tense and mood in conditional sentences conditional sentences conditionals are modal statements....
TRANSCRIPT
Tense and Moodin conditional sentences
Katrin Schulz
ILLC/University of Amsterdam
1
1. Introduction
2
1. Introduction
Aim of the research:
3
1. Introduction
Aim of the research:
• A compositional semantics for (English) conditional
sentences
4
1. Introduction
Aim of the research:
• A compositional semantics for (English) conditional
sentences
– explain fake tense
– explain fake aspect
– explain Ippolito’s presupposition puzzle
5
1. Introduction
Central claims:
6
1. Introduction
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
7
1. Introduction
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
– IF-sentences are aboutness topics
(Ebert et. al)
8
1. Introduction
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
– IF-sentences are aboutness topics
(Ebert et. al)
• A theory of the English Mood
9
1. Introduction
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
– IF-sentences are aboutness topics
(Ebert et. al)
• A theory of the English Mood
– English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
10
1. Introduction
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
– IF-sentences are aboutness topics
(Ebert et. al)
• A theory of the English Mood
– English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
– Syntax: The mood is expressed by the inflection
of the finite verb.
11
1. Introduction
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
– IF-sentences are aboutness topics
(Ebert et. al)
• A theory of the English Mood
– English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
– Syntax: The mood is expressed by the inflection
of the finite verb.
– Semantics: The mood expresses an attitude to-
wards the informational content.
12
2. The Problems
Fake tense
In English subjunctive conditionals the simple
past, and also the past perfect, appear not to be
interpreted as semantic past tense and past perfect.
(1) a. If Peter left in time, he will be
in Amsterdam this evening.
b. If Peter left in time, he would be
in Amsterdam this evening.
c. If Peter had left in time, he
would have been in Amsterdam
this evening.
indicative
conditional
would
conditional
would have
conditional
13
2. The Problems
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
John died last summer.
(2) a. *If John ran the Boston marathon next spring, he
would win.
Presupposition of the antecedent: John is alive
b. If John had run de the Boston marathon next
spring, he would have won.
Presupposition of the antecedent: John is alive
c. If John were still alive, he would run the Boston
marathon next spring.
14
2. The Problems
Fake tense
Past-as-past Approaches
- Tedeschi 1981
- Crouch 1993
- Ippolito 2003, 2006
- (Condoravdi 2002)
Past-as-modal Approaches
- Palmer 1986
- Fleischman 1989
- Dahl 1997
- Iatridou 2000
- and many more
��
���)
PP
PPPq
15
2. The Problems
Fake tense
Past-as-past Approaches
- Tedeschi 1981
- Crouch 1993
- Ippolito 2003, 2006
- (Condoravdi 2002)
counterarguments
- Abusch 2007
- Schulz 2007
Past-as-modal Approaches
- Palmer 1986
- Fleischman 1989
- Dahl 1997
- Iatridou 2000
- and many more
��
���)
PP
PPPq
16
2. The Problems
Fake tense
Past-as-past Approaches
- Tedeschi 1981
- Crouch 1993
- Ippolito 2003, 2006
- (Condoravdi 2002)
counterarguments
- Abusch 2007
- Schulz 2007
Past-as-modal Approaches
- Palmer 1986
- Fleischman 1989
- Dahl 1997
- Iatridou 2000
- and many more
this talk:
propose a formally precise
past-as-modal approach
��
���)
PP
PPPq
17
3. The Proposal
18
3. The Proposal
3.1 A theory of conditional sentences
19
3. The Proposal
3.1 A theory of conditional sentences
3.2 A theory of the English Mood
20
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
21
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
Conditionals are modal statements. (Kratzer)
22
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
Conditionals are modal statements. (Kratzer)
LF: S
ModalB,≤ Antecedent Consequent
23
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
Conditionals are modal statements. (Kratzer)
LF: S
ModalB,≤ Antecedent Consequent
Semantic: [[If A, C]] = [[WOLLB,≤(A)(C)]]
= λw.∀w′ : w′∈ SimB,≤(w, [[A]]) → w′
∈ [[C]]
24
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
Conditionals are modal statements. (Kratzer)
Problems:
25
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
Conditionals are modal statements. (Kratzer)
Problems:
• not convincing from a syntactic point of view (see Bhatt &
Pancheva)
26
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
Conditionals are modal statements. (Kratzer)
Problems:
• not convincing from a syntactic point of view (see Bhatt &
Pancheva)
• morphological markings in the antecedent become semantically
vacuous
27
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
Conditionals are modal statements. (Kratzer)
Problems:
• not convincing from a syntactic point of view (see Bhatt &
Pancheva)
• morphological markings in the antecedent become semantically
vacuous
• languages without or no obligatory modal
28
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
29
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
IF-sentences are aboutness topics. (Ebert et. al)
30
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
IF-sentences are aboutness topics. (Ebert et. al)
Syntax: (Rizzi 1997) TP
SpecT CP
If A (Then) C
31
3. The Proposal
3.1 Conditional sentences
IF-sentences are aboutness topics. (Ebert et. al)
Syntax: (Rizzi 1997) TP
SpecT CP
If A (Then) C
Semantics: REFc(ιwc.[SimB,≤(w, A)]) & ASSERT [C(c)]
introduce topic: comment on topic:
a hypothetical context c statement about c
32
3. The Proposal
33
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood
34
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood
English sentences obligatorily carry mood.
