taxation thru the ages

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    Taxation through the Ages

    Joseph Sobran

    In the summer of 1965, when I'd just finished my freshman year

    in college, I was reading a little book called THE LAW -- a long

    pamphlet, really -- by thenineteenth-century French legislator

    Frederic Bastiat, when I was riveted by a single sentence: "Look

    at the law, and see if it does for one man at the expense of

    another what it would be a crime for the one to do to the other

    himself."

    In Bastiat's view, government, beyond the strictest limits of

    justice, became "organized plunder," a device by which

    "everyone seeks to enrich himself at the expense of everyone

    else." In other words, government itself tends to become the

    very evil it is supposed to prevent: crime. But it confuses people

    because it enacts criminal acts under the forms of law.

    The simple insight rocked me. It upset my faith in my country

    and its basic justice. If Bastiat was right, the United States was

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    already profoundly corrupt. It took me years to come to terms

    with this idea. Today it seems to me almost self-evident. I

    marvel that anyone with common sense thinks otherwise.

    This means, for openers, that taxation is a gigantic system offraud, robbery, and extortion. Most taxpayers receive nothing to

    justify the amounts they are forced to pay. Yet it's the taxpayer,

    not the ruler, who is treated as a criminal suspect and required

    to "confess" his earnings and holdings. The ruler isn't penalized

    for anything he does to the taxpayer.

    This fact makes me wildly indignant, and I'm frustrated and

    baffled that so few Americans share my feelings. We are beingrobbed and cheated on an astonishing scale.

    Once, during a radio interview (I've been known to repeat this

    story too), I was asked, "Why don't you ever criticize big

    business the way you always criticize big government?" I

    answered, "I'm not forced to do business with General Motors. If

    I do so voluntarily, I get a car for my money. But I am forced to

    do business with the government. Every year I'm forced to pay it

    roughly the price of a new car. And I've never seen that car.

    Someone else gets it."

    Bastiat, a devout Catholic, reasoned about the state from a

    natural law philosophy. He concluded that the state violates the

    most basic principles of natural justice. Once you start thinking

    that way, you can hardly avoid thinking of politics as a largely

    criminal activity.

    At some level, most people know this intuitively. I think this

    accounts for the huge popular appeal of THE GODFATHER. We

    are all taught that the government is there to protect us from

    criminals. THE GODFATHER audaciously reverses our civics

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    lessons: it shows us a benign master criminal who will protect

    us from the corrupt government. This is another sentimental

    myth, of course -- unlike real mafiosi, Don Corleone never

    extorts "taxes" from shopkeepers in the form of protection

    money -- but it has enough truth to seize our imaginations.

    But the state's myth still prevails, and we submit. Most

    people see nothing questionable about state taxation, and

    politicians complacently assume their right

    to take our wealth.

    Some Oklahoma politicians, for example, are currently in a

    tax-boosting mood. They want to raise taxes of all sorts --income taxes, sales taxes, property taxes, excise taxes, you

    name it.

    According to the National Taxpayers Union, the average

    Oklahoman *already* pays more in taxes -- Federal, state, and

    local -- than for food, shelter, clothing, and transportation

    *combined.* This amounts to 26.5 per cent of per capita

    income.

    How much is enough? What is the limit? At what point, short

    of taking 100 per cent of our earnings, do our rulers feel they

    are taking too much from us?

    The obvious answer is that they recognize no limit. The

    subject never comes up. They view the taxpayer as an

    inexhaustible resource.

    And why shouldn't they? The sad fact is that the American

    taxpayer is a remarkably passive creature. He merely grumbles

    at conditions far more oppressive than the tyranny that drove his

    ancestors to rebel against British rule in 1776.

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    One of the chief complaints of the American colonist was

    that he was taxed without his consent. Yet by today's standards,

    his taxes were amazingly low. Precise figures are hard to come

    by, but in 1764, for example, the average American was taxed bythe Crown at the rate of sixpence per year. That is not a

    misprint. Six pennies per year. One penny every two months.

    Even adjusting for inflation, that is a pretty light tax burden.

    Today's children pay more than that in sales taxes.

