TheAdventuresofIbnBattuta

TheAdventuresofIbnBattutaAMuslimTravelerofthe14thCentury

UPDATEDWITHA2012PREFACE

ROSSE.DUNN

IbnBattutaStreetinTangier.ThesignisinFrench,Spanish,andArabic.PhotobytheAuthor.

UniversityofCaliforniaPressBerkeleyandLosAngeles,California©1986,2005,2012byRossE.DunnFirstPaperbackPrinting1989

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TheadventuresofIbnBattuta,aMuslimtravelerofthefourteenthcentury/RossDunn.—Rev.ed.withanewpref.

p.cm.Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex(p.).ISBN978-0-520-27292-7(pbk.:alk.paper)1.IbnBatuta,1304-1377.2.Travelers—IslamicEmpire—

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ForJordanandJocelynAndtotheMemoryofC.F.Beckingham

Imetin[Brusa]thepiousshaykh’Abdallahal-Misri,thetraveler,anda man of saintly life. He journeyed through the earth, but he neverwent into China nor the island of Ceylon, nor theMaghrib, nor al-Andalus, nor theNegrolands, so that I haveoutdonehimbyvisitingtheseregions.

IbnBattuta

Contents

ListofMapsPrefacetothe2012EditionPrefacetotheRevisedEditionPrefacetotheFirstEditionAcknowledgmentsTheMuslimCalendarANoteonMoneyListofAbbreviationsUsedinNotesIntroduction1.Tangier2.TheMaghrib3.TheMamluks4.Mecca5.PersiaandIraq6.TheArabianSea7.Anatolia8.TheSteppe9.Delhi

10.MalabarandtheMaldives11.China12.Home13.Mali14.TheRihlaGlossaryBibliographyIndex

Maps

1.CitiesofEurasiaandAfricaintheFourteenthCentury2.RegionoftheStraitofGibraltar3.IbnBattuta’sItineraryinNorthernAfrica,1325–264.IbnBattuta’sItineraryinEgypt,SyriaandArabia,1325–265.IbnBattuta’sItineraryinPersiaandIraq,1326–276.IbnBattuta’sItineraryinArabiaandEastAfrica,1328–30(1330–32)7.IbnBattuta’sItineraryinAnatoliaandtheBlackSeaRegion,1330–32(1332–34)

8.IbnBattuta’sItineraryinCentralAsiaandAfghanistan,1332–33(1334–35)9.IbnBattuta’sItineraryinIndia,CeylonandtheMaldiveIslands,1333–4510.IbnBattuta’sItineraryinSoutheastAsiaandChina,1345–4611.IbnBattuta’sReturnItineraryfromChinatoNorthAfrica,1346–4912.IbnBattuta’sItineraryinNorthAfrica,SpainandWestAfrica,1349–54

Prefacetothe2012Edition

Inthesevenyearssincetherevisededitionofthisbookappeared,theacademicand popularmedia have continued to polish the reputation of IbnBattuta, thefourteenth-centuryMoroccantraveler.Scholarshavebeenwritingabouthimandhisextraordinaryglobetrottingcareersincethenineteenthcentury.Butinthelastcoupleofdecades,hehasbecomesomethingofaniconofglobalization.Foronething, his Book of Travels, or Rihla, completed in 1355, demonstrates thateconomic and cultural interrelations among societies even thousands of milesfromone anotherweremuchmore complex sevenhundredyears ago thanweused to think.And they have becomeprogressivelymore complex ever since.IbnBattuta’snarrativealsooffersaglimpseoftheoriginsoftheplanet-girdlingflow of information that characterizes the human community today. This isbecausetheRihlashowstheremarkableworld-mindednessofeducatedMuslimsinthefourteenthcentury,perhapsthefirstgroupofpeopleinhistorycapableofthinkingoftheentireEasternHemisphereasasinglegeographicalspacewithinwhich scholars, merchants, missionaries, and diplomats interacted with oneanother and shared knowledge.Today, students in schools and universities arebeing asked to study more world history. When they explore premoderncenturies, theyalmost inevitablymeetIbnBattutabecausehewitnessedeventsanddescribedwaysof life in somanydifferentplaces.Here is this sameguy,students discover, turning up in Iraq, Russia, India, China, Mali, and Spain.ClassroomencounterswithIbnBattuta,amanwhowalked,rode,andsailed(andat a fewpoints staggered) thousandsofmiles,might even inspire someyoungpeopletofindoutmoreabout thewider,profoundlyintermeshedworldaroundthem—andtodosomeserioustraveling.

Apart from dozens of textbooks on world, regional, and Islamic history,wherehasIbnBattutabeenmakinganameforhimselfinthelastsevenyears?TwoscholarsinBritainhavepublishedinsightfulcommentariesonhistravels.1AportionoftheRihlatranslatedfromArabictoEnglishbySamuelLeebackin1829hasappeared inanewedition.2AprofessorofArabic inUzbekistanhaspublished an English edition of Ibn Battuta’s journeys through Central Asia

along with learned commentary.3 Googling “Ibn Battuta” pulls up severaleducationalandculturalwebsitesthatdescribehiscareerandsinghispraises.

Thegreatjourneyeralsocontinuestogainatleastmodestnotorietyasaworldpop-culture figure. In 2005, Dubai, one of the seven United Arab Emirates,openedtheIbnBattutaMall,ashoppingplaygroundorganizedaroundsixcourts.Each one has an architectural and decorative theme evoking places that theMoroccanvisited—Tunisia,Egypt,Persia,India,China,andAndalusia.In2008,TimMackintosh-Smith, an Arabic scholar and travel writer, hosted The ManWhoWalkedacross theWorld, a series of films forBBCFour that traced IbnBattuta’s travels.The followingyearCosmicPicturesandSKFilmspremieredJourneytoMecca,adramaticanddocumentaryfeature that tells thestory—ongiantImaxscreens—ofIbnBattuta’soverlandtriptotheholycityofMecca.ThefilmalsogivesviewersspectacularimagesoftheIslamicpilgrimage,theobjectof the young Moroccan’s first journey in 1324–26. In 2011, Time magazinepublished a special issue that explored ways in which theMuslim world haschangedsincetheerawhenIbnBattutatraveled.4Finally,hisadventureswillbedramatized in a full-length feature film that, as of this writing, is inpreproduction.

AsallscholarsoftheRihlaknow,IbnBattutahimself,alongwiththeMuslimgentlemanfromAndalusia(southernSpain)whohelpedhimwritehisstory,tellsus almost everything we know about his life and personality. Independentsources dating fromhis own era that attest to his existence are few and brief.When Ipublished the firsteditionofTheAdventuresof IbnBattuta in1987, Iassumedthatadditionalevidenceofhiscareerwasunlikelyever to turnup. In2010,however,TimMackintosh-Smithcompletedhisscholarlyandmarvelouslyentertainingthree-volumenarrativeofhisseveralyearsspentvisitingdozensofIbn Battuta’s old haunts from China to West Africa.5 In the final volume,Mackintosh-Smith reports on three additional documents inwhich the travelercomestolifeindependentlyoftheRihla.

One bit of evidence is a letter that the eminentAndalusian scholar Ibn al-Khatibwrote to IbnBattuta in the early 1360s, that is, several years after thetraveler had definitively returned home, on the mundane subject of a landpurchase.Fromthistestimony(whichIalsonotedintheprefacetotherevisededition),welearnthattheagingIbnBattutaservedasajudgeinTamasna,anoldplacenameassociatedwiththeregionaroundmodernCasablanca.Thisletteristhe only source that reveals anything concrete about Ibn Battuta’s later life.Mackintosh-SmithlearnedabouttheletterfromAbdelhadiTazi,Morocco’smosteminentIbnBattutascholar.

The second revelation is a set of two manuscripts, the second and thirdvolumes of a work on Islamic law housed in the library of Cairo’s Al-AzharUniversity. As Mackintosh-Smith writes. Professor Tazi showed him twophotocopiedpagesfromthesedocuments.Thesewerecolophons,ordescriptionsplacedattheendofthemanuscriptsindicatingwhen,where,andbywhomthework was copied. Ibn Battuta, definitely our journeyer, is the author of bothcolophons. They tell us that he copied the manuscripts in Damascus. Eachcolophonhasadifferentdatein1326,ayearwhenIbnBattutawasbyhisownaccountinSyria.ThetwocolophonstogetherdemonstratefirstthatIbnBattutavisitedthecitywhenhesayshedid.Thetwodates,whichareindependentoftheRihla, also open up new questions and solve a puzzle or two about thecomplicatedchronologyofhisperegrinationsinSyriaandPalestine.

The thirdpieceof evidence is arresting, though speculative. Ibnal-Khatib’slettertoIbnBattutasuggeststhatthetwomenbecamefriendsinMoroccoforafewyears.Mackintosh-SmithreportsthathefoundandreadabookthatIbnal-Khatibpublishedontopographicalsubjects.Init,hedescribesinrhymingproseafictionalizedencounteratacaravanstopwithagray-headedoldtraveler.Thismanboastsofhisjourneystomanycountriesbutlamentsthathislifeisendingin poverty and friendlessness. In Ibn al-Khatib’s story, the old man revealspersonality traits that are also evident in the Rihla—an attraction to Sufimysticism,anabilitytocharm,atendencytopontificate,andaloveofmoney.Mackintosh-Smith is sure that Ibn Battuta inspired Ibn al-Khatib’s fictionalportrait.

Wedonotknowthattherealtraveler,asopposedtotheold-timerinthestory,endedhislifeinsuchaforlornstate.Butthetalesuggeststhathisreturnhomeleft him not at ease and satisfied, but malcontent, restless, and regretful, stillyearning for the road. The story adds a poignant touch to the portrait of IbnBattutawegetintheRihla,notonlythedescriptionsofhisthrillingadventuresbutalsohisopinionsandfeelings—hislikes,dislikes,piousprejudices,physicalcourage,sexualappetites,andcravingsforfriendshipwithpowerfulpeople.Anepicmovieabouthimisagoodidea,anditcouldbedonewithout inventingasinglescenenottakendirectlyfromhisownamazingnarrative.

November2011

Notes

1. L. P. Harvey, IbnBattuta (London: I.B.Tauris in association with the Oxford Center for IslamicStudies, 2007);DavidWaines,TheOdyssey of Ibn Battuta:Uncommon Tales of aMedieval Adventurer

(Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPress,2010).2.IbnBattuta,TheTravelsofIbnBattutaintheNearEast,AsiaandAfrica,1325–1354(Mineola,NY:

Dover,2004).3. Ibrahimov Nematulla Ibrahimovich, The Travels of Ibn Battuta to Central Asia (Princeton, NJ:

MarkusWiener,2010).4.“SummerJourney2011,”TimeSpecials,July2011.5. Tim Mackintosh-Smith, Travels with a Tangerine: A Journey in the Footnotes of Ibn Battutah

(London:JohnMurray,2001);TheHallofaThousandColumns:HindustantoMalabarwithIbnBattutah(London:JohnMurray,2005);Landfalls:OntheEdgeofIslamwithIbnBattutah (London:JohnMurray,2010).

PrefacetotheRevisedEdition

The year 2004 marks the seven hundredth anniversary of the birth of Abu’Abdallah ibn Battuta, the Muslim lawyer who crisscrossed the EasternHemisphereinthesecondquarterofthefourteenthcenturyand,withthehelpofa literary collaborator, wrote a lengthy account of what he saw and did. Theworld should take note of the septicentenary of this pious and educatedMoroccan traveler. Not only did he give us a precious description of places,people, politics, and lifeways in nearly all the urbanized lands of Eurasia andAfrica in the later medieval era, he also exposed the premodern roots ofglobalization. His tale reveals that by the fourteenth century the formation ofdense networks of communication and exchange had linked in one way oranothernearlyeveryoneinthehemispherewithnearlyeveryoneelse.FromIbnBattuta’sRihla,orBookofTravels,wediscoverthewebsofinterconnectionthatstretchedfromSpaintoChinaandfromKazakhstantoTanzania,andwecanseethatalreadyintheMoroccan’stimeaneventoccurringinonepartofEurasiaorAfricamightreverberate,initseffects,thousandsofmilesaway.

Sailing theArabian Sea in a two-masted dhow or leading his horse over asnow-coveredpass in theHinduKush, IbnBattuta couldnothavedreamedofthespeedandintensityofhumaninterchangetoday.Evensince1987,whenthefirsteditionofthisbookappeared,humankindhasmadeastonishingadvancesinelectronictechnologyandcommunication.Onesmallironyofthis“informationrevolution” is that Ibn Battuta himself has journeyed deeper into the popularimagination.HeistodayamorefamiliarhistoricalfigureamongbothMuslimsandnon-Muslimsthanhewastwenty-fiveyearsago.Thishashappened,Ithink,partly because of the increasing intensity of political and cultural relationsbetweenMuslimandWesterncountriesandpartlybecauseofthebroadeningofinternational curriculums in schools and universities, notably in the UnitedStates, to embrace Asian and African societies, including famous men andwomenoftheMuslimpast.

In the United States, virtually all high school and college world historytextbooks introduce Ibn Battuta, and in the past several years I have had

numerous invitations to talkabouthisadventureswithmiddleandhighschoolteachers and students. In 1994, the Hakluyt Society published the fourth andfinal volume of the English translation of theRihla, bringing to conclusion aproject thatbeganin1929!1Otherpublicationsofrecentyears includea travelwriter’s account of journeys tracing Ibn Battuta’s path across the EasternHemisphere, an abridged edition of the Hakluyt Society translation, a neweditionofanEnglishtranslationoftheMoroccan’sEastandWestAfricantrips,andanattractivelyillustratedcommentaryinDanish.2

Several popular magazines have featured Ibn Battuta, including NationalGeographic.3ASpanish-Moroccan production teammade a documentary filmabouthim in themid-1990s,andcurrentlyat least two filmprojectsare in theworks. In 1993, Moroccan scholars organized an international conference ontheir native son in Tangier, his birthplace. In 1999, the Islamic Museum ofKuwaitproducedanenchantingone-manactandmultimediashowcalled“TheTravelsofIbnBattuta.”SeveralpublicationsforyoungpeoplehaveappearedinEnglish,includingateachingunitforhighschoolstudents,anissueoftheworldhistorymagazineCalliope,andafantasyofthe“IndianaJones”varietytitledIbnBattuta in theValley ofDoom.4 In San Francisco amiddle school teacher hasdevelopedadetailedIbnBattutawebsite.5Finally,Imustmentionthatin1976,the International Astronomical Union honored the traveler by naming a lunarcraterafterhim.Itiselevenkilometerswideandonthenearsideofthemoon.

I was pleased indeed when the University of California Press agreed topublish this new edition, a seven-hundredth-birthday present to Ibn Battuta. Ihavemade limited changes. I have taken account of the scholarly literature inWestern languages that has appeared since 1987, as well as the insights andcorrections published in reviews of the first edition.With the exception of anessaybyAmikamElad,whodemonstratesthatmuchofIbnBattuta’sdescriptionofSyriaandPalestineiscopiedfromthetravelaccountofthethirteenth-centurytravelerMuhammadal-’Abdari, I have seennonew research that significantlyalters what we know about theRihla or Ibn Battuta’s life.6 Some newwork,however,hasofferedinsightsontheRihla’schronology,itinerary,andreliability.Myreferencestonewworkaremainlyinthechapterendnotes.

The only change I havemade to the bibliography is the addition of a newsection, “SupplementalSources for the2004Edition.” Ihavealso retained thesamesourcesoftranslationsfromtheRihla,whichmainlymeansthatIhavenotquoted from volume four of theHakluyt Society edition. I havemade certainspelling changes—for example, “Qur’an” instead of “Koran”—and I havereplaced theWade-Gileswith the pinyin system for romanizingChinese place

names.Iamindebtedtoreviewerswhopointedoutmistakesandinterpretiveflawsin

the first edition, and I would like to thank Tim Macintosh-Smith formeticulously rereading thebookand sendingmevaluable comments. I greatlyappreciate theeffortsofMariCoates,myUniversityofCaliforniaPresseditor,whose enthusiasm for the new edition helped me meet her timetable forrevisions.Finally,IthankLauraRyanforresearchassistance.

RossE.DunnMarch2004

Notes

1.Seethebibliographyforthecompletecitation.TheHakluytSocietyhasalsopublishedanindextotheRihlainafifthvolume.C.F.Beckinghamintendedtoproduceasixthvolume,anextendedcommentaryonIB’sitineraryandchronology.Sadly,Prof.Beckinghampassedawayin1998.

2. Tim Mackintosh-Smith, Travels with a Tangerine: A Journey in the Footnotes of Ibn Battutah(London,2001);TimMackintosh-Smith,ed.TheTravelsofIbnBattutah(London,2003);SaidHamdunandNoelKing,IbnBattutainBlackAfrica(Princeton,NJ,1994);andThygeC.Bro,IbnBattuta:Enarabiskrejsendefradet14.århundrede(Oslo,2001).

3. Thomas J. Abercrombie and James L. Stanfield, “Ibn Battuta: Prince of Travelers,” NationalGeographic180(Dec.1991):4–49.Also,DouglasBullis,“TheLongestHajj:TheJourneysofIbnBattuta,”SaudiAramcoWorld51(July/Aug.2000),2–39.

4.JoanArnoandHelenGrady,IbnBattuta:AViewoftheFourteenth-CenturyWorld(NationalCenterforHistoryintheSchools,UniversityofCalifornia,LosAngeles,1998);“IbnBattuta:MuslimScholarandTraveler,”Calliope 9 (April1999);Abdal-RahmanAzzam, IbnBattuta in theValleyofDoom (London,1996).

5. Nick Bartel, “The Travels of Ibn Battuta: A Virtual Tour with the 14th Century Traveler,”http://www.sfusd.k12.ca.us/schwww/sch618/Ibn_Battuta/Ibn_Battuta_Rihla.html.

6.AmikamElad,“TheDescriptionoftheTravelsofIbnBattutainPalestine:IsItOriginal?,”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety (1987),256–272.Also,Dr.Abdel-hadiTazi, theleadingMoroccanauthorityonIB,has founddocumentaryevidencesuggesting thathedied in the townofAnfa,notTangier,wherehisputativetombislocated.

PrefacetotheFirstEdition

Staringatthewallofmywindowlessofficeonedayin1976,Isuddenlygottheidea to write this book. I was teaching world history to undergraduates andtryingtogivethemanideaofIslaminthemedievalageasacivilizationwhoseculturaldominanceextendedfarbeyondtheMiddleEastorthelandsinhabitedby Arabs. It occurred to me that the life of Abu ’Abdallah ibn Battuta, thefamousMoroccantravelerofthefourteenthcentury,wonderfullyillustratedtheinternationalist scope of Islamic civilization. He toured not only the centralregionsofIslambutalsoitsfarfrontiersinIndia,Indonesia,CentralAsia,EastAfrica,andtheWestAfricanSudan.Thetravelbookheproducedattheendofhis career is both a tale of high adventure and an expansive portrait of theeminently cosmopolitan world of Muslim princes, merchants, scholars, andtheologianswithinwhichhemovedduring29yearsontheroad.

Since themid nineteenth century,when translations of hisArabic narrativebegantoappearinWesternlanguages,IbnBattutahasbeenwellknownamongspecialistsinIslamicandmedievalhistory.Butnoscholarhadattemptedtoretellhis remarkable story to ageneral audience.For thenon-specialist interested inmedievalIslamandtheattitudesandpreoccupationsofitsintellectualclassthenarrative can be absorbing. But the modern reader is also likely to find itpuzzlingly organized, archaic, and to some degree unintelligible. My idea,therefore, has been to bring Ibn Battuta’s adventure to general readers and tointerpretitwithintherich,trans-hemisphericculturalsettingofmedievalIslam.MyhopeisnotonlythattheMoroccanjourneyerwillbecomeaswellknownintheWesternworldasMarcoPoloisbutthatreaderswillalsogainasharperandmorepanoramicviewoftheforcesthatmadethehistoryofEurasiaandAfricainthefourteenthcenturyaninterconnectedwhole.IbnBattuta,weshallsee,wasakind of citizen of the EasternHemisphere. The global interdependence of thelatetwentiethcenturywouldbelessstartlingtohimthanwemightsuppose.

AlmosteverythingweknowaboutIbnBattutathemanistobefoundinhisownwork,calledtheRihla,whichisreadilyavailableinprintedArabiceditions,as well as translations in English and several other languages. I have not

rummagedabout ancientmanuscript collections inFez,Damascus,orDelhi topiece his life together since, in so far as anyone knows, no suchmanuscriptsexist. Indeed, thisbook,partbiographyandpart culturalhistoryof the secondquarterofthefourteenthcentury,isaworkofsynthesis.IntracingIbnBattuta’sfootstepsthroughtheequivalentofsome44moderncountries,Ihavereliedonawiderangeofpublishedliterature.

IfirstbecameinterestedinIbnBattutawhenIspentthebetterpartofayeartranslating portions of the narrative in a graduate school Arabic class. I havecome to this project, however, with a modest training in that beautiful andintractablelanguage.IhaveusedprintedArabiceditionsoftheRihla toclarifyvarious problems of nomenclature and textual meaning, but I have largelydependedonthemajorEnglishorFrenchtranslationsinrelatingandinterpretingIbnBattuta’scareer.

TheRihlaisnotadailydiaryoracollectionofnotesthatIbnBattutajottedinthecourseofhistravels.Ratheritisaworkofliterature,partautobiographyandpart descriptive compendium, that was written at the end of his career. Incomposing the book, Ibn Battuta (and Ibn Juzayy, the literary scholar whocollaboratedwithhim)tookfarlesscarewithdetailsofitinerary,dates,andthesequenceofeventsthanthemodern“scientific”mindwouldconsideracceptablepracticeforatravelwriter.Consequently,thehistorianattemptingtoreconstructthe chronology of Ibn Battuta’s journeys must confront numerous gaps,inconsistencies, and puzzles, some of them baffling. Fortunately, the textualproblems of the Rihla have sustained the attention of historians, linguists,philologists,andgeographersformorethanacentury.IntryingtountangleIbnBattuta’s movements from one end of the Eastern Hemisphere to the other, Ihave therefore relied heavily on the existing corpus of textual commentary.Given thescopeandpurposeof thisbook, Icouldnotdootherwise, sinceanyfurther progress in solving remaining problems of chronology, itinerary,authenticity, andplacename identificationwould require laborious research infourteenth-century documentary sources. I have, however, tried to address themajordifficultiesinusingtheRihlaasabiographicalrecordofevents.Mostofthisdiscussionhasbeenconfinedtofootnotesinordertoavoiddigressionsintotechnicalities thatwould break annoyingly into the story or tax the interest ofsomegeneralreaders.

In this age of the “docu-drama” and the “non-fiction novel,” I should alsostate explicitly that I have in no deliberateway fictionalized IbnBattuta’s lifestory.Thewords thathespeaks, theattitudes thatheholds, theactions thathetakesareeitherdrawndirectlyfromtheRihlaorcanbereasonablyinferredfrom

itorotherhistoricalsources.ThisbookismyinterpretationofIbnBattuta’slifeandtimesandnotapicture

of the fourteenth century “through his eyes.” It is not a commentary on hisencyclopedic observations, not, in other words, a book about his book. Itssubjectmatter does, however, largely reflect his social experience and culturalperceptions.Hewasaliterate,urbanegentlemaninterestedforthemostpartintheaffairsofotherliterate,urbanegentlemen.ThoughasapiousMuslimhebynomeansdespisedthepoor,hedidnotoftenassociatewithpeasants,herdsmen,or cityworking folk.Nor does he havemuch to say about them in theRihla.Moreover, he traveled in the circles of world-minded people for whom theuniversalist values and cosmopolitan institutions of Islam—the mosques, thecolleges, the palaces—weremore important than the parochial customs andloyaltiesthatconstrictedtheculturalvisionofthegreatmajority.Somereaders,therefore,willnotfailtonoticetwoconceptualbiases.Oneisthatpoliticalandculturalelitesdominatethestoryattheexpenseof“themasses,”eventhoughthesocial history of ordinary Muslim folk is no less worthy of the historian’sattention. The other is that the cosmopolitan tendencies within Islamiccivilization are our primary theme rather than the admittedly great culturaldiversity among Muslim peoples, even though one of the strengths of anexpandingIslamwasitssuccessfuladaptabilitytolocalpatternsofculture.

A few technical matters need to be mentioned. In order to simplify thefootnoteapparatus, Ihavenot for themostpartgivenpagecitations fordirectquotesfromEnglishtranslationsoftheRihla.Unlessotherwisenoted,quotationsaretakenfromthepublishedtranslationsasfollows:Chapters1–8and14,H.A.R.Gibb,The Travels of Ibn Battuta A.D. 1325–1354, 3 vols.; Chapters 9–11,AghaMahdiHusain,TheRehlaofIbnBattuta;andChapter13,N.LevtzionandJ.F.P.Hopkins(eds.),CorpusofEarlyArabicSourcesforWestAfricanHistory.ForthesakeofuniformityIhavemadeafeworthographicchangesinquotationsfromtheRihla translations. Ihave“americanized” the spellingofanumberofEnglish words (e.g., “favor” rather than “favour”), and I have changed thespellingofafewArabicterms(e.g.,“Koran”ratherthan“Qur’an”and“vizier”ratherthan“vizir”or“wazir”).IntransliteratingArabicterms,Ihaveeliminatedall diacriticalmarks, excepting “’” to indicate the twoArabic letters “hamza”and“’ayn.”

Acknowledgements

IbnBattuta has ledme so far andwide in theEasternHemisphere that in thecourse of writing this book I have asked for advice and criticism from anunusually largenumberof scholars andcolleagues. I cannotmention themall,but Iwould like to thank the following individuals for readingandcriticizing,sometimesingreatdetail,allorpartofthemanuscript:JereBacharach,EdmundBurke, P. C. Chu, Julia Clancy-Smith, Michael Dols, Jeanne Dunn, RichardEaton,G.S.P.Freeman-Grenville,KathrynGreen,DavidHart,JamesKirkman,Howard Kushner, Ira Lapidus, Michael Meeker, David Morgan, WilliamPhillips,CharlesSmith,RaySmith,PetervonSivers,andRobertWilson.Iamespecially grateful for the enduring support of Professor C. F. Beckingham, amanoflearningandurbanitywithwhomIbnBattutawouldhavefoundmuchincommon. If I failed to understand or heed good advice these individuals gaveme,Ialonebeartheresponsibility.

IamgratefultotheNationalEndowmentfortheHumanitiesforawardingmea fellowship that funded research andwriting in 1980–81. During that year Ienjoyed the privilege of affiliationwith theMiddle East Centre at CambridgeUniversity,thankstoProfessorR.B.SerjeantandDrRobinBidwell.Iamalsoindebted to the Fellows of Clare Hall for extending me membership in thecollegeasaVisitingAssociate.SanDiegoStateUniversitygenerouslysupportedthis project with a sabbatical leave and several small grants. For researchassistance or typing services Iwould like to expressmy appreciation toLorinBirch, Veronica King, Richard Knight, Helen Lavey, and Jill SwallingHarrington.Finally,IwanttothankBarbaraAguadoformakingthemaps.

TheMuslimCalendar

Ibn Battuta reports the dates of his travels according to theMuslim calendar,which is based on the cycles of the moon. The Muslim year is divided intotwelvelunarmonthsof29or30dayseach.Theyearisapproximately354dayslong,thatis,tenorelevendaysshorterthanasolaryear.Consequently,datesoftheMuslimcalendarhavenofixedrelationshipeithertodatesoftheGregorian(Western)calendarortoseasonsoftheyear.Forexample,Christmasisalwayscelebrated in winter in Europe and the United States. By contrast, a Muslimreligiousholidaywill,overtime,occurinallfourseasonsoftheyear.Thebase-yearoftheMuslimcalendaris622A.D.,whentheProphetMuhammadandhisfollowers made the hijra, or “migration,” from Mecca to Medina. TheabbreviationA.H., forannoHejirae, denotes years of theMuslim calendar. InthisbookIhavegivenkeydatesaccordingtobothcalendars.Convertingprecisedatesfromonesystemtotheotherrequirestheuseofaformulaandaseriesoftables. These may be found in G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville, The Muslim andChristianCalendars(London,1963).

TheMuslimlunarmonthsareasfollows:

Muharram Rajab

Safar Sha’ban

Rabi’al-awwal(Rabi’I) Ramadan

Rabi’al-thani(Rabi’II) Shawwal

Jumadal-ula(JumadaI) Dhul-Qa’da

Jumadal-akhira(JumadaII) Dhul-Hijja

ANoteonMoney

In the course of his career Ibn Battuta received numerous gifts and salarypayments in gold or silver coins. He usually refers to these coins as dinars,thoughsometimesdistinguishingbetween“golddinars”and“silverdinars.” IntheearlyIslamiccenturiestheweightofagolddinarwassetat4.25grams.InIbn Battuta’s time, however, the weight and fineness of both gold and silvercoins,aswellastheexchangeratebetweenthem,variedgreatlyfromoneperiodor country to the next. It would be futile, therefore, to express the value ofmoneyhereceivedintermsofmoderndollarsorpoundssterling.Infourteenth-centuryIndia,wherehewaspaidlargesumsfromthepublictreasury,a“silverdinar”(orsilvertanka)wasvaluedataboutone-tenthofagolddinar.

AbbreviationsUsedinFootnotes

D&S C.DéfrémeryandB.R.Sanguinetti(trans.andeds.),Voyagesd’IbnBattuta,4vols. (Paris1853–58;reprintedn.,VincentMonteil (ed.),Paris,1979)

EI1 EncyclopaediaofIslam,1stedn.,4vols.(Leiden,1913–38)

EI2 Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd edn., 5 vols. (Leiden, 1954; London,1956–)

Gb H. A. R. Gibb (trans. and ed.), The Travels of Ibn Battuta A. D.1325–1354. Translated with Revisions and Notes from the ArabicText Edited by C. Défrémery and B. R. Sanguinetti, 3 vols.(CambridgefortheHakluytSociety,1958,1961,1971)

H&K SaidHamdunandNoelKing(trans.andeds.),IbnBattutainBlackAfrica(London,1975)

Hr Ivan Hrbek, “The Chronology of Ibn Battuta’s Travels,” ArchivOrientalni30(1962):409–86

IB IbnBattuta

L&H N.LevtzionandJ.F.P.Hopkins (trans,andeds.).CorpusofEarlyArabicSourcesforWestAfricanHistory(NewYork,1981)

MH Agha Mahdi Husain (trans. and ed.). The Rehla of Ibn Battuta(Baroda,India,1976)

Introduction

Westernershavesingularlynarrowedthehistoryoftheworldingroupingthe little that theyknewabout theexpansionof thehuman racearoundthepeoplesofIsrael,GreeceandRome.Thushavetheyignoredallthosetravellersandexplorerswho in their shipsploughed theChinaSeaandtheIndianOcean,orrodeacross the immensitiesofCentralAsia to thePersian Gulf. In truth the larger part of the globe, containing culturesdifferent from those of the ancient Greeks and Romans but no lesscivilized,hasremainedunknowntothosewhowrotethehistoryoftheirlittleworldundertheimpressionthattheywerewritingworldhistory.1

HenriCordier

Abu’AbdallahibnBattutahasbeenrightlycelebratedasthegreatesttravelerofpremoderntimes.HewasbornintoafamilyofMuslimlegalscholarsinTangier,Morocco, in 1304 during the era of theMarinid dynasty.He studied law as ayoungmanandin1325lefthisnativetowntomakethepilgrimage,orhajj, tothe sacred city of Mecca in Arabia. He took a year and a half to reach hisdestination, visiting North Africa, Egypt, Palestine, and Syria along the way.Aftercompletinghisfirsthajjin1326,hetouredIraqandPersia,thenreturnedtoMecca.In1328(or1330)heembarkeduponaseavoyagethattookhimdowntheeasterncoastofAfricaasfarsouthastheregionofmodernTanzania.OnhisreturnvoyagehevisitedOmanandthePersianGulfandreturnedtoMeccaagainbytheoverlandrouteacrosscentralArabia.

In 1330 (or 1332) he ventured to go to India to seek employment in thegovernmentoftheSultanateofDelhi.RatherthantakingthenormaloceanrouteacrosstheArabianSeatothewesterncoastofIndia,hetravelednorththroughEgyptandSyria toAsiaMinor.After touringthatregion,hecrossedtheBlackSea to the plains of West Central Asia. He then, owing to fortuitouscircumstances,made awestward detour to visit Constantinople, capital of the

ByzantineEmpire,inthecompanyofaTurkishprincess.ReturningtotheAsiansteppes,hetraveledeastwardthroughTransoxiana,Khurasan,andAfghanistan,arrivingatthebanksoftheIndusRiverinSeptember1333(or1335).

Map1:CitiesofEurasiaandAfricaintheFourteenthCentury

HespenteightyearsinIndia,mostofthattimeoccupyingapostasaqadi,orjudge, inthegovernmentofMuhammadTughluq,SultanofDelhi.In1341theking appointed him to lead a diplomatic mission to the court of the Mongolemperor of China. The expedition ended disastrously in shipwreck off thesouthwestern coast of India, leaving Ibn Battuta without employment orresources. For a little more than two years he traveled about southern India,Ceylon,and theMaldive Islands,whereheserved forabouteightmonthsasaqadi under the local Muslim dynasty. Then, despite the failure of hisambassadorialmission,heresolvedin1345togotoChinaonhisown.Travelingbysea,hevisitedBengal, thecoastofBurma,and the islandofSumatra, thencontinuedontoGuangzhou.TheextentofhisvisittoChinaisuncertainbutwasprobablylimitedtothesoutherncoastalregion.

In1346–47he returned toMeccabywayofSouth India, thePersianGulf,

Syria,andEgypt.Afterperformingtheceremoniesofthehajjonelasttime,heset a course for home. Traveling by both land and sea, he arrived in Fez, thecapitalofMorocco,latein1349.Thefollowingyearhemadeabrieftripacrossthe Strait ofGibraltar to theMuslim kingdom ofGranada. Then, in 1353, heundertook his final adventure, a journey by camel caravan across the SaharaDeserttotheKingdomofMaliintheWestAfricanSudan.In1355hereturnedtoMoroccotostay.Inthecourseofacareerontheroadspanningalmostthirtyyears, he crossed the breadth of the Eastern Hemisphere, visited territoriesequivalenttoabout40moderncountries,andputbehindhimatotaldistanceofapproximately73,000miles.2

Earlyin1356SultanAbu’Inan,theMarinidrulerofMorocco,commissionedIbnJuzayy,ayoungliteraryscholarofAndalusianorigin,torecordIbnBattuta’sexperiences,aswellashisobservationsabouttheIslamicworldofhisday,intheform of a rihla, or book of travels. As a type of Arabic literature, the rihlaattained something of a flowering in North Africa between the twelfth andfourteenthcenturies.Thebestknownexamplesofthegenrerecountedajourneyfrom the Maghrib to Mecca, informing and entertaining readers with richdescriptions of the pious institutions, public monuments, and religiouspersonalities of the great cities of Islam.3 Ibn Battuta and Ibn Juzayycollaboratedforabouttwoyearstocomposetheirwork,thelongestandintermsofitssubjectmatterthemostcomplexrihlatocomeoutofNorthAfricainthemedievalage.Hisroyalchargecompleted,IbnBattutaretiredtoajudicialpostinaMoroccanprovincialtown.Hediedin1368.

Writtenintheconventionalliterarystyleofthetime,IbnBattuta’sRihlaisacomprehensive survey of the personalities, places, governments, customs, andcuriositiesoftheMuslimworldinthesecondquarterofthefourteenthcentury.Itisalsotherecordofadramaticpersonaladventure.InthefourcenturiesafterIbnBattuta’sdeath,theRihlacirculated,mostlyincopiedmanuscriptabridgmentsofIbn Juzayy’s original text, among people of learning in North Africa, WestAfrica,Egypt,andperhapsotherMuslimlandswhereArabicwasread.

Thebookwasunknownoutside Islamic countries until the early nineteenthcentury,whentwoGermanscholarspublishedseparatelytranslationsofportionsoftheRihlafrommanuscriptsobtainedintheMiddleEast.In1829SamuelLee,aBritish orientalist, published anEnglish translation based on abridgments ofthenarrative thatJohnBurckhardt, the famousSwissexplorer,hadacquired inEgypt.4 Around themiddle of the century fivemanuscripts of theRihla werefound in Algeria following the French occupation of that country. ThesedocumentsweresubsequentlytransferredtotheBibliothèqueNationaleinParis.

Twoofthemrepresentthemostcompleteversionsofthenarrativethathaveevercome to light. The others are partial transcriptions, one of which carries theautograph of Ibn Juzayy, Ibn Battuta’s editor. Working with these fivedocuments,twoFrenchscholars,C.DéfrémeryandB.R.Sanguinetti,publishedbetween 1853 and 1858 a printed edition of the Arabic text, together with atranslationinFrenchandanapparatusofnotesandvarianttextualreadings.5

Sincethen,translationsofthework,preparedineverycasefromDéfrémeryandSanguinetti’sprintedtext,havebeenpublishedinmanylanguages,includingSpanish,Italian,German,Russian,Polish,Hungarian,Persian,andJapanese.In1929 Sir Hamilton Gibb produced an abridged English translation and beganwork on a complete edition of the work under the auspices of the HakluytSociety.6 The last of the four volumes in this series appeared in 1994, and anindexcameout in2001.7However,English translationsofvariousportionsoftheRihlahaveappearedinthepastcenturyasbooksorasarticlesinanthologiesandscholarlyjournals.

ThenumeroustranslationsoftheRihla,togetherwiththeextensivecorpusofencyclopedia articles, popular summaries, and critical commentaries on IbnBattutaandhiscareerthathaveaccumulatedsincetheeighteenthcentury,areatributetotheextraordinaryvalueofthenarrativeasahistoricalsourceonmuchof the inhabited Eastern Hemisphere in the second quarter of the fourteenthcentury.Thebookhasbeencitedandquotedinhundredsofhistoricalworks,notonlythoserelatingtoIslamiccountriesbuttoChinaandtheByzantineempireaswell.Forthehistoryofcertainregions,SudanicWestAfrica,AsiaMinor,ortheMalabar coast of India, for example, theRihla stands as the only eye-witnessreportonpoliticalevents,humangeography,andsocialoreconomicconditionsforaperiodofacenturyormore.IbnBattutahadnoprofessionalbackgroundorexperienceasawriterofgeography,history,orethnography,buthewas,asGibbdeclares,“thesupremeexampleoflegéographemalgrélui,”the“geographerinspiteofhimself.”8

TheWesternworldhasconventionallycelebratedMarcoPolo,whodiedtheyearbeforeIbnBattutafirstlefthome,asthe“GreatestTravelerinHistory.”IbnBattuta has inevitably been comparedwith him and has usually taken secondprize as “the Marco Polo of the Muslim world” or “the Marco Polo of thetropics.”9Keeping inmind that neitherman actually composed his own book(Marco’s record was dictated to the French romance writer Rusticello in aGenoeseprison),thereisnodoubtthattheVenetian’sworkisthesuperioroneintermsof the accurate, precise, practical information it contributesonmedievalChina and other Asian lands in the latter part of the thirteenth century,

informationofprofoundvaluetohistorianseversince.YetIbnBattutatraveledto,andreportson,agreatmanymoreplacesthanMarcodid,andhisnarrativeoffersdetails, sometimes in incidentalbits, sometimes in longdisquisitions,onalmost every conceivable aspect of human life in that age, from the royalceremonial of the Sultan of Delhi to the sexual customs of women in theMaldive Islands to the harvesting of coconuts in South Arabia.Moreover hisstoryisfarmorepersonalandhumanelyengagingthanMarco’s.SomeWesternwriters,especiallyinanearliertimewhentheconvictionofEurope’ssuperiorityover Islamic civilization was a presumption of historical scholarship, havecriticizedIbnBattutaforbeingexcessivelyeagertotellaboutthelivesandpiousaccomplishments of religious savants and Sufi mystics when he might havewritten more about practical politics and prices. The Rihla, however, wasdirected toMuslimmen of learning of the fourteenth century for whom suchreportage, so recondite to the modern Western reader, was pertinent andinteresting.

As inMarco’s case,we know almost nothing about the life of IbnBattutaapartfromwhattheautobiographicaldimensionofhisownbookreveals.Asidefrom three minor references in Muslim scholarly works of the fourteenth orfifteenthcenturythatattestindependentlytotheMoroccan’sexistenceandtohisachievementsasatraveler,nodocumenthasevercometolightfromhisownagethat mentions him.10 To understand his character, his aspirations, his socialattitudesandprejudices,hispersonalrelationswithotherpeopleand,finally,thewayhe“fits”intofourteenth-centuryMuslimsocietyandculture,wemustrelyalmostexclusivelyontheRihlaitself.Fortunately,byexpressinghereandtherein its pages his reactions to events, his annoyances, his animosities, and thedetailsofhispersonalintrigues,herevealssomethingofhisowncharacter.

WesternwritershavesometimescharacterizedIbnBattutaasabraveexplorerlikeMarcoPolo,riskinghislifetodiscoverterraincognitaandbringknowledgeofittopublicattention.InfactIbnBattuta’sexperiencewasdrasticallydifferentfrom that of the Venetian. Marco traveled as an alien visitor into lands fewEuropeanshadeverseenandwhosepeopleknewlittle,andcaredtoknowlittle,aboutEurope.Hewasanoddity,a“strangerinastrangeland,”whowasgiventhe opportunity to visit China only because of the very special politicalcircumstances that prevailed for a short time in the thirteenth and earlyfourteenthcenturies: theexistenceof thegreatMongolstatesofAsiaand theirpolicyofpermittingmerchantsofalloriginsandreligionstotravelandconductbusiness in their domains. Marco does indeed herald the age of Europeandiscovery,notbecause thepeoplesofAsiasomehowneededdiscovering toset

themselves on a course into the future, but because his book made anextraordinary and almost immediate intellectual impact on a young WesterncivilizationthatuntilthattimehadacrampedandfaultyvisionofwhatthewiderworldoftheEasternHemispherewasallabout.

IbnBattuta,bycontrast,spentmostofhistravelingcareerwithintheculturalboundaries ofwhatMuslims called theDar al-Islam, orAbode of Islam.ThisexpressionembracedthelandswhereMuslimspredominatedinthepopulation,oratleastwhereMuslimkingsorprincesruledovernon-Muslimmajoritiesandwhereinconsequencetheshari’a,orSacredLaw,ofIslamwaspresumablythefoundationof thesocialorder. In that sense Islamiccivilizationextended fromthe Atlantic coast of West Africa to Southeast Asia. Moreover, importantminoritycommunitiesofMuslimsinhabitedcitiesandtownsinregionssuchasChina,Spain,andtropicalWestAfricathatwerebeyondthefrontiersoftheDaral-Islam.ThereforealmosteverywhereIbnBattutawenthelivedinthecompanyofotherMuslims,menandwomenwhosharednotmerelyhisdoctrinalbeliefsand religious rituals, but his moral values, his social ideals, his everydaymanners.AlthoughhewasintroducedinthecourseofhistravelstoagreatmanyMuslim peoples whose local languages, customs, and aesthetic values wereunfamiliar inhisownhomelandat the farwestern edgeof thehemisphere, heneverstrayedfarfromthesocialworldofindividualswhosharedhistastesandsensibilities and among whom he could always find hospitality, security, andfriendship.

Today, we characterize the cosmopolitan individual in several ways: theadvocate of international cooperation or world government, the sophisticatedcity-dweller, the jet-setter. TheMuslim cosmopolite of the fourteenth centurywaslikewiseurbane,welltraveled,andfreeofthegrosservarietiesofparochialbigotry. But, above all, he possessed a consciousness, more or less acutelyformed,of theentireDaral-Islamasasocial reality.Healsobelieved,at leastimplicitly, in theSacredLawas theproperandeminentlyworkablefoundationofaglobalcommunity.

To understand the intellectual basis of Ibn Battuta’s cosmopolitanism, wemustre-orientourselvesawayfromtheconventionalviewofhistoryasprimarilythestudyofindividualnationsordiscrete“cultures.”Intheirwritingsmorethantwentyyearsago theworldhistoriansMarshallHodgsonandWilliamMcNeillintroduced and developed the “global” concept of the Eurasian, or preferablyAfro-Eurasian,Ecumene,thatis,thebeltofagrarianlandsextendingwesttoeastfromtheMediterraneanbasintoChina.11Itwaswithinthisregionthatthemajorsedentary civilizations of the Eastern Hemisphere arose, where most cities

sprang up, and where most important cultural and technological innovationsweremade.

Beginninginancienttimes,accordingtoMcNeill,theEcumenewentthroughaseriesof“closures”whichinvolvedincreasinglycomplexinterrelationsamongthe civilizationsof thehemisphere.Thus there evolved a continuous regionofintercommunication,or,aswewillcall it in thisbook, the intercommunicatingzone,which joined the sedentary andurbanizingpeoplesof theMediterraneanrim, theMiddleEast,Greater India, andChina into a single fieldof historicalinteractionandchange.Importantinnovationsoccurringinonepartofthezonetendedtospreadtotheotherpartsofitthroughtrade,militaryconquest,humanmigration,orgradualdiffusion.Moreover,theintercommunicatingzone“grew”over the course of time by incorporating peoples in peripheral areas— sub-SaharanAfrica,SoutheastAsia,CentralAsia,EuropenorthoftheAlps—intothewebofinterrelations.Thus, thehistoryofAfricaandEurasiainpremoderntimes becomes more than the stories of individual, geographically boundednations, cultures, or empires. It is also thehistoryof the “unconsciously inter-regionaldevelopments,” toquoteHodgson,which“converge in theireffects toalterthegeneraldispositionoftheHemisphere.”12

Oneofthemostimportantdimensionsofthis“hemispherichistory”wastherole of pastoral populations who inhabited the great arid belt which randiagonallyfromsouthwesttonortheastacrosstheintercommunicatingzone,thatisthechainofsteppesanddesertsextendingfromtheSaharathroughtheMiddleEastandCentralAsia to theGobi.Contactbetweentheherdingpeoplesof thearidzoneandsedentarysocietiestendedinnormaltimestobemostlybeneficialtoboth,involvingtheexchangeofgoodsandelementsofculture.However,thepastoralists,owingtotheirmobilityandethosofmartialstrength,werealwaysapotential threat to the far richer settled civilizations. At periodic intervalsbeginningintheeighteenthcenturyB.C.orearlier,nomadicinvaderspouredintoneighboringagrarianlands,pillagingcities,terminatingdynasties,andgenerallyupsettingprevailingculturalandsocialpatternsoverwideareasofEurasiaandAfrica. The last great nomadic movement occurred in the thirteenth century,whentheMongolsandtheirTurkish-speakingallieseruptedoutofCentralAsiaandconqueredChina,Russia,andmostoftheMiddleEast,creatingthelargestterritorialempiretheworldhaseverknown.

