theylivewithinaparticularsocial,politicalandculturalenvironment,assigningparticularmeaningto
texts because of theirculturalor political setting (1972).However, Bayers argues that people can
choose which discourse to take up in experiencing the world, and themselves, and position
themselvesinthosediscourses(2004:22).
Newspapersprovideadiscourseor,at least,areflectionofsocietaldiscourses.Although,disputed
by some writers, it is argued that broadsheet and tabloid newspapers have intrinsically different
news discourses (Connell, 1998:11). The newspaper a consumer reads is, therefore, a choice,
whether made consciously or subconsciously. Although readers of the Irish Independent may not
havecreatedthediscoursespresentintheirsocietyorinthenewspaper,theymakeachoicetoread
a newspaper that reinforces certain ideologies. Similarly, tabloids are credited with providing an
alternativepublicsphere,allowingreaderstoreceiveanalternativediscoursetotheoneprovidedby
thepoliticalandeconomicclasses(rnebringandJnsson,2008).Conboyhasarguedthattabloids
produce a particular discourse where nationalism, crime and celebrity play a key role, replacing
seriousissues
such
as
politics
(2006).
TheIrishIndependent,asthenewspaperwiththehighestcirculationinIreland(JNRS,2008),playsan
instrumental role in providing information to the Irish people. The critical discourse analysis
providedbythisstudyexamineshowtheIrishIndependentsnewsdiscourse,focusingon language
andsyntax,haschangedfrom1986to2006.Atotalofthirtyarticleswereselectedforexamination,
focusingonthetwomainnewsstoriesfromeachedition.Theleadstoryofthenewspaperandthe
articleonthefrontpageaccompaniedbythelargestpictureorwaslongestinlengthwereclassedas
themainstories.Thisstudy looksat the language,choiceofword,syntaxandchoiceofstories in
ordertodocumenthowlanguagecanbeusedtocreate,supportorreinforceacertaindiscourse.
3.3Evaluationofmethodsandlimitations
Asthefoundationforcontentanalysisisinscientificmethodology,ithastheadvantageofbeingable
to claim objectivity. This contrasts with qualitative methods which often rely on subjective
interpretations by the researcher. The results produced by content analysis can, therefore, be
regarded
as
more
reliable
than
qualitative
methods
(Van
Zoonen
1996:
69).
Furthermore,
using
content analysis also facilitated gathering large amounts of data, enabling a greater range of
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material tobeanalysedandconsequently improving theability togeneralise the result.However,
there are also disadvantages to content analysis. Its emphasis on manifest content prevents
researchersfromlookingbeyondexplicitwordsandimagesandthereforeimpedesadeeperlevelof
meaning,typicallygainedbyreadingbetweenthelines(ibid.).
Incontrast,thekeycontributionofdiscourseanalysisistheapplicationofcriticalthoughttosocial
situationandtheunveilingofhidden(ornotsohidden)politicswithinthesociallydominantaswell
asallotherdiscourses(Palmquist,2001).However,itshouldbenotedthatlanguageanddiscourse
arenotneutralortransparentmeansfordescribingoranalysingtheworld(Luke,1997).Discourse
analysis doesnotpresent concrete answers basedon scientific research. Therefore, the results of
discourseanalysismaybesubjectedtoanotherdeconstructedreadingandcounterinterpretations.
By utilising both qualitative and quantitative methods, it is hoped that the limitations of each
methodwerelessenedandthebenefitsofbothwerethusappliedtothestudy.However,itshould
also be noted that the researcher lacked experience in both content and discourse analysis. Even
thoughmuchstudyofbothmethodswasundertakentogainafullerunderstandingoftheirdelivery
andstructure,theauthoracknowledgesthatthedataobtainedcouldhaveadegreeoferrororbias
duetothisinexperience.
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FindingsandDiscussion
The findings in this chapter present an indication of the extent of tabloidization in the Irish
Independentthroughouttheperiodofanalysis.Thesefindingswillbediscussedbydrawingonthe
literaturereview
and
on
the
operational
characteristics
of
range,
form
and
style
(McLachlan
and
Golding,2000).ThestructureofthemediamarketinIreland,especially inrelationtheintroduction
ofBritishversionsofIrishtabloidswillalsobeconsidered.