    And the British were cautious about raising taxes. Even a

    slight tax increase, as on a commodity like tea, could bring the

    colonies to a boil.

    The Americans knew that a principle was at stake. Unlimited

    taxation could mean slavery. That is why they tried, at every

    turn, to nip it in the bud.

    Under slogans like "No taxation without representation,"

    Americans fought for independence and established their own

    governments. They thought self-government was their bulwark

    against tyranny and overtaxation.

    But the problem turned out to be more complex. Even elected

    officials found it easy to abuse the taxing power, and self-

    government could be as predatory as foreign rule. Senator John

    C. Calhoun remarked that the most surprising thing experience

    in government had taught him was that it was easier to raise

    taxes than to cut them.

    The Lincoln administration imposed the first Federal income

    tax to meet the costs of the Civil War. But again, by our

    standards the rates were amazingly low: the basic rate was 3

    per cent, with a top rate of 5 per cent. Even so, after the war the

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    U.S. Supreme Court soon ruled that a Federal levy on incomes

    was unconstitutional.

    In 1913 the Federal Government surmounted this obstacle by

    winning a constitutional amendment authorizing taxes onincomes. No upper limit was set, but most Americans were

    unaffected. "Incomes" were narrowly defined; annunmarried

    taxpayer had to make about $50,000 (in today's money) to pay

    the tax at all; and the top rate, a mere 7 per cent, reached only

    the very rich. It wasn'tuntil after World War II that most

    Americans paid income taxes, but then the rates rose to their

    current punishing levels. And in recent decades most states

    have imposed income taxes too. Other taxes have alsoincreased at dizzying rates.

    At nearly every step, the government has had its way.

    Taxpayers have mounted only sporadic resistance, in what are

    often called "tax revolts." The phrase is significant. If our rulers

    are really our "servants," as self-government implies, why are

    the wishes of the ruled considered "revolts"? Can we "revolt"

    against our own servants? Or have they really become our

    masters?

    The question answers itself. We might also ask, At what point

    does taxation become confiscation, theft, and even involuntary

    servitude? Our rulers -- we may as well say our masters -- never

    address this point. The Ruler of the universe asks only 10 per

    cent of our wealth. Our earthly rulers won't settle for such a

    modest share. They consider us "greedy" for wanting to keep

    more of our own money; they consider themselves

    "compassionate" for wanting to take more of it -- 20 per cent, 40

    per cent, why not 80 per cent?

    If the politicians had any respect for our rights, our property,

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    our liberty, even our dignity, they would impose taxes only

    reluctantly, and they would acknowledge some just limit. They

    would act as if the money they take and spend is *our* money,

    to be used for the common good of all, and not for buying the

    votes of special interests and government dependents. In short,they would recognize that taxation is a *moral* issue, not a

    mere political convenience to be exercisedarbitrarily and

    irresponsibly.

    I know of only one history of taxation, Charles Adams's 1993

    book FOR GOOD AND EVIL: THE IMPACT OF TAXES ON THE

    COURSE OF CIVILIZATION. It's not a totally satisfactory book;

    the writing is uneven, some of its judgments are open toquestion, and the subject is far too vast to cover in 530 pages.

    But it's about the only book dealing with the topic for the

    general reader, and it's full of fascinating information and

    anecdotes, backed by a basic wisdom.

    Adams isn't categorically against taxation. He thinks there

    are "good" taxes as well as bad ones, and he argues, for

    instance, that the Roman Empire fell because it wasn't

    collecting taxes efficiently. He blames tax evasion for its

    demise, but blames its policies for fostering evasion.

    Nevertheless, his narrative makes it hard to deny that

    "organized plunder" has been the very lifeblood of most states

    throughout history. In most times and places taxation, like

    slavery, was simply taken for granted as an inescapable fact of

    life; now and then there have been tax revolts, just as there have

    been slave revolts; and at times, especially since the Christian

    era, taxation has been recognized as presenting serious moral

    problems.

    Aside from the Roman Empire, Adams thinks states have

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    usually destroyed themselves through overtaxation. Greed is

    almost the defining mark, not of the capitalist, but of the state.