Islamhad comeupon theworld scene in the seventh century in connectionwith the explosion of Arabic-speaking, horse-mounted warriors out of theArabian desert under the leadership of the Prophet Muhammad and hissuccessors.Westernhistoricalwritinghasgivenagreatdealofattention to the

earlyevolutionofIslamiccivilization,thatis,the“classical”ageoftheAbbasidCaliphate(orHighCaliphate)centeredonBaghdadbetweentheeighthandtenthcenturies. For this period the astonishing contributions of Muslims to worldhistory in art, science,medicine, philosophy, and international commercehavebeenrecognized,especiallyinsofarastheywereamajorformativeinfluenceonthe rise of Christian European civilization in the early Middle Ages. ButpreciselybecausehistoriansoftheWesthavebeeninterestedinIslammainlyintermsofitseffectsonthedevelopmentofEuropeaninstitutions,thesubsequentperiodsofIslamichistoryuptomoderntimeshavebeengivenlessheed.Indeed,the conventional perspective in European and American textbook writing hasbeen that Islamic civilization reached its “peak” during the Abbasid age andthereafterwent into a gradual but inexorable “decline.”This notion that IslamsomehowatrophiedafterthetenthoreleventhcenturyhaslargelyturnedontheWestern perception (considerably exaggerated) that Muslims rejected theintellectual heritage of Hellenistic rationalism about the same time thatEuropeans “rediscovered” it. Consequently, so the argument runs, the West,havingadopteda“scientific”and“rational”viewofthenaturalworld,wasableto “progress” in the direction of world dominance, while “traditional”civilizationssuchasIslamlanguishedandfellfurtherandfurtherbehind.

Infact, theperiodofhemispherichistoryfrom1000to1500A.D.,whatwewill call the Islamic Middle Period, witnessed a steady and remarkableexpansionofIslam,notsimplyasareligiousfaithbutasacoherent,universalistmodel of civilized life. To be sure, the intense, concentrated, innovativebrillianceoftheAbbasidCaliphatewasnottoberepeatedinthesubsequenthalfmillennium of Islamic history. Yet if many Muslims did turn intellectuallyconservative by the standard of modern scientific rationalism, the religionnonetheless pushed outward from its Middle Eastern core as an attractive,satisfying,cohesivesystemforexplainingthecosmosandfororderingcollectivelife among ever-larger numbers of people, both sedentary and pastoral, bothurbanandrural,allacrosstheintercommunicatingzone.

The spread of Islam into new areas of the hemisphere during the MiddlePeriodwasgivenimpetusbytwomajorforces.OneofthesewastheadvanceofTurkish-speakingMuslim herding peoples from Central Asia into theMiddleEast,amovement thatbeganona largescalewith theconquestsof theSeljukTurks in theeleventhcentury. In theensuing300yearsTurkishcavalryarmiespushedwestwardintoAsiaMinorandsouthernRussiaandeastwardintoIndia.ThesecondforcewasthegradualbutpersistentmovementofMuslimmerchantsinto the lands rimming the IndianOcean, that is,EastAfrica, India,Southeast

Asia, and China, as well as into Central Asia and West Africa south of theSahara.

Yettheprincipalcontributionofbothwarriorsandmerchants,establishinginsomeplacesMuslimmilitarydominanceand inotherplacesonlycommunitiesofbelieversundernon-Muslimauthority,wastopreparethegroundforinfluxesofMuslim religious and intellectual cadres. Itwas they, over the longer term,whofoundedthebasicinstitutionsofIslamiccivilizationinthesenewareasandwhocarriedontheworkofculturalconversionamongnon-Muslimpeoples.

A close look at the patterns of travel and migration in the post-Abbasidcenturiesrevealsaquietbutpersistentdispersionoflegalscholars,theologians,Sufidivines,belle-lettrists, scribes, architects, andcraftsmenoutward from theoldercentersofIslamtothesenewfrontiersofMuslimmilitaryandcommercialactivity.Atthesametime,themembersofthisculturalelitewhowerelivingandtravelinginthefurtherregionsconsistentlymaintainedclosetieswiththegreatcities of the central Islamic lands, thereby creating notmerely a scattering ofliterateandskilledMuslimsacross thehemisphere,butan integrated,growing,self-replenishingnetworkofculturalcommunication.

Moreover,themostfundamentalvaluesofIslamtendedtoencourageahigherdegreeofsocialmobilityandfreermovementof individualsfromonecityandregiontoanotherthanwasthecaseintheothercivilizationsofthattime.Islamiccultureputgreat stresson egalitarianbehavior in social relationsbasedon theideal of a communityofbelievers (theumma) havinga commonallegiance tooneGod and his Sacred Law. To be sure, a great gulf separated the rich andpowerfulfromthepoorandweak,aswasthecaseinallcivilizedsocietiesuntilvery recent times.But Islammightily resisted the institutionalizingofascribedstatuses, ethnic exclusivities, or purely territorial loyalties. The dynamics ofsociallifecentered,notonrelationsamongfixed,rigidlydefinedgroupsaswasthecase inHindu Indiaoreven, toa lesserdegree, themedievalWest,butonwhat Hodgson calls “egalitarian contractualism,” the relatively free play ofrelationsamongindividualswhotendedtosizeoneanotherupmainlyintermsofpersonalconformitytoIslamicmoralstandards.13Consequently,whereverinthe Dar al-Islam an individual traveled, pursued a career, or bought and soldgoods,thesamesocialandmoralrulesofconductlargelyapplied,rulesfoundedontheshari’a.

TheIslamicworldinIbnBattuta’stimewasdividedpoliticallyintonumerouskingdomsandprincipalities.Rulers insisted that their administrativeandpenalcodesbeobeyed,buttheymadenoclaimstodivineauthority.Forthemostpart,Muslimsonthemove—merchants,scholars,andskilled,literateindividualsof

all kinds— regarded the jurisdictions of states as a necessary imposition andgavethemaslittleattentionaspossible.TheirprimaryallegiancewastotheDaral-Islamasawhole.Thefocalpointsoftheirpublicliveswerenotcountriesbutcities, where world-minded Muslims carried on their inter-personal affairsmainlywithreferencetotheuniversalistanduniformstandardsoftheLaw.

The terrible Mongol conquests of Persia and Syria that occurred between1219 and 1258 appeared toMuslims to threaten the very existence of Islamiccivilization. Yet by the time Ibn Battuta began his traveling career Mongolpolitical dominanceover thegreater part ofEurasiawasproving conducive tothefurtherexpansionofIslamanditsinstitutions.ThepowerfulMongolkhansofPersiaandCentralAsiaconvertedtothefaith,andtheconditionsoforderandsecurity that attended the Pax Mongolica of the later thirteenth and earlyfourteenthcenturiesgavefreerplaythanevertothemovementofMuslimsbackandforthacrossEurasia.

Itwas in the late decades of the PaxMongolica that IbnBattutamade hisremarkable journeys. In a sense he participated, sometimes simultaneously, infourdifferentstreamsoftravelandmigration.First,hewasapilgrim,joiningthemarchofpiousbelievers to the spiritual shrinesofMeccaandMedinaat leastfourtimesinhiscareer.Second,hewasadevoteeofSufism,ormysticalIslam,traveling, as thousands did, to the hermitages and lodges of venerableindividuals to receive their blessing and wisdom. Third, he was a juridicalscholar, seeking knowledge and erudite company in the great cities of theIslamicheartland.Andfinally,hewasamemberoftheliterate,mobile,world-mindedelite,aneducatedadventurerasitwere,lookingforhospitality,honors,and profitable employment in the more newly established centers of Islamiccivilization in the further regionsofAsiaandAfrica. Inanyof these travelingroles, however, he regarded himself as a citizen, not of a country calledMorocco, but of the Dar al-Islam, to whose universalist spiritual, moral, andsocial values he was loyal above any other allegiance. His life and careerexemplifyaremarkablefactofAfro–EurasianhistoryinthelaterMiddlePeriod,that, asMarshallHodgsonwrites, Islam“camecloser thananyothermedievalsociety to establishing a common world order of social and even culturalstandards.”14

Notes

1.HenriCordier,quoted in JosephNeedham,ScienceandCivilization inChina, vol. 4, part 3:CivilEngineeringandNautics(Cambridge,1971),p.486.

2.Approximate.HenryYuleestimates that IB traveledmore than75,000milesduringhiscareer,notcountingjourneyswhilelivinginIndia.CathayandtheWayThither,4vols.(London,1913–16),vol.4,p.40.MahdiHusain(MH,p.liii)suggests77,640miles.

3.OnrihlaliteratureinNorthAfricaseeM.B.A.Benchekroun,LaVieintellectuellemarocainesouslesMerinidesetlesWattasides(Rabat,1974),pp.9–11,251–57;AndréMichel,“IbnBattuta,trenteannéesdevoyagesdePekinauNiger,”LesAfricains1(1977):134–36;A.L.dePrémare,MaghrebetAndalousieauXIVesiècle(Lyon,1981),pp.34,92–93.

4.SamuelLee,TheTravelsofIbnBattuta(London,1929).SeealsoD&S,vol.1,pp.xiii–xxvi.5.C.DéfrémeryandB.R.Sanguinetti(trans.andeds.).Voyagesd’IbnBattuta,4vols.(Paris,1853–58;

reprintedn.,VincentMonteil[ed.],Paris,1979).6.H.A.R.Gibb,TheTravelsofIbnBattutaA.D.1325–1354,TranslatedwithNotes fromtheArabic

TextEditedbyC.DefremeryandB.R.Sanguinetti,5vols.Vols.1–3:CambridgeUniversityPressfortheHakluyt Society, 1958, 1961, and 1971. Vol. 4: Translation Completed with Annotations by C. F.Beckingham.London:HakluytSociety,1994.Vol.5:Index,A.D.H.Bivar,Compiler,Aldershot,England:AshgatePublishing,2001.

7.ThefinalvolumewastranslatedbyC.F.Beckingham,Gibb’sformerstudent.8.Gibb,TravelsinAsiaandAfrica,p.12.9.A.G.Hopkins,AnEconomicHistoryofWestAfrica(NewYork,1973),p.78.10.OnthemedievalsourcesthatmentionIBseeChapter14.11.MarshallG.S.Hodgson,TheVentureofIslam:ConscienceandHistoryinWorldCivilization,3vols.

(Chicago,1974);WilliamH.McNeill,TheRiseoftheWest:AHistoryoftheHumanCommunity(Chicago,1963).Theconceptoftrans-regional“intercommunicatingzones”isalsoimportantinthewritingsofPhilipD.Curtin,notablyCross-CulturalTradeinWorldHistory(Cambridge,England,1984).12.Marshall G. S. Hodgson, “Hemispheric Inter-regionalHistory as anApproach toWorldHistory,”

JournalofWorldHistory1(1954):717.13.MarshallG.S.Hodgson,“TheRoleofIslaminWorldHistory,”InternationalJournalofMiddleEast

Studies1(1970):116.14.MarshallG.S.Hodgson,“TheUnityofLaterIslamicHistory,”JournalofWorldHistory5(1960):

884.

1Tangier

Thelearnedmanisesteemedinwhateverplaceorconditionhemaybe,always meeting people who are favorably disposed to him, who drawneartohimandseekhiscompany,gratifiedinbeingclosetohim.1

’Abdal-Latifal-Baghdadi

The white and windy city of Tangier lies on the coast of Morocco at thesouthwesternendoftheStraitofGibraltarwherethecoldsurfacecurrentoftheAtlantic flows into thechannel, forminga river to theMediterranean45milesaway.Accordingtolegend,Herculesfoundedthecityinhonorofhiswife,afterhesplit thecontinentsandbuilthispillars, themountainknownasJebelMusaon the African shore, the Rock of Gibraltar on the European. For travelerssailingbetweenMoroccoandtheIberianPeninsulathestraitwasindeedariver,only16milesacrossatitsnarrowestpointandtraversedinaslittleasthreehoursin fair weather. To sail east or west from one sea to the other was a moredangerous and exacting feat than the crossing, owing to capriciouswinds andcurrentsaswellasreefsandsandbarsalongtheshores.Yetmerchantshipsweremaking the passage with more and more frequency in medieval times, andTangier was growing along with the other ports of the strait as an entrepôtbetweenthecommercialnetworksoftheMediterraneanandtheNorthAtlantic.Tangier was a converging point of four geographical worlds — African andEuropean, Atlantic and Mediterranean. It was an international town whosecharacterwasdeterminedbytheshiftingflowofmaritimetrafficinthestrait—merchantsandwarriors,craftsmenandscholarsshuttlingbackandforthbetweenthepillarsorglidingunderthembetweentheoceanandthesea.

Wehaveonlya faint ideaof the localhistoryofTangier (Tanja) in thefirstquarterofthefourteenthcenturywhenIbnBattutawasgrowingupthere,beingeducated, and moving in the secure circles of parents, kinsmen, teachers andfriends.2Butthereisnodoubtthatlifeinthetownwasshapedbythepatternsof

history in thewiderworld of the strait. If the young IbnBattuta, preoccupiedwithhisKoraniclessons,wasindifferenttothemomentouscomingsandgoingsin the region of the channel, these must have had, nonetheless, a pervadinginfluenceonthedailyaffairsofthecityanditspeople.

Map2:RegionoftheStraitofGibraltar

The early fourteenth century was a time of transition for all the townsbordering the strait, as prevailing relationships betweenAfrica andEurope ontheonehandandtheAtlanticandMediterraneanontheotherwerebeingaltered,in someways drastically.Most conspicuouswas the retreat ofMuslim powerfromEuropeinthefaceoftheChristianreconquista.Duringthehalfmillenniumbetween the eighth and thirteenth centuries, all of theMaghrib (North AfricafromMoroccotowesternLibya)andmostofIberiawereunderMuslimrule.Onboth sides of the strait there developed a sophisticated urban civilization,foundedon the rich irrigatedagricultureofAndalusia (al-Andalus), asMuslimIberia was called, and flourishing amid complex cultural and commercialinterchange among cities all around the rim of the farwesternMediterranean.Theunityofthiscivilizationreacheditsapogeeinthetwelfthcenturywhenthe

Almohads, a dynastyofMoroccanBerbers impelled by amilitant ideology ofreligiousreform,createdavastMediterraneanempire,whoselandsspannedthestraitandstretchedfromtheAtlanticcoasttoLibya.

MarinidMosqueatMansuranearTlemcenPhotobytheAuthor

TheOldCityofTangier.PhotobytheAuthor.

The Almohad sultans, however, proved incapable of managing such anenormous territoryfor long.Early in the thirteenthcentury thepoliticaledificebegantocomeapartamideconomicdecline,religiousquarrels,andcountrysiderebellions.InnorthernIberiaChristiankingdoms,whichuntilthenhadexistedinthe shadow of Muslim civilization, took the offensive. The victory of thecombinedforcesofAragon,Castile,andPortugaloveranAlmohadarmyattheBattle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212 was the first of a succession ofspectacularChristian advances againstMuslim territory.One by one the greatMuslimcitiesfell,Cordovain1236,Valenciain1238,Sevillein1248.BymidcenturytheAlmohadswereallbutdrivenfromIberia,andall thatremainedofMuslimpoweronthenorthernsideofthestraitwasthemountainouskingdomofGranada. InNorthAfrica theAlmohadstate split into three smallerkingdoms,oneintheIfriqiya(theeasternMaghrib,todayTunisiaandeasternAlgeria)ruledbytheHafsiddynasty;asecondintheCentralMaghribgovernedbythe’Abdal-Wadids;andathirdinMoroccounderanomadicwarriortribeofBerbernomadsknownastheBanuMarin,ortheMarinids.

Rough and ready cavalrymen with no guiding ideology, the Marinidsoverthrew the lastof theAlmohadrulers,establishedanewdynasticcapitalatFez,andrestoredameasureofpoliticalstabilitytoMoroccointhelastquarterofthe thirteenth century. From the start the new sultans harbored dreams ofresurrecting the Mediterranean empire of their predecessors, and with this inmind repeatedlywagedwar against the ’Abd al-Wadids and theHafsids, theirneighborstotheeast.SomeoftheMarinidkingsmountedseabornecampaignsagainst the Iberian coast, but none of these invasions seriously threatened theChristianholdontheinteriorofthepeninsula.InanyeventtheMoroccanswereobligedtopursueanactivepolicyintheregionofthestrait,whichwasfartooimportantstrategicallytobegivenuptotheChristianstateswithoutastruggle.

Thecontest,however,wasnosimplematterofIslamversusChristianity.ThebattleoffaithsthathaddominatedthedecadesoftheAlmohadretreatwaslosingsome of its emotional ferocity, and a relatively stable balance of power wasemerging among six successor states. Four of them were Muslim — theMarinids,the’Abdal-Wadids,theHafsids,andtheNasrids,whoruledGranadaafter 1230. The other two were Christian — Castile and Aragon–Catalonia.From the later thirteenth through the following century these six kingdomscompetedinpeaceandwarwithlittleregardtomattersofreligion,whichservedmainly as ideological cover for utterly pragmatic political or militaryundertakings.

WarandpeaceintheStraitofGibraltarconvergedonthefiveprincipaltownswhich faced it—Tarifa,Algeciras,andGibraltaron theEuropeanside,CeutaandTangierontheAfrican.Theseportsweretheentrepôtsoftradebetweenthecontinents, the embarkation points for warriors on crusade, and the bases forgalleys which patrolled the channel. In the later thirteenth and the fourteenthcenturiestheyweretheobjectsofincessantmilitaryrivalryamongthekingsofthe region. Algeciras, for example, was ceded byGranada to theMarinids in1275,returnedtoGranadain1294,takenagainbyMoroccoin1333,andfinallyseizedbyCastilein1344.Indeed,Tangierwastheonlyoneoftheportstoretainthe same political masters throughout this period, following the Marinidoccupation in 1275. Part of the reason was that in the politics of the strait,Tangierwas,relativelyspeaking,theleastimportantofthefivecities.Theothersallfrontedthenarroweasterlyendofthechannelandwerevitaltothetradeandcommunicationof thewesternMediterranean.ButTangier, lying faroff to thesouthwest and almost facing the Atlantic, was a prize of lesser magnitude. Itwould be the fortune of Portugal, an Atlantic power, to wrest the city fromMoroccancontrol,butnotuntil1471.

Still, Tangier was of considerable strategic value. The lovely bay, whosewhite beaches curve off to the northeast of the city, was the only naturalindentationofanysizeontheentirecoastofMorocco,anditcouldeasilysheltera fleet of warships. Along with Ceuta (Sabta) and some lesser towns on thestrait, Tangier had for several centuries served as a point of embarkation fornavalandcargovesselsboundforIberia.In1279SultanAbuYusuf,founderoftheMariniddynasty,supervisedthemassingofafleetof72galleysinthebayinorder to send troops to relieve aCastilian siege ofAlgeciras.3Aside from therecurrentmovementofMarinidtroops,horses,andmatérielthroughtheport,thecity also played host to numerous bands of Muslim pirates, who harassedshippinginthestraitandmaderaidsontheSpanishCoast.4Thehazardousanduncertain condition of interstate affairs no doubt stimulated the Tangierianeconomy and gave the population ample employment building ships, runningcargos,hiringoutassoldiersandseamen,andtraffickinginarmsandsupplies.ShortofaChristianattack,thecityhadlittletoloseandmuchtogainfromtheprevailingconditionsofwaranddiplomacyintheregion.

If the continuing prosperity of the city in the aftermath of the Almohadcollapse resultedpartly from thevigorous effortsof theMarinids to check thereconquista, even more important were developments in trade and seabornetechnology. In the course of the Christian crusades to Palestine between theeleventhandtheendofthethirteenthcenturies,Europeanlong-distanceshippingtookalmostfullcommandoftheMediterranean.ThiswasthefirstgreatageofEurope’s economic development, and although trade between Christian andMuslimstatesgrewby leaps,virtuallyallof itwascarried inLatinvessels. InthewesternseatheGenoesetookthelead,signingacommercialtreatywiththeAlmohads in 1137–38 and thereafter opening up trade with a number ofMaghribiports,includingCeuta,andpossiblyTangier,inthe1160s.5MerchantsofCatalonia, operating principally fromBarcelona and protected by the risingpower of the kings ofAragon, extended their commercial operations toNorthAfrica by the early 1200s. Traders fromMarseille,Majorca,Venice, and Pisaalso joined in the competition, offering grain, wine, hardware, spices, andweaponry,pluscotton,woolen,and linen textiles in return for thewool,hides,leather,wax,alum,grain,andoilofNorthAfricaandthegold,ivory,andslavesofthelandsbeyondtheSahara.

WithcommercialtrafficinthewesternMediterraneangrowingcontinuallyinthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies,itwasonlyamatteroftimebeforeitwouldspillthroughthestraitintotheAtlantic.TheGenoese,Catalans,Provençals,andVenetianswereallestablishedinthetownsofthestrait inthe1300s.Butthere

were strong incentives to go further. To the south lay the Atlantic ports ofMorocco and the prospect not only of expanding the Maghribi trade but ofdiverting someof the gold brought up fromWestAfrica before it reached theMediterraneanoutlets.BythelatertwelfthcenturyGenoesevesselswerealreadysailingbeyondTangier,roundthenorthwesterntipofAfrica,anddownthecoasttoSalé,Safi,andotherMoroccanports.In1291theintrepidVivaldibrothersofGenoa vanished into terra incognita after setting sail down the coast ofMorocco,boundforIndiatwocenturiestoosoon.6

Itwasalsoafter1275 thatGenoesemerchantsbegan sailingnorthwestwardfromthestraitaroundthegreatbulgeofIberiaandintothewatersoftheNorthAtlantic.By1300bothGenoeseandVenetiangalleysweremakingregulartripsto ports in England and Flanders, carrying goods from all theMediterraneanlandsandreturningwithwoolens,timber,andotherproductsofnorthernEurope.Herewas occurring the greatmaritime link-up between the ocean and the seathatwouldweighsomuch in the transformationofEurope in the laterMiddleAges.

The invasion of theAtlantic byMediterranean shippingmade the Strait ofGibraltarofevengreaterstrategicimportancethanithadbeenearlierandgavethe cities along its shore a new surge of commercial vitality. Ceuta was thebusiest andmost prosperous of the towns on either side of the channel in theearlyfourteenthcentury.7ButTangier,whichlayalongthesouthwesterlyroutefromthestraittotheportsofAtlanticMorocco,haditsshareofthenewshippingtraffic.8 InfairweathermonthsvesselsfromGenoa,Catalonia,Pisa,Marseille,andMajorcamightallbeseeninTangierbay—slendergalleyswhichsatlowon thesurfaceof thewaterandmaneuveredclose toshoreunder thepoweroftheir oarsmen; high-sided round ships with their great triangular sails; and,perhapsoccasionally after 1300, tubby-looking, square-rigged cogs from someportontheAtlanticcoastofPortugalorSpain.Andinadditiontothese,aswarmofMuslimvesselsputoutfromtheharborto“tramp”theMaghribicoast,shuttlecargotoIberianports,orfishthewatersofthestrait.ThemovementofChristianmerchantsandsailorsinandoutofthetownmusthavebeenamatterofregularoccurrence. And in normal times these visitors mixed freely with the localMuslimpopulationtoexchangenewsandhaggleoverprices.

Tangierwasindeedafrontiertownintheearlyfourteenthcentury.WithroughBerber soldiers tramping through the steep streets to theirwarships, ChristianandMuslimtradersjostlingoneanotheronthewharvesandinthewarehouses,pirates disposing of their plunder in the bazaar, the city imaged the roisterousfrontier excitement of the times. Perched on the western edge of theMuslim

world and caught up in the changing patterns of trade and power in theMediterranean basin, itwas amore restless and cosmopolitan city than it hadeverbeenbefore.Itwasthesortofplacewhereayoungmanmightgrowupanddevelopanurgetotravel.

InthenarrativeofhisworldadventuresIbnBattutatellsusvirtuallynothingofhisearlylifeinTangier.FromIbnJuzayy,theAndalusianscholarwhocomposedandeditedtheRihla,orfromIbnBattutahimselfinthemostoff-handway,welearn that he was named Abu ’Abdallah Muhammad ibn ’Abdallah ibnMuhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Lawati ibn Battuta on 25 February 1304; that hisfamily was descended from the Berber tribe known as the Lawata; that hismotherandfatherwerestillalivewhenheleftMoroccoin1325;andthatsomemembersofhis extended familybesideshimselfwere schooled in Islamic lawand had pursued careers as legal scholars (faqihs) or judges (qadis). Beyondtheseskimpyfacts,weknowonlywhat theRihla reveals tousby implication:that he received the best education in law and the other Islamic sciences thatTangier could provide and that during his adolescent years he acquired aneducatedman’svaluesandsensibilities.

His familyobviouslyenjoyed respectablestandingasmembersof thecity’sscholarlyelite.Tangierwasnotachiefcenterof learninginfourteenth-centuryNorthAfrica; itwas not aFez, aTlemcen, or aTunis.When IbnBattutawasgrowing up, it did not yet possess one of themadrasas, or colleges of higherlearning,whichthenewMarinidrulershadbegunfoundingintheircapital.9ButTangier, like any city of commerce in the Islamic world, required literatefamilieswhospecializedinprovidingavarietyofskillsandservices:theofficersofmosques and other pious foundations, administrative and customs officials,scribes,accountants,notaries, legalcounsellors,andjudges,aswellasteachersandprofessorsforthesonsoftheaffluentfamiliesofmerchantsandlandowners.

Theeducation IbnBattuta receivedwasoneworthyofamemberofa legalfamily. It is easy enough to imagine the young boy, eager and affable as hewould be in adult life, marching off to Qur’anic school in the neighborhoodmosque tohave the teacherbeat theSacredBookintohimuntil,by theageoftwelveatleast,hehaditallcommittedtomemory.Theeducationofmostboyswould go no further than this Qur’anic training, plus perhaps a smattering ofcaligraphy, grammar, and arithmetic. But a lad of Ibn Battuta’s family statuswould be encouraged tomoveon to advanced study of the religious sciences:Qur’anicexegesis,thetraditionsoftheProphetMuhammad(hadith),grammar,rhetoric, theology, logic, and law. The foremost scholar-teachers of the city

offeredcoursesinmosquesortheirownhomes.Studentsmightnormallyattendthelecturesofanumberofdifferentmen,sittinginasemi-circleatthemaster’sfeetashereadfromlearnedtextsanddiscoursedontheirmeaning.

Thepupil’staskwasnotsimplytograspthesubstanceofatextbuttolearnitbyheart.ThememorizationofstandardandclassicaltextscomprisingthecorpusofIslamicknowledgewascentraltoalladvancededucation.Themostrespectedmastersinanyfieldoflearningwerethepeoplewhohadnotonlycommittedtomemoryandthoroughlyunderstoodthegreatestnumberofbooks,butwhocouldrecallandrecitepassagesfromthemwitheaseinscholarlydiscourseanddebate.According to Ibn Khaldun, the great philosopher and historian of the laterfourteenth century, memory training was even more rigorously pursued inMoroccaneducationthaninotherpartsoftheMuslimworld.10ThepurposeofeducationintheIslamicMiddlePeriod,itshouldbeunderstood,wasnottoteachstudentstothinkcriticallyabouttheirhumanornaturalenvironmentortopushthe frontiers of knowledge beyond the limits of their elders. Rather it was totransmit to the cominggeneration the spiritual truths,moralvalues, and socialrules of the pastwhich, after all,Muslims had found valid by the astonishingsuccess of their faith and civilization. Education was in every senseconservative.

Althoughthenarrowdisciplineofmemorizationoccupiedmuchofastudent’stime,anIslamiceducationnonethelessaddressedthewholeman.Inthecourseofhisadvancedstudiesaboywasexpectedtoacquirethevaluesandmannersofa gentleman. This included his everyday conversation in Arabic. Despite theBerber-speaking heritage of North Africa, including Tangier and its environs,Arabicwas the languageof civilized speech ineveryMaghribi city.Amanoflearning, unlike the ordinary citizen, was expected to know the subtlecomplexitiesofformalArabicgrammar,syntax,andpoeticsandtodecoratehisconversation with Qur’anic quotations, classical allusions, and rhymedphrases.11IbnBattuta’sfamilywasofBerberorigin,butwemaysupposethathegrew up speakingArabic in his own household aswell as in the company ofothereducatedmenandboys.TheRihlagivesnoevidencethathecouldspeaktheBerberlanguageofnorthernMorocco.

Thenarrativeofhislifeexperiencerevealsthatinhisyouthhemastered thequalitiesofsocialpolishexpectedoftheurbanescholarandgentleman.

Politeness,discretion,propriety,decency,cleanliness,waysofcooking,tablemannersandrulesofdressallformedpartofthatextremelyrefinedcodeofsavoirvivrewhich occupied so predominant a place in social relations and

moral judgements. Whatever caused shame and could irritate orinconvenience someone was considered impolite. A courteous and refinedman . . . evinced in his behavior a combination of attitudes, gestures andwords which made his relations with others harmonious, amiable and sonaturalthattheyseemedspontaneous.12

ThisdescriptionpertainstolearnedMoroccansinthenineteenthcentury,butitcouldeasilyapplytoIbnBattutaandtothewell-bredmenofhistime.Ifinthecourse of his world travels he would display some less fortunate traits —impatience, profligacy, impetuousness, pious self-righteousness, and aninclination to be unctuous in the presence of wealth or power — he wasnonetheless an eminently civilized individual. As he grew into adulthood hisspeech, his manners, his conduct would identify him as an ’alim, a man oflearning, and as a member of the social category of educatedmen called the’ulama.

As his education advanced, he began to specialize in the law, as othermembersofhisfamilyhaddone.Thestudyoflaw(inArabic fiqh)wasoneofthe fundamental religious sciences. In Islam the Sacred Law, or shari’a, wasfounded principally on the revealed Koran and the words and actions of theProphet.Ideallyitwasthebasisnotmerelyofreligiouspracticebutofthesocialorder in its broadest expression. Although Muslim kings and princespromulgated administrative and penal ordinances as occasion demanded (andincreasingly so in theMiddle Period of Islam), the shari’a addressed the fullspectrumof social relations—marriage, inheritance, slavery, taxation,marketrelations,moralbehavior,andsoon.UnlikethesituationintheChristianworld,no formal distinction was made between canon and secular legal systems.Therefore, Ibn Battuta’s juridical training was entirely integrated with histheologicalandliteraryeducation.

InSunni Islam, that is,mainstreamor, perhaps less appropriately, orthodoxIslam, the legal systems embraced four major “schools” of law, calledmadhhabs.TheyweretheHanafi,theShafi’i,theMaliki,andtheHanbali.Thefour schools differed in matters of juristic detail, not in fundamental legalprinciples. The school to which an individual adhered depended largely onwherehehappened tohavebeenborn,since themadhhabs evolvedduring theearlycenturiesofIslamalongterritoriallines.

TheMalikischool,namedafter itseighth-centuryfounderMalik ibn’Anas,hasbeenhistoricallydominantthroughoutNorthAfrica.TheAlmohadrulersofthe twelfth and thirteenth centuries possessed a distinctive approach to

jurisprudence which set them and the minority of scholars who served themapart from the four schools and involved vigorous suppression of theMalikidoctors. The rude Marinid war captains who replaced the Almohads had nothoughts on the subject of law at all. They were, however, quick to distancethemselves from the ideology of their predecessors by championing the re-establishmentofMalikism.InthiswaytheygainedstatusandlegitimacyintheeyesofMorocco’seducatedmajorityandenlistedtheirhelpinconsolidatingthenewpoliticalorder.Therefore,IbnBattutagrewupandwenttoschoolduringatime of renaissance inMaliki legal studies.And partly becauseMalikism hadbeentemporarilyoutoffavorandwasnowbackin,legaleducationinfourteenthcentury Morocco tended to stress uncritical, doctrinaire acceptance of theinterpretationsoflawcontainedinthemajorMalikitexts.13Thelawclassesheattended in Tangier would have involved mainly the presentation andmemorizing of sections of the corpus of Maliki fiqh, the professors usingsummariesandabridgmentsofmajorlegaltextsofthatschool.

As his introductory legal studies proceeded, he was also assimilating thespecificculturalstyleofaMuslimlawyer.Theeducation,aswellasthespeechand manners, of the juridical class was largely the same everywhere in theMuslimworld. Therefore, Ibn Battuta’s particular socialization was equippinghimtomoveeasilyamongmenoflearninganywhereintheDaral-Islam.Ifheaspired to be a jurisprudent one day, then he was expected to exemplify theprized qualities of members of his profession — erudition, dignifiedcomportment,moderation in speech and conduct, and absolute incorruptibility.He also adopted the distinctive dress of the legal scholar: a more or lessvoluminousturban;ataylasan,orshawl-likegarmentdrapedovertheheadandshoulders;andalong,wide-sleeved,immaculatelycleangownoffinematerial.Mosteducatedmenworebeards.InonepassageintheRihlaIbnBattutamakesan incidental reference tohisown.14 (That reference, itmightbeadded, is theonlyclueheoffersanywhereinthenarrativeastohisownphysicalappearance.Since the ancestors of a Tangierian might include dark-eyed, olive-skinnedArabs,blue-eyed,fair-hairedBerbers,andevenblackWestAfricans,nothingcanbeassumedaboutthetraveler’sphysiognomy.)

AnotherimportantdimensionofhiseducationwashisintroductiontoSufism,themysticaldimensionofIslam.ThroughouttheMuslimworldinthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,Sufismwasaddressingpopulardesires foranIslamicfaithofwarmth,emotion,andpersonalhope,needsthatoutwardperformanceofQur’anic duties could not alone supply. Indeed itwas during the laterMiddlePeriodthatSunniorthodoxyembracedSufismwholeheartedlyandtransformed

itintoapowerfulforceforthefurtherexpansionofIslam.Two ideas were at the heart of the Sufi movement. One was that the

individualMuslimiscapableofachievingdirectandpersonalcommunionwithGod. The other was that the path to God could be found through theintermediaryofasaintlymasterorshaykh.Suchanindividualwasthoughttobeawali,a“friendofGod,”whoradiatedthequalityofdivinegrace(baraka)andcouldtransmitittoothers.Withthehelpofhismaster,theSufiinitiateimmersedhimselfinmysticalteachings,rituals,andspecialprayersandstrovetoinculcatehigh spiritual qualities in everyday life. Sufism was also a social movementbecause it involved the formation of congregations of seekers who gatheredroundaparticularmaster tohearhis teachingsandjoinwithhimindevotionalexercises.Allacross theIslamicworld inIbnBattuta’s timethesegroupswerejust beginning to become institutionalized as religious orders, each oneorganizedaroundcommondevotiontothespiritual teachings,or“path,”of thefounder of the order and his successors. These brotherhoods and sisterhoodswerealsodevelopingascivicorganizationsandmutualaidsocietiesand,bythefifteenthcenturyinsomeareas,aslociofconsiderablepoliticalpower.

Sufismhadaspecialappealforruralfolk,whosearduouslivesdemandedaconcretefaithofhopeandsalvationandwhowereisolatedtoagreaterorlesserextentfromtheliterate,juridicallymindedIslamofthecities.Sufilodges,calledzawiyas,organizedascentersforworship,mysticaleducation,andcharity,werespringingupallacrossNorthAfricainIbnBattuta’stime,especiallyamongruralBerberpopulationstowhomtheyofferedaricher,moreaccessiblereligionandanewkindofcommunalexperience.

In Morocco Sufi preachers were notably active and successful among theBerber-speakingpopulationsoftheRifMountains,theregionsouthandeastofTangier.15Yetmystical ideaswere also penetrating the towns in the thirteenthandfourteenthcenturies,perhapsratherearlyinTangierbecauseofitsnearnesstotheRif.Moreover,Tangier,forallitsintellectualrespectability,wasnotoneofthe great bastions of scriptural orthodoxy like Fez, where the leadingMalikidoctorswerestillinclinedtobesuspiciousofSufism,oranyotherreligiousideanotdocumentedintheirlawbooksortheologicaltreatises.

Althoughwehaveno ideawhat IbnBattuta’searlyexperiencewithSufismmayhavebeen,hisbehaviorduringhistravelsisitselfevidencethathegrewupin a social climate rich in mystical beliefs and that these ideas were tightlyinterwovenwithhisformal,scripturaleducation.BythetimeheleftTangier,hewassodeeplyinfluencedbySufiideas,especiallybeliefinpersonalbarakaandthevalueofasceticdevotionalism,thathistravelingcareerturnedouttobe,ina

sense,agrandworld tourof the lodgesand tombsof famousSufimysticsandsaints. He was never, to be sure, a committed Sufi disciple. He remainedthroughout his life a “lay” Sufi, attending mystical gatherings, seeking theblessingandwisdomofspiritualluminaries,andretreatingonoccasionintobriefperiodsofasceticcontemplation.Buthenevergaveuptheworldlylife.Hewas,rather,alivingexampleofthatmoralreconciliationbetweenpopularSufismandpublic orthodoxy thatwasworking itself out in the Islamicworld of his time.Consequently,heembarkedonhistravelspreparedtoshowasmuchequanimityin the company of holy hermits in mountain caves as in the presence of theaugustprofessorsofurbancolleges.

Aside from the local teachers anddivinesofhisyouth,he is likely tohavehad contact with men of letters who passed through Tangier at one time oranother.ThescholarlyclassoftheIslamicworldwasanextraordinarilymobilegroup. In the Maghrib of the later Middle Period the learned, like modernconference-hoppingacademics,circulatedincessantlyfromonecityandcountryto another, studying with renowned professors, leading diplomatic missions,taking up posts in mosques and royal chanceries. Scholars routinely shuttledbackandforthacrosstheStraitofGibraltarbetweenthecitiesofMoroccoandtheNasridSultanate. Indeed, IbnBattutahadacousin (theRihla tellsus)whoservedasaqadiintheAndalusiancityofRonda.

Apart from this normal circulation, there was over the long run of time apattern of one-way migration of educated people from Andalusia to NorthAfrica,akindofIberianbraindrainwhichacceleratedinresponsetoeachnewsurgeofChristianpower and concomitant lossof security andopportunity forMuslimson thenorthern sideof the strait.16 Iberia’s loss,however,wasNorthAfrica’s gain, since Andalusian scholars and craftsmen, arriving in sporadicstreamsbetween the thirteenthand fifteenthcenturies,didmuch toenliven thecultural life ofMaghribi towns. If Tangier took in few immigrants comparedwithFezorotherpremiercities, thelegacyofthegreatAndalusianintellectualtraditionmusthaverubbedoffonthecity’seducatedclasstoasignificantextent.

Noyoungscholar,howeverwellconnectedhisfamilymightbe,couldexpecttopursueareligiousorpublicvocationuntilhehadundertakenadvancedstudieswithatleastafeweminentteachers.Thelocalmastersand“visitingscholars”ofTangiercouldgiveaboyasolidfoundationinthemajordisciplines.Butanyladwithalargeintellectualappetiteandpersonalambitiontomatchwasobligedtotaketotheroadalongwiththerestofthescholarlycommunity.Fezlayonlyafew days traveling time to the south, and its colleges, just being built underMarinid sponsorship, were attracting students from all Morocco’s provincial

towns.ButthoughFezwasfastgainingareputationasthemostimportantseatof learning west of Tunis, it lacked the shining prestige of the great culturalcentersoftheMiddleEast,notablyCairoandDamascus.Inthosecitiesweretobe found the most illustrious teachers, the most varied curricula, the biggestcolleges, therarest libraries,and, forayoungmanwithacareeraheadofhim,themostrespectedcredentials.

Notes

1.QuotedinGeorgeMakdisi,TheRiseofColleges(Edinburgh,1981),p.91.2.ThelimitedliterarysourcesonTangierintheAlmohadageandlaterhavebeenbroughttogetherin

EdouardMichaux-Bellaire,VillesettribusduMaroc:Tangeretsazone,vol.7(Paris,1921).3.DerekLatham,“TheLater’Azafids,”Revuede l’OccidentMusulmanetde laMéditerranée 15–16

(1973):112–13.4.Charles-EmmanuelDufourcq.L’Espagne catalane et leMaghrib aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles (Paris.

1966),p.575.DufourcqnotesanupsurgeofpiracyemanatingfromMoroccanportsintheearlyfourteenthcentury.

5. Hilmar C. Krueger. “Genoese Trade with Northwest Africa in the Twelfth Century.” Speculum 8(1933):377–82.KruegerdoesnotmentionTangierspecifically,butthereisnodoubtthatEuropeansweresailingthereaboutthistimesincetheywerealsobeginningtoputinatAtlanticportssouthwestofTangier.

6.J.H.Parry.TheDiscoveryoftheSea(NewYork,1974),p.75.7.Charles-EmmanuelDufourcq,“LaQuestiondeCeutaauXIIIesiècle,”Hespéris42(1955):67–127:

Derek Latham, “The Strategic Position and Defence of Ceuta in the Later Muslim Period,” IslamicQuarterly 15 (1971): 189–204; Anna Mascarello, “Quelques aspects des activités italiennes dans leMaghrebmédiéval,”Revued’HistoireetdeCivilisationduMaghreb5(1968):74–75.

8.Dufourcq,L’Espagnecatalane,p.159.9.Amadrasawas founded inTangier some timeduring the reign ofAbu I’Hasan (1331–51).Henri

Terrasse,HistoireduMaroc,2vols.(Casablanca,1949–50),vol.2.p.53.10.IbnKhaldun,TheMuqaddimah,2ndedn.,trans.F.Rosenthal,3vols.(Princeton,N.J.,1967),vol.2,

pp.430–31.11.Onthecultureofmenoftraditionallearninginnineteenth-andtwentieth-centuryMorocco,seeDale

F. Eickelman, Knowledge and Power in Morocco: The Education of a Twentieth Century Notable(Princeton,N.J.,1985).

12.KennethBrown,PeopleofSalé:TraditionandChangeinaMoroccanCity,1830–1930(Cambridge,Mass.,1976),p.103.13.AlfredBel,LaReligionmusulmaneenBerbérie(Paris,1938),pp.320–22,327.14.OnthedressoflegalscholarsinbothGranadaandMoroccoseeRachelArié,L’Espagnemusulmane

autempsdesNasrides(Paris,1973),pp.382–91.15.Bel,LaReligionmusulmane,pp.352–53;Terrasse,HistoiredeMaroc,vol.1.p.81.16.MohamedTalbispeaksofMuslimemigrationfromSpainasa“fuitedescerveaux”in“Lescontacts

culturelsentrel’Ifriqiyahafside(1230–1569)etlesultanatnasrided’Espagne(1232–1492)”inActasdelIIColoquishispano-tunecinodeestudioshistoricos(Madrid,1973),pp.63–90.

2TheMaghrib

A scholar’s education is greatly improved by traveling in quest ofknowledgeandmeetingtheauthoritativeteachers(ofhistime).1

IbnKhaldun

Tangierwould have counted among its inhabitantsmany individualswho hadtraveledtotheMiddleEast,mostofthemwiththemainpurposeofcarryingoutthehajj, or pilgrimage to theHoly Places ofMecca andMedina in theHijazregion of Western Arabia. Islam obliged every Muslim who was notimpoverished, enslaved, insane, or endangered by war or epidemic to go toMecca at least once in his lifetime and to perform there the set of collectiveceremoniesprescribedby theshari’a.Eachyearhundredsandoften thousandsof North Africans fulfilled their duty, joining in a great ritual migration thatbrought togetherbelievers from the far cornersof theAfro–Eurasianworld.AtravelerboundfortheMiddleEastmighthaveanynumberofmundaneorpurelypersonalgoalsinmind—trade,study,diplomacy,orsimplyadventure,butthehajjwasalmostalways theexpressedandover-ridingmotive.ThehighaimofreachingMecca in time for thepilgrimageseason in themonthofDhu l-Hijjagaveshapetothetraveler’sitineraryandlentaspiritofjubilationtowhatwasalong,exhausting,andsometimesdangerousjourney.

In the fourteenth century an aspiring pilgrim of Tangier had the choice oftravelingby landor sea,oracombinationof the two.Europeanvesselswhichput in at Maghribi ports, as well as Muslim coasting ships, commonly tookpassengers on board and delivered them to some port further east along theMediterraneanshore.2

Untiltheageofthesteamshipandthecharterflight,however,mostpilgrimschosetheoverlandrouteacrosstheMaghrib,Libya,andEgypt.ThisroutewasinfactpartofanetworkoftrackslinkingthetownsandcitiesofnorthernAfricawithone another.A traveler fromMoroccomight followanumberof slightly

varying itineraries, passingpart of theway along theMediterranean coast andpart of the way across the high steppes which ran west to east between thecoastalmountainsandtheAtlasrangesofthedeepinterior.Or,pilgrimsstartingoutinsouthernMoroccocouldgobywayoftheoasesandrivervalleyswhichwerestrungoutatcomfortableintervalsalongthenorthernfringeoftheSahara.Northern and southern routes alike converged in Ifriqiya.From there toEgyptpilgrims took the coast road, the lifelinebetween theMaghrib and theMiddleEast, which ran along the narrow ribbon of settled territory between theMediterraneanandtheLibyandesert.

Map3:IbnBattuta’sItineraryfromTangiertotheNileDelta,1325–36

Whetherbylandorsea,gettingtoMeccawasariskyaffair.Ifseafarershadtobravestorms,pirates,andhostilenavies,overlandtravelersconfrontedbandits,nomadmarauders,orthepossibilityofstumblingintoawarbetweenoneNorthAfricanstateandanother.Consequently,mostpilgrimsgoingoverlandkept,forthe sake of security, to the company of others, often the small caravans thatshuttledroutinelybetweenthetownsandruralmarkets.Travelerswhohadlittlemoney to startwith frequently traded a stock ofwares of their own along theway— leather goodsor precious stones for example—oroffered their labor

hereandthere,sometimestakingseveralmonthsorevenyearstofinallyworkorchaffertheirwayasfarasEgypt.

Quiteapart fromthese littlebandsofpilgrims in thecompanyofmerchantsandwayfarerswas thegreathajj caravan,which ideallywenteveryyear fromMorocco toCairo, and from there to theHijazwith the pilgrims fromEgypt.StartingusuallyinFezorTlemcen,theprocessionpickedupgroupsofpilgrimsalong the way like a rolling snowball, some of them walking, others ridinghorses,mules,donkeys,or camels.By the time thecompany reachedCairo, itmightinsomeyearsnumberseveralthousand.