4.1. ContentAnalysis
Although the Irish Independenthas increased insize, therehasbeenadecrease in thenumberof
articles found in the main news section of the newspaper (See Table 4.1). Of the 782 articles
analysed
in
this
study,
652
were
classed
as
news
items,
124
as
brief
updates
and
six
as
investigative
pieces.
Year 1986 1996 2006 Total
Newsstory 221 215 216 652
Investigatory 6 0 0 6
Briefupdate 50 31 43 124
Total 277 246 259 782
Table4.1
4.1.1Rangechangestothecontent
Muchofthetabloidizationcritiquehasfocusedonthe inadequatecoverageofseriousnews items
andthe increase insoftnewswhich, it isargued,occursduringthetabloidizationprocess (Sparks,
2000).Byanalysingtherangeoftopicscovered,itispossibletohighlightiftheIrishIndependenthas
tabloidised.
Takingadecrease inpoliticalnewscoverageasapossibleindicatoroftabloidization,fig.4.1shows
the average number of political news articles in the Irish Independent over the period. Although
politics was the dominant article topic throughout the period of analysis, the result shows a
reductioninpoliticalnewsstoriesofsixpercent,fromjustunder31percentin1986to24.7percent
in2006.
As noted previously, a decrease in business and economic news is also seen as a marker of
tabloidization(Sparks,2000).AlthoughtheIrishIndependenthadanindividualsectiondedicatedto
businessand
economic
news
during
the
periods
analysed,
these
topics
also
feature
in
the
main
news
section.Eachofthethreeperiodsanalysedofferanimportant,thoughvaried,economicandlabour
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market,suggestingthatthepercentageofarticlesdedicatedtothesemattersshouldbesimilar.The
countrywasstrugglingwithunemploymentandemigrationin1986;thebeginningoftheCelticTiger
wasmaking itsmark in1996,resulting in immigrationand increasedspendingpower;and in2006,
thecountrywaspreparingforaneconomicdownturn.However,whileeconomic,labour,businessor
industry
news
accounted
for
17.7
percent
of
news
stories
in
1986,
this
declined
to
11.6
percent
and
11.2percent in1996and2006respectively(seefig.4.1).Thisrepresentsadecreaseof5.5percent
duringtheperiodofanalysis.
Fig.4.1 Percentageofpolitcalandeconomicstoriesbyyear
17.7
11.6 11.2
24.7
29.331.7
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
1986 1996 2006
%ofpolitcalstories
%of
economic
articles
In contrast to the decrease in hard news, there has been a large increase in soft news. This is
particularly relevant when one considers that news items where celebrity formed the main topic
amplified
from
one
story
in
1986
to
ten
news
items
by
2006.
Although
celebrity
stories
only
accountedfor3.9percentofthenewsitemsin2006,theresultsshowanoverallincreaseincelebrity
itemsinthemainnewssectionof900percentovertheperiodofanalysis.Whilefiveoftheeleven
celebrity itemswereclassedas briefupdatesoverthetwentyyearperiod,celebrityarticleswere
alsosomeofthe largestanalysed.Forexample,anarticleentitlesKennygate:neighboursueschat
hostin1.5mlandrow(7.11.06)wasthemainarticleonpagethreeofTuesdaysIrishIndependent
in 2006. Focusing on a legal dispute between Pat Kenny, one of Irelands best known radio and
televisionpresenters,
and
his
neighbour,
the
article
and
its
accompaniments
occupied
over
three
quartersoftheeditorialspaceonthepage.Similarly,twodayslater,thenewspaperrananarticleon
British model Kate Moss (Kate redeemed asface offashion after drug shame (8.11.06)), which
occupiedhalfofpage three,withanadvertisement runningon theotherhalf.Theprominenceof
these articles is significant when one considers that page three is usually one of the first pages a
readerwillsee.
Similarly there has been an increase in entertainment stories over the periods of analysis.