35
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood
English sentences obligatorily carry mood.
Syntax: explain how we get from the surface of English sen-
tences to a logical form where mood is present.
Semantics: provide a semantic theory for the logical forms of
sentences, in particular, assign interpretations to the
mood operators.
36
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
37
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
• English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
38
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
• English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
• Three moods have to be distinguished
- indicative mood IND
- subjunctive mood SUBJ
- counterfactual mood COUNT
39
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
• English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
• Three moods have to be distinguished
- indicative mood IND
- subjunctive mood SUBJ
- counterfactual mood COUNT
• The mood is expressed by the inflection of the finite verb.
40
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
• English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
• Three moods have to be distinguished
- indicative mood IND
- subjunctive mood SUBJ
- counterfactual mood COUNT
• The mood is expressed by the inflection of the finite verb.
• The form of the simple past and the perfect are ambiguous in
their formal features.
41
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
Lexicon
phon. feat. formal feat. semantic feat.
was [upast, uind] BE
was [usubj, upres] BE
had [iperf, upast, uind] PERF
had [iperf, usubj, upres] PERF
had [ucount, usubj] ∅
∅ [ipres] PRES
∅ [ipast] PAST
∅ [iind] IND
∅ [isubj] SUBJ
∅ [icount, isubj] COUNT
42
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
Example 1: Paul was in Amsterdam.
43
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
Example 1: Paul was in Amsterdam.
CP
Mood TP
Tense VP
‘Paul was in A’dam’
[iind] [ipast] [uind, upast]
IND (PAST (P ))
44
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
Example 1: Paul was in Amsterdam.
CP
Mood TP
Tense VP
‘Paul was in A’dam’
[isubj] [ipres] [usubj, upres]
SUBJ (PRES (P ))
45
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Syntax
46
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
47
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
The mood expresses an attitude towards the informational
content of the formula in scope of the mood.
48
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
The mood expresses an attitude towards the informational
content of the formula in scope of the mood.
Subjunctive:
• content is expected to be false in the utterance situation.
(Iatridou (2000) and many others)
49
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
The mood expresses an attitude towards the informational
content of the formula in scope of the mood.
Subjunctive:
• content is expected to be false in the utterance situation.
(Iatridou (2000) and many others)
• [[SUBJ (φ)]] = λw.UNEXP(φ)(w0, t0) & φ(w)
50
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
The mood expresses an attitude towards the informational
content of the formula in scope of the mood.
Subjunctive:
• content is expected to be false in the utterance situation.
(Iatridou (2000) and many others)
• [[SUBJ (φ)]] = λw.UNEXP(φ)(w0, t0) & φ(w)
Counterfactual:
• content is inconsistent with the utterance situation.
51
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
The mood expresses an attitude towards the informational
content of the formula in scope of the mood.
Subjunctive:
• content is expected to be false in the utterance situation.
(Iatridou (2000) and many others)
• [[SUBJ (φ)]] = λw.UNEXP(φ)(w0, t0) & φ(w)
Counterfactual:
• content is inconsistent with the utterance situation.
• [[COUNT (φ)]] = λw. INCONS (φ)(w0, t0) & φ(w)
52
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
Expectations
53
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
Expectations
• Expectations are locally defined for possibilities 〈w, t〉.
54
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
Expectations
• Expectations are locally defined for possibilities 〈w, t〉.
• The expectations of a possibility 〈w, t〉 are those facts that you
can derive from the past and the present of world w at time t
together with general laws (see Schulz 2007).
55
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
Expectations
• Expectations are locally defined for possibilities 〈w, t〉.
• The expectations of a possibility 〈w, t〉 are those facts that you
can derive from the past and the present of world w at time t
together with general laws (see Schulz 2007).
• M, w, t |≈ ϕ iff ϕ is an expectation of 〈w, t〉 in this sense.