The flow of pilgrims across the nearly 3,000 miles of steppe, desert, andmountain separating Morocco fromMecca was one of the most conspicuousexpressions of the extraordinarymobility and cosmopolitanismwithin theDaral-IslamintheMiddlePeriod.AlthoughNorthAfricawasknownastheIslandof the West (Jazirat al-Maghrib), a mountainous realm separated from theheartlandofIslambyseaanddesert, the intercommunciationacross thebarrengapofLibya,whetherbyhajjcaravanorotherwise,wasnonethelesscontinuous—barring times of unusual political instability on one side or the other.Andwhile the commercial aspect of the linkwas important, its cultural dimensionwasevenmoreso.IffeweducatedEgyptians,Syrians,orPersiansfoundreasonto travelwest in thefourteenthcentury(and tended to thinkof theMaghribasIslam’s back country, itsWildWest), the learned classes of NorthAfrica andGranadawerealwayssettingoffon tours to theEast inorder todrawspiritualandintellectualsustenancefromtheirscholarlycounterpartsinCairo,Damascus,andtheHolyCitiesoftheHijaz.

ForscholarlyNorthAfricansthehajjwasalmostalwaysmorethanajourneytoMeccaandhomeagain.Ratheritwasarihla,agrandstudytourofthegreatmosques andmadrasas of the heartland, an opportunity to acquire books anddiplomas, deepen one’s knowledge of theology and law, and commune withrefinedandcivilizedmen.

LiterateMoroccansofthefourteenthcenturyowedtheirgreatestintellectualdebtnot to theMiddleEastbut to the learnedestablishmentofMuslimIberia.Yet Andalusia’s time was fast running out, and beleaguered little Granada,despite a brave showing of artistic energy in its latter days, could no longerprovidemuchcultural leadership.TheMiddleEast,however,havingsomehowsurvived the dark catastrophes of the Mongol century, was experiencing acultural florescence, notably in the Mamluk-ruled lands of Egypt and Syria.GentlemenscholarsoffarwesterncitieslikeTangiercouldreadilylookthereforcivilizedmodels,higherknowledge,andlearnedcompanionship.Andthoughthe

road toMeccawas long and perilous, the internationalism of Islamic culture,continuouslyreaffirmed,heldmenoflearninginabondofunityandshrankthemilesbetweenthem.

On14June1325(2Rajab725A.H.)IbnBattutarodeoutofTangierandheadedsoutheastwardthroughthehighlandsoftheEasternRiftojointhemaincaravanroad that ran from Fez to Tlemcen. Hewas 21 years old and eager formorelearning,andmoreadventure, thanhisnativecitycouldhopetogivehim.Thepartingwasbittersweet:

MydeparturefromTangier,mybirthplace,tookplace...withtheobjectofmakingthePilgrimagetotheHolyHouse[atMecca]andofvisitingthetomboftheProphet,God’srichestblessingandpeacebeonhim[atMedina].Isetout alone, having neither fellow-traveler in whose companionship I mightfind cheer, nor caravan whose party I might join, but swayed by anovermasteringimpulsewithinmeandadesirelong-cherishedinmybosomtovisit these illustrious sanctuaries. So I bracedmy resolution to quit all mydearones,femaleandmale,andforsookmyhomeasbirdsforsaketheirnests.Myparentsbeingyetinthebondsoflife,itweighedsorelyuponmetopartfromthem,andboththeyandIwereafflictedwithsorrowatthisseparation.He did not, it seems, set out from Tangier with any plan to join the hajj

caravan, if therewas one that year. Itwas not, in any event, a bad year for ayoungman to launch forth entirely on his own, for political conditions in theWestern Maghrib were un-typically calm. Abu Sa’id (1310–31), the reigningMarinidSultanofMorocco,wasapiousandrelativelyunenterprisingrulerand,unlikemanyof the kings of his line, notmuch interested in pursuingmilitaryadventures either in Iberia or North Africa. Around the end of the thirteenthcentury the pilgrimage caravans from Morocco had had to be suspended forseveralyearsowingtoMarinidwarsagainsttheireasternneighbor,the’Abdal-Wadidkingdom.3Butlessintriguedthanhispredecessorswithvisionsofaneo-Almohadempire,AbuSa’idpermittedadefactopeacetoprevailonhiseasternfrontier duringmost of his reign.Consequently,merchants and pilgrims couldexpecttopassbetweenthetworealmsinrelativesecurity.

Riding eastward throughMorocco’smountainous interior and thenonto thehigh plains that stretched into the Central Maghrib, Ibn Battuta reachedTlemcen, capital of the ’Abd al-Wadid state, in the space of a few weeks.AlthoughTlemcenwas a busy commercial transit center and intellectually theliveliestcityanywherebetweenFezandTunis,hedidnotlingerthere.Forupon

arriving he learned that two envoys from theHafsid Sultanate of Ifriqiya hadbeen in thecityonadiplomaticmissionandhad just left to returnhome.The’Abdal-Wadids,enjoyinganunusualbreakintheirwarswiththeMarinids,hadturnedtheirfullattentiontotheireasternmarcheswheretheywereengagedinaprotractedstrugglewiththeHafsids,notablyovercontrolofBijaya(Bougie),akeyMediterraneanport450mileswestofTunis.AtthetimeIbnBattutaarrivedin Tlemcen, Abu Tashfin, the ’Abd al-Wadid sultan, was conspiring with anumber of Ifriqiyan rebels and pretenders to unseat his Hafsid neighbor andsatisfyhisownexpansionistambitions.4Itmaybethatthetwoenvoyshadcometo Tlemcen to try to negotiate peace with Abu Tashfin and were now goinghome,albeitempty-handed.5Inanycase,someoneadvisedIbnBattutatocatchupwiththemandtheirentourageandproceedontoTunisinthesafetyoftheircompany.

ThebusiestcommercialroutesoutofTlemcenlednorthwardtotheportsofOran and Honein. But Ibn Battuta took the lonelier pilgrimage trail runningnortheastward through a series of river valleys and arid plains flanked on oneside or the other by the low, fragmented mountain chains that broke up theMediterraneanhinterland.ThispartoftheMaghribwassparselypopulatedinthefourteenth century. He might have ridden for several days at a time withoutencountering any towns, only Berber hamlets and bands of Arabic-speakingcamelherderswhorangedoverthebroad,green-brownvalleysanddepressions.

Afterwhatmusthavebeentwoorthreeweeksontheroad,hecaughtupwiththe Ifriqiyans at Miliana, a small commercial center in the Zaccar hillsoverlooking theplainof theChelifRiver.Eager scholar that hewas, he couldhardlyhavemadebetterchoicesofhisfirsttravelingcompanions.OneofthemwasAbu’Abdallahal-Zubaydi,aprominenttheologian,theotherAbu’Abdallahal-Nafzawi,aqadiofTunis.Unfortunately,tragedystruckassoonasIbnBattutaarrived.Bothenvoysfellillowingtothehotweather(itwasmidsummer)andwereforcedtoremaininMilianafortendays.Ontheelevenththelittlecaravanresumeditsjourney,butjustfourmilesfromthetowntheqadigrewworseanddied.Al-Zubaydi,inthecompanyofthedeadman’sson,whosenamewasAbual-Tayyib, returned toMiliana formourning and burial, leaving IbnBattuta tocontinueonaheadwithapartyofIfriqiyanmerchants.

DescendingthesteepslopesoftheZaccar,thetravelersarrivedattheportofAlgiers, and Ibn Battuta and his first sight of the sea since leaving Tangier.Algiers was a place of minor importance in the fourteenth century, not themaritimecapitalitwouldcometobeinanothertwohundredyears.Ithadlittletorecommendittoamemberoftheeducatedclass.AbuMuhammadal-’Abdari,

anAndalusianscholarwhohadtraveledfromMoroccotoArabia36yearsearlierandhadsubsequentlyreturnedhometowritearihlaofhisexperiences,sizedupthecity’sliterateestablishmentandquicklywrotetheplaceoff:

Insetting foot in this town, Iwonderedwhetheronewouldbeable tomeetany enlightened people or any persons whose erudition would offer someattraction;butIhadthefeelingofonelookingforahorsethatwasn’thungryortheeggsofacamel.6

Ibn Battuta likely shared al-’Abdari’s opinion since he says nothing in hisnarrative about what Algiers was like. In any case, he and his merchantcompanionscampedoutsidethewallsofthecityforseveraldays,waitingforal-ZubaydiandAbual-Tayyibtocatchup.

As soon as they did, the party set out for the port of Bijaya, the westernfrontier city of theHafsid kingdom. The journey took them directly eastwardthroughtheheartoftheGrandKabylieMountains,aregionofimmenseoakandcedarforests,spectaculargorges,andsummitsreachinghigher than6,500feet,rougher country than Ibn Battuta had seen since leaving home. Bijaya lay upagainsttheslopesofthemountainsnearthemouthoftheSoumanRiver,whichseparates theGrandKabylierangefromtheLittleKabylie to theeast. Itwasabusy international port and the principal maritime outlet for the densecommunitiesofBerberfarmerswhoinhabitedthehighlandvalleysbehindit.

BijayawasthefirstrealcityIbnBattutahadtheopportunitytoexploresinceleavingTlemcen.Nonetheless,hewasdeterminedtopushonquickly,andthisinspiteofanattackoffeverthatlefthimbadlyweakened.Al-Zubaydiadvisedhimtostay inBijayauntilhe recovered,but theyoungmanwasadamant:“IfGoddecreesmydeath,thenmydeathshallbeontheroad,withmyfacesettowardsthelandoftheHijaz.”Relentingbeforethishighsentiment,al-Zubaydiofferedtolendhimanassandatentifhewouldagreetosellhisowndonkeyandheavybaggage so that they might all travel at a quicker pace. Ibn Battuta agreed,thanked God for His beneficence, and prepared for the departure forConstantine,thenextmajorcityonthemainpilgrimageroute.

Al-Zubaydi’s insistence on traveling fast and light had less to do with hisyoung friend’s illness than with the dangers that lay on the road ahead. IbnBattutahadhadthegoodfortunetocrossMoroccoandthe’Abdal-Wadidlandsduringaperiodof relativepeace.But theEasternMaghrib in1325was in themidst of one of the recurring cycles of political and military crisis thatcharacterizedtheHafsidage.SultanAbuYahyaAbuBakr,whohadaccededto

the Hafsid throne in 1318, was yet striving to gain a reasonable measure ofcontrol over his domains in the face of a Pandora’s box of plots, betrayals,revolts, and invasions. On one side were rival members of the Hafsid royalfamily, who from provincial bases in various parts of the country wereorganizingmovementseithertoseizethecapitalcityofTunisortosetuppettykingdoms of their own. On the other side were the ’Abd al-Wadids, whorepeatedly invadedAbuBakr’swestern territories and tried almost everyyear,thoughneversuccessfully,toforcethewallsofBijaya.

As if these enemies were not enough, the sultan had to contend with theturbulentandunpredictableArabwarriortribeswhoformorethantwocenturieshad been the dominant political force over large areas of rural Ifriqiya. ThesenomadsweredescendantsofthegreatwaveofArabic-speaking,camel-herdingmigrants,knowncollectivelyastheBanuHilal,whohadtrekkedfromEgyptinthe eleventh century and then gone on to penetrate the steppes and coastallowlandsoftheMaghribasfarwestastheAtlanticplains.Ifoverthelongrunthe relationship between these companies of herdsmen and the indigenousBerbers of the towns and villages was described far less by hostility than bymutualcommercialandculturaldependence,themigrationswerenonethelessasourceofpersistenttroubleforNorthAfricanrulers,whotriedtimeandagaintoharness themilitary power of the Arabs to their own ends, only to find theirerstwhilealliesputtinginwithrebelsandpretenders.In1325ArabbandswerepoliticallyteamedupwithatleasttwoHafsidrebelsaswellaswithAbuTashfin,the’Abdal-Wadid.AtthesametimethatIbnBattutawasmakinghiswayacrosstheCentralMaghrib, an ’Abd al-Wadid armywas laying siege toConstantineandhadSultanAbuBakrhimselfbottledupinsidethecity.Inthemeantime,aHafsid pretender and his Arab cohorts took advantage of the sultan’shelplessnesstooccupyTunis.Thekingdomwasinastateofcivilconfusion,theroadswereunsafe,androvingbandsofArabcavalryplaguedthecountryside.

Ignoring the tumult, IbnBattutaandhiscompanionsstruckoutfromBijayaacross the Little Kabylie Mountains and arrived at Constantine withoutencounteringtrouble.Bythistime(itmusthavebeenAugust)theapproachestothecitywereclear.The’Abdal-WadidarmyhadprecipitouslygivenupitssiegesomeweeksearlierandreturnedtoTlemceninfailure,leavingAbuBakrfreetorestoreadegreeoforderintheregionandleadhisloyalforcesbacktoTunistoejecttherebels.7

Although Constantine was the largest city in the interior of the EasternMaghrib,IbnBattutadidnottarrytherelong.Consequentlyhehaslittletorecallabout it in theRihla— except the one notable fact that hewas privileged to

maketheacquaintanceofthegovernor,asonofAbuBakr,whocameouttotheedgeoftowntowelcomeal-Zubaydi.Themeetingwasamemorableonefortheyoungpilgrimbecausethegovernorpresentedhimwithagiftofalms,thefirstofmanypresentshewouldreceivefromkingsandgovernorsduringthecourseofhistravels.Inthisinstanceitwastwogolddinarsandafinewoolenmantletoreplacehisoldone,whichbythisstageofthejourneywasinrags.AlmsgivingwasoneofthefivesacredpillarsofIslam,thedutyofprincesandpeasantsaliketo share one’s material wealth with others and thus remit it to God. Theobligationincludedvoluntarygiving(sadaqa) tospecificclassesofpeople: thepoor, orphans, prisoners, slaves (for ransoming), fighters in the holywar, andwayfarers.Fallingeminentlyintothislastcategory,IbnBattutawouldduringthenextseveralyearsseehiswelfareassured,toonedegreeoranother,byanarrayof pious individuals who were moved to perform acts of kindness, the morereadilysosincetherecipientwashimselfaneducatedgentlemanwellworthyofsuchtokensofGod’sbeneficence.

Leaving Constantine better dressed and richer, he and his friends headednortheastacrossmoremountainouscountry,reachingtheMediterraneanagainattheportofBuna(Bone,todayAnnaba).Afterrestinghereforseveraldaysinthesecurity of the city walls, he bade farewell to the merchants who hadaccompaniedhimhalfwayacrosstheCentralMaghribandcontinuedontowardTuniswith al-Zubaydi andAbu al-Tayyib.Now the little party “traveled lightwith theutmost speed,pushingonnightanddaywithout stopping” for fearofattackbyArabmarauders.IbnBattutawasonceagainstruckbyfeverandhadtotiehimselftohissaddlewithaturbanclothtokeepfromfallingoff,sincetheydarednotstopforlong.Theirroutetookthemparalleltothecoastthroughhighcork and oak forests, then gradually downward into the open plain and theexpansivewheatlandsofcentralIfriqiya.FromtheretheyhadalevelroadalongthefertileMedjerdaRivervalleytothewesternenvironsofTunis.

Ofall theNorthAfricancitieswhereartand intellect flourished,Tuniswaspremier duringmost of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. TheAlmohadshadmade it their provincial capital in the EasternMaghrib, and it was undertheir patronage that it took on the physical and demographic dimensions of amajor city, attaining a population of about 100,000 during peak periods ofprosperity.8 TheHafsids,who started out asAlmohad governors over Ifriqiyaandsubsequentlyrepresentedthemselvesas thelegitimatedynasticheirsof theempire,continuedtorulefromTunisandtocultivatethecity’scorpsofscholarsandcraftsmen,muchastheMarinids,equallydriventoidentifythemselveswiththeAlmohadmodelofcivilizedtaste,weredoinginFez.

Like other Maghribi cities of that age, Tunis under the Hafsids built itssplendid mosques and palaces, laid out its public gardens, and founded itscollegeswithwealththatcameinlargemeasurefromlong-distancetrade.IntheearlyfourteenthcenturyTuniswasthebusiestof theportswhichlayalongtheeconomic frontier between the European seaborne trade of theMediterraneanandtheMuslimcaravannetworkoftheAfricaninterior.TheIfriqiyanhinterlandplainwasnarrowbutrichenoughtoexportawiderangeofMaghribiproducts— wool, leather, hides, cloth, wax, olive oil, and grain. Tunis was also aconsumerandtransitmarketforgoodsfromsub-SaharanAfrica—gold,ivory,slaves, ostrich feathers. What gave the city its special prominence was itsstrategicpositiononthesouthernrimoftheSicilianChannel,whichjoined(anddivided) the maritime complexes of the Western and Eastern Mediterranean.Tunismaintained close commercial tieswithEgyptbywayofMuslimcoastaland overland trade and was well placed to serve as a major emporium forChristianmerchants of theWesternMediterranean who found it a convenientplace to buy exotic goods of the East without themselves venturing on thevoyagetoEgyptortheLevant.

WhatIbnBattutarecallsabouthisfeelingsuponarrivinginTunisisnot theelation of a pilgrim who has reached one of the great centers of religiouslearningalong thehajj route, but the forlornness of a youngman in a strangecity:

The townsfolk came out towelcome the shaykhAbu ’Abdallah al-Zubaydiand to welcome Abu al-Tayyib, the son of the qadi Abu ’Abdallah al-Nafzawi.Onallsidestheycameforwardwithgreetingsandquestionstooneanother,butnotasoulsaidawordofgreetingtome,sincetherewasnoneofthem that I knew. I felt so sad at heart on account ofmy loneliness that Icouldnotrestrainthetearsthatstartedtomyeyes,andweptbitterly.

Innotimeatall,howeverthingswerelookingup:

Oneofthepilgrims,realizingthecauseofmydistress,cameuptomewithagreeting and friendlywelcome, and continued to comfortmewith friendlytalkuntilIenteredthecity,whereIlodgedinthecollegeoftheBooksellers.

After dodging tribalmarauders all along the road fromBijaya, IbnBattutamanagedtoarriveinTunisduringaperiodofrelativepoliticalcalm.TheharriedAbuBakr,whohadfoundhimselfshutoutofthecitadelofTunisbyrebelsthree

different times since 1321, returned from Constantine and recaptured the cityperhapsonlyafewdaysaheadofIbnBattuta’sarrivalthere.9IndeedAbuBakrprobablyresumedauthority just in timefor the’Idal-Fitr, thefeastcelebratingthe end of Ramadan, theMuslimmonth of fasting during daylight hours. IbnBattutawasonhandtowitnessthesultanfulfillhiscustomarydutyofleading“amagnificentprocession”ofofficials,courtiers,andsoldiersfromthecitadeltoaspecial outdoor praying ground (musalla) that accommodated the crowdsgatheredfortheprayersmarkingtheBreakingoftheFast.10

IbnBattuta spentabout twomonths inTunis, arriving somedaysbefore10September 1325 and leaving in earlyNovember. Itwas common for educatedtravelersorpilgrimstotakelodgingtemporarilyinacollege,eventhoughtheywerenotregularlyattendinglectures.ThemadrasaoftheBooksellerswherehestayed was one of three colleges in existence in Tunis at that time.11 Hisrecollectionsofhisfirstvisittothecityareslight,butwemightbesurethathespentmostofhistimeinthecompanyofthegentlemen-scholarsofthecity.Hemay indeed have had exposure to some of the eminentMaliki ’ulama of thecentury.Since thedemiseof theAlmohads, theMalikischoolwasenjoyingasmuchofa resurgence in Ifriqiyaas itwas inMorocco.TheHafsidrulerswereappointing Maliki scholars to high positions of state and patronizing themadrasas,whereMalikijuridicaltextsweretheheartofthecurriculum.

If the Tunis elite held out an estimablemodel of erudition, theywere alsomastersofrefinedtasteandthatunionofpietyandrestrainedwordlinessthatIbnBattutawould exemplify in adulthood.During the previous centuryTunis hadbeen a distant refuge for successive waves of Muslims emigrating fromAndalusia in thewakeof the reconquista.Of all theNorthAfrican citieswithpopulationsofIberiandescent,Tunishadtheliveliestandmostproductive.TheAndalusians,comingfromacivilizedtraditionthatwasmorepolishedthanthatof North Africa, were leaders in the fields of architecture, craftsmanship,horticulture, music, belle-lettres, and the niceties of diplomatic and courtlyprotocol. An Andalusian strain seems evident in Ibn Battuta’s own mannerlycharacter,andwecanwonderwhatseasoningeffecttwomonthsinTunisamongsuchpeoplemayhavehad.

That hewas already showing promise as an intelligentMaliki scholarwasevidentinthecircumstancesofhisdeparturefromTunisinNovember1325.Hehadlefthomealonelyjourneyereagertojoinupwithwhoevermighttoleratehiscompany.HeleftTunisastheappointedqadiofacaravanofpilgrims.Thiswashisfirstofficialpostasanaspiringjurist.Perhapsthehonorwenttohimbecausenobetterqualifiedlawyerwaspresentinthegrouporbecause,ashetellsusin

thenarrative,mostofthepeopleinthecompanywereMoroccanBerbers.Inanycase,ahajjcaravanwasasortofcommunityandrequiredformalleadership:achief (amir)whohadall thepowersof the captainof a ship, andaqadi, whoadjudicateddisputesandtherebykeptpeaceandorderamongthetravelers.

Themain caravan route led southward alongTunisia’s rich littoral of oliveand fruit groves and through a succession of busymaritime cities— Sousse,Sfax,Gabès.SomemilessouthofGabèstheroadturnedabruptlyeastwardwiththe coast, running between the island ofDjerba on one side, the fringe of theSaharaontheother.ThenextmajorstopwasTripoli, the lasturbanoutpostoftheHafsiddomain.

TheprovinceofTripolitania,todaypartofLibya,markedgeographicallytheeastern extremity of the island Maghrib. From here the coastline ransoutheastward for more than 400 miles, cutting further and further into theclimatic zone of the Sahara until desert andwater came together, obliteratingentirely the narrow coastal band of fertility. Further on the land juts suddenlynorthward again into latitudes of higher rainfall. Herewas thewell-populatedregionofCyrenaicawithitsforestsandpasturelandsandfallenRomantowns.IfTripolitaniawas historically and culturally the end of theMaghrib, CyrenaicawasthebeginningoftheMiddleEast,thetwohalvesofLibyadividedonefromtheotherbyseveralhundredmilesofsandandsea.

Across the breadth of the coastal Libyan countryside Arab herding tribesruledsupreme,andonceagainIbnBattutaandhiscompanionscourtedtrouble.Between Gabès and Tripoli a company of archers, no doubt provided by theHafsidsultantoprotectthehajjcaravan,keptroversatbay.InTripoli,however,IbnBattutadecidedtoleavethemaingroup,whichlingeredinthecitybecauseof rain and cold, and push on ahead with a small troop of Moroccans,presumably leaving his judgeship, at least temporarily, in the hands of asubordinate.Somewhereneartheport townofSurt(Sirte)abandofcameleerstried to attack the little party. But according to the Rihla, “the Divine Willdivertedthemandpreventedthemfromdoingusharmthattheyhadintended.”After reaching Cyrenaica in safety, the travelers waited for the rest of thecaravantocatchup,thencontinued,presumablywithoutfurtherincident,towardtheNile.

CrossingLibya,IbnBattutahadgreaterreasonthanevertobewaryoftroublesincehenolongerhadonlyhimselftoconsider.WhilethecaravanwasinSfax,heenteredintoacontractofmarriagewiththedaughterofaTunisianofficialinthepilgrimcompany.When they reachedTripoli, thewomanwaspresented tohim. The arrangement ended in failure, however, for Ibn Battuta fell into a

disputewithhisprospectivefather-in-lawwhiletravelingthroughCyrenaicaandendedupreturningthegirl.Undaunted,hethenweddedthedaughterofanotherpilgrim,thistimeascholarfromFez.Apparentlywithincomefromhisjudicialofficeheputonamarriage feast“atwhich Idetained thecaravan forawholeday,andentertainedthemall.”TheRihla tellsusnothingwhatsoeveraboutthecharacter of either of these women or Ibn Battuta’s relationship with them.Indeedhewouldmarryseveraltimesinthecourseofhistravels,yetneitherhiswives, nor the slave concubineswhowere frequently in his train during laterperiods of his travels,would receive anything other than the scantestmentionhereandthereintheRihla.Wivesvanishascasuallyandas inexplicablyfromthenarrativeastheyenterit.IntheIslamicsocietyofthatageaman’sintimatefamily relationswere regarded as no one’s business but his own, andmarriedMuslim women, at least in the Arabic-speaking lands, lived out their liveslargelyinseclusion.IbnBattuta’sdomesticaffairswerenotapropersubjectforarihla,norwouldtheybeforthebiographyorautobiographyofanypublicmanof that time. Consequently we learn much less than we would like about asignificantdimensionofIbnBattuta’stravelinglife.

Sometimeinthelatewinterorspringof1326thecaravanreachedAlexandriaatthewesternendoftheNileDelta.12AstreksacrossnorthernAfricawent,IbnBattutamanageditinlesstimethanmanytravelersdid,coveringthemorethan2,000milesinthespaceofeightorninemonths.IfatthispointhehadbeeninahurrytogettotheHijaz,hecouldhavecontinuedacrossthedeltaandtheSinaiPeninsula, picking up the Egyptian caravan route to Mecca. But the nextpilgrimageseasonwasstilleightmonthsaway,affordinghimplentyoftimetoexplore the Nile Valley and, and as any serious scholar-pilgrim did, pay hisrespects to Cairo, which in the first half of the fourteenth century was thereigningintellectualcapitaloftheArabic-speakingworldandthelargestcityinthehemisphereanywherewestofChina.

Notes

1.IbnKhaldun,TheMuqaddimah,2ndedn.,trans.F.Rosenthal,3vols.(Princeton,N.J.,1967),vol.3,p.307.

2.RobertBrunschvig,LaBerbérieorientalesouslesHafsidesdesoriginesàlafinduXVesiècle,2vols.(Paris,1940,1947),vol.2,p.97.

3.M.Canard,“LesrelationsentrelesMerinidesetlesMamelouksauXIVesiècle,”Annalesdel’Institutd’ÉtudesOrientales5(1939):43.

4.IbnKhaldun,HistoiredesBerbèresetdesdynastiesmusulmanesdel’Afriqueseptentrionale, trans.BarondeSlane,4vols.(Paris,1925–56),vol.2,pp.462–66,vol.3,pp.403–05.

5.Brunschvig(Berbèrieorientale,vol.1,p.148n)suggeststhishypothesis.6.A.Cherbonneau, “Notice et extraits du voyage d’El-Abdary à travers l’Afrique septentrionale, au

VIIesiècledel’Hegire,”JournalAsiatique,5thser.,4(1854):158.MytranslationfromtheFrench.7.TheeventsofthisperiodaredescribedinIbnKhaldun,HistoiredesBerberes,vol.2,pp.457–66;and

Brunschvig,Berbèrieorientale,vol.1,pp.144–50.8.Brunschvig,Berbèrieorientale,vol.1,pp.356–57.9.Ibid.,vol.1,p.146n.10.Ibid.,vol.2,pp.301–02;Gb,vol.1,p.13n.11.RobertBrunschvig,“QuelquesremarqueshistoriquessurlesmedersasdeTunisie,”RevueTunisienne

6(1931):261–85.ThecollegeoftheBooksellerswasknowninArabicastheMa’ridiyya.12.IntheRihlaIBremembersarrivinginAlexandriaon5April1326(1JumadaI726).Hrbek(Hr,pp.

417–18)arguesthatthedatewasmorelikelymidFebruary(Rabi’I726)onthegroundsthatthetripfromTripoli toAlexandriashouldnothave taken the threemonths IbnBattutaallots to it,considering thatnomajordelaysarenoted.Hrbeksuggeststhatthejourneyprobablytook40to45daysandthatacceptanceofanearlierarrivaldateinAlexandriahelpstosolvechronologicalproblemsthatariselateron.

3TheMamluks

Asforthedynastiesofourtime,thegreatestofthemisthatoftheTurksinEgypt.1

IbnKhaldun

Of the dozens of international ports Ibn Battuta visited in the course of histravels,Alexandria impressed him as among the fivemostmagnificent. Therewasnotoneharborbuttwo,theeasternreservedforChristianships,thewesternfor Muslim. They were divided by Pharos Island and the colossal lighthousewhich loomed over the port and could be seen several miles out to sea.Alexandria handled a great variety ofEgyptian products, including thewovensilk,cotton,andlinenfromitsownthrivingtextileshops.Butmoreimportant,itwas the most westerly situated of the arc of Middle Eastern cities whichfunneledtradebetweentheIndianOceanandtheMediterranean.

From thebeginningof the Islamicage the flowofgoodsacross theMiddleEasthadfollowedanumberofdifferentroutes,therelativeimportanceofeachdependingontheprevailingconfigurationsofpoliticalpowerandsocialstability.IbnBattutahadthegoodfortunetomakehisfirstandlengthiestvisittoEgyptatatimeofhighprosperityonthespicerouterunningfromtheIndianOceantotheRedSeaandhencedowntheNiletotheportsofthedelta.

ContributingtoEgypt’saffluencewasthefirmruleoftheBahriMamluks,theTurkish-speakingwarrior castewho had governed that country and Syria as aunitedkingdomsince1260.Over the secondhalf of the thirteenth century theMamluks had been obliged to go towar several times to prevent theMongolarmies ofPersia fromoverruningSyria and advancing to theNile. It is to thecredit ofMamluk cavalry that they stopped the Tatars and saved Egypt fromcatastropheby theskinof its teeth.Thus thecitiesof theNilewerespared thefateofBaghdad,whichtheMongolslaidwastein1258andreducedtothestatusofaprovincialmarkettown.

Map4:IbnBattuta’sItineraryinEgypt,Syria,andArabia,1326

Although the Mongol threat to Syria did not end until about 1315, Egyptenteredthefourteenthcenturywithafirmgovernment,agenerallystablesocialorder, and bright opportunities to exploit the commercial potential of itsgeographicalposition.UnderthemeticuloussupervisionofMamluksoldiersandcustomsofficers,theproductsofAsiawereunloadedattheportof’Aydhabhalfway up theRedSea,moved overland by camel train to theNile, then carrieddown the river on lateen-rigged vessels to Alexandria and the warehouses ofItalian,French,andCatalantraders.SymonSemeonis,anIrishclericwhovisitedAlexandria in 1323 on his way to the Holy land, experienced the Mamluk

customsbureaucracyatwork:

On our arrival in the port, the [European] vessel, as is the custom, wasimmediatelyboardedbyanumberofSaracen[Muslim]harborofficials,whohauled down the sail, and wrote down the names of everybody on board.Havingexaminedallthemerchandiseandgoodsintheship,andhavingmadea careful list of everything, they returned to the city taking the passengerswiththem...Theyquartereduswithinthefirstandsecondgates,andwentoff to reportwhat theyhaddone to theAdmiral of the city,withoutwhosepresenceandpermissionno foreigner isallowedeither toenteror leave thecity,andnogoodscanbeimported.2

IbnBattutaspentseveralweeksinthebusyport,seeingthesights(includingthePharoslighthouseandthethird-centurymarblecolumnknownasPompey’sPillar)and fraternizingwith themenof letters in themosquesandcolleges. InEgypt theMaliki school of lawwasnot nearly sowidedlyused as theShafi’icode, but Malikism was dominant in Alexandria owing to the largerepresentationofNorthAfricans andAndalusian refugees among the educatedpopulation.3IntheRihlaIbnBattutarecountstheachievementsandmiraclesofseveralscholarsandmysticsofthecity,mostofthemofMaghribiorigin.

At one point during these weeks he spent a few days as the guest of oneBurhan al-Din the Lame, a locally venerated Sufi ascetic. Among the specialtalentsofmoreenlightenedMuslimdivineswasthegiftofforetellingthefuture.ItwasinthecompanyofBurhanal-Dinthattheyoungpilgrimgotafirstinklingof his destiny. The holy man, perceiving that Ibn Battuta had in his heart apassionfortravel,suggestedthathevisitthreeofhisfellowSufis,twooftheminIndia,thethirdinChina.IbnBattutarecallstheincident:“Iwasamazedathisprediction, and the idea of going to these countries having been cast intomymind,mywanderingsneverceaseduntilIhadmetthesethreethathenamedandconveyedhisgreetingtothem.”

Forthemoment,however,IbnBattutawascontenttowanderinthevalleyoftheNile. Alexandriawas not located on the river but linked to it by a canal,constructed a few years before his arrival, which ran eastward to the RosettaBranchat the townofFuwwa.Mostcommercial traffic to the interiorwentbyrivervesselthroughthecanalandfromthereupstreamtoCairo,whichlayabout140milesinlandattheapexofthedelta,ajourneyoffivetosevendayswiththeusualfavorablenortherlywinds.

IbnBattutawas innoparticularhurryat thispoint,however, since thenext

seasonofthehajjwasstillaboutsevenmonthsoff.WheremostyoungscholarsmighthavemadeabeelineforCairo,thegreatmetropolis,thispilgrim,alreadydisplaying his characteristic zeal to see everything, spent about three weeks,probablyduringApril1326,wanderingthroughtherichcommercialandtextile-producingtownsofthedelta—Damanhur,Fuwwa,Ibyar,Damietta,Samannud,andothers.4Alongthewayhesoughtoutandlodgedinthehousesofnumerousjudges, savants, andSufi shaykhs, including a celebrated saint of Fuwwawhoalso prophesied that the young man would one day wind up in India. Hecontinuedtosupporthimselfwiththegiftsandhospitalityofthepious,nottheleastofhisbenefactorsbeingtheMamlukgovernorofDamietta,whobefriendedhim and sent him several coins. It might be presumed that Ibn Battuta wastraveling in theDelta in the companyof thewomanhehadmarried inLibya,exceptthatsheisnevermentionedintheRihlaagain.

AtSamannudontheDamiettabranchoftheriverheboardedoneofthehigh-mastedshipswhichthrongedtheriverandsaileddirectlyupstreamtowardCairo.NumerousChristianandJewishtravelers—merchants,ambassadors,HolyLandpilgrims— sailed theNile between the coast andCairo during the fourteenthandfifteenthcenturies,andfewofthem(inthenarrativestheylaterwrote)failedto marvel at the crowded, colorful, ever-blooming life of the river. SymonSemeonisextolleditsnaturalwonders:

This river is most pleasant for navigating, most beautiful in aspect, mostproductiveinfishes,aboundinginbirds,anditswaterismostwholesomeandpleasanttodrink,neverharmfuloroffensive,butwellsuitedtoman’sneeds.Manyotherexcellentthingsmightbesaidaboutitwereitnottheretreatofahighlynoxiousanimal,resemblingthedragon,whichdevoursbothhorsesandmenifitcatchestheminthewateroronthebanks.5

Ibn Battuta, a minority among travelers in his failure to mention thecrocodiles, was impressed by the sheer crush of humanity along the banks, adensity of habitation in startling contrast to what he had seen crossing NorthAfrica:

There is noneed for a traveleron theNile to take anyprovisionwithhim,because whenever he wishes to descend on the bank he may do so, forablutions, prayers, purchasing provisions, or any other purpose. There is acontinuousseriesofbazaarsfromthecityofAlexandriatoCairo . . .Citiesand villages succeed one another along its banks without interruption and

havenoequalintheinhabitedworld,norisanyriverknownwhosebasinissointensivelycultivatedasthatoftheNile.Thereisnoriveronearthbutitwhichiscalledasea.

For all their teeming life, themarket towns lining the lowerNilewere butpetty reflections of what the wayfarer beheld on reaching Cairo, the greatestbazaarofthemall.Travelersofthetime,whatevertheirorigin,stoodbedazzledatthecity’soverpoweringsize.“ThiscityofCairohasapopulationgreaterthanthatofallTuscany,”wrotetheItaliangentlemanFrescobaldiofhisvisitin1384,“andthereisastreetwhichhasbyitselfmorepeoplethanallofFlorence.”6

Modern scholars suggest the population of Cairo in the first half of thefourteenth centurymay have been between 500,000 and 600,000, or six timeslarger thanTunis and fifteen times larger thanLondon at the sameperiod.7 Aconvergence of historical factors explains the phenomenal growth of the cityfrom the later thirteenth to the mid fourteenth century. One was its status ascapital of the Mamluk kingdom and chief residence of virtually the entireTurkishrulingclass,aroundwhomEgyptianpoliticalandeconomiclifeturned.AnotherwasitspositionastheintersectingpointoftheprosperousRedSea-to-NilespicerouteandthetradeandpilgrimageroadsfromtheMaghribandsub-SaharanWestAfrica.AthirdwasthehappyfactthatitsrulershadrepulsedtheMongolhordeandprobablysavedthepopulationfrombeingmassacred.IndeedCairobecameapermanentrefugeinthelaterthirteenthcenturyforthousandsofpeoplefromIraqandSyriawhofledtheapproachoftheTatarsinpanic.

Although Cairo was spreading physically in several directions in the earlyfourteenthcentury,themajorityofthepopulation,includingforeignvisitorsandrefugees,livedpackedinsidethewalledcity,whichlayaboutamileandahalfeastoftheriver.ThiswasCairoproperlytermed,al-Qahirah(TheVictorious).ItwasfoundedbytheFatimiddynastyinthetenthcenturyasaroyalresidenceandgarrisonandthereafterevolvedasthecenterofcommercialandintellectuallifefor the greater urban region, eventually superseding in this respect the olderIslamiccity,knownasFustatorMisr,whichwas locatedsomedistance to thesouth.

HabitationwithinwalledCairowas so dense and the surge of humanity sofrantic that thecityhadtheappearanceofbeingdrasticallyoverpopulated.Thecrushofpeople,camels,anddonkeysin thecentralcommercialdistrictwassogreat that Ibn Battuta might have found a tourist’s stroll down the Bayn al-Qasrayn, themainavenue, a thoroughlynerve-rendingexperience.Therewerethousands of shops in the vicinity of the avenue, as well as more than thirty

markets, each one a concentration of a particular craft or trade — butchers,goldsmiths,gemdealers,candlemakers,carpenters,ironsmiths,slavemerchants.Armiesofpeddlersandfoodvendorsalsojammedthestreets,hawkingvictualstotheCairenecitizens,almostnoneofwhomhadthefacilitiestocookathome.The centers of international trade in the city were the caravansaries, calledfunduqs or khans. These were sometimes huge and splendidly decoratedstructuresbuiltaroundacentralcourtyardandcontainingroomsonthegroundfloor for storing goods and upstairs for lodgingmerchants. Some khans wereconstructedforparticulargroupsofforeigntraders,suchasMaghribis,Persians,orEuropeans.A caravansary for Syrianmerchants built in the twelfth centuryhad360lodgingsabovethestoreroomsandenoughspacefor4,000guestsatatime.8

TheaffluenceofCairointhe1320swasareflectionofthecompetenceoftheMamlukgovernment,indeedofasystemofpoliticalandsocialorganizationthatwas working in the early fourteenth century about as well as it ever would.WhenIbnBattutaenteredtheMamlukdomain,hefellunderapoliticalauthoritywhose relationship to the general population was quite unlike what he hadknown at home. Whereas the Marinids of Morocco were of Berber stock,ethnicallyundifferentiatedfrommostofthelocalpopulation,theMamlukswere,intheirCentralAsianorigins,Turkishlanguage,andmilitaryethos,utterlyaliento theirnativeEgyptian subjects.At theheartof theMamlukgovernmentwasthepracticeofrecruitingthemembersoftherulingmilitaryandadministrativeelite fromamongyoungmenofTurkish tribes in thesteppe landsnorthof theBlackandCaspianSeas.TheseyouthsenteredSyriaandEgyptasslaves,orinArabic “mamluks.” They were then converted to Islam, educated in thefundamentalsof religion, taught theartsofmountedwarfare,andfinallygiventheir legal freedom and position of service in theMamluk state. It was fromamong the ranks of these alien-born cavalrymen that the top governmentcommanders(amirs)werechosen.

Though the day to daymanagement of the realm required constant contactand intertwiningof interestsbetweenMamluksandnativeEyptians, the rulingminority nonetheless stood as a caste apart in itsmonopoly of political powerandphysicalforce.Ordinaryfolkwerenotevenpermittedtoridehorses.Indeed,thepurposeoftheMamluksystemofrecruitmentandsocialinsulationwasnotonly to build and perpetuate an army of ruggedAsian soldiers, unequivocallyloyal to the state, but also to preserve the integrity and esprit de corps of thewholegoverningestablishmentbylockingthesubjectpeoples,eventhelocallybornsonsofMamluks,outofitentirely.Theever-loomingsymbolofMamluk

dominance and exclusivity was the Citadel, an awesome complex of palace,mosques,offices, livingquarters,andstablesthatstoodonarockyprominence250feetaboveCairo.Herethesultanresidedwithanelaboratecourtandseveralregiments ofmounted troops, cut off, towhatever degree hewished, from thecommonersthrongingthestreetsbelow.

The origins of this “oligarchy of lost children,” as one historian hascharacterizedtheMamluks,9arelinkedtothetumultuouseventsoftheeleventhcentury, when Turkish steppe warriors swarmed over theMiddle East, seizedpoweralmosteverywhere,andfilledthepoliticalvoidleftbythecollapseoftheclassicalAbbasidempirecenteredonBaghdad.Althoughbythetwelfthcenturythe unity of the Middle East was shattered, Turkish warlords madeaccommodationswith localArab andPersian populations and,with the aid oftheir comrades-in-arms and a continuing flow of slave recruits from CentralAsia, succeeded in restoring law and order over fairly extensive areas of theMiddleEastandAsiaMinorandfoundingaseriesofmilitarydynasties.

TheAge of the Turk descended on Egypt in 1250when a corps of slave-soldiers in the service of the Ayyubid dynasty staged a coup d’état and tookpower.InthecourseofthefollowinghalfcenturytheBahriMamluks,sonamedforthefactthattheywereoriginallyquarteredonanislandintheNile(Bahral-Nil), consolidated their rule overEgypt, conquered greater Syria, expelled theLatinCrusaders,andrepeatedlybeatbackMongolassaultsfromPersia.BythetimeIbnBattutaarrivedinCairotheMamlukempirehadexpandedtoembracenotonlyEgypt,Syria,andPalestine,butalsosoutheasternAsiaMinorand theRedSearim.

Although the Mamluks often lived up to their barbarian origins in theirtreatment of the native population (crucifixion and the severingof limbswerecommonpunishmentsforcrimesagainstthestate),theyneverthelessworkedoutaroutinestandardofcooperationwiththe’ulamaandnotability,whoembodiedArab civilization. It was, after all, only through the educated elite, as literatespokesmenforthelowerordersofsocietyandasinterpretersoftheSacredLaw,thattheTurkswereabletomakethesocialaccommodationsnecessarytoensurethe steady and tranquil flow of tax revenues from agricultural land andcommerce. In turn, the scholarly class not only accepted the fact ofMamlukpowerastheonlyalternativetochronicinstabilitybutwillinglysteppedforwardtomake the government work, serving under Turkish commanders as judges,scribes, tax-collectors, market inspectors, chiefs of city quarters, hospitaladministrators,aswellaspreachers,teachers,andSufishaykhs.

TheriseoftheMamlukswasalsotheachievementoftheintelligent,ruthless,

and surprisingly civilizedmenwhowore the black satin robe of the sultanateduringthefirstcenturyoftheempire.IbnBattutahadthelucktoarriveinCairoat the triumphantmid point of the reign of al-NasirMuhammad ibnQala’un,who ruled (with somebrief interruptions) from1293 to1341, longer than anysultan in the 267 years of theMamluk regime. Such longevity was in fact aremarkableachievement,sincetheTurkishelite,appearingcohesiveandfiercelyfraternalfromwithout,werequarrelsomeandfaction-riddenwithin.Powerandposition in the hierarchy depended largely on personal ability and pluck,obliginganyofficerwithambition tocompeteviciouslyagainsthisfellowsforthe high offices (including the sultanate itself) and the stupendous personalgrantsofagriculturallandrevenuesthatwentwiththem.

TheDomeoftheRock,Jerusalem.PhotobytheAuthor.

The Mausoleum of the Mamluk sultan al-Mansur Qala’un (1279–1290),Cairo.PhotobytheAuthor.

The reign of al-Nasir Muhammad was the age of Cairo at its mostresplendent,whenthecityblossomedintomaturityastheworldcapitalofArabart and letters.While theMongolhorde ransacked itsway through theMiddleEast,devastatingBaghdadandplunderingDamascus(1299–1300),Cairooffereda secure haven for scholars, craftsmen, and rich merchants who were nimbleenough to escapeacross theSinaiPeninsula, takingwith them theknowledge,artisticskills,andwealththathelpedmakeCairothemostcosmopolitancenter

ofcivilizedcultureanywhereintheDaral-Islam.Mamlukofficerswerenotgrantedagriculturalestatesoutrightbutonlyrights

torevenuefromtheland’sproductivity.Theydidnotnormallyliveontheirruralholdingsandchose,iftheycould,toliveinCairo.Consequently,rentsandtaxesfrom thousands of peasant villages poured into the city and were lavishlyexpended on religious endowments, as well as on palaces, khans, racetracks,canals, andmausoleums, producing in all themost energetic surgeof buildingthatCairohadeverknown.Moreover,Mamlukarchitectschoseincreasinglytobuildinstoneratherthanthebrickandplasterofearliergenerations,andsotheirmonumentshaveendured.TheskylineofdomesandminaretswhichimpressestheeyeofthemoderntouristinOldCairoisforthemostparttheskylineofthefourteenthandfifteenthcenturies.

During his stay of about a month in the city,10 Ibn Battuta toured themonumentsof theBahriMamluks,aswellas themosquesandmausoleumsofearlier dynasties. Since a disastrous earthquake in 1303 had destroyed manypublicbuildings,11hemusthaveseennumerousconstructionprojectsgoingonwhilehewasthere.Sultanal-Nasirwasnotonlyagenerouspatronofreligiousinstitutions, building some thirty mosques in the course of his reign, he alsosponsorednumerouscivicenterprises, includingacanalwhichranbetweenthewalledcityandtheriverandopenedanextensivenewareatourbansettlement.

AmongthestructureswhichmostimpressedIbnBattutawastheMaristan,orhospital, built byQala’un, the father andpredecessor of al-Nasir.Today a sadshellof crumblingwalls, itwasoneof the finest architectural creationsof theage.“AsfortheMaristan,”IbnBattutareports,“nodescriptionisadequatetoitsbeauties.” A modern historian describes its operation, showing that howeverbrawling andunhealthy life in thenarrow streets of the citymight be,Cairo’scharitableinstitutionsweresanctuariesofcivilizedcalm:

Cubicles for patients were ranged round two courts, and at the sides ofanotherquadranglewerewards,lecturerooms,library,baths,dispensary,andeverynecessaryapplianceofthosedaysofsurgicalscience.Therewasevenmusic to cheer the sufferers; while readers of the Koran afforded theconsolationsofthefaith.Richandpoorweretreatedalike,withoutfees,andsixtyorphansweresupportedandeducatedintheneighboringschool.12

Ifthecreditforsuchenlightenedphilanthropywenttothesultansandamirswho paid for it, the inspiration andmanagementwere the achievement of theeducatedcommunityofCairo,amongwhomIbnBattutawouldhavespentmost

ofhistime.HeoffersintheRihlaabriefWho’sWhoofthecity’sleadinglights,buthegivesnoindicationthathepursuedsystematicstudywithanyofthem,asin facthewoulddo inDamascus later that sameyear. It seems likely, though,thatheattendedlecturesinsomeofthemadrasas.