Entertainmentstorieswereclassedasarticleswhichfocusedonevents includingfilmpremieresor
other entertainment staples such as television programmes. Although articles classed as
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entertainment stories may refer to celebrities or even feature them in detail, the celebrity was
presented in terms of their professional life. For example, When a kiss is more thanjust a kiss
(3.11.86)detailshowaChannelFourprogrammepresentedbyPaulaYeats is facingcensorship. In
contrast, the short front page story Britney in divorce (8.11.06) deals solely with singer Britney
Spears
personal
life.
Overall
entertainment
or
social
life
articles
increased
from
11
(four
percent
of
thetotal)in1986to32items(12.4percent)in2006.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
9085
61
49
38
20
117
1
74
1
73
3631
62
1612
15
0
15
2 0
64
21
29
60
19
32
21
10
21
2 1
1986
1996
2006
Fig.4.2
Dominant
topic
of
article
by
year.
Incontrast,human intereststorieshavestayed relativelystableandhaveevendecreasedslightly,
varying from 20 in 1986, 16 in 1996 to 19 articles in 2006. Conversely, McLachlan and Goldings
investigationintotabloidizationintheBritishpressfoundsimilarresults(2000:84).Whencombined,
human interest, entertainment and celebrity stories account for 11.6 percent of articles in 1986,
11.4percentin1996and23.6percentin2006,indicatingthatsoftnewstorieshavedoubledinthe
IrishIndependentoverthetwentyyearperiod.
Althoughcrimenewsisnotalwaysnecessarilysoftnews,forthisstudyitwasclassedunderthesoft
newscategoryinlinewiththeargumentsofUribeandGunter(2004).Therehasbeenariseincrime
articlesfrom13.7percent in1986to25.2percent in1996.This loweredslightlyto23.2percent in
2006. Although instances of crime reporting have increased by 11.5 percent during the period of
analysis,crimeratesremainlowinIreland(OConnell,2002).
Whenanalysed
together,
the
decline
in
hard
news
and
the
increase
in
soft
news
has
been
consistent
overtheperiodanalysed(seefig.4.3).WhilethedecreaseinIrishIndependentspoliticalcoveragein
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1996wasonly1.4percent,thereduction in itseconomicnewssubstantiallyalteredthefiguresfor
1996, ensuring a 6.5 percent decrease in hard news. Similarly, although the Irish Independents
human interestandcelebritynews, in reality,declined in1996,the increase in itscrime reporting
resulted in an 11.3 percent increase in soft news totals. These are similarpercentages to 2006; a
decline
in
hard
news
of
6
percent
and
an
increase
in
soft
news
of
10.1
percent
compared
to
the
sameperiodin1996.
48.4
25.3
41.9
36.6 35.9
46.7
0
10
20
30
40
50
1986 1996 2006
%of
hard
news
%ofsoftnews
Fig.4.3Percentageofhardandsoftnewsstories2
4.1.1.1Discussion
of
range
results
The literaturereviewhighlightshowchangestothecontentofamediaproductareseenasakey
defining factor of tabloidization. It is argued that the tabloidization of newspapers results in a
decrease inhardnews, inparticularpolitical,economicand internationalnews (UribeandGunter,
2004).Incontrast,softernewsitems,especiallyentertainment,celebrity,crime,showbusinessand
human interestpieces,replacetheoncestapledietofseriousnewsfound inbroadsheets (Sparks,
2000).
The Irish Independenthasshownadecrease inpoliticalnewsofsixpercent.Whencombinedwith
economicnews, therehas been a decline inhard news of 12.5percent,a sizeable percentage. In
contrastwhencombinedentertainment,celebrityandhuman intereststorieshavedoubled in the
last twenty years. This rise can be attributed to the public interest in celebrities and the
entertainmentindustry(McLachlanandGolding,2000).Whencrimenewsisincluded,softnewshas
grown by 21.5 percent during the period of analysis. Although the results do not include
2Anumberofnewsstoriesnotplacedinthehardorsoftnewscategory.Pleaseseeappendix4
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internationalnewsarticles,thereisstillasizabledifferencebetweenhardandsoftnewsitems. This
wouldindicatethattheIrishIndependenthastabloidised.