    Ingenious rulers have found a thousand ways, from slavery to

    debasing money to tariffs to exacting tribute, of appropriating

    others' wealth. At the same time, they fail to foresee how theirown oppression will breed tax resistance.

    Adams finds abundant records for this. In fact, many

    important archeological discoveries have been of tax

    inventories. The fabled Rosetta stone is essentially a tax record.

    "A large percentage of all ancient documents are tax records of

    one kind or another," he writes. "The day may come when

    historians will recognize that tax records tell the real storybehind civilized life.... They are basic clues to the way a society

    behaves." After reading his swift review of history, you can

    hardly doubt it.

    Taxation has always been big business, the biggest business

    of government. Hebrew complaints about the "oppression" of

    the Egyptian pharaohs seem to have been chiefly about the

    taxes imposed on them, which often amounted to, and were hard

    to separate from, slavery. (The Egyptians were cruel taxers,

    even sending scribes into every home to make sure people

    weren't preparing their food with untaxed cooking oil!)

    Sometimes we hear of taxation so casually that we hardly

    notice it, as in the Gospel accounts of Joseph and Mary going to

    Bethlehem to submit to a great Roman tax census.

    As Adams sees it, history is largely the story of men's

    constant efforts to get the wealth produced by other men, with

    politics and the state as the main means of acquisition. It's

    amazing that this ever-present dimension has been so slighted in

    most history books. Men have fought for power for many

    reasons, but the strongest has always been their own

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    enrichment. It's hardly too much to say that the story of axation

    is the story of mankind.

    Adams sees Old Testament history as the constant struggle

    of the weak Jews against powerful predatory neighbors,Egyptian, Babylonian, Persian, Assyrian, Greek, and Roman.

    Losing a war, or avoiding one, meant paying tribute. (We tend to

    read words like "tribute" without grasping their concrete

    meaning.)

    In the often deadly game of politics, tax exemptions and

    immunities as well as taxes were key weapons. Exemptions

    were irresistible privileges and definers of social class; Islamowed much of its original appeal to its offer of tax immunity to

    converts. This sufficed to lure the great majority of Christians

    and Jews in the Middle East, still heavily taxed by the dying

    Roman Empire, to the Muslim faith. But in time, Muslim rulers,

    having run out of taxable infidels, became eager taxers of their

    own people, and Islam lost its zeal even in its own domains.

    "Islam ceased to spread when converts were not offered a tax

    break." Conversion had become a tax "loophole" that worked

    only too well.

    In the Middle Ages, struggles between Church and state were

    usually over taxes and the authority to tax. Stern moral

    limitations inhibited taxation, especially new and "unheard of"

    taxes ("exactio inaudita"). Rulers who raised taxes were widely

    regarded as wicked tyrants who "incurred sin and would be

    punished by God." But churchmen sometimes had greater taxing

    powers than secular rulers.

    Like Rome, argues Adams, the mighty Spanish Empire finally

    broke down because it taxed too many too much and was unable

    to enforce its demands on a resentful population. But one of his

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    most original chapters says that Aztec Mexico fell to the tiny

    forces of Cortes because of its own short-sighted greed

    intaxing its provinces.

    Adams likewise sees taxation, not chattel slavery, as theissue that precipitated the American War Between the States.

    His sharp reading of Lincoln's first inaugural address confirms

    this. (He has developed the argument further in another book.)

    Only one country, as Adams tells it, has gotten it right:

    Switzerland. The Swiss have kept their government under

    control pretty well, in great part because they have had the

    wisdom to keep the taxing power and the spending power underseparate agencies. He says this practice also preserved English

    liberty for a long time, but the vaunted American constitutional

    separation of powers overlooked this crucial distinction. The

    U.S. Congress taxes *and* spends. So we lack checks and

    balances where we most need them. Moreover, the Swiss federal

    government can't raise taxes without a popular majority, which

    is usually denied. The Swiss taxpayer, unlike the American, has

    learned to defend himself.