Thecollegeswere thevitalcentersof intellectualandcivic lifewherein thereligious,social,andculturalnormsgoverningEgyptiansocietyweretaughtandexemplified.Amadrasawasinfactamosque,thoughonedesignedprimarilyforteaching rather than forcongregationalprayer. ItwasSaladinwhobrought themadrasaideafromIraqtoCairointhetwelfthcenturywiththespecificintentionof founding Sunni schools to combat and suppress the Shi’i doctrines of theprecedingFatimiddynasty.Asthecitygrewandprosperednewcollegessprangup one after another, enough of them by the fourteenth century to elicit IbnBattuta’s comment that “as for themadrasas in Cairo, they are toomany foranyonetocount.”ThecollegesoftheMamlukageweredesignedonacruciformplanwitharelativelysmallopencourtyard,incontrasttothevastspaceswithinthechiefcongregational,orFriday,mosques.Openingontothecourtwerefourvaultedhalls,orliwans,whereclasseswerenormallyheld.Thiswastheclassicmadrasa form of Ibn Battuta’s time, providing in fact themodel forMarinidcollegebuildinginMorocco.

ThecollegecurriculumofferedinCairowouldhavebeenperfectlyfamiliartoIbnBattuta,as itwas largely identical towhatwaspresented inNorthAfricanschools, except that the Shafi’i system of law was dominant rather than theMaliki. As in Tunis, Fez, or Tangier, education turned on the revealed andlinguisticsciences,especiallylaw.Studiesinmedicine,astronomy,mathematics,andphilosophywerealsoavailable,thoughtheteachingwasusuallyconductedprivatelyratherthaninthemadrasas.CairointheMamlukagedidnotnurturepeopleofcreativeoriginality (with thenotableexceptionof IbnKhaldun,whowas a Tunisian butmoved permanently to Egypt in 1383), but it did producetheologians, jurisprudents, historians, encyclopedists, and biographers ofspectacular eruditionandnimblenessofmind. Itwas these luminaries that IbnBattuta,andhundredsofscholarslikehimfromthroughouttheArabic-,Persian-,andTurkish-speakingIslamicworld,cametothegreatcitytoseeandhear.13

IbnBattutamightwellhaveremainedinCairomuchlongerthanamonth,sinceat the end of that time (mid May 1326) there still remained more than fivemonths before the start of the hajj rituals in Mecca. The official Egyptiancaravan, which traveled to the Hijaz across Sinai under the protection of theMamluks, did not normally leave Cairo until the middle of the month of

Shawwal, in thatyearmidSeptember.14But IbnBattutahadan impetuousnessabouthim(ashehadalreadydemonstratedinhisjourneyacrossNorthAfrica),andhewasnotinclinedtowaitforcaravansorfellowtravelersforverylong.InfacthedecidedtoproceedtoMeccaonhisown,notbytheSinairouteatall,butbywayofUpperEgypttotheRedSeaportof’AydhabandfromtherebyshiptoJiddaontheHijazcoast.

Pilgrims traveled both the northern and southern routes out ofCairo in thefirsthalfofthefourteenthcentury.TheSinairoadwastheshorterofthetwo,anditwasrelativelymoresecurebecausethesultanssponsoredannualcaravansanddispatchedarmyunits tomaintain andpolice the route.The southerly track to’AydhabandJiddawaslongerandtherewasnoofficiallyorganizedcaravan.Butthis was the route of the spices, in Ibn Battuta’s time one of the busiest andstrategically most important lanes of international trade in the Afro–Eurasianworld.Thecommercialinfrastructureoftrails,rivertransport,cameleers,khans,andmarketswasextensivelydevelopedandelaboratelyorganized,affordingthewayfareranormallysafejourneyfromCairoto’Aydhab.

Moreover,apilgrimcouldnormallyexpecttotravelallthewaytothattown,locatednear themodernSudaneseborder,withoutpassingbeyondthereachofMamluk law and order. The sultan posted garrisons inQus, Idfu,Aswan, andother important towns on the river and, when the situation called for it,dispatchedpunitiveexpeditionsagainsttheAraborBejatribesofthedesertandRed Sea Hills. These unruly herdsmen, in normal times collaborators in thetransittradeasguidesandcameldrivers,werequicktodespoilcaravansordefyMamlukauthoritywhenevertheopportunitywastootemptingtoresist—afactofEgyptianpoliticsnot,asweshallsee,tobelostonIbnBattuta.

Theyoungpilgrim’stwo-tothree-weekjourneyuptheNilevalleytothetownof Idfuwasaccomplishedwithoutmuchadventure.He traveledby land ratherthanon the river,andat severalpointsalong thewayhe lodged in thehomes,colleges,or lodgesof scholarsandSufis.15Whilepassing through the townofMinya,hebecameembroiledinaminorincident,interestingforwhatitrevealsofhishighsenseofcivilizedpropriety—aswellasalessappealinginclinationtosanctimoniousmeddling:

One day I entered the bathhouse in this township, and found men in itwearingnocovering.Thisappearedashockingthingtome,andIwenttothegovernor and informed him of it.He toldme not to leave and ordered thelessees of (all) the bathhouses to be brought before him. Articles wereformallydrawnup (thenand there)making themsubject topenalties ifany

personshouldenterabathwithoutawaist-wrapper,andthegovernorbehavedtothemwiththegreatestseverity,afterwhichItookleaveofhim.

Agratefulgovernorandanannoyedcorpsofbathoperatorsbehindhim,hecontinuedontoIdfu,oneoftheprincipaltransshipmentcentersfortheoverlandhaultothecoast.Herehecrossedtotheeastbankoftheriver,hiredcamels,andset out for ’Aydhab in the company of a party of bedouin Arabs. Their treksoutheastward through thedesert and thenover thebare and smoulderingRedSeaHillstook15days,aboutthenormaltimeforthetrip.16

AlthoughIbnBattuta’sbriefdescriptionof’Aydhab—itsmosque,itsmenoflearning,somecustomsoftheinhabitants—isfactualanddetached,atravelercomingoutofthedesertwouldbelikelytoreacttothetownwithadiscomfitingambivalence.Ontheonehanditwasaflourishingport,itswarehousescrammedwithpepper,cloves,ivory,pearls,textiles,Chineseprocelain,andallmannerofexotic goods from Asia and tropical Africa, as well as the linen, silk, coral,sugar,andpreciousmetalsofEgyptandtheMediterranean.Ontheotherhand,thefieryclimate,thebarrensurroundings,andthecountrycrudenessofthelocalhillfolkmade’Aydhaboneofthemostuninvitingtransitstopsanywherefromthe Mediterranean to China. Thousands passed through, but no one stayed amomentlongerthanrequired.IbnJubayr,thecelebratedAndalusianpilgrimandrihlawriterof the twelfthcentury,despisedtheplace.Afternotinginhisbookthatthetownwasrichandofgreatcommercialimportance,heferventlyadvisedpilgrimstogettoMeccabysomeotherwayiftheypossiblycould:

Itisenoughforyouofaplacewhereeverythingisimported,evenwater;andthis (because of its bitterness) is less agreeable than thirst. We had livedbetween air that melts the body and water that turns the stomach fromappetite for food.He did no injustice to this townwho sang, “Brackish ofwaterandflamingofair.”17

Ibn Jubayr also took pains to warn travelers against the avarice of the shipcaptains,wholoadedtheirvesselswithpilgrims“untiltheysitoneontopoftheotherso that theyare likechickenscrammedinacoop.”18Somehowenduringtheseindignities,nottomentiondelaysandstorms,IbnJubayrhadmanagedtoreachJiddaafteraweekundersailandsocontinuedontoMecca.IbnBattuta,asithappened,wasnotsolucky.WhenearlierhehadpassedthroughthetownofHiw (Hu) on the Nile, he paid a visit to a saintly sharif (descendant of theProphet),oneAbuMuhammad’Abdallahal-Hasani.Uponhearingoftheyoung

man’s intention to go to Mecca, the sharif warned him to return to Cairo,prophesying that he would not make his first pilgrimage except by the roadthrough Syria. Ignoring the omen, Ibn Battuta had continued on his waysouthward.Reaching’Aydhab,hediscoveredmuchtohischagrinthatthelocalrulingfamily,aclanoftheBejapeoplewhoinhabitedthehillsbehindthecity,wereinrevoltagainsttheMamlukgovernor.19Therebelshadsunksomeshipsintheharbor,drivenouttheEgyptiangarrison,andinthisclimateofviolencenoonewashoistingsail for Jidda. Ifhewere tobeassuredof reaching theHijazbeforethestartofthehajj,IbnBattutahadnorealchoicebuttoretracehisstepstoCairoandcontinuefromtherebyoneofthenorthernroutes.

Fortunately, the tripbackdidnot take long.TheNilewas reachingsummerfloodstage,andsoaftercrossingthedesertagainandrejoiningtheriveratQus,heboardedashipandreturnedtothecapitalineightshortdays,arrivingthere,herecalls,inmidJuly.

Perhapsduringhisvoyagedowntheriver,wherehehadtheleisuretothinkout his plans, he came to the conclusion that if he did not linger in Cairo hecould reach Syria in time to catch the hajj caravan which normally leftDamascusonor about 10Shawwal (10Septemberof that year), or about twoweeksearlierthanthedepartureofthepilgrimsfromCairo.20Itmayhavebeenhis rather happy-go-lucky impetuosity that was driving him, or perhaps hethoughtitprudenttoheedthewordofthesharifofHiwthathewasdestinedtoreach Mecca by way of Syria. In any case he stayed in Cairo, astonishinglyenough, only one night before setting out for Syria, the Asian half of theMamlukempire.

ThemainroutefromCairotoDamascuswastheroyalroadofthekingdom,since Damascus was a kind of second capital, responsible for the militarygovernanceofGreaterSyriaandforthedefenseoftheeasternmarchesagainstthe Mongols of Persia. The sultan himself frequently traveled to Damascus,usuallyinthecompanyofanarmy.Moreover,DamascuswasasgreatacityasCairoin theproductionof luxurygoods.ThemilitarylordsofEgyptdependedheavily on the caravans from Syria for their fine silks and brocades, theirceramicsandglassware,theirmagnificenttentsandhorse-trappings,allofthesearticlestradedmainlyforEgyptiantextilesandgrain.Damasceneartisans,suchasmasons,marbleworkers,andplasterers,frequentlyaccompaniedthecaravanstoCairotoworkintheconstructionofpalaces,mausoleums,andmosques.Forboth commercial and political reasons, then, the Mamluks were assiduous inprotecting and provisioning the Cairo–Damascus artery, hemming it withgarrisonpostsandbuildingbridgesandcaravansariestofacilitatethepassageof

peopleandgoods.If IbnBattutahadgone toMeccawith theEgyptianhajjcaravan,hewould

have traveleddue east across thepeninsula toAqaba, then southward into theHijaz. Instead,hesetanortheastwardcourse through thefarming townsof theeasterndelta and from there along the sandyMediterraneanplain toGaza, thedesert portal to Palestine. We have no idea with whom he may have beentraveling,thoughherefersvaguelyintheRihlato“thosewhowerewithme”onthis stretch of his journey.All along this trail the government provided publiccaravansarieswhere,according to theRihla, “travelersalightwith theirbeasts,andoutsideeachkhanisapublicwateringplaceandashopatwhichthetravelermaybuywhatherequiresforhimselfandhisbeast.”AtQatya,astationlocatedseveralmileseastofthemoderndaySuezCanal,thestatemaintainedacustomshouse where officials examined passports and merchandise and collected abonanza in duties from the mercantile caravans moving between Syria andEgypt.SymonSemeonis,whopassedthroughQatyain1323,describesMamlukpolicetechniques:

The village . . . is entirely surrounded by the desert and is furnishedwithneitherfortificationsnornaturalobstaclesofanykindthatmightimpedethepassage of travelers. Every evening after sunset a straw-mat or carpet isdrawnatthetailofahorse,sometimesnearthevillage,sometimesfarfromit,nowinoneplace,nowinanother,transverselytotheroute,foradistanceofsix or eight miles, more or less, according to the Admiral’s orders. Thisrendersthesandsosmooththatitisimpossibleforeithermanorbeasttopasswithoutleavingtracestoexposetheirpassage.Everymorningbeforesunrisethe plain is scoured in all directions by specially appointed horsemen, andwheneveranytracesofpedestriansorofhorsemenarediscovered,theguardshasteninpursuitandthosewhohavepassedarearrestedastransgressorsoftheSultan’sregulationsandareseverelypunished.21

At Gaza Ibn Battuta turned off the heavily traveled road leading to theLevantineportsandheadedeastwardintothehighcountryofJudaea,havinginmind to visit the sacred cities of Hebron (al-Khalil) and Jerusalem beforecontinuingtoDamascus.22ThetrailalongthehillybackboneofPalestine,fromHebrontotheGalilee,wasnotanimportantcommercialroad,butitwasarouteof pilgrimage for all threemonotheistic faiths.After thewars of theCrusadesended in the1290s, increasingnumbersofLatinpilgrims traveled to theHolyLandinsmallgroups,bywayofeitherEgyptortheLevant.Althoughtheywere

frequentlyharassedandinvariablyovercharged,usuallybylocalMuslimsofthemeaner sort, the Mamluk authorities, particularly in the fourteenth century,generallysawtoitthattheywereprotectedfrombodilyharm.

Hebronwas special toMuslim,Christian, and Jewalikebecause itwas theburialplaceofthefathersofmonotheism:Abraham,Isaac,andJacob,aswellastheir wives and Jacob’s son Joseph. In Mamluk times only Muslims werepermittedtoenterthemosque,builtoriginallyasaCrusaderchurch, thatstoodoverthetombcavecontainingcenotaphsofthethreePatriarchs.IntheRihlaIbnBattutadescribesthemosque,amassivestonestructure“ofstrikingbeautyandimposingheight,”aswellasthecenotaphsstandinginside,asatravelerofanyfaithmightseethemtoday.Healsoofferslearnedtestimonytothetruthofthetradition that the three graves do indeed lie beneath the mosque, a traditionverifiedbyFrankishknights,whoopenedthecavein1119anddiscoveredwhatwerepresumablytheholybones.23

The distance from Hebron to Jerusalem through the terraced Judaean hillswasonly17miles,andIbnBattutaprobablymadethetrip,includingabrieflookaround Bethlehem, in a day or two. Jerusalem plays so solemn a part in thereligious and cultural heritage of Western peoples and commands so muchattention in contemporaryworldpolitics thatweare inclined to assume itwasalwaysoneofthegreaturbancentersoftheMiddleEast.InfacttheJerusalemofthe fourteenth century was a rather sleepy town of no great commercial oradministrative importance. Its populationwas only about 10,000,24 and it wasruled as a sub-unit of the Province of Damascus. Its defensive walls were inruins, part of its water supply had to be carried in from the surroundingcountryside, and itwas located on none of the important trade routes runningthrough Greater Syria. From the point of view of a Mamluk official or aninternationalmerchant, itwas a city of eminently provincialmediocrity.Whatkept it alive and sustained its permanent population of scholars, clerics,shopkeepers,andguideswastheendlessstreamofpilgrimsthatpassedthroughits gates. Jerusalem was a place of countless shrines and sanctuaries. ForChristiansthespiritualfocusofthecitywastheChurchoftheHolySepulchre,for Jews it was the Western Wall of the temple (the Wailing Wall), and forMuslims itwas theHaramal-Sharif, theNobleSanctuary, reveredas the thirdmostblessedspotintheDaral-Islam,aftertheKa’bainMeccaandthetomboftheProphetinMedina.

Duringhis stay in thecityofperhapsaweek, IbnBattutaprobably spent agooddealofhistimeintheHaram,anexpansivetrapezoid-shapedareaboundedbybuildingsandcitywallsanddominatingthesoutheasternquarterofthecity.

TheentireHaramwasitselfanenormousmosqueopentothesky,thoughwithinit stood several sanctuaries having specific religious significance forMuslims.ThemostveneratedofthesewastheKubbatal-Skhra,theDomeoftheRock,awondrouslybeautifulbuildingset in thecenterof theHaramon thesiteof theancientTempleofSolomon.Thisshrine,datingfromtheseventhcentury, is intheshapeofaregularoctagon,sumptuouslyornamentedwithinterwovenArabicscripturalquotationsandgeometricdesignsandsurmountedbyamassivedome.Inside the sanctuary anddirectlybeneath thedome lies embedded in the earththe blessed Rock of Zion. It was from here, it is told, that the ProphetMuhammad, transported at lightning speed from Mecca to Jerusalem in thecompanyoftheAngelGabriel,wascarriedonthebackofagreatwingedsteeduptotheSeventhHeavenofParadise,wherehestoodinthepresenceofGod.Itis in commemoration of Muhammad’s Night Journey that Muslims enter theDome,makeacircuitoftheRock,anddescendtothelittlegrottobeneathit.

Ibn Battuta mentions in the Rihla a number of the scholars and divinesresident in Jerusalem. One of these, a Sufi master of the Rifa’i brotherhoodnamed ’Abdal-Rahman ibnMustafa, tooka special interest in theyoungmanandwasapparentlyimpressedenoughbyhissincerityandlearningtogivehimakhirqa,thewoolen,patch-coveredcloakwornbySufidisciplesasasignoftheirallegiance to a life ofGod-searching and self-denial. In the few days that IbnBattutastayedinJerusalemheobviouslycouldnothavegonethroughanyoftherigorousspiritualtrainingrequiredofinitiatespriortoreceivingtheirkhirqas.Amastercould,however,bestowalowerformofinvestitureuponapersonwhomhewished to encourage in themystical path.25 The incident seems to be onemore bit of evidence that Ibn Battuta’s piety and knowledge of Sufism wereconspicuousenough,eveninhisyouth,toplacehimonoccasioninthegracesofthe most august saints and wise men, even though he had no plans to givehimselfwholeheartedlytothemysticallife.

In his time Sufism was becoming intricately melded into the everydayreligiouslifeofMuslims.AlthoughtherewerethosewhoadoptedasceticismorcelibacyasmethodspersonallysuitablefordrawingclosertoGod,Sufismwasin no general way “monkish” or confined to a spiritually militant minority.Rather itwas the intimate, inward-turning,God-adoring dimension ofMuslimfaith,complementingoutward,publicconformity to theritualandmoraldutiesof the Sacred Law. It could take expression, depending on the individual’spersonal inclination, in everything from a life of mendicant wandering tooccasional attendance at brotherhood meetings where mystical litanies wererecited. Sufimasters, such as IbnBattuta’s friend in Jerusalem, rarely limited

theirpatronagetotheirformaldisciples,butrathergavefreelyoftheirspiritualguidance and baraka to ordinary men and women who needed the solace orhealingthatonlyasurerfeelingofGod’spresencecouldprovide.AlthoughIbnBattuta’slifeofworldlyadventurehadlittleincommonwiththatofacloistereddervish,heassociatedwithmysticswheneverhecould, as if to fortifyhimselfwithadeepercalminggracebeforetakingtotheroadagain.

Jerusalem,however,wasnot tobe theplaceforadevotional retreat, for thehajj season was drawing nearer and Damascus beckoned. Ibn Battuta’s exactroutenorthwardisuncertain,butheverylikelytraveledthroughNablus,Ajlun,andtheGalileeandfromthereacrosstheGolanHeightstotheSyriancapital.26Thisjourneywasprobablyaccomplishedinafewdays’timesincetheentiretripfromCairotoDamascus,ifthedateshegivesusarecorrect,tooknomorethan23 days.By his own reckoning he arrived inDamascus on 9August 1326 (9Ramadan726).

[Damascus]standsontheplacewhereCainkilledhisbrotherAbel,andisanexceeding noble, glorious, and beauteous city, rich in all manner ofmerchandise, and everywhere delightful, . . . abounding in foods, spices,precious stones, silk, pearls, cloth-of-gold, perfumes from India, Tartary,Egypt,Syria,andplacesonoursideoftheMediterranean,andinallpreciousthings that the heart of man can conceive. It is begirt with gardens andorchards, iswateredbothwithin andwithout bywaters, rivers, brooks, andfountains,cunninglyarranged, tominister tomen’sluxury,andis incrediblypopulous, being inhabited by divers trades of most cunning and nobleworkmen, mechanics, and merchants, while within the walls it is adornedbeyondbeliefbybaths,bybirdsthatsingalltheyearround,andbypleasures,refreshments,andamusementsofallkinds.

ThuswroteLudolphvonSuchem,27aGermanpriestwhovisitedthecityonhiswayhomefromtheHolyLandin1340–41.MuslimshonoredDamascusastheearthlyequivalentofParadise, andso itmusthave seemed toanyhaggardpilgrimtrampingoutoftheSyrianwaste.QuiteunlikeJerusalem,bonedryonitscraggyhill,Damascuslayinanoasisofextravagantgreenness,agarden,inthegushyphrasesofIbnJubayr,“bedeckedinthebrocadedvestmentsofflowers.”28AlthoughborderedbydesertonthreesidesandbytheMountainsofLebanononthewest,whichallbutblockedrain-bearingcloudsfromtheMediterranean,thecitydrew life from the river that floweddown the slopesof theAnti-Lebanonand onto the plain, where Damascene farmers distributed its waters to the

channels that fed thousands of orchards and gardens. Because the mountainsprevented easy communicationwith the coast, Damascuswas not in a choicegeographicalpositiontohandlelong-distancetradebetweenEastandWest.Butitprosperedasaninternationalemporiuminspiteofthis,owingtotheprofusefertilityofitsoasis(al-Ghuta),whichsupportedapopulationofabout100,000.29

Indeed IbnBattuta sawDamascus in the flush of a new prosperity.Duringmost of the preceding half century, hostilities between the Mamluks and theMongol Ilkhans of Persia had weakened Syrian trade links to India. But theMongol threat had dissipated by 1315. Diplomatic relations between the twostates improved and trade routes fromDamascus to Iraq and the PersianGulfwere opened once again. Furthermore, the city had developed a thriving tradewithAsiaMinorandtheBlackSearegion,speciallyinhorses,furs,metals,andslaves,including,ofcourse,Mamlukrecruits.

ThevisiblesplendorofDamascus,however,wasareflectionnotsomuchofinternationaltradeasofthecity’sstatusastheMamlukcapital-in-Asiawithitsenormousgarrisonandthemagnificenthouseholdsofthehighcommanders.Theroyalarmies,passingcontinuallyinandoutofthecity,requiredtheproductionof huge quantities of provisions and weapons, while the ruling elite, togetherwiththeircounterpartsinCairo,keptDamascenecraftsmenbusydayandnightturningoutexquisitewaresandfinery.

Saifal-DinTankiz,viceroyofDamascusfrom1313to1340,wasnotonlyaman of exceptional administrative ability (Ibn Battuta refers to him as “agovernorof thegoodanduprightkind”),butabuilderandcityplannerwhoseimaginationandenergyrivalledthatofhissovereignlordal-NasirMuhammad.Mirroring the sultan’swork inCairo,Saif al-Dinundertook a vast program tobeautify and improve his city, endowing numerous mosques, madrasas, andotherpiousinstitutions,wideningstreetsandsquares,directingtheexpansionofresidentialareasoutsidethewalls,andevenwaginganobsessivewaragainstthesurpluspopulationofstraydogs.30TheDamascusthatIbnBattutasawin1326was,likeCairo,acityintheprocessoftransformingitselfunderthestimulusofapoliticalregimethat,atleastforthetimebeing,hadstruckacongenialbalancebetween harsh, swaggering authoritarianism and a love of civilized taste andcomfort.

TheguardiansofDamascenehighculturewereofcoursetheArabic-speakingscholars,who,liketheircolleaguesinCairo,affiliatedwithnumerousreligious,educational, and philanthropic foundations scattered throughout the city.WhereasCairohadnopre-eminentcenteroflearninginthefourteenthcentury,Damascushad itsGreatMosque, called theMosqueof theUmayyadsafter its

eighth-century builders. Around it all the other pious institutions revolved assatellites.

During part of his stay in the city, IbnBattuta boarded in one of the threeMalikimadrasas there. (Malikism was the least important of the four legalschoolsinSyriaandwasrepresentedbyfewercollegesthantheothers.)Buthemay have fairly well lived in the Great Mosque, sitting beneath the marblecolumnsofthegolden-domedsanctuary,allaroundhimthemurmuringvoicesoflecturers and Qur’anic readers and children in circles reciting their sacredlessons.Theprayerhall,athree-aislednavemorethan400feetlong,wasopenon its northern side and joined to a spacious court rimmed by arcadeswhere,accordingtotheRihla,“thepeopleofthecitygather...intheevenings,somereading, some conversing, and some walking up and down.” The staff ofofficials attached to themosque was huge, including, Ibn Battuta tells us, 70muezzins (prayer callers), 13 imams (prayer leaders), and about 600 Qur’anicreciters. He describes the sanctuary as a place of continuous religious andeducationalactivity,anever-endingcelebrationofGod’sgloryandbeneficence:

Thetownspeopleassembleinitdaily, immediatelyafter thedawnprayer, toreada seventhpartof theQur’an . . . In thismosquealso thereareagreatmany“sojourners”whoneverleaveit,occupyingthemselvesunremittinglyinprayer and recitationof theQur’an and liturgies . . .The townsfolk supplytheirneedsoffoodandclothing,althoughsojournersneverbegforanythingofthekindfromthem.

Ibn Battuta was one among this throng of wandering seekers, and it wasduringhis 24days inDamascuswaiting for thehajj caravan todepart that heundertookhisfirstformalstudiesabroad.NexttoCairo,DamascuspossessedthegreatestconcentrationofeminenttheologiansandjuristsintheArabic-speakingworld,manyofthemrefugeesfromBaghdadandotherMesopotamianorPersiancities who had fled theMongol tide. So the young scholar had before him agalaxyofluminariesfromwhichhemightchoosehisteachers.

In the advanced curriculum the professor usually read and offeredcommentaryonaclassicalbook, then testedhis students’ability to recite it aswellasunderstanditsmeaning.Heawardedthosewhoperformedcompetentlyanijaza,orcertificate,whichentitled themto teach thesame text toothers. IntheRihla IbnBattutaclaimstohavetakeninstructionandreceived ijazas fromnolessthan14differentteachers.Hementionsinparticularhis“hearing”oneofthemostvenerated texts in Islam, theBookofSoundTraditionof theProphet

(the Sahih) by the great ninth-century scholar al-Bukhari. He also details theessential information written on his ijaza: the chain of pedagogical authoritylinking his own teacher through numerous generations of sages back to al-Bukhari himself. This particular course of study, he tells us, took place in theGreatMosqueandwascompletedin14dailysessions.

Nothwithstanding the young man’s appetite for knowledge, it strains theimaginationtoseehowhecouldhavecarriedtocompletion14differentcoursesinthespaceof24days.31Hecouldnothavedevotedhiseverywakingmomenttohisstudiessincehewasbynomeansfreeofmoremundaneconcerns.Foronething, his entire stay in Damascus took place during the month of Ramadan,whenMuslimsarerequiredtofastduringdaylighthours,astrenuousobligationthatupset thenormalroutinesofdaily life.Healsoadmits in theRihla thathewasdownwithfeverduringagoodpartofhisstayandlivingasahouseguestofoneof theMalikiprofessors,whoputhimunderaphysician’scare.On topofthat, he found time during this fleeting three and a halfweeks to getmarriedagain, this time to the daughter of a Moroccan residing in Damascus. Giventhese preoccupations, we can surmise that he exaggerated the extent of hisstudies, that he undertook themduring subsequent visits toDamascuswithoutmakingthatfactclearinthenarrative,32orthatsomeoftheijazaswereawardedhim, aswas often done, in recognition of the piety and scholarly potential hedemonstratedratherthanasdiplomasforbooksmastered.33Butthereisstillnoreasontodoubtthatdespiteillnessandnuptialcares,hespentlongAugusthoursinthecoolof theancientmosque,absorbingasmuchlearningashecouldandgatheringcredentialsthatwouldcontributeseveralyearslatertohisappointmentasaqaditotheSultanofIndia.

Notes

1.IbnKhaldun,TheMuqaddimah,2ndedn.,trans.F.Rosenthal,3vols.(Princeton,N.J.,1967),vol.1,p.366.

2. SymonSemeonis,The Journey of Symon Semeonis from Ireland to theHoly Land, trans. and ed.MarioEsposito(Dublin,1960),p.67.

3.“Al-Iskandariyya,”EI2,vol.4,p.134.4.Gibb(Gb,vol.1,p.33n)statesthatIBprobablydidnotvisitallthetownsoftheNileDeltathathe

claimstohaveseenduringhisfirsttripthroughthearea.Althoughhepassedthroughthedeltaatleastthreemore timesover the course of his travels, theRihla bunches descriptions of places and persons into thenarrative of the first visit and presents almost no new details in connectionwith subsequent trips. ThismethodoforganizingthestorywasinfactaliterarydeviceusedinanumberofpointsintheRihla.Itmakesfor several knotty problemsof itinerary and chronology at various stages of the narrative. In the case athand,Gibb’sargumentrestsonthefactthatIBmentionsadate(29Sha’ban,31July1326)inassociation

withhisvisittothetownofIbyar(Abyar)thatcannotpossiblybecorrect,sincebytheendofJulyhewaspresumably on his way to Damascus. Hrbek (Hr, pp. 418–20) disagrees, pointing out that despite thediscrepancy of the date pertaining to Ibyar, other evidence (dates connected with named personages invariousdeltatowns)tendstoconfirmIB’sstatementthathevisitedtheplaceshesayshedidduringhisfirstjourney.GibbandHrbekdoagreethathecouldnothavebeeninthedeltaon31July.

5.SymonSemeonis,Journey,p.67.6.P.H.Dopp,“LeCairevuparlesvoyageursoccidentauxduMoyenÂge,”BulletindelaSociétéRoyal

deGéographied’Égypte23(1950):135.7.Severalscholarshavesuggestedthisgeneralestimateofthepopulation,thoughmorerecentlyAndré

Raymondarguesforamuchlowerfourteenth-century(pre-BlackDeath)populationofabout250,000.“LapopulationduCaire,deMaqriziàlaDescriptiondel’Égypte,”Bulletind’ÉtudesOrientales28(1975):214.

8.StanleyLane-Poole,TheStoryofCairo(London,1902),p.270.9.GastonWiet,Cairo:CityofArtandCommerce(Norman,Okla.,1964),p.68.10.AnestimateinaccordwithHrbek’soverallchronologicalreconstructionofIB’sfirstvisittoEgypt.

Hr,pp.420–21.11.K.A.C.Creswell,TheMuslimArchitectureofEgypt,2vols.(Oxford,1952,1959),vol.1,pp.66,78,

vol.2,p.195.12.Lane-Poole,StoryofCairop.212.13.Onthecosmopolitanismof the leadingcollegesofCairo in thefifteenthcentury,seeCarlF.Petry,

TheCivilianEliteofCairointheLaterMiddleAges(Princeton,N.J.,1981).14.’Abdullah’Ankawi,“ThePilgrimagetoMeccainMamlukTimes,”ArabianStudies1(1974):147.15.InhistravelsontheNileIbnBattutahasverylittletosayabouttheruinsofancientEgypt(calledin

Arabicbarbas).HisbriefdescriptionofthePyramids,locatedjustacrosstheriverfromCairo,isvagueandpartiallyinaccurate,leadingGibbtotheconclusionthatheneverbotheredtovisitthempersonally(Gb,vol.1,p.51n).ItmustberememberedthatthepurposeoftheRihlawastoedifyliterateMuslimsontheplaces,personalities,andmarvelsoftheIslamicworldoftheirdayandnotonthearchitectureofpagantemples.16.Hr,p.421.17.IbnJubayr,TheTravelsofIbnJubayr,trans.R.J.C.Broadhurst(London,1952),p.67.18.IbnJubayr,Travels,p.65.19.TheMamlukgovernmenthadapolicyof sharing the commercialdutiesof theportwith the local

powers-that-be out of strategic necessity, but it frequently fell into altercations with them over the justdistributionsoftherevenue.SeeYusufFadlHasan,TheArabsandtheSudanfromtheSeventhtotheEarlySixteenthCenturies(Edinburgh,1967),pp.73–79.20.’Ankawi,“PilgrimagetoMecca,”p.149.21.SymonSemeonis,Journey,p.103.22.HemayhavetraveledfromGazatoAsqalon,aruinedportseveralmoremilesupthecoast,before

turninginlandtoHebron.Hr,p.425.23.GuyLeStrange,PalestineundertheMoslems(Beirut,1965),pp.316–17.24.NicolaA.Ziadeh,UrbanLifeinSyriaundertheEarlyMamluks(Beirut,1953),p.97.25.“Khirka,”EI2,vol.5,pp.17–18;Gb,vol.1,p.80n.26. It is at this point in the narrative that the reader encounters the first major discrepancy between

itinerary and chronology.According to theRihla, IB traveled extensively inGreater Syria following hisdeparturefromJerusalem,visitingmorethantwentytownsandcitiesbeforereachingDamascus.Sincehecouldnotpossiblyhavemadesuchacomplicated tripwithin the23daysheallots for theentire journeyfromCairotoDamascus,bothGibbandHrbekhaveconcludedthattheitineraryafterJerusalemislargelyartificial.HrbekoffersvariousbitsofinternalevidencetoshowthatvisitstoparticularplacesinSyriamusthavetakenplaceduringsubsequenttrips.Hefurthersuggests(andGibbagrees)thatIBtookadirectroutenorthwardfromJerusalemtoDamascus(Hr,pp.421–25;Gb,vol.1,p.81n).Ihaveacceptedtheprobable

routeHrbeksuggests,thoughitisconjectural.AndIhavereconstructedIB’sSyrianitineraryonthepremisethathedidnottravelextensivelyintheregionin1326.

Gibb and other scholars have shown that the Rihla’s descriptions of several cities in Greater SyriareproducepassagesfromthetextofIbnJubayr,whotraveledinthe1180s.Inanarticlepublishedin1987,AmikamEladdemonstratedthatmostofIB’sdescriptionsofplacesinPalestinearecopiedfromal-Rihlaal-Maghribiyya, the travel account of Muhammad al-’Abdari, another Andalusian journeyer of the latethirteenthcentury.“TheDescriptionoftheTravelsofIbnBattutainPalestine:IsItOriginal?”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety,1987,pp.256–272.AsEladpointsout,itisfruitlesstoattempttoresolvetheseriouschronologicalproblemswiththeSyria–PalestineitineraryiftheauthenticityofIB’svisitstoparticularcitiesisinquestion.Eladdoesnotargue,ontheotherhand,thatIBnevertraveledtothatregion.27.LudolphvonSuchem,LudolphvonSuchem’sDescriptionoftheHolyLand,andoftheWayThither,

trans.AubreyStewart(London,1895),p.129.28.IbnJubayr,Travels,p.271.LargeblocksofIB’sdescriptionofDamascusweretakenfromtherihla

ofIbnJubayr,whowastherein1184.HoweverIBupdatesthematerialandaddsvariousobservationsofhisown.29.Ziadeh,UrbanLifeinSyria,p.97.30.IraLapidus,MuslimCitiesintheLaterMiddleAges(Cambridge,Mass.,1967),pp.22,70,72,75.31.Hemayhavestayed34days,dependingonwhetherthehajjcaravanleftDamascusonthe1storthe

10thofShawwal.SeeChapter4,note3.32.ThoughIBmakesnoexplicitmentionofit,someevidencesuggeststhathespenttimeinDamascus

inthelatemonthsof1330.Ifso,hismarriageandsomeofhisstudiesmighthaveoccurredthen.OnthischronologicalproblemseeChapter6,note2.33.SeeMarshallG.S.Hodgson,TheVentureofIslam,3vols.(Chicago,1974),vol.2,p.444.

4Mecca

The firstHouseestablished for thepeoplewas that at [Mecca], aplaceholy,andaguidancetoallbeings.Thereinareclearsigns—thestationofAbraham,andwhosoeverenters it is in security. It is thedutyofallmentowardsGodtocometotheHouseapilgrim,ifheisabletomakehiswaythere.1

TheQur’an,SuraIII

IbnBattutagivesnoindicationofhowmanypeoplelikehimselfweregatheringinDamascus in1326 to join thehajj caravan toMecca,but itwasvery likelyseveralthousand.Frescobaldi,theFlorentinenoblemanwhowasinDamascusin1384atthestartofthepilgrimage,estimatedthecompanyat20,000.2Infactthesizeofthecaravanvariedgreatlyfromyeartoyeardependingonawholerangeoffactorsaffectingindividualdecisionswhether toattemptthetrip—politicalandeconomicconditionsathome,weather,prospectsfortroublealongtheroute.Formostpilgrimsthejourneywasaspirituallygladdeningadventure,butitwasalso an extremely arduous one, requiring a sound body and careful advancepreparations.Every participantwas obliged to secure provisions for the roundtrip,aswellasamount,thoughMamlukauthoritiesdidsetupcharitablefundstoprovidefoodandanimalsforthepoorestamongthetravelers.Unlessapilgrimcarriedmost of his supplies alongwith him, the journey could turn out to beextremelyexpensive,especiallysincethecitizensofMedinaandMecca,desert-boundas theywereandheavilydependenton thehajj trade for their survival,cheerfully exacted the highest prices they could get for food, lodging, andvariousservices.IbnBattutahimselfwasinbadfinancialstraitstowardtheendofhisstayinDamascusandmightnothavebeenabletosetoutthatyearhaditnotbeen for thegenerosityof theMaliki juristwithwhomhestayedwhilehewassick.Thisgentleman,hetellsusintheRihla,“hiredcamelsformeandgavemetravelingprovisions,etc.,andmoneyinaddition,sayingtome,‘Itwillcome

in useful for anythingof importance that youmaybe in needof—mayGodrewardhim.”

Thegatheringof the pilgrims atDamascuswas a decidedly political event.Both theCairoandDamascuscaravansset forthunder theflagof theMamlukstate.Theirsafetyenrouteand their timelyarrival inMecca inadvanceof thedatesoftheappointedritualsreflectedonthecapacityoftheregimetomaintainlawandorderintherealm.Moreover,inthelatterhalfofthethirteenthcenturytheMamlukshadimposedtheirpoliticalsuzeraintyovertherulersofMeccaandMedina. The former were a dynasty of Arabian Hasanid sharifs, that is,descendantsofHasan,sonof’AliandgrandsonoftheProphet.Thelatterwerealsosharifsbut theprogenyofHusayn, ’Ali’sotherson.Theannualarrivalofthe hajj caravans at Mecca was an occasion for the ruling Sharif, called theAmir, to reaffirm, through an exchange of gifts and tribute, his fealty to thesultan and his recognition of Mamluk protectorship of the Holy Places, aresponsibilitycarryinggreatprestigeintheMuslimworld.

In the political pecking order of hajj groups, the Cairo caravan was pre-eminent.Eachyearthesultanappointedanamiral-hajjfromamonghisfavoriteofficerstoleadthecaravanandtoactashisrepresentativeinMecca.Attheheadoftheprocessionwent themahmal,agreen,richlydecoratedpalenquin,whichsymbolizedthesultan’sformalauthority,thoughnoonerodeinsideit.Theamiral-hajj was also placed in charge of the kiswa, the huge black cloth that waswovenandinscribedeachyearinCairoandcarriedtoMeccatobedrapedovertheKa’ba.ThoughtheSyriancaravanalsohaditsamiral-hajjappointedeitherby the sultan or his viceroy, he stood down from the Cairene leader duringceremoniesat theHolyPlaces.Hewasexpectedeither to remainneutralor tofollow the lead of his Egyptian colleague in negotiations or disputeswith thesharifsorwiththecaravansfromIraqortheYemen.

AnumberofotherofficialsaccompaniedtheCairoandDamascuscaravanstokeep order among the pilgrims and see to their special needs. Some of theseprincipalswereMamluks,otherswereeducatedArabs.Theyincludedaqadi,animam,amuezzin,an intendantof intestateaffairs (to takechargeofandrecordthepropertyofpilgrimswhodiedalong the route), a secretary to theamir al-hajj, medical officers, Arab guides, and a muhtasib, who policed businesstransactionsandpublicmorality.

On1September1326(oritmayhavebeenthe10th)3IbnBattutasetout,nowforthesecondtimeinfourmonths,tofulfillthat“desirelong-cherished”inhisheart.(Aslatereventswouldshow,heleftbehind,andpresumablydivorced,thewomanhehadmarriedinDamascusashorttimeearlier.)Thestaginggroundfor

thecaravanwasthevillageofal-Kiswaafewmilessouthofthecity.Herethemainbodyofpilgrimsfromthecitywaitedafewdaysforstragglerstocatchup,while theamir al-hajj completed the job of organizing the various groups oftravelersinafixedorderofmarch.

ThedistancefromDamascustoMedinawasabout820miles,andthecaravannormallycovereditin45to50days.Theitineraryvariedsomewhatfromyeartoyear, but it coincided generally with the route of the now abandoned HijazRailway,which theOttomanTurksbuiltas farasMedinabeforeWorldWar I.FromDamascusthetrailransouthwardalongthefringeoftheSyrianDeserttotheoasisofMa’an,locatedonaboutthesamelatitudeasCairo.Fromtheretheroute turnedslightlysoutheastward,veeringawayfromtheGulfofAqabaandrunning through the interior highlands along the eastern flank of the Hijazmountains.AtTabuk,thenortherngatewaytoArabia,thecaravanstoppedforafew dayswhile the pilgrims rested andwatered their camels before venturinginto the fierce land of nude mountains and vast, black lava fields that laybetweenthereandMedina.

IbnBattutathoughtthenorthernHijaza“fearsomewilderness,”andindeeditwas at any seasonof theyear.The trek through itwas a physical trial for thestoutest of pilgrims, and the odds against calamity in one devilish form oranotherwerenotencouraging.Somepilgrimsinvariablyperishedalongthewayeveryyearfromexposure, thirst, flashflood,epidemic,orevenattackby localnomads,whoseldomhesitated todisrupt theSacredJourney forwhat itmightbringtheminplunder.In1361100Syrianpilgrimsdiedofextremewintercold;in14303,000Egyptiansperishedofheatandthirst.4IbnBattutarecountsintheRihla that a certain year the pilgrims were overcome south of Tabuk by theviolentdesertwindknownasthesamum:“Theirwatersupliesdriedup,andtheprice of a drink ofwater rose to a thousand dinars, but both buyer and sellerperished.”

Hedoesnotreportthatanyunusualtragediesbefellhisowncaravan,andwemaysupposethatthecompanykepttothenormalschedule.Hetraveled,hetellsus, in the company of a corps of SyrianArab tribesmen,whomay have beenserving as guides. He also made the acquaintance of a number of educatedtravelers like himself, among them aMaliki jurist fromDamascus and a SufifromGranadawhomhewouldmeetagainseveralyears later in India.Healsostruck up a friendshipwith a gentleman ofMedina, whomade him his guestduringthecaravan’sfour-dayvisittothatcity.

Medina,where theProphetMuhammadpreached, founded the firstMuslimstate, and died in 632, was the most bountiful of the little islands of fertility

scattered along the slopes of the Hijaz mountains, a green spot of habitationexistinginuneasysymbiosiswiththebedouinofthedesert.BeforeIslam,itwasbutoneofseveralcommercialstopoversonthecamelroutelinkingtheYemenwith theMiddleEast. In 622A.D.Muhammad and his tiny band of converts,retreatingfromahistileanduncomprehendingMecca,movednorthtoMedina,whichintheensuing34yearsenjoyeditsbriefmomentofpoliticalgloryasthecapitaloftherapidlyexpandingArabempire.AfterthecenterofMuslimpowershiftedtoDamascus,MedinalostitspoliticalandmilitaryimportanceandwouldhavebeenrelegatedonceagaintothebackridgesofhistorywereitnotthatthegraveoftheProphetbecameanobjectofveneration.

TheMosqueoftheProphet,whichshelteredthesacredtombaswellasthoseof his daughter Fatima and the Caliphs Abu Bakr and ’Umar, became “al-Haram,” a place of inviolability. In theMiddlePeriodMedinawas asmuch acityofpilgrimsasMeccawas;eventhenativetownsmenwerelargelyofnon-Arabianorigin.AjourneytotheMosqueoftheProphetwasnotobligatoryforMuslims as part of the hajj duties. Nonetheless, few pilgrims failed to visitMedina,even though theymayhave reached theHijaz from thewestor southandwouldnotpassthroughthecityexceptasaspecialdiversionfromMecca.

Ontheeveningofthesamedaythatthecaravanmadecampoutsidethewallsofthecity,IbnBattutaandhiscompanionswenttothemosque,“rejoicingatthismostsignalfavor,...praisingGodMostHighforoursafearrivalatthesacredabodes of His Apostle.” The sanctuary was in the form of an open court,surroundedonall sidesbycolonnades.At thesoutheastcorneramidst rowsofmarblepillars stood thepentagonal tombofMuhammad, andhere IbnBattutarepairedtoprayandgivethanks.Duringthefollowingfourdays,hetellsusintheRihla,

wespenteachnight in theholymosque,whereeveryone [engaged inpiousexercises]; some, having formed circles in the court and lit a quantity ofcandles,andwithbook-rests in theirmidst[onwhichwereplacedvolumes]oftheHolyQur’anwererecitingfromit;somewereintoninghymnsofpraisetoGod;otherswereoccupiedincontemplationoftheImmaculateTomb(Godincreaseitinsweetness);whileoneverysideweresingerschantingineulogyoftheApostleofGod.

During the days, he undoubtedly found time to visit other mosques andveneratedsitesinandaroundthecity,includingthecemetery(al-Baqi’)eastofthewallsthatcontainedthegravesofnumerouskinsmenandCompanionsofthe

Prophet.HeisalsolikelytohavemadeapointofseeingthelittledomedtombofMalikibn’Anas,thegreateighth-centuryjuristandfounderoftheMalikischooloflaw.