Similarly, all investigative journalism articles were found in 1986. This is in line with general
arguments
that
tabloidization
results
in
investigatory
journalism
being
replaced
by
a
newszak
type
of
journalism(Franklin,1997:8). As investigativejournalism isexpensivetocollect,newspapershave
reassignedtheirfocustocheaperoptionssuchasentertainment,lifestyleandcolumnists(ibid.).
This tabloidization of the Irish Independents content appears to have taken place in a consistent
fashion over the period analysed. Interestingly, the results appear to indicate that the Irish
IndependentreacteddifferentlytotheintroductionoftheIrishSunandtheIrishDailyMail.Afterthe
introductionofthe IrishSun in1996,the Irish Independent,asnoted, increasedthepercentageof
crime stories and decreased the number of economic stories, while keeping political and
entertainmentarticlesrelativelysimilartolevelsin1986.However,aftertheintroductionoftheIrish
DailyMailin2006,theIrishIndependentdecreaseditspoliticalcoverageandincreaseditscelebrity
andentertainmentarticles.
Asamovefromseriousorhardnewstosoftnewsisseenasamarkeroftabloidization,thefindings
presented above indicate a tabloidization of the Irish Independents news content. Since this
tabloidization
has
occurred
at
a
consistent,
though
varied,
pace,
it
could
be
argued
that
market
pressures, intheformofcompetitionfromthenewtabloids, impactedonthenewscontent inthe
Irish Independent. However, while there has been an increase in tabloid topics, it should also be
notedthattherehasalsobeendramaticchangesto Irishcultureandsocietyoverthetwentyyear
period.ThepoweroftheCatholicChurchhasreducedsignificantly,ensuringthatmanytopicswhich
weretabootwentyyearsagoarenowspokenandwrittenaboutopenly(BurtonandDrake,2004).
Theincreaseincertaintopicscouldbeattributed,atleastpartially,toachangingcountry.
4.1.2Form
Byexaminingtheuseofphotographs,graphs,headlines,subheadings,andthelengthandpositionof
articles,itwillbepossibletodistinguishiftheformintheIrishIndependenthastabloidised.
The Irish Independenthaschanged its layoutanddesignoverthepasttwentyyears, includingthe
introduction of a compact (or tabloid sized) version of the newspaper in 2004 (Guider, 2004)
although thiswasnotanalysed inthisstudy.By1996,therewereclearersectionsandanew font
styleand
size.
In
2006
all
pages,
except
the
front
page,
were
labelled
with
unambiguous
section
headingssuchasnews, internationalnews,sportandclassifieds.Thisensuredthat90.3percentof
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articles analysed in 2006were found on apage thatwassectioned asnews.The remainderwere
situatedonthefrontpage.
TherewerealsofurtherdynamicchangestotheIrishIndependentsformincludinganincreaseinthe
use
of
graphics
from
two
and
four
occurrences
in
1986
and
1996
respectively,
to
12
uses
of
graphics
in 2006. This indicates that by 2006 graphics were being used at least twice per newspaper to
accompanyastory(fig.4.4).
2
4
12
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
Useofgraphics
1986
1996
2006
Table4.2alsoshowsthattheuseof imagestoaccompanyarticlesalso increasedovertheperiod.
Photographs and images are seen as a tabloid staple and their (over) use in broadsheets is often
viewedwithsuspicion(Becker,2008:85).Thisstudyanalysedtheimagesthataccompaniedarticles
rather
than
stand
alone
images.
The
number
of
articles
accompanied
by
at
least
one
image
varied
from26percentin1986,18.7percentin1996and35.5percentin2006(fig.4.5).Thisrepresentsan
increase of nearly 10 percent over the twenty year period, and an even larger increase of 16.8
percentfrom1996to2006.
26
18.7
35.5
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
1986 1996 2006
%ofarticlesaccompaniedbyatleastoneimage
There were also changes to the size of the images used. By 2006, the use of single images
categorisedas
much
larger
than
the
article
grew
by
over
three
percent.
Similarly,
the
frequency
of
articles accompanied by more than one image grew by 9.5 percent during the analysis period,
Fig.4.5Percentageofarticlesaccompaniedbyat
leastoneimage.