56
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
Expectations
• Expectations are locally defined for possibilities 〈w, t〉.
• The expectations of a possibility 〈w, t〉 are those facts that you
can derive from the past and the present of world w at time t
together with general laws (see Schulz 2007).
• M, w, t |≈ ϕ iff ϕ is an expectation of 〈w, t〉 in this sense.
• UNEXP(φ)(w, t) iff M, w, t |≈ ¬φ.
57
3. The Proposal
3.2 A theory of the English Mood: Semantics
Expectations
• Expectations are locally defined for possibilities 〈w, t〉.
• The expectations of a possibility 〈w, t〉 are those facts that you
can derive from the past and the present of world w at time t
together with general laws (see Schulz 2007).
• M, w, t |≈ ϕ iff ϕ is an expectation of 〈w, t〉 in this sense.
• UNEXP(φ)(w, t) iff M, w, t |≈ ¬φ.
• (Alternative: define directly or indirectly an preference
relation on t0-metaphysical alternatives of w at t and define
UNEXP(φ)(w, t) iff some ¬φ alternative is preferred to all φ
alternatives.)
58
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
59
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
(1b) If Peter left in time, he would be in Amsterdam this evening.
60
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
(1b) If Peter left in time, he would be in Amsterdam this evening.
Logical Form
REFc(ιw0c.[Simw0
(SUBJ (PRES (P )))]) & ASS[SUBJ (PRES(WOLL(Q)))(c)]
61
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
(1b) If Peter left in time, he would be in Amsterdam this evening.
Logical Form
REFc(ιw0c.[Simw0
(SUBJ (PRES (P )))]) & ASS[SUBJ (PRES(WOLL(Q)))(c)]
⇒ all surface morphology is interpreted!
62
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
(1b) If Peter left in time, he would be in Amsterdam this evening.
Logical Form
REFc(ιw0c.[Simw0
(SUBJ (PRES (P )))]) & ASS[SUBJ (PRES(WOLL(Q)))(c)]
⇒ all surface morphology is interpreted!
⇒ everything stays in situ!
63
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
64
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
Fake tense
In English subjunctive conditionals the simple past, and
also the past perfect, appear not to be interpreted as se-
mantic past tense and past perfect.
65
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
Fake tense
In English subjunctive conditionals the simple past, and
also the past perfect, appear not to be interpreted as se-
mantic past tense and past perfect.
The solution
66
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
Fake tense
In English subjunctive conditionals the simple past, and
also the past perfect, appear not to be interpreted as se-
mantic past tense and past perfect.
The solution
• English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
67
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
Fake tense
In English subjunctive conditionals the simple past, and
also the past perfect, appear not to be interpreted as se-
mantic past tense and past perfect.
The solution
• English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
• The simple past and the past perfect are ambiguous
between a temporal/aspectual meaning and a mood
meaning.
68
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
Fake tense
In English subjunctive conditionals the simple past, and
also the past perfect, appear not to be interpreted as se-
mantic past tense and past perfect.
The solution
• English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
• The simple past and the past perfect are ambiguous
between a temporal/aspectual meaning and a mood
meaning.
• In subjunctive conditionals the simple past and the past
perfect are interpreted as mood markers.
69
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
Indicative Conditional:
(1a) If Peter left in time, he will be in Amsterdam this evening.
CP
Mood TP
Tense VP
‘Peter left in time’
[iind] [ipast] [uind, upast]
IND (PAST (P ))
70
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
Subjunctive Conditional:
(1b) If Peter left in time, he would be in Amsterdam this evening.
CP
Mood TP
Tense VP
‘Peter left in time’
[isubj] [ipres] [usubj, upres]
SUBJ (PRES (P ))
71
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
72
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
The solution:
73
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
The solution: would conditionals
74
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
The solution: would conditionals
• The mood expresses an attitude towards the informa-
tional content.
75
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
The solution: would conditionals
• The mood expresses an attitude towards the informa-
tional content.
• The subjunctive mood expresses that content is
expected to be false in the utterance situation:
UNEXP(φ)(w0, t0)) iff M, w0, t0 |≈ ¬φ.
76
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
The solution: would conditionals
• The mood expresses an attitude towards the informa-
tional content.
• The subjunctive mood expresses that content is
expected to be false in the utterance situation:
UNEXP(φ)(w0, t0)) iff M, w0, t0 |≈ ¬φ.
• It follows that the presuppositions of ¬φ and thus of φ
have to be possibly true in w0.
77
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
The solution: would have conditionals
78
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
The solution: would have conditionals
• The mood expresses an attitude towards the informa-
tional content.