In the modern age charter buses whisk pilgrims along the paved highwayconnectingMedinawithMecca,butIbnBattutaandhisfellowsfaced200moremilesof fierydesolationbefore reaching thegoalof theirhopes.Yet this finalstage of the journey was different: haggard wayfarers became celebrants,uplifted and renewed, and the whole dusty company was transformed into ajoyous,white-robedprocession.ThechangetookplaceatDhul-Hulaifa,atinysettlement just fivemiles along the southbound road out ofMedina.Thiswasone of the five stations (mikats) on the five principal trails leading toMeccawhere pilgrims were required to enter into the state of consecration, calledihram.Heremalepilgrims tookoff their travelingclothes,washed themselves,prayed, and finally donned the special garment, also called ihram, which theywouldcontinuetowearuntilaftertheyenteredtheHolyCityand,ifitwerethetime of the Greater Pilgrimage, performed the rites of hajj. The garmentconsistedoftwolarge,plain,unstitchedsheetsofwhitecloth,oneofwhichwaswrappedaroundthewaist,reachingtotheankles,theothergatheredaroundtheupperpartofthebodyanddrapedovertheleftshoulder.Nothingwaswornoveror beneath the ihram, and feetwere left bare or shod only in sandalswithoutheels.Womendidnotputonthesegarments,butdressedmodestlyandplainly,coveringtheirheadsbutleavingtheirfacesunveiled.Oncethepilgrimassumedthe ihram, symbolizing theequalityofallmenbeforeGod,hewasrequired tobehave in a manner consistent with the state of sanctity into which he hadvoluntarily entered. The Prophet warned: “The Pilgrimage is in months well-known;whosoundertakesthedutyofPilgrimageinthemshallnotgointohiswomenfolk nor indulge in ungodliness and disputing in the Pilgrimage.Whatsoevergoodyoudo,Godknowsit.”5

Afterfulfillingtheceremoniesofihram,thecaravansetforthonceagain,thepilgrims walking straighter now and shouting God’s praises into the greatArabian void.The route followed a southwesterly course across low ridges oftheHijazhillsandthendowntotheplainborderingtheRedSea.ThecompanyreachedthecoastatRabigh,astationabout95milesnorthofJidda,wheretheroutesfromSyriaandEgyptfinallyconvergedandwheretheEgyptianpilgrimstook the ihram. From here the caravan turned into the desert again,marchingnow southwestward along the coastal plain. Probably seven days after leavingRabigh6theyarrivedinthemorninghoursatthegatesofMecca,theMotherofCities.

ItwasmidOctober1326.Twenty-twoyearsoldandayearandfourmonthsthe pilgrim-adventurer, Ibn Battuta rode triumphantly into Mecca’s narrow,brown valley and proceeded at once to the “illustrious Holy House,” recitingwithhiscompanionstheprayerofsubmissiontotheDivinewill.

WhatisThyCommand?Iamhere,OGod!WhatisThyCommand?Iamhere!WhatisThyCommand?Iamhere!Thouartwithoutcompanion!WhatisThyCommand?Iamhere!7

Among thecosmopolitancitiesof IbnBattuta’s time,Meccawas inone sensepre-eminent.FromtheendofRamadanandthroughoutthemonthsofShawwalandDhul-Qa’da,pilgrimsfromeveryIslamiclandgatheredinthecitytoprayintheSacredMosque,and,ontheninthdayofthemonthDhul-Hijja,tostandinfellowship on the plain of ’Arafat before the Mount of Mercy. As Islamexpanded intomoredistantpartsofAsiaandAfricaduring theMiddlePeriod,thecalltothehajjembracedanever-largerandmorediverserangeofpeoples.IntheritesoftheperambulationsaroundtheKa’ba,thegreatstonecubethatstoodin the center of themosque, Turks ofAzerbaijanwalkedwithMalinke of theWesternSudan,BerbersoftheAtlaswithIndiansofGujerat.Thegrandmosque,called the Haram, or Sanctuary, was the one place in the world where theadherentsofthefourmainlegalschools,plusShi’is,Zaydis,’Ibadis,andothersectarians,prayedtogetherinoneplaceaccordingtotheirslightlyvaryingritualforms. Though there was a fixed order of prayer in the mosque for the fourschools,reportsIbnBattuta,

atthesunsetprayertheyprayallatthesametime,eachimamleadinghisowncongregation. In consequence of this the people are invaded by somewanderingofattentionandconfusion; theMalikite [worshipper]oftenbowsintimewiththebowingoftheShafi’ite,andtheHanafiteprostrateshimselfattheprostrationof theHanbalite,andyousee themlisteningattentivelyeachonetothevoiceofthemuezzinwhoischantingtothecongregationofhisrite,sothathedoesnotfallvictimtohisinattention.

BlackMuslimsandwhiteMuslims,SunnisandShi’isallcametoMeccawiththesingledeclaredpurpose to fulfillaholydutyand toworship theOneGod.Buttheyalsocame,incidentally,totrade.Pilgrimsalmostalwaysbroughtgoodswith them to sell, sometimes whole caravan loads. The bedouin and oasis-

dwellersof theHijazand theYemenhauled inhugequantitiesoffoodstuffs tofeedthemultitude.IbnJubayrwroteofhisvisitin1183:

Althoughthereisnocommercesaveinthepilgrimperiod,nevertheless,sincepeople gather in it from east and west, there will be sold in oneday. . .preciousobjectssuchaspearls,sapphires,andotherstones,variouskindsofperfumesuchasmusk,camphor,amberandaloes,IndiandrugsandotherarticlesbroughtfromIndiaandEthiopia,theproductsoftheindustriesofIraqandtheYemen,aswellasthemerchandiseofKhurasan,thegoodsofthe Maghrib, and other wares such as it is impossible to enumerate orcorrectlyassess.8

ThoughMecca’sownhinterlandwasastonydesert,IbnJubayrfoundthemarketstreet“overflowing”with“figs,grapes,pomegranates,quinces,peaches,lemons,walnuts,palm-fruit,water-melons,cucumbersandallthevegetables.”9

IfMeccaattheseasonofthehajjwasamicrocosmofallthepeoplesandallthewaresofagoodpartofAfricaandEurasia,itscosmopolitanismwasinotherrespectsshallow.Itwasacosmopolitanismderivedfromauniqueannualeventand not from the existence of mighty, urbane educational or philanthropicinstitutionsaswasthecasewithCairoorDamascus.WhenthepilgrimsrolleduptheirprayermatsandheadedbacktotheirhomelandsinthelatterpartofDhul-Hijja,thecityrevertedtothemoreprosaicactivitiesofadustywesternArabiantown.Thoughforeigntraders,scholars,andstrandedpoorfolkweretobeseeninthe city all through the year, the population dwindled quickly when the feastdayswereover.Meccahadnosubstantialagriculturalbaseof itsownandwasalmost completely dependent on neighboring oases and countries for itssustenance.InthoseconditionsMeccacouldneverhavegrownintoametropolisorsupportedmajesticcolleges,khans,andpalacesofthesortthatdistinguishedthematureurbancentersofIslam.Thoughthecityhaditscolleges,mostofthemweremodest,andteachingwaslargelyconductedintheHaram.10

IfprivationandremotenessfinallydoomedMeccatosecond-ratecity-hood,thoseveryconditionssuiteditperfectlyasaplaceforspiritualretreatandasceticexercise.Simplytolivethereforashorttimewasanactofself-denial—atleastitwasbeforetheageofautomobiles,publictoilets,andairconditioners.Thecitylies, not like Medina, in the midst of an oasis, but at the bottom of an ariddepressionsurroundedbyadoublerangeoftreelessmountains.Fromthenorth,the south, and the southwest, three ravines lead the visitor down into “thisbreathlesspitenclosedbywallsofrock,”11wheresummertemperaturessoarto

126degreesFahrenheit.Beforemoderntechnologyrevolutionizedthelogisticalaspectsofthehajj,waterandhousingranchronicallyshort,epidemicsbrokeoutamongthepilgrims,andflashfloodsragedsuddenlydownthecentralstreetsofthe town,on severaloccasions flooding theHaramand severelydamaging theKa’ba. Yet like all deserts, the Meccan wilderness possessed a pure andterrifyingbeauty,animmensityoflightandshadowthathintedattheworkingsof the Infinite. And though the land was unyieldingly grim, it inflicted itsdangersanddiscomfortsonallequally,reducingtotrivialitydifferencesofraceand class anddriving the pilgrims together in the knowledge that onlyGod isgreat.

Whatever a pilgrimmay have suffered on the road toMecca, his personalcareswerequicklyenough forgottenasheentered thecourtof theHaramandstood before the great granite block enveloped in its black veil. “Thecontemplationof...thevenerableHouse,”wroteIbnJubayr,“isanawfulsightwhich distracts the senses in amazement, and ravishes the heart andmind.”12EventheinfidelEnglishmanRichardBurton,whovisitedthemosqueindisguisein 1853, declared that “the view was strange, unique” and “that of all theworshippers who clung weeping to the curtain, or who pressed their beatingheartstothestone,nonefeltforthemomentadeeperemotionthandid[I].”13

TheHaramandtheKa’ba,MeccaLibraryofCongress

Generationsofrulershavemadenumerousalterations to theHaramandtheKa’ba,sothatthestructureslooksubstantiallydifferenttodayfromthewaytheydidwhenIbnBattutasawthem.InitsmodernformtheKa’baisintheshapeofaslightlyirregularcube,setalmostinthecenterofthecourtandrisingtoaheightof50feet.Thewallsofblue-greyMeccanstonearedrapedyearroundwiththekiswa, made of black brocade and embellished with an encircling band ofKoranicinscriptioningold.Asingledoor,setaboutsevenfeetabovethegroundand concealed by its own richly decorated covering, gives entry to thewindowless interior of the sanctuary. There are no relics inside, simply threewoodenpillarssupportingtheroof,ornamentaldrapesalongthewalls,lampsofsilverandgoldhangingfromtheceiling,andacopyoftheKoran.AttheeasterncorneroftheexterioroftheKa’baisembeddedthereveredBlackStone,whichmeasuresabouttwelveinchesacrossandissetinarimofsilver.Thesurfaceofthe stone is worn smooth and no one can be certain of its composition. InKoranic traditionAbrahambuilt theKa’ba, awooden structure as it originallystood,tocommemoratetheOneGod.Thoughinpre-Islamictimesthesanctuary

wasahomeofidolsanditsprecinctaplaceofpaganrites,Muhammadrestoredit toitsoriginalpurposeasatempleconsecratedtotheprimordialmonotheismofAbraham.

WhenavisitorarrivesinMecca,whetherornotheintendstoundertakethehajj,hemustashisveryfirstactperformthe tawaf, thecircumambulation.HewalksaroundtheKa’baseventimescounterclockwise,steppingquicklythefirstthree times, thenwalkingmoreslowly,all thewhile recitingprayersspecial totheoccasion.EachtimehepassestheeasterncornerhestrivestokissortouchtheBlackStone,notbecausesomewondrouspowerisinvestedinitbutbecausetheProphet kissed it.During the less congestedmonths of the year, the piousvisitormayperform the tawaf andkiss the stone at his leisure several times aday.Butinthehajjseasonthemosquebecomesarevolvingmassofhumanity,givingtheillusionthattheveryfloorofthecourtyardisturningroundtheKa’ba.

Facing the northeast façade of the shrine is a small structure (today in theshape of a little cage surmounted with a golden dome) called the MaqamIbrahim. Inside lies the stone said to bear the footprints of the Patriarch,whousedtherockasaplatformwhenheconstructedtheupperportionsoftheHouse.When the pilgrim has completed his tawaf, he goes to the Maqam where heprays a prayer of two prostrations. Near the Maqam is the blessed well ofZamzam. Here the Angel Gabriel (according to one tradition) miraculouslybrought forth a spring to quench the thirst ofHagar and her little son Isma’ilafterherhusbandAbrahamhadgoneoff into thedesert.From theMaqam thepilgrimmovestothewelltodrink,whichinIbnBattuta’stimewasenclosedinabuilding of beautiful marble. The sacred water is sold in the cloisters of themosqueandinthestreetsofthecity.Duringtheirsojournthepilgrimsperformtheir ritual ablutions with it and some, despite the heavily saline taste, drinkprofuseamountsforitsreputedhealingqualities.

Whenthepilgrimhasdrunkfromthewell,hemayleavethemosquebythesoutheasterngateandproceedseveralyards toa littleelevation,calledal-Safa,whichliesatoneendofaMeccanstreet.Fromthestepsofal-Safahewalksorjogsaboutaquarterofamilealongthestreettoanothersmalleminencecalledal-Marwa. He repeats this promenade seven times, reciting prayers along theway, to commemorateHagar’s frantic search forwater along theground lyingbetweenthetwohills.Thisriteiscalledthesa’y,thatis,theRunning.Withtheperformingofitthepilgrimhascompletedthepreliminaryritesofthehajjandmayatlastfindhislodgingsandbegintointroducehimselftothecity.

TheSyriancaravanof theyear1326(726A.H.)arrivedat thewesterngateof

Mecca sometime before dawn. Though probably exhausted from a night’smarch,IbnBattutaandhiscompanionsmadetheirwayatoncetothecenterofthecityandentered theHaramby thegatecalledal-Salam.PraisingGodwho“hath rejoicedoureyesby thevisionof the illustriousKa’ba,” theyperformedthetawafofarrival:

We kissed the holy Stone; we performed a prayer of two bowings at theMaqam Ibrahim and clung to the curtains of the Ka’ba at the MultazambetweenthedoorandtheblackStone,whereprayerisanswered;wedrankofthewaterofZamzam...;then,havingrunbetweenal-Safaandal-Marwa,wetookupourlodgingthereinahouseneartheGateofIbrahim.

The“house” IbnBattuta repaired towas in factaSufihospice (heuses theterm ribat) called al-Muwaffaq, located near the southwestern side of themosque.Inhisusualfashionhequicklystruckupacquaintanceswiththepiousresidentsofthelodge,someofthemMaghribis.Wemaysupposethatheputtogood advantage the threeweeks he had to himself before the start of thehajjfestival, exploring the secondary shrines and historic sites of the Prophet’sbirthplace, rummaging through the wares in the market street, and perhapsclimbing to the topofoneof theholymountainswhosebarrenslopesroughedout thecontoursof the town.Healsoformedanopinionof the localcitizenry,judgingthemgenerous,kindly,andproper.

TheMeccans are elegant and clean in their dress, and as theymostlywearwhite their garments always appear spotless and snowy. They use perfumefreely,paint theireyeswithkuhl,andareconstantlypickingtheir teethwithslips of green arak-wood. The Meccan women are of rare and surpassingbeauty,piousandchaste.

The use of perfumes, oils, andmakeup would of course have been out offashionforeveryoneduringthedaysprecedingthehajj,whenpersonalfripperywasforbidden.IbnBattutahimself,keepingtohisritualdeclarationofintentionto complete the ritesof thepilgrimage in a stateof consecration, continued towearhiswhiteihramgarbfromthetimeheassumeditontheroadfromMedinauntilhishajjwasfulfilledamonthlater.Healso,wemaypresume,obeyedwithprecision thespecial taboos thatattended thestateof ihram. Inallcertaintyhedid not get into arguments or fights, kill plants or animals, engage in sexualrelations, cut his hair or nails, wear sewn garments, or adorn himself with

jewelry.14

Wecanalsobesurethatduringthesethreeweekshespentthebetterpartofhis days and probably some of his nights in the Haram, where he performedadditionaltawafs(alwaysmeritoriousinthesightofGod),drankfromthewell,andmadeconversationwithnewacquaintances.Thegreatmosquewas indeedthecenterofallpubliclifeinMecca.Thestreetsofthetown,windingthroughthe canyons and down the slopes of the encircling hills, all converged on theHaram, whose court formed the very bottom of the alluvial depression. Themosquewasintheshapeofanirregularparallelogram,theroofed-overportionofthestructurebetweentheouterwallsandthecourtbeingsuportedbyaforestofmarblecolumns (471of themby IbnJubayr’scount).Nineteengatesonallfour sides gave access to the colonnades and court, and five minaretssurmountedthemosque,fourofthematthecorners.15

TheHaramwasnotonlytheplaceofthepilgrimstationsbutalsothecenterfordailyprayers,Qur’anicreading,andeducation.Intheshadeofthecloisters,or in thecourtwhen thesunwas low,sat ringsof learnersand listeners,whilecopyists,Qur’anreaders,andeven tailorsoccupiedbenchessetupbeneath thearches of the colonnades.16When prayerswere not in session or the crush ofpilgrimsnottoogreat,Meccanchildrenplayedinthecourt,andthepeopleofthecity streamed back and forth through the gates, routinely using the sacredprecinctasashortcutbetweenonepartoftownandanother.Forpoorerpilgrimsthe mosque was home. “Here,” wrote John Burckhardt, another nineteenth-centuryChristianwhopenetrated theHaramincognito,“manypoorIndians,ornegroes, spread their mats, and passed the whole period of their residence atMecca.Heretheybotheatandsleep;butcookingisnotallowed.”17Therewasnotasinglemomentdayornightthroughouttheyear,sosaysthetradition,whenat least a few of the faithful were not circling the Ka’ba. In the evening thesquarewaslightedwithdozensoftorchesandcandles,bathingtheworshippersandthegreatcubeinaflickeringorangeglow.

When a pilgrim reachedMecca and circuited theKa’ba, he still had, in animportant religious sense, twelve miles to go before he would terminate hissacred journey.NoMuslimwas privileged to claim the title “al-Hajj” until hehad traveled through the desert ravines east of the city to the plain of ’Arafatand,ontheninthdayofDhul-Hijja,stoodbeforetheMountofMercy,theplacewhereAdamprayedandwherein632Muhammadpreachedhisfarewellsermonto his pristine congregation of believers. This annual retreat into theMeccanwildernessembracesthecomplexofceremoniesthatmakesupthehajjproper,or Greater Pilgrimage, which Muslims regard as separate from (though also

including) the rituals of the tawaf and the sa’y. TheMeccan rites, performedaloneandatanytimeoftheyear,arecalledthe’umra,thatis,theVisitorLesserPilgrimage.

BeforeIslam,MeccawasthecenterforayearlypilgrimageofArabiantribesthat was purely pagan. The Prophet retained some of those rites but utterlytransformed their purpose into a celebration of Abraham’s unyieldingmonotheism.Theceremonies restedon theauthorityof theQur’anandon thetraditionally accepted practices of the Prophet. Although minor details of theprocedures vary according to the different juridical schools (such as thatmaleShafi’ishavetheirheadsshavedatadifferentpointinthesequenceofritesthandomembersof theothermadhhabs), thehajj is the supremeexpressionof theunityofallbelievers.Indeed,whenonthetenthofDhul-HijjaeachpilgrimkillsagoatorsheepinremembranceofGod’slast-minuteinstructiontoAbrahamtosacrifice a ram rather thanhisown son,Muslims theworldoverdo the same,thus uniting themselves symbolically with their brothers and sisters in theArabiandesert.

Today,morethantwomillionMuslimscommonlyarriveinMeccaeachyearandsetoutfor’Arafatinawhite-robedhordeontheeighthandninthdaysofthesacredmonth.Manywalk,butotherstravelinbusesandcarsalongthemultilanehighway which winds out from the city. Saudi government helicopters circleoverheadandcrowdcontrolexpertsmonitortheproceedingsfromclosedcircuittelevision centers. First aid stations line the route, cropdusters spray the plainagainst disease, and an army of vendors greets the tired pilgrims at theirdestination with soft drinks and barbecued chicken. In Ibn Battuta’s time thejourneywas of course far less agreeable, even dangerous if the local bedouintook theoccasion toplunder theprocession.Thosewhocouldafford thepricerode in enclosed camel-litters. Butmost of the pilgrimswalked the hot stonytrail;thepiousdiditbarefoot.

By tradition the pilgrims spend the night of the eighth day at Mina, asettlement in a narrow valley four miles east of the city. On the followingmorning theygoon to the ’Arafatplainandrange themselves inagreatcirclearoundthejaggedlittlehillcalledtheMountofMercy.Acityoftentsandprayermatsisquicklyunfurled.AtnoonbeginstheStanding,thecentralandabsolutelyessentialeventof thehajj.Throughout theafternoonanduntil the sunsets thepilgrims keep vigil round theMount, or on its slopes if they can find room,recitingtheprayerofobeisancetoGod(“WhatisThyCommand?IamHere!”)andhearingsermonspreachedfromthesummit.

Precisely at sunset the Standing formally concludes and the throng

immediatelypacksupandstartsbackinthedirectionofMecca.Bytraditionthepilgrimmustnotperformhissunsetprayerat’ArafatbutatMuzdalifah,apointthreemilesbackalongtheroadtoMina.Andequallybytraditioneveryonewhoisphysicallyable races toget thereas fastashecan. In IbnBattuta’s time the“rushing” toMuzdalifahmight have brought tomind themillennial charge ofsomegiganticarmyofwhite-claddervishes.Todayithasmorethecharacterofatitanic California commuter rush, meticulously orchestrated by the Saudiauthoritiestopreventhopelesstrafficjams.OncearrivedatMuzdalifahmostofthe pilgrims bed down for the night, thoughwomen, children, and the infirmmaycontinueimmediatelyontoMinaaheadofthecrowd.

OnthemorningofthetenththepilgrimsassembleatMinaforthestartoftheFeastof theSacrifice (’Idal-Adha), fourdaysofcelebrationanddesacralizingritesthatbringthehajjtoconclusion.Mina’ssacredlandmarksarethreemodeststonepillars,whichstandatintervalsfromtheeasterntothewesternendofthevalley. As his first act the pilgrimmust take a handful of pebbles (which heusually picks up along the road from ’Arafat) and cast seven of them at thewesternpillar.JustasthefaithfulAbrahamthrewstonesat thedevil torepulsehismesmericsuggestionsthatthelittleIsma’ilneednotafterallbesacrificed,sothe pilgrim must take aim at the devil-pillar as witness to his personal waragainstevilingeneral.Whenhehascompletedthelapidation,hebuysasheeporgoat(orevenacamelifheisrich)fromanyofthevendorswhohavecollectedthousands of animals for the occasion.He sets the face of the creature in thedirectionoftheKa’baandkillsitbycuttingitsthroatasAbrahamdidafterGodmercifullyreprievedhisson.Thisactbringstoanendtheperiodofihram.Thepilgrimmustfindabarber(dozensareonhand)andhavehisheadshaved,oratleast some locks cut, and then he is free to exchange his ritual garb for hiseverydayclothing.AssoonastheritesofMinaareaccomplishedhereturnstoMeccatoperformthetawafonceagain,nowreleasedfromallprohibitionssaveforsexualintercourse.

Fromthe tenth to the thirteenth thesolemnitiesof theStandinggivewaytojubilation and fellowship. The pilgrims return to Mina for two or sometimesthree nights. They throw pebbles at all three of the devil-pillars each day,sacrifice additional animals, and socialize with countrymen and new-foundfriends.Onthetwelfththefirstgroupsofhajjisbeginleavingforhome,takingcaretoperformthetawafoffarewellastheirfinalritualact.

Fromthefourteenthcenturytotodaythefundamentalceremoniesofthehajjhavebeenalteredonlyinthemerestdetails.IbnBattuta’sownbriefandmatter-of-fact recounting of these events in theRihlamight be startlingly familiar to

someyoung civil servant ofTangier,making the sacred journey byRoyalAirMaroc.

ThegreatmajorityofpilgrimswhostreamedoutthroughtheMeccangulliesinmidNovember1326wereheadingbacktotheprosaiclivestheyhadtemporarilyabandonedtomaketheholyjourney.Someofthemwouldtakemanymonthstoreachhome,working theirwayalong,gettingstrandedhereor there,or takingtimetoseethegreatmosqueandcollegecitiesof theMiddleEast.IbnBattutadoesnottellusintheRihlajustwhenhedecidedthathewouldnot,forthetimebeing, return toMorocco.When he left Tangier his only purpose had been toreachtheHolyHouse.Oncethere,didtheMeccanbazaar,theexoticfaces,thestories of strange sights and customs set his mind to some master plan forexploringthehemisphere?Wasittherethathemadehisimpossiblevowtoroamthe world without ever retracing his steps? Had he begun to realize thepossibilities of traveling thousands of miles in every direction from Meccawithoutevergoingbeyondthelimitsofthefamiliarsocietyofmenwhosharedhisvalues,hishabits,andhis language?Whateversoul-stirringeffectshis firsthajj may have had on him, he was certainly no longer the boy who stoodforlornlyinthecenterofTuniswithnowheretogoandnoonetotalkto.Afterayear andahalf away fromhome,hehadalready seenmoreof theworld thanmost people ever would, he was cultivating a circle of learned andinternationallyminded friends, and he hadwon the title of “al-Hajj,” itself anentréetorespectamonginfluentialandwell-traveledpeople.WhenhesetoffforBaghdadwith the Iraqipilgrimson20Dhu l-Hijja,one factwasapparent.Hewasnolongertravelingtofulfillareligiousmissionoreventoreachaparticulardestination.HewasgoingtoIraqsimplyfortheadventureofit.Itisatthispointthathisglobetrottingcareerreallybegan.

Notes

1.ArthurJ.Arberry,TheKoranInterpreted(NewYork,1955),p.86.2.TheophilusBellorini andEugeneHoade, eds. and trans.,Visit to theHoly Places of Egypt, Sinai,

PalestineandSyriain1384byFrescobaldi,GucciandSigoli(Jerusalem,1948),p.23.3.TheSyrian caravannormally leftDamascuson10Shawwal, or 10September in1326. ’Abdullah

’Ankawi,“ThePilgrimagetoMeccainMamlukTimes,”ArabianStudies1(1974):149.SincetheRihlaissometimesgiventoroundingoffsignificantdatesatthefirstdayofthemonth,IbnBattutamaywellhaveleftonorabout10Shawwalratherthanthe1st.

4.’Ankawi,“ThePilgrimagetoMecca,”pp.160–61.5.Arberry,Koran,pp.54–55.6.IBgivesthetravelingtimefromRabightoKhulais(apalmgroveontheroute)asthreenights.Ibn

Jubayr made the trip from Mecca to Khulais in four days. The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, trans. R. J. C.Broadhurst(London,1952),pp.188–91.

7.ApilgrimageprayertranslatedinAhmadKamal,TheSacredJourney(London,1961),p.35.8.IbnJubayr,Travels,pp.116–17.9.Ibid.,p.117.10.C.SnoukHurgronje,MeccaintheLatterPartoftheNineteenthCentury(Leiden,1931),pp.171–72.11.EldonRutter,TheHolyCitiesofArabia,2vols.(London,1928),vol.1,p.117.12.IbnJubayr,Travels,p.80.13.RichardBurton,PersonalNarrativeofaPilgrimagetoEl-MedinahandMeccah,2vols.(NewYork,

1964),vol.2,p.161.14. IB states in the Rihla that when he assumed the ihram garments he declared his intention of

performingtheritesof theGreaterPilgrimage(hajj)without theLesserPilgrimage (’umra,orvisit).Thelatter,comprisedessentiallyofthetawafandthesa’y,couldbeperformedatanytimeoftheyear.WhenaMuslimenteredMeccaata timeother than thehajj season,hecoulddeconsecratehimself following thetawafandthesa’yofarrival.Hewould thenbe inastatecalled tamattu’,meaningthathecouldenjoyanormallifeandweareverydayclothesuntilthestartofthehajj,ifinfactheplannedtoremaininthetownuntilthen.IB,however,vowedtoperformthehajj,whichincludedthetawafandsa’yplustheritesofthewalktoArafat,withoutinterruptingthestateofihram.Therefore,hewasrequiredtowearhiswhiteclothesandobeytheattendantprohibitionsuntilhishajjwascompleted.See“Hadjdj,”EI2,vol.3,p.35.15.Gb,vol.1,p.203n.IBcountsfiveminarets,butIbnJubayr(Travels,p.87)saystherewereseven,

whichagreeswithnineteenth-centuryobservers.Thereareseventoday,thoughthepreciselocationsofthetowershavevariedoverthecenturies.16.IbnJubayr,Travels,p.86.17.Burckhardt,Travels,vol.1,p.273.

5PersiaandIraq

He also said: “After us the descendants of our clan will wear goldembroidered garments, eat rich and sweet food, ride fine horses, andembracebeautifulwomenbuttheywillnotsaythattheyoweall thistotheir fathers and elderbrothers, and theywill forgetus and thosegreattimes.”1

TheYasaofChinggisKhan

WhenIbnBattutamadehisfirstexcursiontoIraqandwesternPersia,morethana century had passed since the birth of the Mongol world empire. For aMoroccan lad born in 1304 the story of Chinggis Khan and the holocaust hebroughtdownoncivilizedEurasiawassomethingtobereadaboutintheArabicversionofRashidal-Din’sHistoryoftheMongols.TheTatarstormblewclosertoEnglandthanitdidtoMoroccoandhadnorepercussionsonlifeintheIslamicFarWestthatIbnBattuta’sgreatgrandfatherwaslikelytohavenoticed.FortheinhabitantsofEgyptandtheLevanttheMongolexplosionhadbeenabrushwithcatastrophe,mercifully averted byMamluk victories but imagined in the darktalestoldbyfugitivesfromthedeadandflattenedcitiesthatwereonceBukhara,Merv,andNishapur.For theArabandPersianpeoplesof the landseastof theEuphratestheterribleeventsof1220–60hadbeenanightmareofviolencefromwhichtheywerestillstrugglingtorecoverinthefourteenthcentury.

“Withonestroke,”wrotethePersianhistorianJuvainioftheMongolinvasionofKhurasan, “aworldwhichbillowedwith fertilitywas laiddesolate, and theregionsthereofbecameadesert,andthegreaterpartofthelivingdead,andtheirskinandbonescrumblingdust;andthemightywerehumbledandimmersedinthe calamities of perdition.”2 The Mongols wreaked death and devastationwherever theyrodefromChina to theplainsofHungarybutnowheremoresothaninPersia,wheremostofthegreatcitiesofthenorthernregionofKhurasanweredemolishedandtheirinhabitantsannihilated.Amodernhistorianestimates

that the total population ofKhurasan, Iraq, andAzerbaijanmay have droppedtemporarily from 2,500,000 to 250,000 as a result ofmass extermination andfamine.3 The thirteenth-century chronicler Ibn al-Athir estimated that theMongolskilled700,000people inMervalone.4That figure isprobablyawildexaggeration, but it suggests the contemporary perception of those calamitousevents.

Map5:IbnBattuta’sItineraryinPersiaandIraq,1326–27

TheMongolterrordidnotproceedfromsomeNazi-likeideologicaldesigntoperpetrategenocide.Norwasitaspontaneousbarbarianrampage.Ratheritwas

oneof the coolydevised elementsof thegreaterChinggisKhanid strategy forworld conquest, a fiendishly efficient combinationofmilitary field tactics andpsychological warfare designed to crush even the possibility of resistance toMongol rule and to demoralizewhole cities into surrenderingwithout a fight.OncethearmieshadoverrunPersiaandsetupgarrisongovernments,wholesalecarnage on thewhole came to an end. Even themost rapacious Tatar generalunderstoodthatthecountrycouldnotbesystematicallybledoverthelongtermiftherewerenomorepeopleleft.Afterabout1260,andinsomeregionsmuchearlier, trade resumed, fields were planted, towns dug themselves out, andremnantsoftheeducatedandartisanclassesploddedbacktotheirhomes.Somecities, such as Tabriz, opened their gates to the invaders, and so were spareddestruction.Others,KermanandShirazforexample,wereinregionsfarenoughtothesouthtobeoutofthepathofthestorm;theylateracquiescedtoMongoloverlordshipwhilepreservingadegreeofpoliticalautonomy.

And yet for the mass of Arabic-or Persian-speaking farmers, on whoseproductive labor the civilization of Mesopotamia and the Iranian plateau hadalwaysrested,thedisasterwaschronic.OverthelongrunthemilitarycrisiswasnotsomuchaninvasionofMongolarmiesatitwasthelastgreattrekofTurkishsteppenomadsfromCentralAsiaintotheIslamicheartland,are-enactmentandindeedacontinuationoftheeleventh-centurymigrationsthathadpopulatedpartsoftheMiddleEastwithTurkishtribesandputtheircaptainsinpoliticalcontrolofalmostallofit.ChinggisKhancouldneverhavedonemorethanfoundsomeunremarkable tribal state in Inner Asia were it not for his success atincorporating into his war machine numerous Turkish clans inhabiting thegrasslandsbetweenMongoliaandtheCaspianSea.Turkishwarriorstroopedtothe flagofGenghis by the tens of thousands, partly because theMongols haddefeated them, partly for themilitary adventure, partly because rain fellmoreoftenandgrassgrewtallerprogressivelyasonemovedwestandsouth.Turksfaroutnumbered ethnicMongols in themounted armies that attacked Persia, andtheybroughtwiththemtheirwagons,theirfamilies,andtheirenormousherdsofhorsesandsheep,whichfedtheirwaythroughKhurasanandwestwardalongtheflanksoftheAlburzMountainstothethickpasturesofAzerbaijan.

Although many of the Turkish invaders had themselves been converted toSunni Islam in the preceding centuries as a result of contact with urbanmerchants andmissionaries fromKhurasan, they joined eagerly in the violentdismemberingofPersiansociety,riddingthelandofthefarms,crops,irrigationworks,andcitiesthatobstructedthefreemovementoftheirherds.OverseveraldecadesthousandsofIranianpeasantswerekilled,enslaved,andchasedofftheir

land.Tomakemattersworse, theearlyMongolrulers,beginningwithGenghisKhan’sgrandsonHuleguin1256,couldnotquitemakeuptheirmindswhetherto carry through policies designed to reconstruct the country and reviveagriculture or to treat the land as permanent enemy territory by taxing thepeasants unbearably and permitting commanders, tribal chiefs, and state“messengers”todevourthecountrysideattheslightestsignofagrarianhealth.

Ghazan(1295–1304), theseventhIlkhan(or“deputy”oftheGreatKhan,astheMongol rulersofPersiawerecalled),madeadeterminedeffort to improvetheadministrativeandfiscalsysteminwaysthatwouldlightenthepeasants’taxload, relieve themof indiscriminateextortionon thepartofstateofficials,andrestoretheirwill toproduce.Thereformshadmodestsuccess,buttheydidnotdrive the economy decisively upward, owing to the petulant resistance ofofficialsandwarlordsandthefailureofGhazan’ssuccessorstoperseverewithsufficientenergy.Thestrengthandwell-beingofanycivilizedsocietydependedontheprosperityofitsagriculture,andinthisrespectPersiaandIraqenteredthefourteenthcenturystilldraggingthechainsoftheMongolinvasion.“Therecanbenodoubt,”wrotethePersianhistorianMustawfiin1340,“thatevenifforathousand years to comeno evil befalls the country, yetwill it not be possiblecompletelytorepairthedamage,andbringbackthelandtothestateinwhichitwasformerly.”5

Yet if the understructure of the Persian economy was weak, the Mongolssucceeded remarkably well at paving over their own work of masscontamination with a new urban culture shiny enough to make an educatedvisitorforgetallaboutthehorrorsofMerv.LiketheMarinids,theMamluks,andother crude conquerors fresh from the steppe, the Ilkhans were quick tosurrendertothesophisticatedcivilizationthatenvelopedthem.IndeedthemindoftheMongolwarriorwassoculturallydeprivedthat itpresentedavastblankon which all sorts of refined and humane influences could be written. In theearlier phase of the conquest the Tatar leaders turned for guidance to theirTurkishsubordinates,someofwhomwereMuslimswithliterateskillsgainedasa resultof twoor threecenturiesofcontactwith thecitiesofKhurasanon thefringeof thesteppe.Theseallies supplied theMongol languagewithawrittenscript (UigurTurkish)andacorpsofclerksandofficialswhodidmuchof theinitial work of installing Tatar government throughout the Genghis Khanidempire. Even as the invasion of Persiawas still going forward, the people ofdistinctly Mongol origin in the forces, a minority group almost from thebeginning,were intermarryingwithTurks, taking up their language andways,and rapidly disappearing into the great migrating crowd. By the end of the

thirteenth century, purely Mongol cultural influences on Persia, excepting inmattersofwarfareandmilitarypomp,hadallbutvanished.

TheTurkishmodel,however,wasonlyhalf-waycivilizedandintheendnomatchforthePersianoneattheelevatedlevelsofliterateculture.TheMongolinvaders inheritedproprietorshipofanedificeofcivilizationfarmorecomplexand luxurious than anything they had ever experienced. The culturalPersianization of the Ilkhanid regime was getting under way even while thesmokestillhungoverBaghdad.Hulegu(1256–65)wasintheorysubordinatetotheGreatKhanoftheMongols(KublaiKhaninChinaafter1260),butinfacthewas thefounderofanIraqo–Persiankingdom,oneof thefourmajorsuccessorstates to themonolithic empire of Genghis. Orderly government and efficienttaxationof thepopulation in a realm that extended from theOxus toAnatoliaabsolutely required, as inMongol China, the help of the native elite. Thoughthousandsofeducatedpeoplehadbeenkilledintheinvasions,theremnantssoonemerged fromthewreckageandpresented themselves forpublicservice.EventheearlyIlkhans,whofavoredBuddhismorChristianityratherthanIslam,hadnochoicebuttoputadministrationandfinanceinthehandsofthesamefamiliesofnativeMuslimscribesandofficialswhohadbeen runningPersiabefore theinvasion.

InfacttheMongolleadersweretransformedintoPersians,oratleastTurco–Persians, to a degree that theMamluks neverwere in their relation to literateEgypt. The explanation is that the Mongol governing class was not apermanentlyalienelitecontinuouslyrecruitedfreshfromthesteppe.Anditdidnot maintain itself by erecting a political system that depended on themaintenance of sharp cultural separations between rulers and subjects.Rather,the Turco–Mongol soldiery came to Persia to stay and became progressivelyidentified with Persian ways. The dynasty, moreover, was founded onconventionalprinciplesofhereditarykingshipoverthePersianandIraqipeople,a relationship which gradually splintered the connections of sentiment andculturebetweentheIlkhansandtheirkinsmenofInnerAsia.6

The Mongols’ accommodation to the native Irano–Muslim bureaucracyspurredtheirconversiontoIslam,itselfaninevitablestepintheirPersianization.Chinggishad set apolicyof toleration for all religionswithin the empire, andultimately the formless tribal shamanism towhich he remained loyalwitheredunderabarrageofdivinetruthswhichmissionariesofalltheworld-universalistfaiths fired at his various successors. In Persia the proselytizers of severalvarietiesofBuddhism,Christianity,andIslamcompetedfortheattentionoftheIlkhanslikesomanypeddlersdeterminedtomakeasale.TheMongolsatfirst

swung erratically from one religious preference to another, depending uponwhichritecouldmusterthemostinfluenceatcourt.

GhazanwasthefirstrulertoproclaimIslamthestatereligion.Herequiredtheentire court to convert, put upmosques throughout the country, and endowednumerous pious institutions in the cities. With Mongol military power andPersianpopularsentimentbehindhim,hewipedoutBuddhisminthatland.HealsopulleddownNestorianChristianchurchesandputanendonceandforalltonaive European hopes that the Tatars could be brought over toRome.Oljeitu(1304–16),Ghazan’ssuccessorandthemostspirituallyerraticofalltheIlkhans,was born a Nestorian, took up Buddhism, then converted to Islam. He firstadoptedHanafiSunnism, thenShafi’i; in1310hebecameamilitantShi’i andstarted aviolent campaign topersecuteSunnis ingeneral.Hisyoung sonAbuSa’id(1316–35),however,broughtthecourtquicklybacktoSunnism.Whatismore, he kept it that way. Most of his subjects were relieved and satisfied.ThoughShi’ismhasbeen the state religionof Iran since the sixteenthcentury,the great majority of Persians and Iraqis were still Sunnis (mostly Hanafi orShafi’i)inthefourteenth.IbnBattuta,dyed-in-the-woolSunnithathewas,couldnothavepickedamorefelicitoustimetovisittheIlkhanidstatethaninthereignofAbuSa’id.

When theMongols converted to Islam, theyalsobecameboth thedisciplesand the patrons of Persian art and culture. The decades of the holocaust hadsnuffedoutintellectualandartisticlifeovermuchoftheland,butitcametolifesoquickyafter1260thatthebriefeightyyearsoftheIlkhanidageturnedouttobeaneraofimpressiveculturalachievement,especiallyneartheendwhenIbnBattutawas there to bearwitness to it.Like their steppe cousins inCairo, theMongolrulersdidnothesitatetocommitunspeakablebarbarismswithonehandwhilewiththeotherpayingoutlargesumstopromoterefinedcraftandlearning.Just a year after setting fire to Baghdad and a fair part of the stored upknowledge of the Abbasid Caliphate, Hulegu founded an observatory atMaragheh in which Persian and Chinese scholars collaborated to work outastronomical tables thatwouldbeof immense importance to latergenerations.Ghazanexecutedhisenemiesbyhavingthemcloveninhalf,buthetookanavidpersonalinterestinthenaturalsciencesandmedicine.

It was notably under Ghazan and his two successors that urban culture inPersiagotbackmuchofitsoldenergy.Tobesure,nosinglePersiancityrivaledCairo. But in Tabriz, the premierMongol center, a great deal ofmonumentalbuildingwasundertaken, even the constructionofwholenew suburbs.OljeituKhanfoundedanewcapitalatSultaniya.Theworldoflettersthroveagaintoo.

TheMongols never hadmuch time for love poetry or advanced theology, butthey did appreciate practical science, geography, and history. The masterhistorianoftheagewasRashidal-Din,aJewishconverttoIslamwhoservedasminister of state (vizier) under three Ilkhans. During the reign of Oljeitu, hecompletedhismassiveCollectionofHistories,thefirsttrulyuniversalhistoryofhumankind ever written, or even imagined. The work embraced not only thewhole of the Islamicworld but alsoChina, Byzantium, and even the recentlycivilizedkingdomsofwesternEurope.7

Rashidal-Din’sglobalvisionwasa reflectionofan internationalist spirit atthe Mongol court that reached even beyond the Dar al-Islam. Taking aremarkably large-minded view of the boundaries of civilization, themonarchsreigned over an astonishing transmigration of ideas and technology thatmadeIlkhanidcultureaneclecticsynthesisofPersian,Arabic,Turkish,Chinese,andevenTibetanelements.Over thepoliticalbridge thatGenghis threwacross theAsiangrassland-seamarchedhundredsofChineseengineers,scientists,doctors,artists,andpropagatorsofBuddhismseekingserviceandopportunityinPersia.A smaller number of Persians visited China. Though direct communciationbetween the two regions died down in the late thirteenth century when theIlkhans converted to Islam and their diplomatic relations with the PekingMongolsdeteriorated,ChineseculturalinfluencesleftenduringmarksonPersianminiaturepainting,calligraphy,andtextileandpotterydesign.In1294GaykhatuKhan (1291–95) even introduced block-printed paper money on Chineseinspiration, though the Persians rejected this newfangled idea out of hand,resultinginatemporarycollapseofthecommercialeconomy.8

The cosmopolitanism of the Ilkhanids, coupled with their enthusiasticadoptionofeverythingPersian,alsodidmuchtorestorecirculationontheroutesof scholarship and craft linking Persian and Iraqi cities with the rest of theIslamicworld. Indeed theMongolperiodwitnessedan important expansionofthePersian language aswell as Irano–Islamic styles in art and humane lettersintobothTurkishAnatoliaandIndia,wheretheyincreasinglysetthestandardofwhatpolishedcultureshouldbe.

When theMongol–Mamlukmilitary struggle for Syria finally ended about1315, intellectual linkswerequickyrestoredbetweenCairo, thenewcapitalofArabletters,andboththeArabic-speakingtownsofIraqandthePersiancitiesoftheIranianplateau.InthecentralIslamiclandsArabicandPersiancontinuedtosharethestatusofintellectuallinguaefrancae.Manyimportantwriters,suchasthe historianRashid al-Din, saw to it that theirworksweremade available inbothlanguages.9Thus,whenIbnBattutaenteredIran,hisfirstexcursionbeyond

the Arabic-speaking world, his inability to speak the native tongue was noparticulardisadvantageaslongashekepttothenetworkofthelearned,wherebilingualismwascommonandwhere,attheveryleast,thesymboliclanguageofreligious observance, civilizedmanners, and Sunni erudition could always seehim through. Indeed, for an educated Muslim traveler with good urbanconnections,itwasalmostasiftheassaultofthepaganMongolshadneverevenhappened.

Ibn Battuta left Mecca on 17 November 1326 (20 Dhu l’Hijja 726) in thecompanyofthepilgrimsreturningtoIraqandthewiderregionofeasternIslam.ThiswastheofficialcaravanoftheIlkhanidstate,similarinorganizationtotheMamluk caravans sent fromDamascus andCairo.Hehad thegood fortune totravelundertheformalprotectionoftheamiral-hajj,onePehlewanMuhammadal-Hawih,whopaidoutofhisownpursethecostofhiringhalfadoublecamellitterfortheyoungman.Whyshouldtheamir,afavoredofficialatthecourtoftheIlkhanofPersia,takeaninterestinthis22-year-oldnonentityfromMorocco?Partofthereasonisthatthecaravancommandercommonlypatronizedscholarlypersonagesinthepilgrimcompany,especiallyiftheywereneedy.Beyondthat,IbnBattutadiddevelopsomethingofapersonalacquaintanceshipwiththeamir,aswouldbedemonstratedinthefollowingyear.Theremaybeafurtherhinthereof the lad’s natural flair for disarming important peoplewith his earnest pietyandgregariouspersonality.Inanycasetheenclosedcamellitterwasagodsendofcomfort,farpreferabletocrossingtheArabianPeninsulaonfoot.

ByIbnBattuta’sreckoningthepilgrimtrainwasenormous:“Anyonewholeftthecaravanforanaturalwantandhadnomarkbywhichtoguidehimselftohisplacecouldnotfinditagainforthevastnumberofpeople.”Buttheenterprisewasalsoasefficientlyorganizedas theMamlukcaravan fromSyriahadbeen.“Great suppliesof luxuries”were readilyavailable, and thepoorerhajjis wereentitledtofreefood,water,andmedicine.“Theyusedtomarchduringthenightandlighttorchesinfrontofthefileofcamelsandlitters,”IbnBattutarecalls,“sothatyou saw the countrysidegleamingwith light and thedarkness turned intoradiantday.”