Fig.4.4Useofgraphics
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though itshouldalsobenotedthattherewasadecrease inarticleswithmorethanonepicture in
1996(3.7percent).
Table4.2Useofimagesandtheirsizesbyyear
Equally,thetypeofheadlinealsochangedvastlyoverthetwentyyearperiod(fig.4.6).In1986small
headlines were most frequent, accounting for 39.7 percent of articles analysed. This changed to
medium sized headlines in 1996 (42.7 percent) and 2006 (41.7 percent). There was also a sizable
increasein
the
employment
of
very
large
and
large
headlines
in
the
period.
In
total
the
use
of
very
largeorlargeheadlinesincreasedfrom26percentin1986(22.4percentin1996)to35.5percentin
2006,anincreaseofnearly10percent.Althoughtherewasaslightdecreasein1996,theincreased
useoflargerheadlinesduringthetwentyyearperiodwouldindicatethatthenewspaperismoving
towardsamoretabloidstyle.
1411
25 70 1
4844
66
98105108 110
96
59
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
Verylarge Large largefont,5
orlesswords
Large medium
font,morethan5
words
Medium Small
Fig.4.6
Number
of
articles
with
headline
type
by
year 1986 1996 2006
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Theuseofsubheadingsalsoincreasedslightly,thoughtherisewasnotasremarkableasthechanges
toheadlinestyle.By2006,10percentofarticlesintheperiodusedwereutilisingsubheadings.This
comparesto6.1percentin1986and5.7percentin1996.
There
were
also
significant
changes
to
where
articles
appeared
and
their
size
(table
4.3).
While
articles have lengthened in size, in line with the increased number of pages in the newspaper,
articles now appear on the less prominent lefthand side page more often. In 1986, the most
commentarticlesizeandplacementwasasmallarticleonarighthandsidepage,otherthanpage1
or3(36.5percent).Incontrast, in1996and2006,thechangedtoa longarticleonalefthandside
page (other than page 2) at 23.6 percent and 28.2 percent of articles analysed respectively. This
would indicate that righthand side pages, viewed as more important than left hand pages, were
beingusedforadvertisements.Conboyarguesthattabloidizationhasresultedinarefinementofa
commercialisedjournalism which prioritizes the desires of advertisers to reach large audiences
aboveallotherconcerns(2006:207).
Table4.3Lengthofarticleandplacementinthenewspaper
Infact,in2006,55.6percentofarticlesanalysedwerefoundonlefthandsidepageswhileonly28.2
percentofarticlesappearedonrighthandsidepages(fig.4.7).Thiscontrastswith1986and1996
where61.3and38.6percentofarticleswerefoundonrighthandsidepages.Inreality,1996shows
themostevendistributionofarticlesonleftandrighthandsidepages(excludingpages1,2and3)
at42.7and38.6percentrespectively.
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Fig.4.7 Placementofarticlebypageandyear
15.9
61.3
17.9
42.938.6
55.6
28.222.7
16.2
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
Page1,2or3 Otherlefthandsidepage Otherrighthandsidepage
1986
1996
2006
4.1.2.1Discussionofresults Form
Theresults indicatethatthe Irish Independenthastabloidisedovertheperiodofanalysisandnow
resembles Franklins broadloid (1997), rather than a traditional broadsheet newspaper. Tabloid
staplessuchlargeheadlinesandanincreasednumberofpictureshavebecomecommonfeaturesof
the Irish Independent. Similarly, there newspaper now uses graphs and subheadings to ensure a
morevisual newspaper.Thenewspapers layouthasalsochanged,with longerarticlesandclearly
defined sections. Similarly, there has been a move towards placing articles on the lefthand side
page.