79
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
The solution: would have conditionals
• The mood expresses an attitude towards the informa-
tional content.
• The counterfactual mood expresses that the content is
inconsistent with the utterance situation: φ is not true
in 〈w0, t0〉 and also cannot become true.
80
3. The Proposal
3.3 Bringing everything together
The puzzle of presupposition projection
English would conditionals cannot accommodate counter-
factual presuppositions, would have conditionals can.
The solution: would have conditionals
• The mood expresses an attitude towards the informa-
tional content.
• The counterfactual mood expresses that the content is
inconsistent with the utterance situation: φ is not true
in 〈w0, t0〉 and also cannot become true.
• It follows that the presuppositions of φ can be violated
in w0.
81
4. Discussion
82
4. Discussion
Question 1: If you assume that the simple past and the
past perfect are ambiguous between a tempo-
ral/aspectual meaning and a mood meaning,
why normally the temporal/aspectual mean-
ing is chosen?
83
4. Discussion
Question 1: If you assume that the simple past and the
past perfect are ambiguous between a tempo-
ral/aspectual meaning and a mood meaning,
why normally the temporal/aspectual mean-
ing is chosen?
Answer: Simple sentences about the actual world that
carry the subjunctive or counterfactual mood
are semantically anomalous.
84
4. Discussion
Question 1: If you assume that the simple past and the
past perfect are ambiguous between a tempo-
ral/aspectual meaning and a mood meaning,
why normally the temporal/aspectual mean-
ing is chosen?
Answer: Peter left in time.
85
4. Discussion
Question 1: If you assume that the simple past and the
past perfect are ambiguous between a tempo-
ral/aspectual meaning and a mood meaning,
why normally the temporal/aspectual mean-
ing is chosen?
Answer: Peter left in time.
LF 1: IND(PAST (P ))
LF 2: SUBJ (PRES (P ))
86
4. Discussion
Question 1: If you assume that the simple past and the
past perfect are ambiguous between a tempo-
ral/aspectual meaning and a mood meaning,
why normally the temporal/aspectual mean-
ing is chosen?
Answer: Peter left in time.
LF 1: IND(PAST (P ))
LF 2: SUBJ (PRES (P ))
LF 2: semantically anomalous
[[SUBJ(PRES(P ))]]M,w0,t0 = [[UNEXP(PRES(P ))&PRES(P )]]M,w0,t0 = 1
iff [[PRES(P )]]M,w0,t0 = 1 & [[¬PRES(P )]]M,w0,t0 = 1
87
4. Discussion
Question 2: What about fake aspect?
88
4. Discussion
Question 2: What about fake aspect?
In languages that distinguish prefect and imperfect morphology the
obligatorily imperfect morphology in subjunctive conditionals
appears not to be interpreted. (Iatridou 2000 for Greek, Chaudal
2008 for French)
(3) a. Si Yann ventait, Mona partirait. (‘If Yann came-IMPF,
Mona would leave.’
b. *Si Yann vint, on mangerait des crepes. (‘If Yann came-PS,
we would eat pancakes.’)
c. *Si Yann a quitte son bureau, Mona partirait aussi. (‘If
Yann left-PERF his office, Mona would leave too.’)
89
4. Discussion
Question 2: What about fake aspect?
Answer: In case the mood of the sentence is not the
indicative the aspectual marking refers to the
attitude expressed by the mood.
The imperfect expresses that this attitude
(state) is on-going at the utterance time.
The eventuality described in scope of the
mood is underspecified for aspect.
(see also Bittner 2008, Chaudal 2008)
90
4. Discussion
91
4. Discussion
• The counterfactual mood makes certain sentences
counterfactual by semantics.
• Among them are the would have conditionals:
If had been P , would have been Q.
92
4. Discussion
• The counterfactual mood makes certain sentences
counterfactual by semantics.
• Among them are the would have conditionals:
If had been P , would have been Q.
Question 3: Isn’t counterfactuality a pragmatic inference
of would have conditionals?
93
4. Discussion
• The counterfactual mood makes certain sentences
counterfactual by semantics.
• Among them are the would have conditionals:
If had been P , would have been Q.
Question 3: Isn’t counterfactuality a pragmatic inference
of would have conditionals?
Answer:
94
4. Discussion
• The counterfactual mood makes certain sentences
counterfactual by semantics.
• Among them are the would have conditionals:
If had been P , would have been Q.
Question 3: Isn’t counterfactuality a pragmatic inference
of would have conditionals?
Answer: • For some would have conditionals counter-
factuality is not just a pragmatic inference.