The route north wasmore or less the one that pilgrims had followed eversince the early days of the Caliphate, when Zubayda, wife of the illustriousHarunal-Rashid,endowedtheconstructionofachainofwatertanksandwellsalong the trail to keep the caravans safely supplied. FromMedina, where thecompany laid over for six days, the track ran northeastward across the Nejdplateau,throughtheoasisofFaid,thenalongtheeasternedgeofthegreatNafud

sanddesert.AtaplacecalledWaqisaon thedesertedgeof theMesopotamianbasin, greeting parties from the Iraqi city ofKufamet the caravanwith freshprovisions of flour, bread, dates, and fruit. About six days later the columnreached the Kufa region, halting at al-Najaf (Mashhad ’Ali) just a fewmilessouth of the Euphrates. The entire journey fromMecca toMesopotamia tookapproximately44days.10

IbnBattutarestedatal-Najafforafewdayssinceitwastheburialplaceof’AliibnAbiTalib,thefourthCaliphandson-in-lawoftheProphet.’Ali’sgrandmausoleumin theheartof the townwasaplaceveneratedbyallMuslims,butfor theTwelverShi’a, the largestof theShi’isects in Islam, itwasacenterofholypilgrimagesecondonlytoMecca.ThoughmostofthepopulationofgreaterIraq and Persia were still Sunni in the fourteenth century, important Shi’icommunities were scattered throughout the Ilkhanid realm, with the largestconcentrationsinlowerMesopotamia.”11

ThetheologicalbreachbetweenthetwogroupscenteredontheShi’idoctrineoftheImam,theleader-messiahdescendedfrom’Ali,whowouldonedayrevealhimself and fill theearthwith truthand righteousnessuntil the timeappointedfortheLastJudgement.TwelveImamsinthehereditarylineof’AlithroughhissonsHasanandHusaynhadruledtheearlyShi’icommunity,whichstartedoutasadissidentpolitical“party”(thegeneralmeaningofthetermShi’a)opposedtothemajorityleadership.The’AlidImamswereregardedbytheirfollowersaspossessinginfallibleandesotericknowledgeofthepropheticRevelationandasdivine-right rulers whose temporal supremacy had been usurped by theUmayyadandAbbasidCaliphs.ThetwelfthImamintheline,accordingto theteachingsofthe“Twelver”varietyofShi’ism,disappearedintheninthcenturybutdidnotdie.Onedayhewouldreturn.Sunnis,bycontrast,believedthatthemeaningoftheQur’anicrevelationinrelationtoallaspectsofbothspiritualandmundaneexperiencewastobeinterpretedbytheconsensusofthecommunityofbelievers, a unity collectively described in the four schools of jurisprudence.Sunnis gave ’Ali a hallowed place in Islamic history, but as a Caliph and aCompanionoftheProphet,notastheprogenitorofadynastyoftheocrats.Shi’ilawwasnotinmostrespectssignificantlydifferentfromSunni,andmostofthetime the two groups managed to live in peace. Except during surges offanaticism on one side or the other, they treated one another with simplesuspicionandthecommonvarietiesofreligiousprejudice.

Ibn Battuta makes it abundantly clear that he had little time for Shi’is,Twelverorotherwise.AtseveralpointsintheRihlahetakesrighteouspotshotsattheirbeliefsorrecountsdisparaginglittleanecdotesabouttheirfanaticaland

misguided observances. He invariably refers to them as “Rafidis,” or“Turncoats,”atermofdeprecationSunniscommonlyused.HisintolerancemayhavebeenstiffenedbythefactthattheMalikiintellectualclassinMoroccowasinclined to juristic and theological dogmatism, largely in reaction to the anti-Maliki policies of theAlmohads. In any case he did notmixmuchwithShi’ischolars and deliberately avoided visiting certain towns having predominantlyShi’ipopulations.Heprobablyspentonlyafewdaysinal-Najaf(justwherehedoesnotsay),thoughintheRihlahegivesathoroughandobjectivedescriptionofAli’sbeautifuldomedmausoleum.12

From al-Najaf the pilgrim caravan continued on northward to Baghdad, itsterminus.But IbnBattuta, apparentlynot in themood to see that city justyet,decidedtomakeforBasraatthefarsouthernendoftheTigris–Euphratesdelta.AtroopoflocalArabswasgoingthatway,sohehiredacamelandjoinedthem.Rather than taking a direct route to Basra by following the course of theEuphrates,thepartyfirsttraveleddueeastalongthenorthernfringeoftheGreatSwamp,aregionofmarshland,creeks,andlakesthatcoveredthedeltafromthelatitudeofKufaalmosttothePersianGulf.13

InfivedaysthecaravanreachedthecityofWasit.IbnBattuta’scompanionsremained there for three days in order to trade, so he took the opportunity tomakeanovernightexcursiontothevillageofUmm’UbaidatovisitthetombofShaykhAhmadibnal-Rifa’i,thetwelfth-centuryfounderoftheSufiorderwithwhichhehadbecomeaffiliatedduringhis stay in Jerusalem.At thezawiyaofUmm ’Ubaida he had the luck tomeet one of theShaykh’s descendants,whowasalsovisiting,andtobetreatedtoadisplayofecstaticexercisesforwhichtheRifa’idiscipleswerewellknown:

When the afternoon prayers had been said, drums and kettledrums werebeaten and the [Sufi] brethren began to dance. After this they prayed thesunsetprayerandbrought in the repast, consistingof rice-bread, fish,milk,anddates.Whenallhadeatenandprayedthefirstnightprayer,theybegantorecitetheirdhikr [mystical litany] . . .Theyhadprepared loadsof firewoodwhichtheykindledintoflame,andwentintothemidstofitdancing;someofthem rolled in the fire, and others ate it in theirmouths, until finally theyextinguisheditentirely...Someofthemwilltakealargesnakeandbiteitsheadwiththeirteethuntiltheybiteitcleanthrough.14

IbnBattutawas toomuch the sober urban scholar to go in for that sort ofreligiousfrenzy,soaone-nightsojournatthelodgemayhavebeenquiteenough

for him. In any case he returned toWasit to find that his caravanhad alreadydeparted.Hesetoffonhisowninpursuit,perhapsafoolish thingtodoin theGreat Swamp, since a group of Sufi brethren who had straggled behind thecaravan on itsway toWasit had been attacked and robbedby a bandofShi’imarsh-dwellers. In a day or two, however, he safely caught upwith his party,whichwasnowmovingsouthwardalongaroutegenerallyparalleltotheTigris.SometimeinthelatterpartofJanuary1327thecaravanreachedBasra.15

ItiseasyenoughtounderstandwhyIbnBattutamadeapointofseeingBasra.Anyliterateyoungman,evenfromtheFarWest,wouldhaveknownwhatthiscity had been six centuries earlier: the veritable Athens of Islam where theclassicalcivilizationoftheArabshadfirstbeenconceivedandcast.Ithadbeenthe home of numerous early Muslim luminaries: theologians, philosophers,poets,scientists,andhistorians.IthadalsobeenthelaboratorywheretherulesofclassicalArabic grammarwereworked out, the rules bywhich educatedmenconversedandwroteanddistinguishedthemselvesfromcommonfolk.ThoughBaghdad superseded it in the ninth century as the intellectual capital of theArabs,BasracontinuedtoprosperforseveralhundredyearsowingtoitsstatusaschiefportoftheCaliphateonthePersianGulf.

TheMongols left thecityalonewhen theyconqueredLower Iraq,but theirassault onBaghdad and otherMesopotamian towns,which produced a severedeclineinagriculturalandindustrialproductivity,afflictedtheeconomyofBasraaswell.BythetimeIbnBattutavisitedthetown,ithadshrunktosuchanextentthatitsbeautifulgrandmosquestoodalonetwomilesoutsidetheinhabitedarea.For a scholar who knew his history there was an even sadder testimony todecline than the deterioration of the architecture. When he attended Fridayworship in the mosque, he was appalled to hear the preacher committingdreadfulerrorsofgrammarinhissermon.“Iwasastonishedathisconduct,”herecalls,“andspokeofittotheqadiHujjatal-Din,whosaidtome‘Inthistownthereisnotamanleftwhoknowsanythingofthescienceofgrammar.’”

Exceptforitsthickforestsofdate-palms,thecityhadlittletorecommenditthatwasnotpastandgone.IbnBattutamusthavedevotedmostofhistimetheretovisitingthemosqueandthegravesofseveraloftheearlyimmortalsofArabletters, aswell as some of theCompanions of the Prophet.As usual the localSunni worthies, a small and undistinguished group, favored him with money,clothes, and food. The Ilkhanid governor also received him and gave himpresents.Heprobablystayednotmorethanaweekortwo.16

From Basra he took passage on a sambuq, a small, lateen-rigged boatcommon in theMesopotamian river trade, and sailed for ten miles along the

Ubullacanal,passing“throughanuninterruptedsuccessionoffruitgardensandovershadowing palmgroves both to right and left, with traders sitting in theshadeofthetrees,sellingbread,fish,dates,milk,andfruit.”Thecanalemptiedinto the Tigris estuary, called the Shatt al-’Arab, which linked the region ofBasra with the gulf.17 Here, he transferred to a second vessel and sailedovernight to Abadan, which in that century was a few miles from the coast,though today it ismore than twentymilesowing to thegradualbuildupof thealluvialdelta.18

While stopping at a small hospice in Abadan, he learned of a local Sufianchorite,wholivedyearroundin themarshandsustainedhimselfentirelyonfish.Heimmediatelywent lookingfor thishermitandfoundhimseated in theshellofaruinedmosque.Theshaykhgavetheyoungmantheblessinghesoughtandevenofferedhimalargefishforhissupper.IbnBattutarecallsintheRihlathat hewas deeplymoved by thismeeting, to the point that “for amoment Ientertainedtheideaofspendingtherestofmylifeintheserviceofthisshaykh.”Indeed, he seems to have had a recurring fascination for this sort ofuncompromising asceticism, probably a tugof theheart thatmanygregarious,worldlymenfeel fromtime to time.Atanumberof junctures inhiscareerheexperiencedlittlecrisesofthesoul,whenhethoughtofthrowinguphislifeofadventurefortheself-denyingandrapturousexistenceofatrueSufidisciple.Intheend,however,whathecalls“thepertinacityofmyspirit”wonout,andhewasbackontheroadandintotheworldofaffairs.

In this case he was back on the road in no time. Under the urging of anacquaintancefromBasra,hecontrivedtogettoBaghdad,notbyturningaroundand heading back up the Tigris, but by making for the mountains of PersianLuristan,whichwasdecidedly in thewrongdirection.Hisplanwas tomakealong looping tour east ofMesopotamia through thePersian region of Jibal, orwhat he calls Iraq al-Ajami. Indeed it is at this point in the narrative that hespeaksofhis“habit”ofshunninganyroadhehadalreadytraveledby.

Asitworkedout,hisnextimportantdestinationwastobethecityofIsfahanintheJibalprovinceonthefarsideoftheloftyZagrosMountains.ApparentlyinthecompanyofhisBasranfriend,hewentbyshipfromAbadaneastwardalongthedeltacoastlinetotheportofMachul,nowBandar-e-Ma’shur,intheIranianpartofMesopotamia.TherehehiredahorsefromsomemerchantsandheadednorthwardacrosstheplainofKhuzistan,aprovinceofmarshesandsugar-canefields.HefollowedagenerallynorthwardroutethroughtheagriculturaltownsofRamhormoz (Ramiz) andShushtar (Tustar), then turnedwestward tomeet theZagros,whichrosesuddenlyasabarricadeofrockalongtheeasternrimofthe

plain.Themountaincragsandpinnacles,whichformedthenaturalfrontierbetween

MesopotamiaandtheIranianplateau,wereinhabitedbyfierceherdingpeoplescalledtheLurs.TheMongolshadsubduedthiscountryperfunctorilyinHulegu’stime,butowingtoitswildisolationfromthecentersofadministration,theyleftlawandorder in thehandsofaclientdynastyof tribalbarons,calledatabegs.Ibn Battuta regarded some of the Lurs customs that came to his attention asthoroughlybrutishandheterodox,buttheatabegandthelittlegroupsofliteratemen of the villages and hospices treated him well and gave him the usualpresents owing to wayfarers.19 From Idhaj (or Malamir, and now Izeh), themountaincapitalof theatabegs, he advancednortheastward through the frigidhighpassesoftheZagros(itwasprobablyMarch)andthencetotheorchardcityofIsfahan,whichlayatthewesternedgeofthecentralplateauatanaltitudeof4,690feet.HewasnowintheheartofPersia.

He found lodging in what seems to have been a Sufi center of abundantproportions, possessing not only amosque, a kitchen, and rooms for disciplesandtravelers,butalsoafinemarble-pavedhammam,orbath.Thelocalheadofthe zawiya, a Persian named Qutb al-Din Husain, was also a shaykh of theSuhrawardiyya,oneofthelargestmysticalordersofthelaterMiddlePeriodwithwidespreadaffiliationsintheeasternIslamiclands,includingIndia.Onedaytheyoungvisitorwaslookingoutthewindowofhisroominthelodgeandnoticedawhitekhirqa,orpatchedSufi’srobe,spreadoutinthegardentodry.Herecallsthinking to himself that he would like to have one of them, just as he hadcollected one from the Rifa’i shaykh in Jerusalem, as a symbol of honorificconnectionwith the Suhrawardiyya. In the nextmomentQutb al-Din abruptlyenteredhisroomandorderedaservant tobring therobe,whichhe threwoverhis guest’s shoulders.Astonished, IbnBattuta fell to kissing the shaykh’s feet,then,inhisimpetuousway,beggedifhemightnothavehisblessedskullcapaswell.Therequestwasgrantedforthwith.IntheRihlaIbnBattutatakespainstolist thechainofauthority (isnad) linkinghimbyvirtueof this investiturewiththetwelfth-centuryfounderofthebrotherhood.ButasintheJerusalemepisode,he assumed no obligation to pursue the Sufi way simply by accepting theshaykh’scasualblessingonaGod-fearingtraveler.

He spent two weeks with Qutb al-Din in Isfahan, enjoying the preservedwatermelonandotherfruitsoftheIsfahanplainlaidoutatthezawiya’stable.Atthis point in history the city was not the noble capital it had been under theSeljukTurksandwouldbeagainthreecenturieslaterundertheShi’iSafavids.Becauseofasadinclinationamongtheinhabitantstoengageinviolentfactional

rows, coupled with the turmoil of the earlyMongol years, the city was onlybeginning to recoversomeof itsearliervigor.20Perhapsdissatisfiedwithwhatthe town had to show him of Persian culture, Ibn Battuta decided to travelanother300milessouthtoShiraz,chiefcityoftheprovinceofFars.

This journey, accomplished in ten days, took him along one of the historictraderoutesofcentralIranandthroughthecentralregionoftheancientPersianempire. Since it was probably about mid April,21 he followd the so-calledsummerroadthroughtheZagrosfoothillsratherthanthewinterroadwhichrannearerthehighdeserttotheeast.22Duringthefinaldaysofthetripheclimbedthroughaseriesofbloomingmountainvalleysandthenceintothefertile,mile-highbasinthatshelteredShiraz,the“GardenCity.”

TheluckofShirazintheMiddlePeriodwasthattheMongolmonsterhadnotbeen inclined to devour Fars province, the region being too hot for steppeherdsmenandtoofarawayfromthemainTatarcentersinAzerbaijan.Thecitynotonlysurvivedbutopeneditsgatestorefugeesfromthenorth,andso,aswithCairo, its intellectual life received a fillip from the arrival of well-educatedfugitives.IbnBattutawasattractedtoShirazpartlybecauseofitsreputationasthe greatest center of Persian letters and partly because it was a city where,accordingtohiscontemporaryMustawfi,“mostof thepeoplestriveaftergoodworks,andinpietyandobediencetotheAlmightyhaveattainedahighdegreeof godliness.”23 The city was sometimes called the Tower of Saints (Burj-i-Awliya)becauseoftheprofusionofholytombs.Itwasalsooneoftheloveliesttowns in Persia, and still is. Ibn Battuta remembers that “its inhabitants arehandsomeinfigureandcleanintheirdress.InthewholethereisnocityexceptShirazwhich approachedDamascus in the beauty of its bazaars, fruit-gardensandrivers.”

Theyoungjuristwantedabovealltomeetthechiefqadiofthecity,Majdal-Din, a famous Persian scholar especially admired among Sunnis for havingbrilliantlydefiedtheShi’iIlkhanOljeitu.WhenthisrulerconvertedtoShi’ism,accordingtotheversionofthestoryrecountedintheRihla,heorderedthatthekhutba, the praise formulas recited at the beginning of the Friday mosquesermon, be changed throughout the land to exalt the name of ’Ali.When thepeople of Shiraz refused to cooperate, he commanded that Majd al-Din beexecutedbybeingthrowntoapackofferociousdogstrainedtoeathumans.Butwhen the dogs were let loose, Ibn Battuta relates, “they fawned on him andwaggedtheirtailsbeforehimwithoutattackinghiminanyway.”TheIlkhanwasso astounded at the deliverance of thisMuslimDaniel that he played out theDariusroleperfectly,prostratinghimselfattheqadi’sfeet,showeringhimwith

honors, and renouncing his errant doctrine for the Sunni faith. Ibn Battuta’sendingtothestoryisabitartful,sinceweknowfromothersourcesthatthemostOljeitu did was to call off persecutions of Sunnis while remaining a loyalTwelveruntilhisdeathin1316.Majdal-Dinmeanwhileheldhispostthroughoutthe reign ofAbu Sa’id and for twenty years after the collapse of theMongolstate.24

Soon after arriving in Shiraz in the company of three unnamed travelingcompanions,IbnBattutawenttosaluteMajdal-Din,whoquestionedhimabouthishomelandandhis travels.Theshaykhalsoofferedhimasmallroominhiscollege.IbnBattutadoesnotsayhowlonghestayedinthecity,butthegeneralchronological framework of the Persian tour would suggest that he remainedsomethinglessthantwoweeks,visitingthemosquesandthetombsofnumerousShirazi lights, including Abu ’Abdallah ibn Khafif, one of the forefathers ofPersianSufism,andtherenownedpoetSa’di,whowasburiedinalovelygardenoutsidethecity.25

SincetherewerenomorespeciallyinterestingtownstovisitbetweenShirazand the seaports of the gulf, IbnBattuta resolved to turnwest and head onceagaininthegeneraldirectionofBaghdad.HisroutetookhimthroughtwohighpassesofthesouthernZagrosandthelittletownofKazarun,thennorthwestwardintotheKhuzistanplain.SomewherenorthoftheportofMachulhecrossedhisoutbound trail of some three months earlier. Advancing once again into theMesopotamianmarshlands,hefordedtheTigrisatanunidentifiedpointperhapsabout midway between Wasit and Basra. He finally arrived at Kufa on theEuphratesfiveorsixweeksafterleavingShiraz.26Hewasnowbackonthemainpilgrimage road. From Kufa, he continued upriver past the ruins of ancientBabylon and the Shi’i towns of al-Hilla andKarbala.About the firstweek ofJune1327hereachedtheTigrisandthecityoftheCaliphs.27

He gives the definite impression in theRihla that hewas traveling to Iraqprimarily toseeBaghdad.Buthewasunderno illusionsabout thesadstateofthe city in his own time.Hewent there to honor its past andperhaps towalkamong the ruins along thewest bankof the river, imagining the ghosts of thedivinesandjurisprudentswhohadlivedtherefivecenturiesearlier,foundingthemoral and intellectual code of civilization by which his own generation stilllived. In the Rihla he introduces his description of the city with a set ofperfunctory praise formulas (“of illustrious rank and supreme pre-eminence”)but then goes on to reiterate the mournful admission of his twelfth-centurypredecessorIbnJubayrthat“heroutwardlineamentshavedepartedandnothingremainsofherbutthename...Thereisnobeautyinherthatarreststheeye,or

summonsthebusypasser-bytoforgethisbusinessandtogaze.”Itwasnotinfactasbadasallthat.Aswiththebuildupofsiltintheirrigation

canals,thecity’swaninghadbeengradual,inmostperiodsalmostimperceptible.DespiteTurkishmilitarycoups,sectarianviolence,urbangangwarfare,andthemenaceoffloodspouringoverneglecteddykes,Baghdadretainedagoodshareofbothitsinternationalcommercialprosperityanditsresidualprestigeascapitalof the Caliphs long after the glorious eighth and ninth centuries. Even therampagingMongolsleftmanyofitspublicbuildingsstandingandquiteafewofitspeoplealive.InfactHulegu’sarmyhadbarelyfinishedthesackingwhenheordered, in typical fashion, that a vigorous restoration program should begin.Under an administration of local Arab and Persian officials, the city quicklypulleditselfuptothestatusofprovincialcapitalofMesopotamia.

BaghdadwasnolongeranimportantstoponaMiddleEasternstudytourandIbn Battuta found most of its numerous colleges in ruins. But teachingcontinued,notablyintheNizamiya,theeleventh-centuryprototypeofthefour-sidedmadrasa, and in the Mustansiriya, a college built in 1234 to provideprofessorialchairsandlectureroomsforallfourofthemajorjuridicalschools.28TheMosqueoftheCaliphs,oneofthegreatcongregationalmosqueslocatedontheeastbankoftheriver,hadbeenburneddownintheMongolassault,butIbnBattutafounditfullyrebuiltandofferingadvancedstudies.Althoughhestayedonlytwoorthreeweeksinthecity,hefoundtimetogotothemosquetohearasetoflecturesononeoftheimportantcompilationsofPropheticTraditions.

If Baghdad’s intellectual life had had more to offer, he might have beencontent to remain there throughout the summer, awaiting the departure of thehajj caravan in mid-September. Any traveler less obdurate than he wouldprobablyhavebeenthankfulforalongrestatthispointbeforestartinganothertrekacrosstheArabianwaste.Butunexpectedly,anewadventuresuddenlycamehisway,anditwouldhavebeenentirelyoutofcharacterforhimtopassitup.

He arrived in Baghdad to learn that the Ilkhan himself was currently inresidence,perhapshavingwintered thereas therulerssometimesdid toescapethecoldofAzerbaijan.AbuSa’idwasthenmakingpreparationstoreturntothenorth,most likely to Sultaniya, the capital founded by his fatherOljeitu. TheIlkhan always traveled in the companyof a huge retinue, called inArabic themahalla,or“camp,”whichwasineffecttheentireroyalcourtinmotion:severalamirsandtheirmountedtroops,myriadreligiousandadministrativepersonnel,and a small army of servants and slaves. In addition, the ruler’s wives andfavorites, called the khatuns, all had their own suites of bodyguards andfunctionaries. Ibn Battuta jumped at the chance to tag along with the royal

procession, “onpurpose,” he explains, “to see the ceremonial observedby theking of al-’Iraq in his journeying and encamping, and the manner of histransportation and travel.”Either before leavingBaghdad orenroutewith themahalla,hemanagedtosecurethepatronageof’Alaal-DinMuhammad,oneoftheIlkhan’sleadinggenerals.

AbuSa’id,thelastoftheMongolsofPersia,ascendedthethronein1316atthe ageof twelve.Hewas in fact about ayearyounger than IbnBattuta,whodescribes himas being “themost beautiful ofGod’s creatures in features, andwithout any growth on his cheeks.” The traveler also admired him for hiscivilizedqualities.HewasnotonlyacommittedSunni,but agenerous,pious,andtolerantone.Accordingtothefifteenth-centuryEgyptianwriterTaghribirdi,hewas“anillustriousandbraveprince,withanimposingaspect,generousandgay.”29HewrotebothArabicandPersianwithabeautifulhand,playedthelute,composedsongsandpoems,and, in the latterpartofhis reign,even lightenedsome of the tax load on the peasantry. Whereas several of his Mongolpredecessors were confirmed alcholics and some of them died of theconsequences,heprohibitedtheuseofspiritsinthekingdominaccordwiththeSacredLaw—thoughwithwhatsuccesswedonotknow.Thereseemstohavebeen little in his character that recalled his ancestor Chinggis Khan. Herepresents rather the definitive conversion of the Ilkhanid state to polishedPersian culture.Perhaps if he had reigned longer, hewouldhavebeen a greatbuilder like his contemporary al-Nasir Muhammad of Egypt. As it was, thepoliticalfoundationshelaidduringhislasteightyearswerenotstrongenoughtoensure thesurvivalof theregime,whichutterlycollapsedathisdeathin1335,leavingPersiatofacetheremainderofthecenturyinfragmentationandwar.30

Inthesummerof1327,however,thedynastylookedvigorousenoughtotheMoroccan traveler, when he witnessed the nosiy, fearsome extravaganza of aMongolKhanonthemarch:

Eachoftheamirscomesupwithhistroops,hisdrums,andhisstandards,andhaltsinapositionthathasbeenassignedtohim,notastepfurther,eitherontherightwingorontheleftwing.Whentheyhavealltakenuptheirpositionsand their ranks are set in perfect order, the king mounts, and the drums,trumpetsandfifesaresoundedforthedeparture.Eachoftheamirsadvances,salutes the king, and returns to his place; then the chamberlains and themarshalsmoveforwardaheadoftheking,andarefollowedbythemusicians.These number about a hundredmen,wearing handsome robes, and behindthem comes the sultan’s cavalcade. Ahead of the musicians there are ten

horsemen,withtendrumscarriedonslingsroundtheirnecks,andfive[other]horsemencarryingfivereed-pipes...Onthesultan’srightandleftduringhismarcharethegreatamirs,whonumberaboutfifty.

IbnBattutamayhavehadonlyageneralnotionofwherehemightbegoingwhen he left Baghdad with this mahalla in the latter part of June.31 In hisdescriptionofthejourney,hedoesnotnameanyofthestationsbutstatesonlythathetraveledinthecompanyoftheIlkhanfortendays.Thekingwasalmostcertainly heading for the new capital of Sultaniya (172 miles northwest ofTehran), probably following the trans-Persian “Khurasan Road” by way ofKermanshah,thecentralZagros,andHamadan.32SomewherenearHamadantheamir ’Ala al-Din Muhammad, Ibn Battuta’s patron, was suddenly ordered toleave the mahalla and proceed northward to Tabriz, apparently on urgentbusiness of state.33 He almost certainly traveled with a lean, fast-ridingdetachment, and IbnBattutawas given leave to go along.Again, his route toTabrizisamystery,butthepartymayhavetakentheoldAbbasidhighroadfromHamadannorthwestwardthroughthemountains,passingeastofLakeUrmiya.34Meanwhile,AbuSa’idandhissuitelumberedontowardSultaniya.

IbnBattuta could count it a strokeofgood fortune tohave thisunexpectedvisittoTabriz,foritwasthepremiercityofthePersianMongolsand,atjustthismoment in history, one of the key commercial centers of the Eurasianworld.Locatedinagrassyplaindominatedtothesouthbythe12,000footpinnacleofMountSahand,Tabrizhadbeennothingmorethanthemaintownoftheregionuntil the Turco–Mongol herdsmen flooded into Azerbaijan. This migrationproduced adramatic shift of bothmilitarypower andpopulationgrowth awayfromMesopotamia to thehighnorthwesternrimofPersia.The localnotabilityhadbeenwise enough to greet theMongol invaderswith the keys to the city,thusoffering the Ilkhans theconvenienceofestablishing their firstcapital inatownthattheirfellowTatarshadnotfirstdemolished.

The anchoring of the Mongol state and the revival of trade found Tabrizrather than Baghdad the main junction of trans-Persian routes linking theMediterranean, Central Asia, and the Indian Ocean. The city also attractedcoloniesofGenoese,Venetians,andothersouthEuropeans,whorespondedfasttoMongol tolerance and internationalismby advancing in from their basesonthe Eastern Mediterranean and Black Sea coasts. Even the Ilkhans who hadconverted to Islam observed the Pax Mongolica tradition of open trade andtravel.AbuSa’id,forexample,signedacommercialtreatywithVenicein1320,andthoughIbnBattutadoesnotmentionthepresenceofEuropeansinTabrizin

connectionwithhisvisit,weknowsomewerethere.35

TheIlkhanGhazanmadeTabrizworthyof thecultivatedPersiangentlemenwhostaffedhissecretariatbybeautifyingthetownandorderingtheconstructionofanentirelynewsuburbofgrandbuildings,includingamosque,amadrasa,ahospice,alibrary,ahospital,aresidenceforreligiousandstateofficials,andhisownmausoleum—noneofwhichhassurvivedtothepresent.36Aroundtheendof the fourteenth century Tabriz had a population of 200,000 to 300,000people.37Oljeitu established his own new capital at Sultaniya, andAbu Sa’idhonored the change. But Sultaniyawas the Ilkhanids’ Brazilia. The court andbureaucratic elite resisted mightily the notion of leaving comfortable Tabriz,whichremainedthefargreatercityofthetwo.38

IbnBattuta,unfortunately,hadlittletimetotakeinthesightsofthetown.Onthe verymorning after he arrived therewith theMongol envoys, ’Ala al-DinreceivedorderstorejointheIlkhan’smahalla.TheMoroccanapparentlydecidedtherewasnothingforitbuttostickwithhisbenefactorifheweretobeassuredofgettingback toBaghdad in time for thehajj departure.And sooffhewentafter a single night and without meeting any of the city’s scholars. He did,however, manage to squeeze in a look around. He lodged in a magnificenthospice, where he dined, he tells us, onmeat, bread, rice, and sweets. In themorninghe toured thegreatbazaar(“Oneof thefinestbazaarsIhaveseen theworld over”) where the international merchantry displayed the wares of allEurasia.

HeundoubtedlychafedathavingtoleaveTabrizsoprecipitately.Yethewasto be unexpectedly compensated soon enough. For when he returned to themahalla several days later, ’Ala al-Din arranged for him to meet the Ilkhanhimself. The audience in the royal tent was probably brief, but Abu Sa’idquestionedthevisitorabouthiscountry,gavehimarobeandahorse,andevenordered that a letter of introduction be sent to the governor of Baghdad withinstructionstosupplytheyoungfaqihwithcamelsandprovisionsforthejourneytotheHijaz.Therewasnothingveryspecialaboutapiousrulergivingcharitytoascholaronhiswaytothehajj.AndIbnBattuta,forhispart,hasrelativelylittletosayintheRihlaaboutAbuSa’idandhiscourtcompared,forexample,tothedozens of pages he devotes to the sultan of Delhi. But, at the time, theexperiencewassignificantifonlyasmoreevidenceofthosecombinedqualitiesof good breeding, piety, and charmwhich smoothed the young traveler’swayintothepresenceofthehighandpowerful.

TheRihla issilentontheitineraryandschedulebacktoBaghdad, includinghistravelingcompanions.Theentireroundtripcouldhavetakenaslittleas35

days,sincehejourneyedagoodpartofthewaywithafast-movingroyalenvoy.HemightthenhavebeenbackinBaghdadasearlyasaboutmid-July.39

Hestillhadtwomonthstowaitforthehajjcaravan,whichtraditionallyleftBaghdad on 1Dhu l-Qa’da, or in that year 18September. Since he had comeback from his Tabriz expedition so quickly he “thought it a good plan” tosqueeze in a tour, a rather uneventful one as it turned out, of the upperMesopotamian region, known as the Jazira. He traveled northward along theTigris to the important Kurdish city of Mosul, then on to Cizre (Jazirat ibn’Umar)inmodernTurkeyneartheIraqiborder.ThisstretchgenerallyreplicatedtheroutetakenbyMarcoPolo55yearsearlieronhisoutboundjourneyfromtheLevant to China and by Ibn Jubayr in 1184, fromwhose book theRihla liftsmost of its descriptive material on the Tigris towns. From Cizre, Ibn Battutamadealoopofabout360milesthroughtheplateaucountrywestoftheriver.Hegot as far as the fortress city of Mardin (which is in modern Turkey), thendoubled back byway of Sinjar (and a corner ofmodernSyria) toMosul.HishostsalongthewayincludedtheIlkhanidgovernoratMosul(wholodgedhimandfootedhisexpenses),thechiefqadiatMardin,andaKurdishmysticwhomhemetinamountain-tophermitagenearSinjarandwhogavehimsomesilvercoins which he kept in his possession until he lost them to bandits in Indiaseveralyearslater.

Whenhe returned toMosulhe foundoneof the regional“feeder”caravansreadytodepartforBaghdadtojointhemainassemblyofpilgrims.HealsohadthefortunetomeetanagedholywomannamedSittZahida,whomhedescribesasadescendantoftheCaliphs.ShehadmadethehajjnumeroustimesandhadinherserviceagroupofSufidisciples.IbnBattutajoinedherlittlecompanyandenjoyedherprotectionwhile travelingbackalong theTigris.Theacquaintancewassadlybrief,forshediedlaterduringtheArabianjourneyandwasburiedinthedesert.

In Baghdad again, Ibn Battuta sought out the governor and received fromhim, asorderedbyAbuSa’id, a camel litter and sufficient foodandwater forfour people.Luckily, theamiral-hajj was the same PehlewanMuhammad al-Hawihwhohadlookedafterhimonthepreviousyear’sjourney.“Ourfriendshipwasstrengthenedbythis,”herecalls,“andIremainedunderhisprotectionandfavoredbyhisbounty,forhegavemeevenmorethanhadbeenorderedforme.”IbnBattutamightthenhaveexpectedtoreturntoMeccainstyleexceptthatatKufahe fell sickwithdiarrhea, the illnesspersistinguntil afterhe reachedhisdestination. During the long journey he had to be dismounted from his littermanytimesaday,thoughtheamirgaveinstructionsthathebecaredforaswell

aspossible.BythetimehearrivedinMeccahewassoweakthathehadtomakethetawafandthesa’ymountedononeoftheamir’shorses.OnthetenthofDhul-Hijja,however,whilecampedatMinaforthesacrifice,hebegantofeelbetter.

Perhapsafterthispunishingexperiencehededucedthatheneededarest.Inayear’s time he had traveled more than 4,000 miles, crossed the ZagrosMountains four times and the Arabian desert twice, visitedmost of the greatcitiesofIraqandwesternPersia,andmetscholars,saints,qadis,governors,anatabeg,andevenaMongolking.AtthispointhemighthavesatagainstapillaroftheHaramandwrittenarespectablerihlaaboutnothingmorethanhistravelsof1325–27.ThetriptoPersia,however,wouldappearinretrospectaslittlemorethanatrialrunfortheheroicmarchesthatweretofollow.Whatheneededinthefall of 1327 was an interval for rest, prayer, and study. Then, spirituallyrefreshed,hewouldbeoffagain.

Notes

1.V.A.Riasonovsky,FundamentalPrinciplesofMongolLaw(Tientsin,1937),p.88.2.Juvaini,TheHistoryoftheWorldConqueror, trans.J.A.Boyle,2vols.(Cambridge,Mass.,1958),

vol.1,p.152.3.JohnM.Smith,“MongolManpowerandPersianPopulation,”Journalof theEconomicandSocial

HistoryoftheOrient(1975):291.4.EdwardG.Browne,ALiteraryHistoryofPersia,4vols.(Cambridge,England,1929–30),vol.2,p.

439.5.Hamd-AllahMustawfi,TheGeographicalPartoftheNuzhatal-Qulub,trans.G.LeStrange(Leiden,

1919),p.34.6.D.O.Morganargues thatby the early fourteenth century a significantnumberofTurco–Mongols

weregivingupnomadismforproprietorshipofagriculturalestatesacquiredintheformofrevenuegrants(iqtas)fromtheIlkhan,therebyplantingtheirsocialrootsinPersiansoil.“TheMongolArmiesinPersia,”DerIslam56(1979):81–96.

7.SeeRashidal-Din,TheSuccessorsofGenghisKhan, trans. JohnA.Boyle (NewYork,1971);andJohn A. Boyle, “Rashid al-Din: The First World Historian,” in The Mongol World Empire 1206–1370(London,1977),pp.19–26.

8.E.Ashtor,ASocialandEconomicHistoryoftheNearEastintheMiddleAges(Berkeley,1976),p.257.

9.Rashidal-Din,SuccessorsofGenghisKhan,p.6.10.SinceIBgivesall thestationsonhis tripfromMeccatoal-Najaf,noapparentproblemsarisewith

Hrbek’sestimateof44days(Hr,p.427).ForthissectionofthenarrativeIBonceagaindrawsheavilyonIbnJubayr’sdescriptionsoftherouteandhaltingplaces.11. A. Bausani, “Religion under theMongols,” in J. A. Boyle (ed.),The Cambridge History of Iran

(Cambridge,England,1968),vol.5,pp.538–47.12.IBdoesnotmentionthelengthofthisstayinal-Najaf.Hrbek(Hr,p.428)suggeststhreetofivedays

onthespeculativegroundsthathewouldnothavetarriedlonginaShi’itown.13.G. Le Strange,The Lands of the EasternCaliphate (Cambridge, England, 1905), pp. 24–85. The

author describes the complex topography of the Tigris – Euphrates basin in Abbasid times and later,stressingthefactthatthecourseoftheriversandtributarystreamsandcanalshavechangedrepeatedlyoverthecenturies.14.ForclarityofmeaningIhavechangedGibb’stranslationoftheArabical-fuqara’(D&S,vol.2,p.5)

from“poorbrethren”(Gb,vol.2,p.273)to“Sufibrethren.”15. Hrbek’s estimate of the chronology (Hr, pp. 428–29) is based on computations of distances and

travelingtimesfromotherIslamicsources.16.ThisisHrbek’sguess(Hr,p.429)basedontheideathatwhenIBsojournedinaspotforasubstantial

lengthoftime,healwaysnotedit.17. Le Strange (Lands, pp. 46–49) describes the canal system as it existed about that time. AlsoW.

Barthold,AnHistoricalGeographyofIran,trans.SvatSoucek,ed.withanintroductionbyC.E.Bosworth(Princeton,N.J.,1984),pp.203–05.18.LeStrange,Lands,pp.48–49.19.IB’sdescriptionofthetripthroughtheZagrospresentsseriouschronologicaldifficulties.Hepassed

throughthisregionasecondtimein1347onhiswaybacktoNorthAfrica.Hisremarksontheseason,ontheidentityoftheatabeg,andoncertaineventsattheprincelycourtmakeitreasonablyclearthatalmostallofthedescriptiveinformationheassociateswiththe1327tripactuallypertainstothelaterone.Thesameislikelytrueconcerninghispersonalexperiences,notablyaboutwithfever.BothGibb(Gb,vol.2,p.288n,290n)andHrbek(Hr,pp.429–31)agreethatintheRihlathetwotripsareconfused.20.“Isfahan,”EI2,vol.4,p.102.21.Hrbek(Hr,pp.431–33)rejectstheRihla’sstatementthatIBgothiskhirqafromQutbal-DinatShiraz

on7May1327,sincehecouldnotpossiblyhavereachedBaghdadduring themonthRajab(23May–21June1327),aperiodwhenhehimselfassertshewasinthatcity.Hrbeksuggeststhatowingtoalapseofmemoryoracopyist’smistake,thedateoftheinvestitureshouldperhapsread14JumadaIratherthat14JumadaII,thatis,7Aprilratherthan7May.IfheleftIsfahanintheearlierpartofApril,hewouldhavehadtimetoreachBaghdadduringRajab.22.EdwardG.Browne,AYearamongstthePersians(London,1893),pp.220–62;LeStrange,Lands,p.

297.23.Mustawfi,Nuzhatal-Qulub,pp.113–14.24.Gb,vol.2,pp.300n,304n.25.IBalsovisitedMajdal-Dinin1347whileenroutefromIndiatoSyria.Hrbeksuggeststendaysfor

thevisitin1327,thoughtheRihlapresentsagooddealofconfusionbetweenthefirstandsecondstays.Hr,pp.433–34;Gb,vol.2,p.301n.26.Hrbek’s calculations of the Persian chronology are speculative since IB provides only three fixed

datesfortheentireperiodoftravelfromMeccatoBaghdad.ThelongjourneyfromShiraztoBaghdadisespecially troublesome as routes and stations are extremely vague. Hrbek suggests 35–40 days for thisitinerary(Hr,p.434).27.Hrbek’s estimate (Hr, p. 434), is in accordwith IB’s statement that hewas in the city during the

monthofRajab.28.“Masdjid,”EI1,vol.3,p.354.29.QuotedinHenryM.Howorth,HistoryoftheMongols,3vols.(London,1876–88),vol.3,p.624.30.AtthetimeIBwasvisitingPersia,theyoungIlkhanwasunderthepoliticaldominationoftheAmir

Choban, who held a position at court tantamount to mayor of the palace. Shortly after IB left Persia,however,AbuSa’idabruptlyandruthlesslyeliminatedChobanandtwoofthecommander’ssonsandtookfullchargeofhiskingdom.IB’saccountofthefalloftheChobanfamilyisoneofthefewhistoricalsourceson these events. See J.A.Boyle, “Dynastic andPoliticalHistory of the Il-Khans” inBoyle,CambridgeHistoryofIran,vol.5,pp.406–13.31.Hrbek(Hr,p.437)suggestsaJunedeparture.32.Mustawfi, the fourteenth-century geographer and historian, names the stations on theBaghdad-to-

KhurasanhighroadinMongoltimes.LeStrange,Lands,pp.61,227–28.33. Gibb (Gb, vol. 2, p. 344n) suggests that ’Ala al-Din probably got the order to go to Tabriz near

Hamadan,calculatedonthetendaysalreadytraveledfromBaghdad.34.LeStrange,Lands,pp.229–30.35.W.Heyd,HistoireducommerceduLevantauMoyen-Âge,2vols.(Leipzig,1936),vol.2,pp.124–25.36.“Tabriz,”EI1,vol.4,p.586.37. I. P. Petrushevskey, “The Socio-Economic Condition of Iran under the Il-Khans” in Boyle,

CambridgeHistoryofIran,vol.5,p.507.38.“Tabriz,”,EI1,vol.4,p.586.39. IB states thatwhen he got back to Baghdad he still hadmore than twomonths to go before the

departureofthehajjcaravan.Ifitleftatthenormaltime,about1Dhul-Qa’da(18September1327),wecaninferingeneralwhentheTabrizexcursionended.Gibb(Gb,vol.2,p.346n)suggestsitwasbeforetheendofJune.Hrbek(Hr,pp.436–37)offers1Julyorlater.HealsoarguesforafasttriptoTabrizandbackonthegroundsthathewastravelingpartofthewaywitharoyalofficialinahurry.

6TheArabianSea

GodisHewhohassubjectedtoyouthesea,thattheshipsmayrunonitatHiscommandment,and thatyoumayseekHisbounty;haplysoyouwillbethankful.1

TheQur’an,SuraXLV

In theRihla IbnBattuta briefly describes a residence inMecca of about threeyears, from September 1327 to the autumn of 1330. In fact, the overallchronologicalpatternofhistravelsfrom1327to1333suggeststhathelivedinthe cityonly aboutoneyear, taking the roadagain in1328.2 In either casehespent an extended period in the sacred city, living as amujawir, or scholar-sojourner. “I led amost agreeable existence,” he recalls in theRihla, “givingmyself up to circuits, pious exercises and frequent performancesof theLesserPilgrimage.” During this period, or at least the first year, he lodged at theMuzaffariyamadrasa,anendowmentofalatesultanoftheYemenlocatednearthewesterncornerof theHaram.3Asapilgrim-in-residencehehadno troublemakingendsmeetonthecharityofalms-giversandlearnedpatrons.Theimamof theHanafi community, he reports,was “themost generous of the jurists ofMecca,”runningupanannualdebtoffortyorfiftythousanddirhamsdispensingalms to mujawirs and indigent travelers. The young Moroccan’s specialbenefactor appears to have been an esteemed North African jurist known asKhalil.ThissagewastheMalikiqadiofMeccaatthetimeandtheimamofthepilgrimagerites.WhileIbnBattutawaslivingattheMuzaffariya,theshaykhhadbread and other comestibles sent to him every day following the afternoonprayer.

TheRihlacondensesIbnBattuta’sresidenceintoafewbriefparagraphsandhas much less to say about his own experiences than about the identities ofvariouspersonagesarrivinginthehajjcaravans.Muslimreadersofthenarrativewouldnotofcoursehave tobegivenanelaborateaccountofhowasojourner

passedhistimeintheHolyCity.Itwastakenforgrantedthatapiousmanwouldlead a placid life of prayer, devotion, fellowship, and learning. It is curiousneverthelessthatIbnBattutamakesnomentionofhavingundertakencoursesofstudywithanyoftheimportantprofessors.Hesaysnothingofbookslearnedorijazas collected as he does in connection with his earlier and briefer stay inDamascus. But we may assume that he attended lectures on law and othersubjectsintheHaramorthecollegesroundaboutit.4

Map6:IbnBattuta’sItineraryinArabiaandEastAfrica,1328–30(1330–32)

TheHaramwas thecentral teaching institution inMecca, that is to say, theplace where the greatest number of classes gathered each day.5 The leading’ulama of the city controlled the right to teach there, preventing any literatestranger from simplywalking in and setting up a class.Only after a scholar’sknowledgeandreputationhadbeenadequatelyexaminedcouldhesetdownhiscarpetorcushion inanassignedplace in thecolonnades,aspothemight thenhave the right to occupy for the entire teaching year, if not his lifetime. Theprofessor always lectured facing the Ka’ba, the students ranged in a circlearoundhim,thosebehindsittinginveryclosesotheymightcatcheveryword.The size of classes varied considerably, as they do in anymodern university,dependingonthesubjectbeingstudiedandthemaster’sfame.Anyonewasfreetolistenin,andaroundtheouterfringesofthecirclepeoplecameandwentastheypleased.Aclassusuallylastedabouttwohours,includingreadingofatext,commentaryonit,andquestions.

The teachingdaystartedearly,and if IbnBattutaplanned toattend thefirstlectureof themorninghewouldbe in theHaramrightafter theprayerof firstlightwhenthelessoncirclesbegantoassemble.Inthehoursofthedawn,classesmetintheopencourtaroundtheKa’ba,butwhentheArabiansunloomedoverthe east wall of the mosque they quickly retreated into the shadow of thecolonnades.Themost important teachingwentonduring thecoolhoursof themorningandlateafternoon.Butcirclesmightbeseeninthemosqueatanytimeofday,applyingthemselvestothereligioussciencesortheauxiliarysubjectsofgrammar, elocution, calligraphy, logic, or poetics. Even in the late eveningbetweenthesunsetandnightprayersaprofessormightsqueezeinanadditionaldictation or commentary. On Fridays most classes recessed, the communitydevotingitselftoprayerandthehearingofthecongregationalsermon.

IbnBattuta’sseriousacademicworkwouldhavetakenplaceduringthefirstsevenmonthsoftheyear,beginninginmidMuharramwhenthepilgrimthronghaddeparted.Thesewerethetranquil,slow-pacedmonthsinthelifeofthetown,when a young scholarmight study in leisure, extending his knowledge of theshari’a, learning some fine points of grammar, or perhaps penetrating moredeeply the spiritual mysteries of Sufism. In the eighth month (Sha’ban) thecurriculumshiftedtoinspirationalanddidactic talksontheapproachingmonthoffasting.WiththearrivalofRamadantheregularteachingyearcametoanend.In the tenth and eleventh months (Shawwal and Dhu l’Qa’da) lectures weregivenonthesubjectofthehajjandhowtoperformitproperly.ButastheDayofStanding approached, the influx of pilgrims, chanting and chattering, madepublic lecturingprogressively impractical.Onlywhen thecrowdsdriftedaway

inthefirstweeksofthenewyearwouldtheacademiccyclebeginonceagain.AslittleasIbnBattutarevealsabouthismonthsofcontemplativeimmobility,

thereislittledoubtthathebecamebettereducated,mainly,onesupposes,inthecorpusofMalikijurisprudence.Thedepthofhiseducationshouldnotofcoursebeoverstated.Henever became a jurist of first rank, andhis judgeship in theSultanateofDelhiwas,asweshallsee,atypeofsinecure.Buthealsobenefitedfromhissojournbythefactthatanyindividualwhowasknowntohavelivedinthe Holy City for an extended period commanded a degree of prestige notaccorded the ordinary pilgrimwho simply came andwent.A veteranmujawirwas credited with exemplary devotion to God and to His House. In a morepracticallight,aseasonormoreinMeccagavehimthechancetomakefriendswith all sorts of literate and influential people from distant countries,associations on which he might draw for hospitality over the ensuing twodecades.