However,itappearsthatthenewspaperreacteddifferentlytotheintroductionoftheIrishSunand
IrishDailyMail.AftertheintroductionoftheIrishSun,theIrishIndependentshowsadecreaseinthe
numberofimages,largeheadlinesandsubheadingsused.Similarly,theuseofmorethanoneimage
toaccompanyanarticledecreased in1996.Thisperiodalsoshowedthemostevendistributionof
articlesonleftandrighthandsidepages(excludingpages1,2and3). Ontheotherhand,therehas
been an increase in the use of graphics, large headlines, images, subheadings and changes in the
position of articles when the results from 1986 and 2006 are compared, indicating that the Irish
Independentslayout
has
become
far
more
tabloidised
over
the
period
analysed.
This
suggests
that
the newspaper utilised an increasingly serious layout after the introduction of the IrishDailySun,
replacing it with a more tabloid layout and style after the introduction of the Irish Daily Mail.
However,furtherresearchisrequiredtovalidatethistheory.
4.1.3Changestothemodeofaddress(Style)
Changestothetypeoflanguage,toneandmethodofpresentationusedcanbeseenasmarkersof
tabloidization(McLachlanandGolding,2000).Thissectionpresentstheresultsofaninvestigationof
theseindicators.
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An increased emphasis on individuals and their private lives is seen as a marker of tabloidization
(Sparks,2000).However,overthetwentyyearperiod,themainactor ineacharticletendedtobe
representedintermsoftheirpubliclife(66.4percentin1986,65percentin1996and55percentin
2006). The percentage of actors represented in terms of theirprivate life fell from 3.6 percent of
representations
in
1986
to
1.6
percent
in
1996,
increasing
to
3.9
percent
in
2006
(table
4.4).
There
wasalsoadecrease inthenumberofpeoplerepresented intermsofscandalorproblems intheir
privatelifebynearlyfourpercentovertheperiodofanalysis.However,representationofactors in
termsofscandalorproblemsinthepubliclifegrewfrom12.6percentin1986(15percentin1996)
to17.8percentby2006.Thisgrowthcouldbeattributedtothetribunalsof inquiry,setupduring
the1990sand2000stoinvestigatecorruptioninIrishsociety,whichfeatureheavilyinIrishnews.
Table4.4Representationofmainactorbyyear.
Language isalsonotedasoneofthekeysignsoftabloidizationwithinnewspapers(Conboy,2006).
ThenewspaperhasshiftedfromtheseriousEnglish,typicalofbroadsheetnewspapers,toastyleof
EnglishthatismorelikelytobefoundinmidMarketnewspapers.By2006,theuseofamidmarket
newspaperstyleofEnglishhad increasedbynearly9percent,showingatrendtowardsasimpler,
concise, emotive style of English. However, it should also be noted that the use of midmarket
English
fell
in
1996
(see
table.
4.5).
This
would
indicate
that
there
were
vast
changes
in
the
newspapersuseofEnglishintheperiod19861996andfrom19962006.
Table4.5Useoflanguage
byyear.
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Similarly, over the period of study, there were also changes to the tonejournalists used. For
example, 92.7 percent of articles were written in a serious tone in 1986. This contrasts with 88.3
percent in 1996 and 85.7 percent in 2006. The use of a familiar, provocative or emotive tone
increasedfrom10.5percentin1986(7.3percentin1996)to13.1percentin2006.
4.1.3.1Discussionofresultsmodeofaddress(style)
The results of this research indicate that one of the key indicators of tabloidization, an increased
emphasis on an individual in terms of scandal or their privatelife, is not prevalent in the Irish
Independent.Thissuggeststhatcertainmarketvalues,suchastheobsessionwiththeprivatelivesof
publicindividuals,arenotexportedaseasilyasothers.
Nevertheless, the results indicate that the tone in the Irish Independent has tabloidised over the
periodofanalysis,withatrendtowardsimpler,sensationalistoremotivelanguage.However,1996
showed less tabloidlike qualities compared to 1986 and 2006, utilising both a serious style of
languageandtone. Incontrast,theresultsfrom2006 indicateamovetowardsatoneandstyleof
English typically found in midmarket newspapers. This suggests, once again, that the Irish
IndependentreacteddifferentlytotheintroductionsoftheIrishSunandIrishDailyMail.