95
4. Discussion
• The counterfactual mood makes certain sentences
counterfactual by semantics.
• Among them are the would have conditionals:
If had been P , would have been Q.
Question 3: Isn’t counterfactuality a pragmatic inference
of would have conditionals?
Answer: • For some would have conditionals counter-
factuality is not just a pragmatic inference.
• This approach correctly distinguishes be-
tween would have conditionals that are coun-
terfactual by semantics and those that aren’t.
96
5. Conclusions
97
5. Conclusions
Central claims:
98
5. Conclusions
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
– IF-sentences are aboutness topics
(Ebert et. al)
99
5. Conclusions
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
– IF-sentences are aboutness topics
(Ebert et. al)
• A theory of the English Mood
– English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
100
5. Conclusions
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
– IF-sentences are aboutness topics
(Ebert et. al)
• A theory of the English Mood
– English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
– Syntax: The mood is expressed by the inflection of the
finite verb.
101
5. Conclusions
Central claims:
• A theory of English conditionals
– IF-sentences are aboutness topics
(Ebert et. al)
• A theory of the English Mood
– English assertive sentences obligatorily carry mood.
– Syntax: The mood is expressed by the inflection of the
finite verb.
– Semantics: The mood expresses an attitude towards the
informational content.
102
5. Conclusions
Achievements:
103
5. Conclusions
Achievements:
• formally worked out compositional semantics of English
conditionals
104
5. Conclusions
Achievements:
• formally worked out compositional semantics of English
conditionals
• accounts for
105
5. Conclusions
Achievements:
• formally worked out compositional semantics of English
conditionals
• accounts for
– fake tense
106
5. Conclusions
Achievements:
• formally worked out compositional semantics of English
conditionals
• accounts for
– fake tense
– fake aspect
107
5. Conclusions
Achievements:
• formally worked out compositional semantics of English
conditionals
• accounts for
– fake tense
– fake aspect
– Ippolito’s presupposition puzzle
108
5. Conclusions
Open questions:
109
5. Conclusions
Open questions:
• many ...
110
5. Conclusions
Open questions:
• Fake tense occurs in many languages from different language
families.
English, French, Latin, Classic Greek, Russian, and Old Irish
(Indo-European), Cree (Algonquian), Tonga and Haya
(Bantu), Chipewyan (Athabascan), Garo (Tibeto Burman),
Nitinaht (Wakashan), and Proto-Uto-Aztecan (in the
reconstruction of Steele). [James 1982]
Can we account for this cross-linguistic pattern?
111
6. Literature
• Abusch (2007) ‘Temporal and circumstantial dependence in counterfactual
modals’. Proceedings of the 16th Amsterdam Colloquium. Amsterdam.
• Bittner (2008) ‘Indicative counterfactuals’. Handout of the mini-workshop
on causality, IMS, University of Stuttgart.
• Chaudal (2008) ‘On the role of aspect within conditional structures’.
Proceedings JSM’08. Toulouse.
• Ebert et. al (2008) ‘ A unified analysis of indicative and Biscuit
conditionals as topics’. Handout of SALT 18. Amherst, Massachusetts.
• Iatridou (2000) ‘The grammatical ingredients of counterfactuality’.
Linguistic Inquiry, 31(2):231-270.
• Ippolito (2006) ‘Semantic composition and presupposition projection in
subjunctive conditionals’. Linguistics and Philosophy, 29:631-672.
• James (1982) ‘Past tense and the hypothetical: A cross-linguistic study.
Studies in Language, 6: 375-403.
• Schulz (2007) Minimal models in Semantics and Pragmatics: Free Choice,
Exhaustivity and Conditionals. Dissertation, University of Amsterdam.
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7. Additional Material
The past-as-past approach
• The simple past and the perfect carry their standard
meanings in subjunctive conditionals.
• The logical form of subjunctive conditionals does not
match surface appearance.
Not: PAST (antecedent) > PAST (MODAL(consequent))
But: PAST (antecedent > MODAL(consequent))
Interpretation rule for conditionals
A subjunctive conditional with antecedent A and conse-
quent C is true in world w0 at time t0 if
∃t < t0∀w ∼=t w0 : antecedent(w) ⇒ consequent(w).
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7. Additional Material
A problem of the past-as-past approach
Identity of the past is not sufficient to model the
truth conditions of conditionals.
Counterexample
A coin is going to the thrown and you have bet $5
on heads. Unfortunately, tails comes up and you
win. You say
(9) If I had bet on tails I would have won.
⇒ You need the alternative worlds to vary with respect to
whether you bet on heads or not, but to agree on the
later event that the coin comes up tails!
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