    According to Adams, America's downfall may come gradually

    through its failure to control and limit the taxing power. A

    nominally "federal" system is in vain when the spending and

    taxing powers are combined and centralized. It's at least a

    provocative idea; but if his book teaches anything, it's that

    Swiss wisdom isn't contagious.

    A version of this piece was presented as a speech to the

    Oklahoma Council of Public Affairs (www.ocpathink.org) in

    September 2003.

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    Hail Switzerland

    Whenever I hear someone brag that America is the greatest

    country on earth, I want to ask, Have you ever been to

    Switzerland?

    Well, I have. I spent a whole week there once. Very dull. No war,

    no international crisis, no crime, none of the things that give life

    its savor for red-blooded people like us. Nobody even knew who

    the president of the country was. The Swiss have never even

    had a great president. Their national hero is still that guy with

    the crossbow. Their national pastime is yodeling.

    I dont intend the blasphemous suggestion that Switzerland is

    the Greatest Country on Earth, but it has a fair claim to be the

    sanest. It has had less history over the last thousand years than

    most African countries have had in the last generation. You

    know the old Chinese curse: May you live in interesting times.

    The Swiss have no memory of interesting times. They have aproud history of not making history.

    Switzerland sat out two world wars, for which it is resented by

    the sort of people who think war is a duty. The Swiss seem to

    feel that the rest of the world can enjoy mutual slaughter

    perfectly well without them. They have never joined the United

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    Nations, NATO, or the European Union. They are content to

    hunker down within their sheltering Alps, while Americans will

    cross two oceans, simultaneously if necessary, to get into a

    good war. Nor do they have troops, battleships, submarines, and

    military bases around the world. And no nukes.

    In short, the Swiss are what all right-thinking people have

    learned to call isolationists. They have stubbornly maintained

    their independence. As a result, an awful lot of Swiss didnt die

    violent deaths in the twentieth century.

    Oh, by the way, the Swiss arent afflicted by terrorism. Osama

    bin Laden has probably never heard of Switzerland, unless hestashes his money there. It may not be the Greatest Country on

    Earth, but nobody calls it the Great Satan, either.

    Not that the Swiss arent ready to defend themselves. The men

    are required by law to serve in the militia and to keep firearms

    in their homes. But when they say defense, they mean defense

    not empire, not New World Order, not global leadership.

    They have a federal system of government, and in Switzerland

    federal still, oddly enough, means decentralized. Each canton

    treasures its independence. The national president has little

    power, little opportunity to achieve greatness. The Swiss franc

    is one of the worlds most stable currencies. Swiss banks are

    the worlds most secure vaults.

    Naturally, a country like that, free, peaceful, and prosperous,

    isnt going to be left alone. A few years ago there was an outcry

    against Switzerland as a repository of Nazi gold, which turned

    out to be a scam, an attempt to blackmail the Swiss. They were

    given a choice between coughing up billions or facing

    international opprobrium and sanctions. It later transpired that

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    the Nazi gold was mythical, the accusations a cynical smear

    campaign.

    Independence is always hated by centralizers and

    internationalists. The papacy is hated because the Pope, unlikepoliticians and journalists, cant be bought or bullied.

    Switzerland is hated because it remains aloof from the

    international community. Id offer other shining examples of

    resistance to the pressures of internationalism, if I could think

    of any.

    Switzerland has enjoyed the kind of history Americans once

    hoped for. But while America has been drawn back into thequarrels of the Old World its people had hoped to escape,

    Switzerland has in effect managed to secede from that worlds

    strife without leaving the continent. If you want excitement in

    Switzerland, you just have to roll your own; the state wont

    provide it for you. You can sum it up by saying Switzerland is a

    country that has lost more lives in skiing accidents than in war.

    The story of Switzerland is the greatest political success story

    of the modern world, yet we never hear about it. Why not?

    Because it puts all other states to shame. Most rulers want to

    Americanize their countries; but if they really cared about their

    peoples welfare lives, liberty, property, and all that they

    would try to Swissify. Its a sign of the times that I am forced to

    coin this indispensable verb.

    Joseph Sobran

    http://www.sobran.com/issuetexts/2003-12.htm