4.1.4ContentAnalysisConclusion
Theresults
of
the
content
analysis
indicate
that
the
range,
form
and
style
of
the
Irish
Independent
havebecome increasinglytabloidisedovertheperiodofanalysis.However,thistabloidizationdoes
not appear to have taken place at a consistent pace. Although news content has tabloidised at a
stablerate,theresultspointoutthattabloidizationintermsofindividualstorytopicvariedoverthe
periodsanalysed.Theformandstyleofthenewspapertendedtobemoretabloidlike in1986and
2006,with1996showing lesstabloidqualities.Thissuggeststhatthenewspaperemployedamore
seriouslayoutandtoneaftertheintroductionoftheIrishDailySun,changingtomoreatabloidlike
formandtoneaftertheintroductionoftheIrishDailyMail.
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4.2Discourseanalysis
Itisarguedthatpostmoderntheoriesconceiveofeveryreadingofrealityandconsequentlyreality,
itself, isatext(Palmquist,2001).In linewiththis,alldiscoursesaretextual,orexpressed intexts;
intertextual, drawing upon other texts and their discourses to achieve meaning; and contextual,
sincethey
are
embedded
in
historical,
political
and
cultural
settings
(Lupin,
1994,
cited
in
Bayers,
2004:22). This study examines how the language in articles (texts) can be drawn upon to create
(textual)orsupport(intertextual)thediscoursesofmodernwesternsociety(contextual).
AlthoughConnellhasarguedthatthenewsdiscourseintabloidsandbroadsheetsaresimilar(1998:
11),otherauthorshavesuggestedthattherearedistinctivetabloidandbroadsheetnewsdiscourses
(Conboy,2006;Sparks,2000). Usingdrama,sensationalismandcolloquiallanguage,itisarguedthat
tabloidnewspapersfocusonanewsdiscourseofcelebrities,sex,sleaze,nationalinterest,andcrime
(Conboy,2006).Politicsandotherserioustopicsarereducedtoinfotainment entertainingarticles
whichneglecttodetailtheseriousissuesbehindthearticletopic(Franklin,1997).Itcould,therefore,
besuggestedthatatabloidnewsdiscourse isasensationalistone. Incontrast,abroadsheetnews
discourse (or traditionalist news discourse) is seen as a rationalist discourse, based on providing
peoplewithbackground information,explanation,aggregationandciviccorrelation(Connell,1998:
13).Thetabloidizationprocessiscreditedwithchangingrationalistnewsdiscoursetosensationalist
newsdiscourse.
The discourse analysis in this study focuses on the 30 main articles in the Irish Independent,
analysing10storiesperyear.Theanalysiswillexamine if,andhow,thenewspaperhasaltered its
useof languageover the twentyyearperiod, focusingonchanges inwords,syntaxand tone.The
resultsshouldprovidean indicationof theextent towhich, ifany, thenewsdiscourse in the Irish
Independenthastabloidisedbylookingathowpolitics,crimeandnationalityispresented.
4.2.1Presenting
Politics
Thepoliticalstoriesin1986tendedtobeveryseriousandfactualintone,topicandstyleoflanguage
used, though therewere somesignsof tabloidization.For example, inGarrettseeksSFboycott in
Dil(3.11.86),thethenTaoiseach3andleaderoftheFineGael4party,GarretFitzGerald,isreferred
tocasuallybyhisfirstnameintheheadline.ByreferringtohimasGarretinsteadofhisofficialtitle,
An Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald, an illusion of familiarity in created, placing the politician, at least
rhetorically, inthevernacularworldofthereaders.Whilehe is referredtobyhis fullname inthe
restofthearticle,theuseofhisfirstnameintheheadlineconveysatoneofinformality.According
3IrishequivalentofPrimeMinister
4AnIrishpoliticalparty
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tosociolinguistics,thistypeofcasualnessappealstomalesastheytendtobondwith lowersocio
culturalpatternsoflanguage(Trudgill,1995).AlthoughthearticledealswithSinnFeinsdecisionto
no longer boycott the Dil, theheadline focuses on Mr. FitzGerald, using a familiarpersonality to
draw in the reader. As Conboy notes, a marker of tabloids is how they build on an image of a
particular
politician,
exploiting
this
image
for
the
related
entertainment
factor
it
can
provid