When Ibn Battuta left Mecca after the hajj of 1328 (1330), his expressedintentionwas to visit theYemen.He says nothing in theRihla about plans tocrosstheequatorintotropicalAfrica,orclimbthemountainsofOman,orvisitthepearlfisheriesofthePersianGulf.Yethewasalreadyaccustomedtofindinghimselfinplacesheneverintendedtogo.ItisjustpossiblethatinMeccahehadheardreportsofwell-payingopportunitiesforforeignscholarsattheroyalcourtofDelhiandthathewasalreadythinkingofmakinghiswaytoIndiainordertoofferhis services.Theobviousway toget therewas togo to theYemen first,then takeshipforGujaraton thenorthwestcoastof India.As it turnedout,hewent no further east than the Gulf of Oman on this adventure, delaying hisjourneytoIndiaanothertwoyears.

Whateverhislong-rangeplansmayhavebeenin1328(1330),heleftMeccaandheadedwesttothecoastfollowingthepilgrimageevents.HetooktwodaysgettingtoJidda,theportofMecca,whereamotleyfleetofRedSeacraftwaitedto ferry pilgrims across to ’Aydhab or transport them down to Aden in theYemenfromwhere theywouldboardbigger shipsbound for thePersianGulf,Africa,andIndia.Experiencedcaravanerthoughhewas,thiswastobehisfirstreal sea voyage. He could hardly have been cheered by that prospect when,reachingJiddaharbor,he found theprofit-mindedcaptains loadingpassengers,touseIbnJubayr’sphrase,“likechickenscrammedinacoop.”Infact,aMeccansharif,abrotherof the tworulingprincesandamancertainlyworthknowing,invitedtheyoungfaqihtoaccompanyhimtotheYemen.Butupondiscoveringthatspaceonthesharif’svesselwouldbesharedwithanumberofcamels,Ibn

Battutapromptlydeclinedtheproposalandwent lookingelsewhere.Hefinallyfound passage on a jalba, probably a standard two-masted ship of modestproportionsusedcommonlyintheRedSeatrade.6

IbnBattuta’srefusaltosetsailinthecompanyofasmallherdofdromedarieswasnonetoocautious.TheRedSeawasthemostrelentlesslydangerousofthewaters onwhich theMediterraneanto-China connection depended. Coral reefslined both shores, shoals lay lurking in unknown places, and currents wereirregular.AddedtothesehazardsweretheperilsoftheSaharan–Arabiandesertwhich theRedSea bisected: sandstorms, unendurable heat, and an absence offreshwateralongmostoftheshore.Ifashipwentagroundandthepassengersmanagedtostruggleashore,theythenfacedthelikelihoodofperishingofthirstorbeingrobbedandkilledbypirate-bedouins,whowaitedpatientlyforjustsuchaccidentstooccur.

The ships that braved this unfriendly sea could not have inspired muchconfidence in a landlubber like Ibn Battuta. Not only were Red Sea vesselsusually small and overcrowded: like all Indian Ocean ships in that age, theirhullswereconstructedofwoodenplanks (usuallyof teak) laidend toendandstitchedtogetherwithcordsofcoconutorpalmfiber.Ironnailsorbolts,whichheldtogethershipsoftheMediterraneaninthefourteenthcentury,werenotusedat all, and no ribbing or framework was installed to give the hull additionalstrength.Thoughstitchedhullsmayhaveprovenmorepliantinsurforinsuddencontactwith submerged rocks, Red Sea craftwere fairweather vessels. Theirpilotscastanchoratnight,andwhentheweatherlookedbadtheyranforport.“Their parts are conformable weak and unsound in structure,” remarks IbnJubayr on the jalbas of ’Aydhab. “Glory to God who contrives them in thisfashionandwhoentrustsmentothem.”7Ontheotherhand,experiencedpilotshadthemeasureoftheirships,theykneweveryinchofthecoast,andtheycouldsmellastormcominglongbeforeithit.“Weobservedtheartofthesecaptainsandthemarinersinthehandlingoftheirshipsthroughthereefs,”continuesIbnJubayr. “It was truly marvelous. They would enter the narrow channels andmanagetheirwaythroughthemasacavaliermanagesahorsethatislightonthebridleandtractable.”8

ThoughIbnBattuta’spilot,aYemeniofEthiopianorigin,wasprobablyoneof theseoldsalts,nodisplayofgoodseamanshipcould reverse the fact that itwasthewrongtimeofyeartobesailingsouthfromJiddawithanyexpectationofmakingaquickruntoaYemeniport.InthenorthernhalfoftheRedSeathewinds are northerly or northwesterly the year round, and between May andSeptember they blow as far south as the Strait of Bab al-Mandeb. In those

monthscommercialshippersnormallyplannedtoembarkfromJiddaor’AydhabinordertocatchafavoringwindallthewaytoAden.Duringtherestoftheyear,however,thewindsweresoutheasterlyfromthestraittoalatitudenotfarsouthofJidda.If,aswesuggest,IbnBattutaleftMeccashortlyafterthehajjof1328,thesouthwesterlieshadalreadyblownupsouthofJidda.Andsureenough:“Wetraveledon thisseawithafavoringwindfor twodays,but thereafter thewindchangedanddroveusoffthecoursewhichwehadintended.Thewavesoftheseaenteredinamongstusinthevessel,andthepassengersfellgrievouslysick.”

Sailingonthetackacrosstheopenseabutfallingawaytoleeward,thepilotfinallylandedatapromontoryontheAfricancoastcalledRasAbuShagara(RasDawa’ir)whoselocationisnotfarsouthofJidda.9ItwasacommonoccurrenceforshipscrossingtheRedSeatomisstheir intendedporteithernorthorsouthand be forced to put in at roadsteads along the desert shore. Here, the BejanomadsoftheRedSeaHillsmadeittheirbusinesstohireoutcamelsandguidesto leadtravelers toaport,or, if itsuitedtheirfancy, toseize theirpossessions,plundertheirship,andleavethemtodieinthewilderness.10ItseemslikelythatIbnBattuta’scaptainwasblown intoshoreby thestormandcouldnotgetoutagainwithanyhopeofbeatingsouthward.Intheevent,theBejawererightonhand, and fortunately for theMoroccan and his seasickmates their intentionswere honorable. Camels were rented and the company proceeded southwardalongthecoasttothesmallBejaportofSuakin.

There,IbnBattutafoundanothership,whichmanagedtogetoutofportandmakeforArabia.Aftersailingtowindwardforsixdays,hefinallyreachedthecoastatalatitudebarelysouthofSuakin’s.Leavinghisshipbehindonceagain,hetraveled30milesinlandtotheagriculturaldistrictofHali(Haly),locatedinthe coastal regionknownasAsir.Hehad alreadymade acquaintancewith thetribalrulerofHaliwhentheytraveledtogethertoJiddaafterthehajj.Hespentseveraldaysasthechieftain’sguest,takingtimealsotovisitanotedasceticandjoiningthelocalSufibrethreninprayersandrecitationoflitanies.

Backonthecoastagain,heboardedoneofhishost’sownvessels,whichtookhimsouthwardtoalittleportalongtheYemenicoast.11FromthereheproceededoverlandacrossthearidcoastalplaintoZabid,chiefcityoflowlandYemen.12

After enduring the steaming cheerlessness of aRedSea voyage for severalweeks,hisjourneyintotheinteriorofYemenmusthaveseemedahappyrelief,almost a reminder of home. Like Morocco, the Yemen was a land ofgeographical extremes. Terrain, soil, altitude, and temperature were to beexperienced in profuse variety; almost any sort of vegetable or fruit could begrown inonesubregionoranother.Thecoastal strip fronting theRedSeawas

dryandgrim,butthehighlandsweretemperateandgreen,utterlycontradictingthe usual stereotype ofArabiadeserta. The summermonsoonwinds, blowingoutofAfricaandbrushingacrossthesouthwesterncornerofthepeninsula,droptheirrainsonthehighmountainvalleys,nourishingadensepopulationofsturdyfarmers. These Arabic-speaking hill folk had strong traditions of tribalindependence. But the agrarian economy encouraged, as it always dideverywhere,theambitionsofstatebuilders.AsinMoroccointheMiddlePeriod,thepoliticsoftheYementurnedonthepersistenttensionsbetweencentralizingsultanswiththeirgovernorsandtax-collectors,andthefissiparoustribesmenofthevalleys,whomuchpreferredtobeleftalone.

IbnBattutavisitedthecountrywhenthecycleofdynasticcentralizationwasatapeak.TheYemenhadnotbeenfarenoughremovedfromtheMiddleEastheartland to escape the ubiquitous Turk. Kurdo–Turkish invaders from EgypthadseizedtheregioninthetwelfthcenturyandlaterproclaimedanindependentdynastyknownastheRasulid.

Theheartofthisrealmwasformedbyatriangleofthreemajorcities:Zabid,the lowland winter headquarters of the sultans; San’a, the bastion of themountains;andTa’izz, thedynasticcapitalandhighlandcityof thesouth.TheSan’a region was the most difficult to hold, for it was the home of tribesadhering to the Shi’i sect known as the Zaydi, whose doctrines included apreference for choosing their own ’Alid imams as rulers. Zaydi imamismwasthus an ever-present ideology of potential revolt against the sultans of Ta’izz,who,likethepopulationofthegreaterpartofthecountry,wereSunniMuslimsoftheShafi’ischool.

At the time of IbnBattuta’s passage,MalikMujahidNur al-Din ’Ali, fifthsultan in theRasulid line (1321–62), had only justmanaged to pull the realmmore or less together after spending the first six years of his reign squashingmyriadplotsandrebellions.In1327heseizedAden,thegreatportattheStraitofBab al-Mandeb. SinceAdenwas the key transit center for virtually all thetradepassingbetween theIndianOceanand theRedSea, thecustomsrevenuewas immense.When the sultanhadhisgovernors collecting it andpumping itdirectly into the treasury at Ta’izz, the investment in high urban culture roseaccordingly.

Despitethewildmountainsandferocioushillfolk,Yemen’scitiesdrewfreelyonthecosmopolitaninfluencespassingbackandforththroughthestraitofBabal-Mandab. Indian, Ceylonese, and Chinese ambassadors visited the Rasulidcourt, and the sultans, vigorous promoters of trade, enjoyed considerableprestigeinthemercantilecirclesoftheIndianOcean.13Theycompetedfuriously

withtheMamluksfordominationoftheRedSeaandthespicetrade,butthetwostates generally enjoyed peaceful relations. The Rasulids, not surprisingly,lookedtoCairoforideasastowhatcivilizedgovernmentshouldbelike.Courtritual and military regalia followed Mamluk models fairly closely, and thesultanshadtheirowncorpsofslavesoldiersinpartial imitationofthemamluksystem.14

When Ibn Battuta stepped into this diminutive civilization tucked into thecorner of theArabianwaste, he had no trouble connectingwith the scholarlyestablishment. In Zabid, a date-palm city located about 27 miles in from thecoast,theygavehimlodgingsandpromenadedhimthroughtheircoolgrovesontheoutskirtsoftown.Intheircompanyhelistenedtotalesofthelifeofoneoftheirmostfamoussaints,athirteenth-centuryscholarandmiracle-workernamedAhmadibnal-’Ujayl.IntheRihlaIbnBattutacouldnotpassuptheopportunitytorecounthowtheshaykhhadoncedemolishedtherationalistdoctrinesof thelocalZaydiShi’a.Oneday,thestorygoes,agroupofZaydidoctorspaidavisitto the master outside his hospice and enjoined him to debate the subject ofpredestination.

Themaintainedthatthereisnopredestineddecreeandthatthe[creaturewhoismade]responsibleforcarryingouttheordinancesofGodcreateshisownactions,whereupontheshaykhsaidtothem,“Well,ifthematterisasyousay,riseup from thisplacewhereyouare.”They tried to riseupbutcouldnot,and the shaykh left them as they were and went into the hospice. Theyremainedthusuntilwhentheheatafflictedthemsorelyandtheblazeof thesunsmotethem,theycomplainedloudlyofwhathadbefallenthem,thentheshaykh’sassociateswentintohimandsaidtohim“ThesemenhaverepentedtoGodandrecantedtheirfalsedoctrine.”Theshaykhthenwentouttothemand,takingthembytheirhand,heexactedapledgefromthemtoreturntothetruthandabandontheirevildoctrine.

AfterprobablyabriefsojourninZabid,IbnBattutadecidedtovisitthetombofthiscelebratedsaintinthevillageofBaytal-Faqih(Ghassana)about25milesnorthalongthecoastalplain.Whilehewasthere,hemadefriendswithasonofthe shaykh, who invited him to travel to the mountain town of Jubla (Jibla)southwest ofZabid to visit another scholar.He remained there for three days,thencontinuedsouthwardinthecompanyofaSufibrotherassignedtoleadhimalongthemountaintrailstoTa’izz,theRasulidcapital.IfIbnBattutaremembershis route through theYemen accurately, hewas behaving in his characteristic

way of meandering first in one direction, then in another, relying onserendipitousdiscoveriesofgoodcompanionshiptodeterminehisitinerary.15

Ta’izz layatanaltitudeof4,500feetonthenorthernslopeof themountaincalledJabalSabir.IbnBattutadescribesthetownashaving threequarters,onefor the sultan’s residence and his slave guards, high officials, and courtiers; asecondfortheamirsandsoldiers;andathirdforthecommonfolkandthemainbazaar. Though he does not mention it, hemust have prayed in the beautifulthree-domed mosque called the Muzaffariya, which still serves as the Fridaymosqueofthecity.16

FindingthecitizenryofTa’izzonthewhole“overbearing,insolentandrude,as is generally the case in towns where kings have their seats,” Ibn Battutaneverthelessgottheusualwarmwelcomefromthescholars.Hewasevengiventhe privilege ofmeeting the king himself at one of the public audiences heldevery Thursday. Just as the Ilkhan Abu Sa’id had done, Malik MujahidquestionedthevisitoraboutMorocco,Egypt,andPersia,thengaveinstructionsfor his lodging. Ibn Battuta has left in the Rihla a precious eye-witnessdescriptionoftheceremonialoftheRasulidsovereign:

Hetakeshisseatonaplatformcarpetedanddecoratedwithsilkenfabrics;torightandleftofhimare themen-at-arms, thosenearesthimholdingswordsandshields,andnexttothemthebowmen;infrontofthemtotherightandleft are the chamberlain and the officers of government and the privatesecretary . . . When the sultan takes his seat they cry with one voiceBismillah, and when he rises they do the same, so that all those in theaudience-hall know the moment of his rising and the moment of hissitting . . .The food is thenbrought, and it is of two sorts, the foodof thecommonsandthefoodofthehighofficers.Thesuperiorfoodispartakenofbythesultan,thegrandqadi,theprincipalsharifsandjuristsandtheguests;the common food eaten by the rest of the sharifs, jurists and qadis, theshaykhs,theamirsandtheofficersofthetroops.Theseatofeachpersonatthemealisfixed;hedoesnotmovefromit,nordoesanyoneofthemjostleanother.

IbnBattutaleftTa’izzonahorsegivenhimbythesultan,buthisimmediatedestination is none too certain at this point in the narrative. He may havejourneyed 130 miles north along the backbone of the Yemeni mountains toSan’a, spiritual capital of the Zaydis, and then back to Ta’izz again. But thisexcursionalong treacherous trails through someof thegrandest scenery in the

world is described with such brevity and nebulous inexactitude as to raiseseriousdoubtsabout itsveracity.17 It ismore likely thathewentdirectly fromTa’izztoAdenonthesouthcoastofArabia,arrivingtheresometimearoundtheendof1328(1330)orearlypartof1329(1331).18

LookingoutupontheArabianSea,IbnBattutawasabouttoenteraworldregionwhere the relationship of Islamic cosmopolitanism to society as a whole wassignificantlydifferentfromwhathehadhithertoexperienced.Uptothatpointhehad traveled through the Irano–Semitic heartland of Islam, where thecosmopolitan class set itself apart from the rest of society in terms of itsstandards—urbane,literate,andcommittedtotheapplicationoftheshari’aasthelegalandmoralbasisofsocialrelations.Thisclasswastheguardianofhighculture and themeans of its transmissionwithin theDar al-Islam. But it alsoshared its religious faith and its broader cultural environment with the lessmobile and nearer-sighted peasants andworking folkwho constituted the vastmajority.ThelandsborderingtheIndianOcean,bycontrast,displayedagreaterdiversity of language and culture than did the Irano–Semitic core, and themajorityofpeopleinhabitingtheselandsadheredtotraditionsthatwereneitherIrano–Semitic norMuslim. In this immense territory Islamic cosmopolitanismcommunicatedmorethantheunityanduniversalityofcivilizedstandards;italsoexpressed the unity of Islam itself in the midst of cultures that were in mostrespects alien. In the Middle East an individual’s sense of being part of aninternationalsocialordervariedconsiderablywithhiseducationandpositioninlife.ButintheIndianOceanlandswhereIslamwasaminorityfaith,allMuslimsshared acutely this feeling of participation. Simply to be a Muslim in EastAfrica, southern India, or Malaysia in the fourteenth century was to have acosmopolitanframeofmind.

Thismentalitymaybepartly attributed to thegeneral tendencyofminoritygroups in foreign societies to preserve and strengthen links with the widerculturalworld ofwhich they feel themselvesmembers.Butmore to the pointwas the fact that Muslim minorities of the Indian Ocean were heavilyconcentrated incoastal towns,allofwhoseeconomies turnedon long-distanceseaborne trade. The intensity of this trade continuously reinforced the world-awareness of the populations of these towns, and compelled anyone with apersonalstakeinmercantileventurestokeephimselfkeenlyinformedofmarketconditions throughout the greater maritime world. A measure of theinternationalism of IndianOcean ports,whether in India,Africa,Malaysia, ortheArabandPersian lands,was thedegree towhich the inhabitantsresponded

moresensitivelytooneanother’seconomicandpoliticalaffairsthantheydidtoeventsintheirowndeephinterlands.

InthehighageoftheAbbasidCaliphateMuslimmariners,mostlyArabsandPersians,penetratedthesouthernseas,establishingtradingcoloniesasfardistantas China. The decline of the Caliphate undercut the dominant role of thesemerchants,butithadnocontraryeffectontheprestigeofIslamasthereligionoftrade.InIbnBattuta’stimethewesternhalfoftheIndianOceanwaseverybitaMuslim lake, and the seas east of India were becoming more so with everypassingyear.

TheascendancyofMuslimtradeispartlytobeexplainedbysimpleEurasiangeography—thecentralpositionoftheIrano–Semiticregioninfunnelinggoodsbetween theMediterraneanand thespiceandsilk lands.Butequally importantwastheeasewithwhichMuslimmerchantssetthemselvesupinalienterritories.Theshari’a, the legal foundationonwhich theyerected theircommunitiesandmercantile enterprises, traveled along with them wherever they went,irrespective of any particular political or bureaucratic authority. Moreover aplacein thecommercialcommunitywasopentoanyyoungmanofbrainsandambition,whateverhisethnicidentity,aslongashewerefirstwillingtodeclareforGodandtheProphet.AsthereputeofMuslimsasthemoversandshakersofinternational trade and the prestige of Islam as the carrier of cosmopolitanculturespreadacrossthesouthernseas,moreandmoretradingtownsvoluntarilyenteredtheIslamicorbit,producingwhatthehistorianMarshallHodgsoncallsa“bandwagoneffect”ofcommercialexpansion.19ConcomitanttothiswasagreatdealofconversionincoastalregionsandtheriseofscholarlyestablishmentsandSufi orders having their own webs of international affiliation overlaying themercantilenetwork.

TheMuslimcommunitiesofthesemaritimetownskepttheirfacestothesea,not the interior forest and bush, since the difference between prosperity andsurvival depended urgently on the arrivals and departures of ships. Thedevelopmentofcomplexinterrelationsamongurbancentersasfardistantfromone another as Aden and Malacca followed upon a basic natural discoveryknownamongpeoplesoftheoceanrimsinceancienttimes.Acrosstheexpanseoftheseathedirectionofwindsfollowsaregular,alternatingpattern.Duringthewintermonths,fromOctobertoMarch,thenortheastmonsoonwindblowsfromofftheEurasiancontinent,passingacrossIndiaandboththeeasternandwesternseasinthedirectionofEastAfrica.Inthewestthewindextendsaboutasfaras17 degrees south latitude, that is, near the mid point of the MozambiqueChannel.Insummer,fromApriltoSeptember,thesouthwestmonsoonprevails

andthepatternisreversed.CenturiesbeforeIslam,marinersoftheArabianSeapossessed a richbodyof technical informationon themonsoons in relation tootherclimaticandgeographic factors,dataonwhose strength theycouldplan,and survive, long-distance voyages. By the later Middle Period, Muslimknowledgeofthetiminganddirectionofthemonsoonshadadvancedtoastatewhere almanacswerebeingpublishedwithwhichport officials andwholesalebazaarmerchantscouldpredicttheapproximatetimetradingshipswouldarrivefrompointshundredsoreventhousandsofmilesaway.

The seasonal rhythm of the winds gave Indian Ocean trade and travel anelementofsymmetryandcalculabilitynotpossibleintheMediterranean.There,the wind patterns were more complicated, and the fury of the winter storms,howlingdownthrough themountainpassesofEurope,allbutprohibited long-distance shipping fora fewmonthseachyear.The IndianOcean, lyingastridethe equator, was a warmer, calmer, friendlier sea. It was especially so in themonths of the northeast monsoon, when, notwithstanding the possibility ofhurricanes,waterswere placid and skies clear forweeks at a time, andwhennavigators could depend on a long succession of starry nights to makeastronomicalcalculationsof theirposition.Shippingactivitywasgreater in thewinterseasonthanitwasinsummer,whentherain-bearingsouthwestmonsoonbroughtstormierconditions.Still,trans-oceaniccirculationdependedonthefullannualcycleofthewinds,bywhichshipssailedtoadistantdestinationduringonehalfoftheyearandhomeagainintheother.20

WemaysuspectthatwhenIbnBattutaarrivedinAden,hedidnotknowexactlywhat his next move would be. If India and a job at the court of Delhi werealreadyinhismind,hemayhavechangedhisplansonthestrengthofthesailingschedules. Presuming he reachedAden aboutmid January 1329 (1331),21 thenortheastmonsoonwouldhavebeenatitspeak,producingstrongeasterlywinds.Thiswasnotanormaltimeforshipstoembarkfromthatportondirectvoyagesto thewestern coast of India. Norwas it the ideal time to set out forAfrica,thoughsomevesselsdidso.Theproblemwasgettingoutof theGulfofAdenagainstthewind.OnceashipbeateastwardfarenoughtoroundRasAsir(CapeGuardafui),theheadlandoftheHornofAfrica,itcouldrunbeforethenortheastwindall theway toZanzibarandbeyond.22There is no evidence in theRihlathatbeforereachingAdenIbnBattutahadaplantovisittropicalAfrica.Buthispast record of impulsive side-tripping suggests that he may have beenimprovising his itinerary once again. If a ship were embarking for the EastAfricancoast,thenhewouldgoalongtoo.

InthemeantimeherestedatAdenforatleastseveraldays.Partofthetimehestayedasaguestinthehomeofoneoftherichinternationalmerchants:

There used to come to his table everynight about twenty of themerchantsandhehadslavesandservantsinstilllargernumbers.Yetwithallthis,theyaremenofpiety. . .doinggoodtothestranger,givingliberallytothepoorbrother,andpayingGod’sdueintithesasthelawcommands.

When the young scholar was not sharing in this bounty, he was probablyexploring the city and the harbor and perhaps sizing up the reliability of anyshipsboundforAfrica. In theMiddlePeriod thecommercial lifeofAdenwasconcentrated at the eastern end of a mountainous, balloon-shaped peninsulajuttingoutfromtheSouthArabiancoast.Partofthispresque-islewasanextinctvolcano,Adentownoccupyingitscrater,whichontheeasternsidewasexposedto thesea.Theharbor, facing the town,wasenclosedwithinastonewallwithsea-gates,whichwerekeptpadlockedatnightandopenedeverymorningontheorderofthegovernor.23

Like ’Aydhab, Aden was an international transit center whose famedprosperity had little to do with the trade of its local hinterland, whosecontribution to the import–export economy was modest. It controlled thenarrowsofBabal-Mandebandskimmedoffthetariffsonacontinuousflowoflow-bulk luxury goods moving predominantly westward: spices, aromatics,medicinalherbs,plantsfordyeingandvarnishing, iron,steel,brassandbronzecontainers, Indian silks and cottons, pearls, beads, ambergris, cowrie shells,shoes,Chineseporcelain,Yemeni stoneware,African ivory, tropical fruits, andtimber. In theRihla IbnBattuta gives a list of ten different Indian ports fromwhichmerchantscommonlysailedtoAden.

WalkingalongAdenbeach,IbnBattutaislikelytohaveseenacrowdofshipsmooredintheharbororlaiduponthebeach,sincemidwinterwasaseasonforcleaninghullsandrefitting.Thescenewouldnothavebeenthesameastheonehe grew up with in Tangier bay, since Mediterranean and Indian Oceanshipbuildingtraditionswereasdifferentasthepatternsofwindandclimate.Foronething,hewouldprobablynothaveseenanygalleys,whoseuseintheIndianOceanwasconfinedmainlytopirategangsandnavies.Hewouldcertainlynothave seen any of the square-rigged round ships,whichwere just beginning toentertheMediterraneanfromAtlanticEuropeinhistime.TohisuntrainedeyethedhowsofAdenmighthave looked tediouslyalike, except forvariations insizeandhulldesign.Allof themwouldhavebeendouble-ended, that is, their

hulls would have come to an edge at both ends of the ship, the square, ortransom, stern being a sixteenth-century development introduced by thePortuguese.Allofthemwouldhavebeencarvelbuilt,thatis,theteakorcoconutwood planks of the hull laid edge to edge and lashed togetherwith coir cordratherthannails.Andmostofthemwouldhavecarriedtwotriangular,orlateen,sails, a big mainsail and a smaller one on a mizzenmast aft. The largest offourteenth-century trading vesselswere as big as the dhows ofmodern times,having cargo capacities of up to 250 tons andmainmasts reaching 75 feet ormoreabovethedeck.24

ThelackofvarietyinIndianOceanshipbuildingwasfarlessareflectionofstolidmarinerconservatismthanofcenturiesofexperimentationandrefinementto solve the technological problems of using themonsoons to full advantage.Thekeybreakthroughwasthelateensail,thatgracefullycurved,wing-likeformthatbringstoWesternmindsalltheimagesofSindbadandtheArabianNights.ThelateenwasprobablyfirstdevelopedinthewesternIndianOceaninancienttimes, then diffused into the Mediterranean in the wake of seventh-centuryMuslimexpansion.Squaresails,suchasthosebeingusedinnorthernEuropeinthe fourteenth century, performedefficientlywhen thewindwas astern.But ifthe breeze turned too much toward the beam of the ship, the sail was takenaback,thatis,itwaspushedagainstthemast.Thelateen,ontheotherhand,wasafore-and-aftsail.Thewoodenyardtowhichitwasattachedslopeddownwardtoward the bow and thereby provided a stiff leading edge against the breeze.Consequentlythesailcouldbesetmuchclosertothewindwithoutbeingtakenback.Awell-built lateen-riggedcraft could sail in almostany direction exceptintotheeyeofthewind.

DhowundersailoffthewestcoastofIndiaRaySmith

Daulatabad,TheDeccan,CentralIndiaRaySmith

The Indian Ocean dhow was not, however, in total harmony with itsmonsoonalenvironment.Thesewn,unreinforcedhullconstruction,whatevertheadvantages of its plasticity, could not toleratemore than amodest tonnage ofcargo.Thesizeofshipswasalsolimitedbytheriggingitself,sincethemainsailyardwasusuallyaboutaslongasthevesselandextremelyheavy.Alargecrewwasrequiredtohoistit(perhapsthirtyormoreonthebiggestships),andtheyofcoursedisplacedpreciousspaceforgoodsandpayingpassengers.Moreoverthecrewhad toperformextremely laboriousanddifficultprocedures tomaneuverthesailandspar.Whenwindconditionschanged,thesailwasneverreefedaloft.Rathertheyardwashauleddown,thesailremoved,andasmallerorlargeronehoisted in its place, a task thatmight have to be carried out in a heavy gale.Goingabout, that is, turningtheshiptotheopposite tack,wasaneventrickieroperation.Itwasalwaysdonebywearinground(turningtailtowind),andthisinvolvedpushing the luffendof theyardup toapositionvertical to themast,swingingitfromonesideofthemasttotheother,thenlettingitfallagain,allthewhilepreventingtheloose,sheetendoftheenormoussailfromflappingwildlyoutofcontrol.Theheaviertheweather,theharderitwastocontroltherigging,all theworseif thecrewhadtopushandstumbleitswaythroughamuddleofpassengers,cargo,andlivestock.Manyashipwaslostwhenitblewtooclosetoadangerousshore,andthecrewcouldnotbringitroundintimeorlostcontrolofthesailaltogether.Thedangerwasespeciallygreatduringthehighseasonofthesouthwestmonsoon,whenonlyaverybravecaptainorafoolwoulddaretoapproach thewestern coast of India. The conventionalmethod for survival inviolentstormswastohauldowntheyard,jettisonthecargo,andmakevowstoGod.

Although IbnBattuta logged thousands ofmiles at sea in the course of hisadventures, the Rihla is a disappointing record of fourteenth-centuryshipbuildingandseamanship.Sincehepresumablyhadnosailingexperienceinearlylife,andhisTangerianupbringingwasnodoubtremotefromtheworkadayworld of the port, he was excusably indifferent to the rudiments of nauticaltechnology.Heisfarbetteratrecallingthecharacteristicsofporttownsandthepious personages inhabiting them than the humdrumdetails of navigation andlifeatsea.25

SailingoutofAden,hehasnothingwhatsoevertosayaboutthesizeordesignof the ship to which he committed his fate, not even a classificatory name.26Since it was bound for the distant reaches of the East African coast, it wasprobably a relatively large vessel. Trading dhows of that age sometimes hadcabins of a sort, presumably with roofs that served as decks. But they were

probablynotcompletelydecked,obligingpassengerstoendurethevoyageinanopen hold, settling themselves as best they could amongst shifting bales ofcargo.

DhowsmakingtherunfromAden(orOmaniandPersiangulfports)toEastAfricacarriedawideassortmentofgoods,someofthemdestinedfortheinteriortrade and some exclusively for the Muslim coastal towns, whose inhabitantsdependedonmanufacturedimportstomaintainhouseholdsofreasonablecivilityand comfort. The staples of the upland trade were cloth (fine, colored stuffsproducedmainlyinIndia)andglassbeads.Thecoastalpopulation,especiallythewell-to-dofamiliesofmerchants,scholars,andofficials,consumedmostof theluxury items. No genteel household would have been without its celadonporcelainfromChina,its“yellow-and-black”potteryfromSouthArabia,itssilkwardrobes, glassware, books, paper, and manufactured tools. In exchange forthesegoods, the ships returnednorthwitha rangeof raw,higher-bulkAfricancommodities destined for dispersal throughout the greater IndianOceanbasin:ivory,gold,frankincense,myrrh,animalskins,ambergris,rice,mangrovepoles,andslaves.

Embarking fromAden, IbnBattuta’s shipmadea southwesterlycourse for theportofZeilaontheAfricanshoreofthegulf.Zeilawasabusytown,themainoutlet for inland tradeextending to theChristiankingdomofEthiopia,but theshipanchoredthereforonlyonenight.IbnBattutamadeaquickforayintothebazaar,buthisnostrilswereassaultedbytheunhappycombinationoffreshfishand the blood of slaughtered camels. Pronouncing Zeila “the dirtiest, mostdiasgreeable, and most stinking town in the world,” he and his sailingcompanionsbeatafastretreattotheship.

Thefollowingdaythevesselmadeaneastwardcourseoutofthegulf.Inthewintermonsoonseasonthiscouldbeaccomplishedonlybymakinglongtacks,beating towindwarduntil theyclearedRasAsir.Oncepast theheadland, theyswung round to the southwest, hoisted the largest mainsail aboard, and ranbeforethemonsoon.27 IbnBattutareckonedavoyageof15daysfromZeila tothenextport-of-call,Mogadishu.Thecaptainalmostcertainlycoastedthewholeway.HispassengerswouldneverhavebeenoutofsightofthegreatsanddunesheapedalongthedesolateSomalishore.

Untilaround the timeof IbnBattuta’svisit,Mogadishuwas thebusiestandrichestportof thecoast. Itwas ineasysailingrangeof thePersianGulf,eveneasier than from theYemen.Thewintermonsoonhadcarried the firstMuslimsettlersthere,probablyfromtheGulf,inthetenthcenturyorevenearlier.Within

two hundred years the town was booming, owing partly to its landwardconnectionswith theHornandEthiopiaandpartly to the transit trade in ivoryandgoldshippedtherefromthesmallertownsfurthersouth.

Likeanyoftheotheremporiumsofthewesternocean,Mogadishuhadplentyofemploymentforthecommercialbrokers(calleddallalsinSouthArabia)whoprovidedthecrucialmediationbetweenthearrivingseamerchantsandthelocalwholesalers.Theirspecialitywasknowledgeofmarketconditionsandworkingfamiliaritywithboththecivilitiesofthelocalcultureandtherelevantlanguages.In this caseArabic andPersianwere the linguae francae of theocean traders.Somali, aswell asSwahili, theBantu tongue thatmayhave just been comingintouse along the coast at this time,were the languagesof the townsmenandhinterlanders.28 When Ibn Battuta’s ship anchored in Mogadishu harbor,boatloadsofyoungmencameouttomeetit,eachcarryingacoveredplatteroffoodtopresenttooneofthemerchantsonboard.Whenthedishwasoffered,themerchantfellunderanobligationtogowiththemantohishomeandaccepthisservicesasbroker.TheMogadishithenplacedthevisitorunderhis“protection,”soldhisgoodsforhim,collectedpayment,andhelpedhimfindacargofortheoutboundpassage—allthisatahealthycommissiondeductedfromtheprofits.Seamerchantsalreadyfamiliarwiththetown,however,hadtheirownstandingbusinessconnectionsandwentofftolodgewheretheypleased.29

When the ship’s company informed the greeting party that IbnBattutawasnotamerchantbutafaqih,wordwaspassedtothechiefqadi,whocamedowntothebeachwithsomeofhisstudentsandtookthevisitorincharge.ThepartythenwentimmediatelytothepalaceofMogadishu,aswasthecustom,topresentthe learnedguest to the ruler,whowentby the title ofShaykh.Uponarrivingthere,theMoroccanrecalls,

one of the serving-boys came out and saluted the qadi, who said to him,“Takewordtotheintendant’sofficeandinformtheShaykhthatthismanhascome from the land of al-Hijaz.” So he took the message, then returnedbringingaplateonwhichweresomeleavesofbetelandarecanuts.Hegaveme ten leavesalongwitha fewof thenuts, thesame to theqadi, andwhatwasleftontheplate tomycompanionsandtheqadi’sstudents.Hebroughtalsoajugofrose-waterofDamascus,whichhepouredovermeandovertheqadi.

The Shaykh, moreover, commanded that the visitors be entertained in aresidenceforstudentsofreligion.Retiringthereandensconcingthemselveson

thecarpets,thepartyaddressedthemselvestoamealoflocalfare,complimentsof the palace: a stew of chicken, meat, fish, and vegetables poured over ricecookedinghee;unripebananasinfreshmilk;andadishcomprisedofsourmilk,green ginger, mangoes, and pickled lemons and chilies. The citizens ofMogadishu,IbnBattutaobserved,did justice tosuchmealsas these:“Asingleperson . . . eats asmuch as awhole companyof uswould eat, as amatter ofhabit,andtheyarecorpulentandfatintheextreme.”

Diningwiththeseportlynotablesoverthecourseofthenextthreedays,theyoung scholar would likely have found them all speaking Arabic. NeitherMogadishu, however, nor any other towns of the coast could be described asalien enclaves of Arabs or Persians, ethnically isolated from the mainlandpopulations. On the contrary, these were African towns, inhabited largely bypeopleofAfricandescent,whetherSomaliorBantu-speakingstock.Thespreadof Islamic culture southward along the coast was not synonymous with thepeoplingoftheregionbycolonistsfromtheIrano-Semiticheartland.Therulers,scholars, officials, and big merchants, as well as the port workers, farmers,craftsmen, and slaves, were dark-skinned people speaking African tongues ineverydaylife.

Human migration, however, accompanied trade as one of the enduringconsequencesof theharnessingof themonsoons.Itwasseabornesettlers fromArabiaandthePersianGulfwhointroducedIslamintothelittleportsandfishingvillages along the coast, and itwas the continuing trickle of newcomerswho,along with the visiting merchants, assured and reinforced the Islamic-mindednessofcoastalsociety.ForArabsandPersiansofthearidnorthernrimofthesea,EastAfricawasakindofmedievalAmerica,afertile,well-wateredlandof economic opportunity and a place of salvation from drought, famine,overpopulation,andwarathome.Thereisevensomeevidenceofathirteenth-centuryplantationatMogadishuofagroupofsettlersfromTashkent, refugeesfromaCentralAsianwar.30Thegreatmajorityofimmigrantsweremales,whoquickly married into the local families or took slave concubines, therebyobliteratinganytendenciestowardracialseparatism.

Amongnewarrivals, thewarmestwelcomewentout tosharifs (orsayyids),who probably represented a substantial proportion of colonists from SouthArabia.Asharifwasapersonrecognizedasadescendantof theProphet.Asagroup, sharifs brought to the coastal towns two qualifications in unlimiteddemand. One was literacy and knowledge of the shari’a; the other was thatelusiveattributecalledbaraka, theauraofdivineblessingthatwasbelievedtoattendsharifianstatus.Aside fromcommerce,whicheveryoneseemed tohave

hadahandin,sharifianfamiliesperformedmultiplefunctionsastownofficials,judges, secretaries, political mediators, Sufi teachers, miracle-workers, andgeneral validators of the Islamic status of the community and its government.Aboveall,thesharifs,aswellasotherliterateimmigrants,strovetoimplanttheSacredLaw, specifically theShafi’i school predominant inSouthArabia.ThiswastheirmostsignificantcontributiontoEastAfricancosmopolitanism,forthelawwasthesealofoceanicunityonwhichthetownsthrived.

On the fourth day of his visit Ibn Battuta went out tomeet the Shaykh, asharifofdistantYemenioriginwhosefamilyhademergedassultansofthecityin the previous century. It was Friday, and following prayer in the centralmosquetheyoungguest(outfittedinnewrobesandturbanfortheoccasion)wasformallyintroduced.Thentheruler(whosenamewasAbuBakr)ledhisretinuebacktothepalace.

Allof thepeoplewalkedbarefoot,and therewereraisedoverhisheadfourcanopiesof colored silk andon the topof each canopywas the figureof abird in gold.His clothes that daywere a robeof green Jerusalem stuff andunderneathitfinelooserobesofEgypt.Hewasdressedwithawrapperofsilkandturbanedwithalargeturban.Beforehimdrumsandtrumpetsandpipeswereplayed, theamirsof the soldierswerebeforeandbehindhim,and theqadi,thefaqihs, thesharifswerewithhim.Heenteredhiscouncil room; inthat order, the viziers,amirs and the commanders of the soldiers sat downthere in the audience chamber . . . They continued in this manner till theafternoonprayer.31

IbnBattutaseemstohavewitnessedmoreoftheseproceedingsinsubsequentdays andmayhave stayed inMogadishu for aweekor two.But hewas soonaboard shipagainandcontinuing southwardalong the tropical coastknown totheArabgeographersasthelandofZanj.Crossingtheequatornearthemodernborder between Somalia and Kenya, he saw the dry scrub land of the northgraduallygivingwaytolushervegetationanddenseclustersofmangroveforestaroundtheestuariesofcreeksandnarrowrivers.Theshipanchoredforonenightofftheisland-townofMombasa,amodestcommercialcenteratthetime,thoughitwouldbecomeoneoftheleadingportsofthecoastinthenextcentury.AfterMombasa, they passed between the mainland and the islands of Pemba andZanzibar,finallyputtinginatKilwa,anisletjustoffthecoastofwhatistodayTanzania.Thiswasasfarsouthastheoceanmerchantsnormallywent.Withfairwindsandcalmseas, thevoyage fromMogadishu toKilwashouldhave taken

somethingwell short of twoweeks, bringing theMoroccan and his shipmatestheresometimeinMarch1329(1331).32

TravelingthroughtheIslamicworldintherelativelystabletimesoftheearlyfourteenthcentury,IbnBattutahadthegoodfortunetointersectwithanumberof kingdoms and cities just as theywere experiencing an eruption of culturalenergy. Kilwa was a case in point. Growing up alongside other East Africantownsas a rustic fishingvillageawakened to thepromiseofupland ivoryandgold, itwasfastsurpassingMogadishuat thestartof thecenturyastherichesttownonthecoast.TheriseofKilwa(Kulwa)seemstohavebeenlinkedtothesuddenandshadowyappearingofanewrulingfamily,calledtheMahdali,whotraced their line to a sharifian clan of theYemen. In all likelihood they camesouth along with other families of Arabian descent, not directly from thepeninsula,butfromMogadishuorothernortherlyports.Inanycasetheystagedacoup, bloodlessornot, against theearlier rulersofKilwasometimenear theendofthethirteenthcentury.

BeforetheappearanceoftheMahdali,mostofthegoldtradeseemstohavebeencontrolledbythemerchantsofMogadishu,butaboutthreeorfourdecadesbeforeIbnBattuta’svisit,KilwaseizedSofalaandother,smallerportssouthoftheZambeziRiverthroughwhichthegoldwasfunneledtothemarketfromthemines of Zimbabwe.Consequently, theKilwans clamped a nearmonopoly onthetrade,elevatingtheircitytothestatusoftheprincipaltransitcenterforgoldin thewestern ocean.All thiswas achievedwithoutmarshalling a great navy.Kilwa’s goals were limited economic ones, not the creation of a seaborneempire. Indeed the political organization of the coast was more akin to aconfiguration of city-states on the fourteenth-century Italianmodel than to thelandkingdomsof theMiddleEast.And though IbnBattuta speaks ofKilwa’s“jihads” against the Africans of the mainland, relations with the upcountrypeoplemusthavebeenreasonablygoodmostofthetimeiftradeweretoflow.

Kilwa’s gold rush made its merchants, the Mahdali family among them,extravagantly wealthy by coast standards. Living amongst the laboring andseafaring population in the unwalled and thoroughly unplanned town at thenorthernendoftheisland,thewell-to-dofamiliesenjoyedastyleoflivingthatwas,inthewordsofascholarofcoastalarchaeology,“competent,comfortable,and satisfying.”33 They lived in stone houses of up to three storeys andentertained guests in spacious sunken courtyards. They wore silk and cottongarmentsandplentyofgoldandsilverjewelry.Theyhadindoorplumbing.TheyateoffimportedChineseporcelain.TheyattendedtheFridaysermoninadomedandvaultedmosqueofcoralrockthathadbeenexpandedtofourorfivetimesits

sizeintheearlypartofthecentury.When the leadingcitizenshadaudiencewithSultanal-Hasan ibnSulayman

(Abu l-’Mawahid Hasan), fourth ruler in the Mahdali line (1309–32),34 theyclimbed to thehighestpointof the islandoverlooking thesea,where thegreatstonepalaceofHusuniKubwawasbeingconstructed.Whentheyhadbusinesswithhimorhis factor (for thesultanwasprobably the richestmerchant in thecity),theyprobablyappearedatthespaciousemporium,resemblingtheplanofaMiddle Eastern khan, which took up nearly half the area of the palace. Theworkingfolkdowninthetownenjoyedareasonablestandardofliving,buttheylived in closely packed little houses of mud-and-wattle and dined off coarserwarethanChineseceladon.35

IbnBattutawasusedtoseeingimpressivepublicmonumentsandintheRihlahemakesnomentionwhatsoeverof the town’sdistinctivearchitecture, thoughhecertainlyprayedinthecentralmosqueandprobablyvisitedHusuniKubwa.36Whereverhetraveled,however,heinvariablytooknoticeofpiousandgenerouskings,believingasanymemberofthe’ulamaclassdidthatpietyandgenerosityweretheessentialqualitiesofanytemporalrulerworthyofhistitle.Hedescribesal-HasanibnSulaymanas“amanofgreathumility;hesitswithpoorbrethren,andeatswiththem,andgreatlyrespectsmenofreligionandnobledescent.”

IfIbnBattutaarrivedatKilwainMarch,heislikelytohavestayednomorethanafewweeks.Therecommendedseasonsforleavingthetropicalcoastwerenear thebeginning(MarchandApril)or theend(September)of thesouthwestmonsoon.SailingfromKilwaharborinApril,acaptaincouldexpecttoreachanArabianorevenIndiandestinationbeforehighsummer,whenthewindsblastedthose coasts with such force that ports had to be closed.37 TheRihla has nocommentonthevoyageortheshipotherthanthedestination,theportofZafar(Dhofar)ontheSouthArabianshore.Amonth’svoyagewouldhavebroughtIbnBattutatheresometimeinearlyMay.38

GovernedbyanautonomousRasulidprince,ZafarwasoneofthechiefportsofSouth Arabia, an entrepôt on the Indiato-Africa route and an exporter offrankincense and horses, the latter collected from the interior districts andshippedtoIndia.Itwasatorridplace(thepeoplebathedseveraltimesaday,IbnBattutareports),butincontrasttoitsgrimhinterlanditwasalsoverdant,owingtomonsoonrainsalongthelowshore.Itwasnotabadtowntospendasummer,which the traveler very likely did, since there was little ship traffic untilSeptember,whenthesouthwesterlywindsbrokeup.Helodgedandboardedwiththeusualdignitaries,feastingonfish,bananas,andcoconuts,andchewingbetel

leaves,afavoredbreathsweetenerandaidtodigestion.IfhewascontemplatingavoyagetoIndiaatthispoint,hecouldeasilyhave

foundashiptosailhimdirectlythereinSeptember.Instead,hetookpassageon“asmallvessel”makingfortheGulfofOman.Theshipwasprobablyacoastaltramp,forthepilotwasalocalfellow.Heputinatseveralanchoragesalongtheway, including an island, perhaps one of the KuriaMuria Islands (where IbnBattutametanoldSufiinahilltophermitage),thelongislandofMasira(wherethepilot lived),andfinally,at the farsideof theheadlandofRasal-Hadd, thelittle port of Sur on the Gulf of Oman.39 It was a scorching, thoroughlydisagreeable voyage. Ibn Battuta lived on dates, fish, and some bread andbiscuits hebought inZafar.Hemight havehadmeals of roasted seabird, butwhenhediscoveredthattheblasphemoussailorswerenotkillingtheirgamebyslittingthethroatastheQur’anprescribes,hekeptwellawayfromboththecrewand their dinners. Somewhere along that desert coast he and his fellowpassengers celebrated the Feast of the Sacrifice of the year 729 A.H., or 3October1329(or731A.H.,12September1331).

AnchoredoffSurafewdayslater,IbnBattutasaw,orthoughthecouldsee,thebusyportofQalhat,whichlay13milesfurtherupthecoast.Hisshipwastoputintherethefollowingday,buthehadtakenanintensedisliketotheimpiouscrew and wanted as little to do with them as he could. And since QalhatpromisedtobeamoreinterestingplacetospendthenightthanSur,heresolvedtogo thereonfoot.The interveningcoastlinewashot, rugged,andcompletelywaterless,but the locals assuredhim thathecouldmake thedistance ina fewhours. To be on the safe side, he hired one of the sailors to guide him. Apassengerfriend,ascholarlyIndianbythenameofKhidr,decidedtogoalongaswell,probablyforthelark.Grabbinganextrasuitofclothesandleavingtherestofhispossessionsonboardwithinstructionstorendezvousthenextday,heandhiscompanionssetoff.Itpromisedtobeaday’spromenadefollowednodoubtbyagooddinnerandlodgingatthehouseoftheqadiofQalhat.

In fact if things had gone anyworse the two gentlemenwould never havereachedQalhat at all, and the travels of Ibn Battutamight have ended in thewildsofOman.NotlongafterleavingSur,hebecameconvincedthattheirguidewasplotting tokill themandmakeoffwith thebundleofextraclothes,whichwouldprobablyfetchagoodpriceinthelocalbazaars.Luckily,IbnBattutawascarrying a spear, which he promptly brandished when he realized that thevillainous guide had inmind to drown his employers as theywere crossing atidal estuary. Cowed for the moment, the sailor led them further up into therocks, where they found a safe ford and continued on through the desert.

ThinkingallthetimethatQalhatwasroundthenextbend,theytrampedonandon, scrambling across an endless succession of treacherous ravines thatconnected with the shore. They had not brought along nearly enough water,althoughsomehorsemenpassedbyandgavethemadrink.

Toward evening, the sailor insisted they work their way back down to thecoast, which by that time was about a mile away. But Ibn Battuta refused,thinking the rogue’sonlyplanwas to trap themamong the rocksandrunwiththe clothes.Thennight fell, and though the sailor urged them to push on, IbnBattutainsistedtheyleavethetrail theywerefollowingandgointohiding.Hehadnoideahowfartheystillhadtowalk,and,whatwasworse,heglimpsedaparty of strangemen lurking nearby. Khidr by this time was sick and utterlyovercomewiththirst.Andsomusteringasmuchstrengthandwillashecould,Ibn Battuta kept watch throughout the night, holding the contested garmentsunder his robe and clutching the spear,whileKhidr and themalevolent guideslept.

AtdawntheyreturnedtothetrailandsooncameuponcountryfolkgoingintoQalhattomarket.Thesailoragreedtofetchwaterandaftertrudgingacrossmoreravines and precipitous hills they at last reached the gates of the city.By thistimetheywereexhausted,IbnBattuta’sfeetsoswolleninsidehisshoes“thatthebloodwasalmoststartingunderthenails.”Toaddinsulttoinjury,thegatekeeperwould not let them pass to find lodgings until they had presented themselvesbeforethegovernortoexplaintheirbusiness.

As Ibn Battuta might well have expected from previous experience, thegovernor turned out to be “an excellent man,” who invited the two prostratescholars tobehisguests.“I stayedwithhimforsixdays,” IbnBattuta recalls,“duringwhichIwaspowerlesstorisetomyfeetbecauseofthepainsthattheyhad sustained.” Nothing more is heard of their tormentor, who presumablyreturnedtohisshipadisappointedthief,butnonetheworsefortrying.

FromtheRihla’sdescriptionofQalhatanditsenvirons,IbnBattutaislikelytohavespentatleastafewdayshavingalookaround,followingrecoveryfromhis ordeal. Politically a dependency of the Sultanate of Hurmuz, Qalhat, likeMuscat,Sohar, andother ports stretched along the coast betweenRas al-HaddandtheStraitofHurmuz,wasamonsoontownof thefirstorder.Cutofffromthe restofArabiaby the seaon three sidesand the sandywasteof theEmptyQuarter on the fourth, the city communicated with western India more easilythanwithanyothershore.Strollingthroughthebazaar,IbnBattutawouldhaveseen many Indian traders, selling rice and other foodstuffs to the port andhinterlandpopulation,buyinghorses,andofcoursedealinginallsortsofAsian

luxuriesboundultimatelyforTabriz,Cairo,Kilwa,andVenice.FriendKhidrismentionednomoreafterQalhat.Perhapshebookedpassage

onadhowandreturnedtoIndia.BythistimeIbnBattutaseemstohaveresolvedtoheadforMeccaagain.Andperhapshehadhadhisfill,forthetimebeing,ofpitching,undeckedboatsand their rascallycrews.Qalhatwas in fact tobehislastviewoftheIndianOceanfortwelveyears.TurningwestwardintothegrimcanyonsoftheeasternHajarMountainsinthecompanyofunnamedcaravaners,hesetacourseacrosstheruggedheartlandofOman.TheonlystagehementionsisNazwa(Nizwa),thechieftownoftheinteriorandcapitalofadynastyoftribalkingsknownastheBanuNabhan.40

HisdescriptionofhisjourneyfromcentralOmanbacktoMeccaleavessucha baffling trail of gaps, zigzags, time leaps, and confused information that therouteandchronologycannotbeexplainedwithanyassurance,atleastnotuntilhearrivesatal-Qatif,atownontheArabianshoreabouthalfwayupthePersianGulf. He claims to have gone directly from Nazwa to Hurmuz, the greatemporium guarding the narrow passage into the gulf and, at that time, theprincipalstagingcenterfortheoverlandcaravantradetoTabriz,Turkey,andtheBlack Sea.Hurmuz lay at the northern end of a barren little island (Jarun, orJirun)fivemilesoffthecoastofPersia.IbnBattutasaysnothingabouthowhegotthere,butofcoursehewouldhavehadtomakeashortseavoyageacrossthestrait, perhaps fromSohar, an important port on the coast ofOman about 120aerialmilesoverthemountainsfromNazwa.Nordoesheindicatehowlonghestayed in Hurmuz, and his description of the town and its ruler seems to beassociatedentirelywithasecondvisithemadetherein1347onhiswayhomefromIndiaandChina.41

From Hurmuz he crossed to the mainland and made a northwestwardexcursionbywayofLarthroughtheinteriorofFars,orsouthernPersia,withtheaimofvisitingaSufishaykhataplacehecallsKhunjuPal,probablythevillageofKhunj.42Hethenreturnedtothecoast,buthemistakenlyremembersthetwoportsofSirafandQaisasoneandthesameplace,leavingdoubtastowhichonehevisited,ifnotboth.43Hedescribespearlfisheriesofftheeasternshore(pearlsbeing the leading export from the gulf to India), but their location remainsvague.FromQais(orSiraf)hetraveledtoBahrain,meaningtohimtheArabiancoastaldistrictoppositetheislandthatcarriesthesamename.44Butonceagain,heiscompletelymuteonthematterofhisreturnvoyagetothewesternsideofthegulf.

Afterapresumablyshortstayinal-Qatif,hesetoffacrossArabia,nowforthefourthtimeandfromathirdnewdirection.Travelingsouthwardtotheoasisof

al-Hasa(nowal-Hufuf),thensouthwestwardacrosstheal-Dahnasanddunes,hearrived at al-Yamama, today a ruin 58 miles southeast of the modern SaudicapitalofRiyadh.Here,hemetatribalchieftainoftheBanuHanifaArabsandjoinedhispartygoingtoMecca.TheRihlasaysnothingoftheremainingstagesnorofthedateofarrivalintheHolyCity.IfheleftOmanaboutNovember,hewouldprobablyhavereachedMeccasometimeinthewinterof1330(1332).Inanycase,havingclimbedthroughthehighlandsofYemen,crossedtheequatortotropical Africa, endured several wearisome sea voyages through the hottestregionsonearth,andalmostlosthislifeforacleansuitofclothes,hewaswelldeservingofanotherinterludeofrestwithhisQur’anandhislawbooksintheshadeoftheHaram.

Notes

1.A.J.Arberry,TheKoranInterpreted(NewYork,1955),p.211.2.IBstatesthatheperformedthehajjfoursuccessivetimesbeginningin1327(727A.H.)andthathe

residedinMeccaforapproximatelythreeyears.Itispossible,however,thathestayedinthecityonlyaboutoneyear,leavingforAdenandEastAfricafollowingthepilgrimageof1328(728A.H.).ThequestionofthelengthofhisresidenceinMeccaisboundupwithamuchbiggerchronologicalproblem,whichwemustintroducehere.

IBtellsusthatheleftMeccaforEastAfricafollowingthehajjof1330(730A.H.)andthathearrivedbackinthecitysometimebeforethepilgrimageofSeptember1332(732A.H.).HestatesthathethenleftMeccaagainfollowingthe732hajjenroutetoEgypt,Syria,Anatolia,CentralAsia,andIndia,andthathearrivedatthebanksoftheIndusRiveron12September1333(1Muharram734),thusaccomplishingthatambitious journey in the space of one year.Yet his own itinerary and chronological clues show that thetrans-Asian trip took about three years. Therefore, the two dates are irreconcilable and present themostbafflingchronologicalpuzzleintheRihla.

FortheentirecomplexandroundaboutjourneyfromMeccatoIndiaIBoffersnotasingleabsolutedate,nor does anything he says in connectionwith his long sojourn in India absolutely verify the year of hisarrival there.Even thedayhegives forcrossing the Indus,1Muharram, that is, the firstdayof thenewyear,suggestsaliteraryconvention,symbolizingthestartofthesecondmajorpartofhisnarrative.YetIaminclined to agree with Gibb (Gb, vol. 2, pp. 529–30) that IB’s India arrival date of September 1333 isapproximatelycorrect(seeChapter8,note26).Workingbackwardthroughtheitineraryfromthatdate,IB’sdescriptionoftravelingtimes,feastdaycelebrations,andseasonssuggeststhathemusthaveleftArabiaforSyria,Anatolia, andCentralAsiano later than thewinteror springof1330 (730A.H.). If thatdating iscorrect, hemust have leftMecca forEastAfrica following the pilgrimage ofOctober 1328 (728A.H.).ReturningfromAfricatoArabia,hestatesthathecelebratedtheFeastofSacrifice(thatis, theceremonyculminating the hajj festival) off the South Arabian coast. He does not mention the year, but if myhypothesis is correct, it would have been 3October 1329 (10Dhu l-Hijja 729). From SouthArabia hetraveled throughOman and the Persian Gulf region, then returned toMecca. If he stayed in the city arelativelyshort time(notwaitingforthepilgrimageof730A.H.tocomearound)andthenstartedonhisIndia journey,hewouldhave traveled throughEgypt andSyria in1330 (730A.H.), a chronologywhichaccordswiththe1333Indiaarrivaldate.

Hrbek,contrarytoGibb,arguesthatIB’sMeccadeparturedateof1332(732A.H.)iscorrectandthattheIndia date is wrong (Hr, p. 485). He believes that IB could not have erred or lied in asserting that heattended the pilgrimages of 1329, 1330, and 1332without the learned andwell-traveledMoroccans for

whom theRihla waswritten knowing the truth of thematter. Unfortunately, Hrbek never published thesecondpartofhisstudyofthechronology,sowehavenoideahowhemighthavearguedthatIBarrivedinIndiatwoyearslaterthanhesayshedid.

Hrbek’sargumentabouttheMeccadeparturedateisinanycaseweakenedbyhisadmissionthatGibbisprobablycorrectinassertingthatIBtraveledinEgyptandSyriain1330(730A.H.).Thatis,someoftheeventstheRihlagroupswithIB’stravelsinEgyptandSyriain1326actuallyoccurredin1330.MostoftheevidencethatGibbandHrbekpresentcentersonknowndatesofofficeofgovernorsorreligiousofficialswhomIBsayshemet (Gb,vol.2,pp.536–37;Hr,pp.483–84).Hrbek (Hr,p.483)alsopointsout IB’sstatement, linked in theRihla to 1326, that he attended a celebration in Cairo marking Sultan al-NasirMuhammad’srecoveryfromafractureofhishand.Allindependentchroniclesourcesstatethatthiseventoccurred inMarch 1330.Hrbek fits this evidence into his own hypothesis by suggesting, I think ratherlamely, that IB sandwiched a trip to Egypt and Syria (utterly unreported in the Rihla) between thepilgrimagesof 1329 and1330. I preferGibb’s argument that IBwas alreadyheading in thedirectionofAnatoliain1330.Gibbindeedpresentssomeinterestingthoughinconclusiveevidence,whichHrbekfailssatisfactorilytorefute,thatIBtraveledinAsiaMinorin1331(Gibb,vol.2,pp.531–32;Hr,pp.485–86).

NoevidenceIhaveseeneliminatesthepossibilitythatIBleftMeccaafterthehajjof1328(728A.H.)andtraveledtoEastAfricain1329.YetwhywouldhestatethathestayedinMeccathroughout1329andmostof1330andthathereturnedforthepilgrimageof1332ifthetruthwereotherwise?Andhowcanwechallengehimwhenhedescribes,thoughbrieflyandimpersonally,certaineventswhichoccurredinMeccaduringthoseperiodsoftime?WhileIshareGibb’sviewthattheIndiaarrivaldateisnearlycorrect,Ihavenoconvincinganswerstothesequestions.Itmustberemembered,however,thattherelationshipbetweentheentirechronologicalstructureoftheRihla,aworkofliterature,andIB’sactuallifeexperienceishighlyuncertain.

3.Gb,vol.1,p.203n.4. IB mentions only that the Muzaffariya, where he lived, had a classroom and that a Moroccan

acquaintancelecturedontheologyinthebuilding.Buthedoesnotreportthatheattendedacourse.5. In basing this description of education inMeccamainly on the work of the Dutch orientalist C.

SnouckHurgronje,wholived in thecity forayear in the1880s, Iamassuming that thegeneralpatternsendured over the centuries. Snouck Hurgronje notes that “from the chronicles of Mecca . . . we mayconcludewithcertaintythatalifeoflearninglikethatwhichwehavedescribed,hasbeenastirinthetownforcenturiespast.”MekkaintheLatterPartoftheNineteenthCentury(Leiden,1931),p.211.AlsoA.S.Tritton,MaterialsonMuslimEducationintheMiddleAges(London,1957);and“Masdjid,”EI1,vol.3,pp.361–67,368–71.

6.IbnJubayrcrossedtheRedSeaonajaibaanddescribesit.TheTravelsofIbnJubayr,trans.R.J.C.Broadhurst(London,1952),pp.64–65.AlsoG.R.Tibbetts,ArabNavigation in theIndianOceanbeforetheComing of thePortuguese (London, 1971), p. 56; andR.B. Serjeant,The Portuguese off the SouthArabianCoast(Oxford,1963),p.134.

7.IbnJubayr,Travels,p.65.8.Ibid.,p.69.9.Hr,p.439;Tibbetts,ArabNavigation,p.413.10.IbnJubayr,Travels,pp.64–65.11.Helandedataporthecallsal-Ahwab.Gibbstatesthatitsprecisewhereaboutsisamystery,butTim

Macintosh-Smith(personalcommunication)tellsmethatthelocationisknownlocally.(Gb,vol.2,p.366).12.At this pointwe need to note that the chronology of the journey fromMecca to EastAfrica, the

PersianGulf,andbacktoMeccaagainisextremelyuncertain.Travelingtimesbetweenstagesandlengthofstays are not oftenprovided, and the internal chronological evidence ismore limited than for the earlierjourneys.One canbeonly asprecise about the chronology as iswarrantedby IB’s statements andotherinternalevidence.Hrbek’smethodofrationalizingachronologyforeachsegmentofthejourneyinordertomakeeverythingfitbetweenthefewdatesIBprovidesseemstobeexcessivelyconjectural.Buthisguessesaremoreoftenthannotplausible.

13.GastonWiet,“Lesmarchandsd’Épicessouslessultansmamelouks,”Cahiersd’HistoireÉgyptienne,ser.7,part2(May1952):88;“Rasulids,”El1,vol.3,pp.1128–29.14.Al-Khazrejiyy,ThePearlStrings:AHistoryoftheResuliyyDynastyofYemen,trans.J.W.Redhouse,

5vols.(Leiden,1906–18),vol.3,part3,p.108.15.Hrbek(Hr,pp.440–41)suggeststhatamorerationalroutewouldhavebeenZabid-Ghassana-San’a-

Jubla-Ta’izz-Aden and that IBmay have failed to remember accurately the succession of stops. But headmitsthatthereisnointernalevidenceinfavorofrevisingtheitinerary.16.R.B.LewcockandG.R.Smith,“ThreeMedievalMosquesintheYemen,”OrientalArt20(1974):

75–86.17.TheRihla’sdescriptionofthejourneyTa’izz-San’a-Adeniscompletelysilentontheroutestaken,the

stages, and the length of stopovers. Moreover, the brief gloss on San’a is a combination of standarddescriptiveclichésandfalseinformation.Theseverallinesdevotedtothisdetourhavetheairofapurelyliterary adventure, possibly added by Ibn Juzayy (with or without IB’s complicity) on the grounds thatreaderswouldexpectatravelertotheYementotellthemsomethingofSan’a,whetherhehadbeenthereornot. The San’a trip might fall into the same category as the spurious journey to Bulghar described inChapter 8, note 12, below. Robert Wilson, formerly of the Faculty of Oriential Studies, CambridgeUniversity, has pointed out tome that everything IB says about San’a could have been drawn from theexistingbodyofconventionalgeographicalknowledgeonthesubject,from,forexample,IbnRusta(tenth-centurygeographer),Kitabal-A’lakalNafisa,ed.J.deGoeje(Leiden,1892),pp.109–10.Hrbek(Hr,pp.440–41)doubtsthatIBwenttoSan’a.SodoesJosephChelhod,ascholarofmedievalYemen.“IbnBattuta,Ethnologue,”Revuedel’OccidentMusulmanetdelaMéditerranée25(1978):9.18. This approximate time of year is suggested by both Gibb (Travels, vol. 2, p. 373) and Hrbek

(“Chronology,”p.441).19.MarshallG.S.Hodgson,TheVentureofIslam,3vols.(Chicago,1974),vol.2,pp.542–48.20.OntheeconomyandorganizationofmonsoontradeinthesouthernseasseePhillipD.Curtin,Cross-

CulturalTradeinWorldHistory(NewYork,1984),pp.96–135.21.Gibb(Gb,vol.2,p.373)andHrbek(Hr,p.441)agreethathewasprobablyinAdenaboutthattime

ofyear.22.Tibbetts,ArabNavigation,pp.372–73,378.Thisbookisinpartatranslationofthenauticalworksof

AhmadibnMajid,thefamousArabianmariner-authorwhodiedintheearlysixteenthcentury.Asidefromthe navigational information contained in the translation, Tibbetts has added extensive notes andcommentarytoproduceinallarichlydetailedstudyofIndianOceanseafaringinthelaterMiddlePeriod.AlanVilliers,amodernsuccessortoIbnMajid,sailedfromAdentoEastAfricainanArabdhow,leavinginDecember1939.SonsofSinbad(London,1940).23.R.B.Serjeant,“ThePortsofAdenandShihr,”RecueilsdelaSociétéJeanBodin32(1974):212;S.

D.Goitein, “Letters andDocuments on the IndiaTrade inMedievalTimes,” IslamicCulture 37 (1963):196–97.24.W.H.Moreland, “The Ships of theArabian Sea aboutA.D. 1500,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic

Society1(1939):176;Tibbetts,ArabNavigation,pp.48–49.25.Tibbets(ArabNavigation,p.3)remarksthat“IbnBattutaisnotveryobservantofnauticalaffairs.”

ThesamepointismadebyMichelMollat,“IbnBatoutahetlaMer,”TravauxetJours18(1966):53–70.26. The design of the hull was the basis for classifying Indian Ocean ships. IB does provide a

classificatorynameforsomeofthevesselshetraveledonduringhiscareer,butthisisnotnecessarilyveryhelpful. The connection between the medieval name of a ship and its precise hull design cannot beascertainedwithcertainty.SeeJ.Hornell,“ClassificationofArabSeaCraft,”Mariner’sMirror28(1942):11–40;A.H. J. Prins, “The PersianGulfDhows:NewNotes on theClassification ofMid-Eastern Sea-Craft,”Persica6(1972–74):157–165;GeorgeHourani,ArabSeafaringintheIndianOceaninAncientandEarlyMedievalTimes(Princeton,N.J.,1951),pp.87–89.27.AlanVilliers(SonsofSinbad,pp.21–243,passim)describesindramaticdetailhisvoyagefromAden

toMogadishu,Zanzibar,andtheGulfofOmanin1939–40.

28. Neville Chittick remarks that the “Maqdishi” language IB says he heard in the town was eitherSomalioranearlyformofaSwahilidialect,probablythelatter.“TheEastAfricanCoast,MadagascarandtheIndianOcean,”CambridgeHistoryofAfrica,5vols.(Cambridge,England,1977),vol.3,p.189.29.Inhisresearchonthedallals(brokers)ofSouthArabia,R.B.Serjeantnotesthestrikingsimilarity

between their functionsandpractices inmodern timesandIB’sdescriptionof thebrokersofMogadishu.“MaritimeCustomaryLawintheIndianOcean”inSociétésetcompagniesdecommerceenOrientetdansl’OcéanIndien,Actesdu8(ème)ColloqueInternationald’HistoireMaritime(Paris,1970),pp.203–204.30.B.G.Martin,“ArabMigrationtoEastAfricainMedievalTimes,”InternationalJournalofAfrican

HistoricalStudies7(1974):368.31.IhavequotedthispassagefromSaidHamdunandNoelKing’slivelytranslation(H&K,pp.16–17).32.BothGibb(Gb,vol.2,p.379n)andHrbek(Hr,p.442)suggestthathesailedfromMogadishuinlate

February or early March. By the end of March the northeast monsoon was dying out (Tibbetts, ArabNavigation,p.378).33.PeterGarlake,TheEarlyIslamicArchitectureoftheEastAfricanCoast(London,1966),p.117.34. On the regnal dates of the Mahdali dynasty see Elias Saad, “Kilwa Dynastic Historiography: A

CriticalStudy,”HistoryinAfrica6(1979):177–207.35.More is known about life inKilwa than any other coastal town in that age thanks largely to the

excavationsofNevilleChittick,Kilwa:AnIslamicTradingCityontheEastAfricanCoast,2vols.(Nairobi,1974).36. IB’s description of the East African coast, though brief, is the only eye-witness account of the

medievalperiod,sohistorianshavesqueezedtheRihlaforeverytidbitofinformation.SeeNevilleChittick,“IbnBattutaandEastAfrica,”JournaldelaSociétédesAfricanistes38(1968):239–41.37.Tibbetts,ArabNavigation,pp.373,377–78.AlanVilliers(SortsofSinbad,p.191)leftthemouthof

theRufijiRiversouthofKilwainlateMarchforhisreturnvoyagetoOman.38.HamdunandKing(H&K,p.68)haveitfromEastAfricansailorsthatthetripwouldtakeaboutfour

weeks.Gibb(Gb,vol.2,p.382n),basedonVilliers’journeyfromZanzibartoMuscat,saysthreetofourweeks.Hrbek(Hr,p.444)suggestssixtoeightweeks,whichseemstoolong.39.IBreportsthathevisitedthehermiton“theHillofLum’an,inthemidstofthesea.”Gibb(Gb,vol.2,

391n)thinksthisplacemustbetheislandofHallaniyah.TimMackintosh-Smith,whotracedIB’sjourneyalong the southern coast of Arabia, has doubts. Tim Mackintosh-Smith, Travels with a Tangerine: AJourneyintheFootnotesofIbnBattutah(London,2001),pp.256–58.40.TheveracityofIB’sstayinNazwaisuncertain,soIhavenotdrawnattentiontohisdescriptionofthe

BanuNabhankingofOman,whoheclaimstohavemet,nortohisremarksonthereligiousbeliefsoftheOmanis.TheinteriorregionofOmanwasthebastionoftheIslamicsectknownastheIbadis.ReversingtheShi’ia doctrine of the supremacy of the House of ’Ali, the Ibadis believed that any member of thecommunityofbelieverscouldbechosenastheImamaslongashedisplayedthepropermoralqualitiesandacapacitytoupholdtheQur’aniclaw.Ifhefailed,thecommunitywasobligedtowithdrawitssupport.TheBanuNabhan (1154–1406), however,were not Imams, and their ascendancy represented a hiatus in theImamate,whichwasrestoredinthefifteenthcentury.RobertoRubinacci,“TheIbadis,”inA.J.ArberryandC.P.Beckingham(eds.),ReligionintheMiddleEast,2vols.(Cambridge,England,1969).vol.2,pp.302–17;andSalijibnRazik,HistoryoftheImamsandSeyyidsofOman,trans.G.P.Badger(London,1871).

IB’s description of Nazwa is brief and fuzzy, he makes inaccurate or doubtful remarks about Ibadicustoms,andhisitineraryfromNazwatoHurmuzonthefarsideofthePersianGulfisacompleteblank.NeitherGibbnorHrbekexplicitlyquestionsthetruthfulnessofIB’sjourneythroughtheinteriorofOman.J.C.Wilkinson,ascholarofOmanihistory,expressesgravedoubtsandhaspointedout tomesomeof thetextualproblemswiththissectionoftheRihla(personalcommunication).41.Hrbek(Hr.pp.445–48)developsalineofargumentsuggestingthatIBdidnotvisitHurmuz,Persia,

or anypointon theeastern shoreof theGulf in1329 (1331),but ratherhas inserted into thenarrativeadescriptionofajourneythatactuallytookplacein1347whenhetraveledfromIndiatoHurmuzandthencetoShiraz.Hrbek thinks that in1331hewentdirectly fromNazwa toal-Qatifoverlandalong theeastern

coastofArabia.Theargument isbasedheavilyon the fact that IB’sdescriptionofHurmuz,hismeetingwithitssultan(TahamtanQutbal-Din),andthecivilwarinwhichthatrulerhadbeenengagedallrelatetoasituation pertaining in 1347. The other points Hrbek makes to sustain his theory are inferential andspeculative.Icannotacceptit,partlyonthegroundsthatIBmaywellhaveblendedhisdescriptionsoftwotripstoHurmuz,andpartlyonthefactthatinhisreportofaninterviewwiththeKingofCeylonin1344hespeaksofhavingdiscussedwiththatmonarchthepearlshehadalreadyseenontheislandofQaisofftheeasternshoreoftheGulf.MH,p.218.42.Hr,p.450;Gb,vol.2,p.406n.43.Ibid.,p.407n.GibbthinkshevisitedQais;Hrbek(Hr,p.450)believesitwasSiraf.Inthefourteenth

centuryQaiswasafarmoreimportantcommercialcenterthanSirafandalikelierplaceforIBtoembarkforArabia.44.IBreferstoBahrainasacity,butHrbek(Hr,p.451)believeshisdescriptionofsuchaplacerefersin

facttoal-Qatif,thechieftownofthecoastaldistrictknowninearlierMuslimtimesasBahrain.Thetermlaterreferredsolelytotheisland.

7Anatolia

This country called Bilad al-Rum is one of the finest regions in theworld;initGodhasbroughttogetherthegoodthingsdispersedthroughotherlands.Itsinhabitantsarethecomeliestofmeninform,thecleanestindress,themostdeliciousinfood,andthekindliestofGod’screatures.1

IbnBattuta

Sometimeneartheendof1330(1332)IbnBattutaboardedaGenoesemerchantship at the Syrian port of Latakia (Ladiqiya) and sailed westward into theMediterranean, bound for the south coast of Anatolia. He was on his way toIndiaandonceagainheadedsquarelyinthewrongdirection.

His intentions had been straightforward enough when he left Arabia somemonths earlier. He would go to Jidda, buy passage on a ship for Aden, andcontinue from there to India on the winter monsoon, just as hundreds ofreturningSouthAsianpilgrimsweredoing at the same time.First, though, hemust secure the services of a rafiq, a guide-companionwho knew Indiawell,spoke Persian, and would have contacts of some value in official circles.Although the illustrious Sultan ofDelhiwaswelcoming scholars from abroadandofferingthemprestigiousandrewardingpublicposts,ayoungNorthAfricancouldnotwanderthroughruralIndiaonhisownandthen,ifhemadeittoDelhiatall,simplyturnupunannouncedattheroyalpalace.Arafiqwasessential,andafterseveralweeksinJiddahefailedtofindone.2

AtthispointheseemstohavedecideditwouldbebettertoapproachIndiabyamore circuitous route andhope tomeetupwithpersons along thewaywhocouldleadhimtoDelhiandprovidehimwiththenecessaryconnections.Andsoboarding a sambuq he sailed directly to the Egyptian coast, made his way to’Aydhab, and from there retracedhis journeyof a fewyears earlier across thedesertanddowntheNiletoCairo.Herestedthereashorttime,thencontinuedacrossSinai,nowfor thesecondtime, toPalestine.Fromthispointhisprecise

itinerary is uncertain, but he is likely to have traveled northward (including aquick inland detour to Jerusalem) through the Levantine coast towns —Ashqelon,Acre (Akko),Beirut, and finallyLatakia.3Arriving there, hehad inhiscompanyoneal-Hajj ’Abdallah ibnAbuBakr ibnAl-Farhanal-Tuzari.Allweknowof thisgentleman,whomIbnBattutamet inCairo, is thathewasanEgyptian legal scholar and thathedetermined to accompany theMoroccanonhis travels. As it came to pass, the two men would remain fast friends andcompanionsformanyyears.

Map7:IbnBattuta’sItineraryinAnatoliaandtheBlackSeaRegion,1330–32(1332–34)

SailingfromthecoastofSyriatoAnatoliainordertogettoIndiamadesomesense,foritispreciselywhatMarcoPolohaddonemorethansixtyyearsearlieron his way to the Persian Gulf. From the south Anatolian ports of Ayas(Lajazzo), Alanya, and Antalya, trade routes ran northward over the TaurusMountains to the central plateau where they joined the trans-Anatolian trunkroad linkingKonya,Sivas, andErzurum (Arzal-Rum)withTabriz and thence

withCentralAsiaorthegulf.ButsinceIbnBattutawouldspendabouttwoyearsinAnatoliaandtheBlackSearegionandfinallyapproachIndiabywayoftheHinduKushandAfghanistan,afarmoredifficultandtime-consumingpassagethanthegulfroute,wecanonlyconcludethathewasplayingthetouristagain,hisIndiancareerplanssidetrackedinfavorofmorecasualadventures.

There was nothing unusual about him and al-Tuzari taking passage out ofLatakiaonaEuropeanvessel.Italians,Catalans,andProvençaishadlongsinceeliminatedMuslimshippingfromtheeasternMediterraneanexceptforcoastingtrade and the short run between the Levantine coast and Cyprus. UsingFamagusta,thechiefportofCyprus,asthehuboftheiroperationsintheeasternsea, the Genoese called at both Levantine ports and those along the southAnatoliancoast.4

IbnBattutadescribesthevesselheboardedasaqurqura,whichwasprobablylateen-rigged,two-masted,andfittedwithtwooreventhreedecks.ItmayhavebeenmuchlargerthananyshiphehadseenintheIndianOcean,sincetheItalian“round ships” of the time, with their great superstructures over the bow andstern, were known to hold asmuch as 600 tons deadweight of cargo and asmanyas100crewmen.5Asusual,IbnBattutafailstotelluswhatsortofladingtheshipwascarrying,perhapsaloadofSyriancottonorsugar,buthedoesnotethat the captain treated his Muslim passengers “honorably” and did not evencharge them for the trip. Making a course northwestward around the tip ofCyprus, the ship approached Alanya, the western Taurus Mountains loomingbehindit,sometimeinthelastweeksof1330(1332).6

ExceptforhisbrieftriptoTabrizinAzerbaijan,IbnBattutawasforthefirsttimevisitingalandwhoseMusliminhabitantsweremostlyTurkish.ArabtravelerstoAnatolia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a modern scholar has noted,experiencedjarringattacksofcultureshockwhentheyconfrontedthealienwaysoftheTurks,asiffindingthemselvesinsomeremotepartofequatorialAfrica.7In the centuries of theAbbasidCaliphate the ridges of the easternTaurus hadeffectivelyprotected theAsian territoryofChristianByzantium from theArabarmiesofIraqandSyria.ButthehighgreenvalleysofeasternAnatoliawereamagnettothehordesofTurkishherdsmenwhopouredintotheMiddleEast intheeleventhcenturyaspartof theconquestsof theGreatSeljuks.Thenaturalroute of this vast sheep and horsemigrationwaswestward fromKhurasan toAzerbaijan,thenontoAnatolia.AtManzikert in1071Seljukcavalryachievedthemilitarytriumphover theByzantinearmythathadeludedtheAbbasidsforthreecenturies.OncetheGreekdefensesoftheeasternmountainscollapsed,one

nomadicthrongafteranotheradvancedthroughthepassesandfannedoutoverthecentralplateau.WithinacenturyByzantiumhadgivenupallbutthewesternquarterofAnatolia,andanewMuslimsocietywasemergingwhichhadhadnomorethanperipheralcontactwiththeworldoftheArabs.

The transformation of Asia Minor from a land of Greek and ArmenianChristians to the country we call Turkey was a long and extremely complexprocess not by any means completed until several centuries after Ibn Battutamade his visit.When the empire of theGreat Seljuks broke up in the twelfthcentury, theirdynasticheirs, theSeljuksofRum(asAnatoliawas traditionallyknown to Muslims, a term harking back to the rule of “Rome”) graduallyconsolidated their authority over the central and eastern regions. While theSeljukid commanders settled down in Konya and other ancient Greek andArmenian towns and took up the ways of the city, Turkish pastoral clans,conventionally called Turcomans (or Turkmens), continued to drift over theAnatolianplateauandintothehighlandvalleysthatrimmeditonallsides.Inthefirsthalfofthethirteenthcentury,however,themajorityoftheinhabitantsoftheregion were still neither Muslim nor Turkish. Large Christian populationsthrived in the towns and crop-bearing lands of the Seljukid domain.A steadyprocess of conversion to Islam was occurring, sometimes as a result ofunfriendly pressures, but it was slow. Moreover, along the perimeters ofAnatolia,Christianpolitiescontinuedtosurvive:thekingdomofLittleArmeniainCilicia bordering the southeastern coast, the Empire of Trebizond (aGreekstatethathadbrokenawayfromConstantinople)ontheBlackSea,andofcoursethe remaining Asian provinces of Byzantium.Moreover, the frontier betweenByzantiumandthesultanatebecamerelativelystable,andthetwogovernmentstreatedoneanothermuchofthetimeinaspiritofneighborlydiplomacy.

ThispoliticalpatternwasradicallydisruptedintheaftermathoftheMongolinvasions. In 1243 theTatars stormed over theArmenianmountains, flattenedtheSeljukidarmyatKoseDagh,andpenetrateddeepinto theplateau.In1256they returnedagain inacampaign strategically linked toHulegu’sconquestofIraq.InthefollowingyearKonya,theSeljukidcapital,wastaken,andby1260Mongolgarrisonsoccupiedmostof the important townsofeasternandcentralAnatolia.Thesultanatewasnotabolished,however,butproppedupasavassalstatepayingtributetotheIlkhanateofPersia.Indeedtheinvasionwascarriedoffwithout the usual cataclysm of terror and destruction.Only one city,Kayseri,was sacked, and the conquest never seriously threatened Byzantine territory.TrebizondandLittleArmeniacontinuedtoendureundertheMongolshadow.

Yetifthemilitaryrecordoftheinvasionseemsavapidsideshowsetagainst

the terrifying drama in Persia, it nonetheless jolted Anatolia into an era ofprofoundpoliticalandculturalchangeby laying itopen tomoremigrationsofCentralAsiannomads.Thefirstthirteenth-centurywaveofTurcomansarrivedinpanicky flight from the Mongol war machine, the second came in its ranks.Throughout the Ilkhanid period, more bands continued to press in. Theimmediatedemographiceffectsofthesemovementsareobscure,butthereisnodoubtthatinthecenturyafter1243theethnicallyTurkishpopulationofAnatoliarosedramatically.Turkishcametobespokenandwrittenmorewidely,andthesituation of Christian communities, especially in rural villages in the path ofmigratingflocksandherds,becamemoreandmoreprecarious.

In the west of the peninsula the Turco-Mongol irruption confrontedByzantium with unprecedented nomadic pressure. Giving way to the newmigrantsarrivingfromAzerbaijan,TurcomangroupslongestablishedincentralAnatolia pushed westward. Moreover, as the Tatar overlords turned theirattentiontothebusinessoftaxcollectingandcivilorder,manyofthenewcomerspreferredtopassonquicklytothemountainperipherieswhereMongol-Seljukidauthority was safely nominal. Here great leagues of Turcomanwarriors led awildandwoolyexistence, raidingback intoSeljukid territoryandbattlingoneanotherforchoicegrazingland.

TheveryshapeofAnatolia,afingerbetweentheseaspointingduewestward,directed the surge of pastoral movement into the Byzantine marches and theupperreachesof thevalleys thatrandownto theAegean.Eversincetheninthcentury the Muslim – Byzantine frontier had given employment to mountedfightingmen, calledghazis,whomade a vocation of staging raids intoGreekterritory and living off the booty.Organized inwar bands andoften operatingjustbeyond theboundariesof theMuslimgovernmentwhosemilitary intereststhey served, these volunteer champions of jihad lived by a chivalric code ofvirtueandloyaltyfoundedonthepreceptsoftheQur’anandtheteachingsoftheearly Sufis. Though not all ghazis were of Turkish blood, the tactics andtraditionsofmountedholywarhadbeenelaboratelydevelopedon theMuslimfrontiersofCentralAsia.TurkishwarriorsledtheconquestofeasternandcentralAnatolia on behalf of the Seljuks, and though the Mongols were not in thebeginningMuslimsat all, theghazi spiritwas alreadydeeply engrained in theTurkish warrior-herdsmen who preceded and followed them. Frontier warfaredied down in the high period of the Seljukid sultanate when relations withByzantiumwererelativelycalm,butitflaredupagaininthecrowded,turbulentconditionsofthewesternmarchesinthelaterthirteenthcentury.

ThewitheringofthegreatstatestructuresthatgovernedAnatoliaencouraged

this new phase of roisterous disorder on the frontier. Behind the lines ofTurcoman advance, the sultanate was no longer in a position to control orrestrainthenomadstoitsownends.TheIlkhanidgovernors,obligedtotakeanever-greater share of responsibility for the affairs of the state they themselveshaddefeatedandrepressed,wereby1278runningeasternAnatoliaasadistantprovince of Persiawith neither thewill nor the soldiery to take charge of theTurcomanperipheries. Just beyond thenomad frontier, theByzantinedefensesprovedweakerthanexpected.In1204theFrankishandVenetianleadersoftheFourthCrusade,havingdecidedtocaptureConstantinopleratherthanJerusalem,hadforcedtheGreekemperortoruleinexilefromtheAnatoliancityofNicaea(Iznik). The traditional capital was restored in 1261, but this Latin interludeseriously weakened Byzantine resources. Preoccupied thereafter with theprotectionoftheirEuropeanandAegeanterritoriesagainstChristianrivalstates,the emperors of the later thirteenth century defended their Asian domain in aspiritofphlegmaticresignation.

As the Seljukid dynasty slid gently into oblivion, several small Turcomanprincipalities,oramirates,emergedalongamountainousarcextendingfromtheborderofLittleArmenia in the south to the coasts of theBlackSea.Someofthese states were tiny and ephemeral, but by the beginning of the fourteenthcentury about twelve important centers of power, including the Ilkhanidprovinces as one of them, dominated the new political map of Anatolia. Theprinces, or amirs, of these states ruled simply by virtue of their fitness asTurcoman war captains, the biggest of the “big men” who succeeded ingatheringalargerfollowingofmountedarchersthantheirrivalswithpromisesofbootyandland.AstheByzantinesfellbacktotheirshipsalmosteverywhereexcept the fragment of Asian territory opposite the Bosphorus, the Aegeanhinterland was partitioned among five principal amirates extending along thecurveofthearc:Mentesheinthesouth,thenAydin,Sarukhan,Karasi,andinthefarnorth facing the remainingByzantine strongholds theOsmanlis,or stateofOsman.

TheMuslimconquestofwesternAnatolia in the firsthalfof the fourteenthcenturywasinthelongviewonlythebeginningofanewageofTurkishpower.For under the banner of the descendants of Osman, called by Europeans theOttomans,Turkishcavalrywouldcross theBosphorusandtheDardanellesandswarm into the Balkans. Traveling among the Turkish amirates in 1331, twoyearsbeforehisownMoroccansovereignwaspreparingalastandutterlyfutileattempt to retakeSpain for Islam, IbnBattutamay have gained some comfortfromthespectacleinAnatolia,wherethesituationwasquitethereverse.Bythe

time he ended his traveling career, the Ottoman armies were advancing onGreece. Barelymore than a century and a half after his death theywould beattacking the eastern frontiers of Morocco and marching up the Danube toCentralEurope.

Though theAnatolia IbnBattutasawwasnearing theendof thecentury ofpoliticalcrackingandstrainingthatmarkedthetransitionfromtheSeljukidsandByzantinesto theOttomanEmpire, thecontinuityofurbanandletteredculturewasnever reallybroken.Puttingup theirmosquesandpalaces in themidstofancientGreekcities,theTurkishdynastieswerenaturallyprofoundlyinfluencedbyByzantinearchitecture,craftsmanship,andeverydaycustom.Buttheirmodelof Muslim civilization was the Persian one they brought with them over themountains.Aliteratetraditionoftheirownstillinthefuture,theTurkishrulersandofficialswhotookupresidenceinthetownsencouragedtheimmigrationofPersian scholars, secretaries, and artisans, who helped to make Konya in thetwelfthandthirteenthcenturiesanimportantinternationalcenterofbelles-lettres,Sufi teaching, and architectural innovation.Then, in theMongol panics of the1220sandlater,manymoreeducatedandaffluentPersiansarrivedinAnatolia,attractedbytheprosperousurbancultureofthesultanate.LikeCairoandShiraz,Konya and other Anatolian towns found themselves benefiting unexpectedlyfrom the flight of brains andmoney fromgreaterPersia.These refugees, as itturned out, did not get far enough away from home by half, but theMongolinvasionwassouncharacteristicallymildthatcitylifewentonmuchasbefore.Indeed, under Ilkhanid sovereignty the high culture of eastern and centralAnatoliabecamemorePersianizedthaneverbefore.

In thewest thehard-ridingTurcomanchiefswastedno time forsaking theirtents for the urban Byzantine citadels they captured and assembling aroundthemselvesPersian-speaking immigrant scholarswhowouldshow thempropercivilized behavior. At the time of Ibn Battuta’s visit Persianate letters andrefinementsprevailedinthecourtlycirclesoftheamirates.MoreovertheArabicinfluence at higher levels of societywas not entirelymissing.Arabicwas theaccepted language of building and numismatic inscriptions and of legal andfiscal documents. SomePersian scholars could speak the language, and a fewnotable intellectual figures fromArab lands lived andworked inAsiaMinor.8ThoughIbnBattutadidnotknowPersianatthatpointinhistravels(byhisownadmission)andwouldneverlearnmuchTurkish(afacthewasloathtoadmit),hecouldexpecttohavenomoretroublemakinghimselfunderstoodamongthelearnedfraternityofAnatoliathanhehadhadinIran.9

The spectacular city of Alanya (’Alaya), where Ibn Battuta, al-Tuzari, andapparentlyothercompanionssteppedontoAnatoliansoil in theearlywinterof1330(1332),wasoneofthechiefsouthcoastportslinkingtheinteriorbeyondthecoastalridgesofthewesternTauruswiththelandsoftheArabsandLatins.The harbor and shipyards lay at the eastern foot of a great Gibraltar-likepromontoryrising820feetabovetheseaandsurmountedbyacomplexofwallsandforts.10TherulerofthisbastionwastheamirofKaraman,oneofthemostpowerfuloftheTurcomanstatestoemergeinthelaterthirteenthcentury.InthecompanyofthelocalqadiIbnBattutaprayedtheFridayprayerinthemosqueofthe citadel and the following day rode out ten miles along the shore to payrespectstotheKaramanidgovernorathisseasideresidence.Therewastheusualinterview,andthetraveleracceptedhisfirstpresent,moneyinthisinstance,fromanAnatoliandignitary.

AfterapresumablyshortstayinAlanya,IbnBattutaandhisfriendscontinuedwestwardalong thecoast,probablyon thesameGenoeseship, toAntalya, thenextmajorport.LikeAlanya,ithadbeenaSeljukidtownuntiltakenoverbyaTurcomanwar lordwhosubsequentlyfoundeda localdynastycalled theTeke.IbnBattutaspenthisfirstnightinthelocalmadrasaastheguestofitsshaykh.Butthenextdayamandressedinfrowzy-lookingclothesandwearingafeltcaponhisheadcametothecollegeand,addressingthevisitorsinTurkish, invitedthem to come todinner.The invitationwas translated and IbnBattutapolitelyaccepted. But after the man had gone away he protested to his host that thefellow was obviously poverty-sticken and should not be imposed upon toprovideameal.

Whereupon theshaykhburstout laughingandsaid tome“He isoneof theshaykhsofthe...Akhis.Heisacobbler,andamanofgenerousdisposition.Hisassociatesnumberabouttwohundredmenofdifferenttrades,whohaveelectedhimastheirleaderandhavebuiltahospicetoentertainguestsin,andallthattheyearnbydaytheyspendatnight.”11

Andso,followingthesunsetprayerthepuzzledvisitorandhishostwentoffwiththeshabbycobblertohislodge.

Wefoundittobeafinebuilding,carpetedwithbeautifulRumirugs,andwithalargenumberoflustresofIraqiglass...Standinginrowsinthechamberwereanumberofyoungmenwearing longcloaks, andwithbootson theirfeet.Eachoneofthemhadaknifeabouttwocubitslongattachedtoagirdle

roundhiswaist,andontheirheadswerewhitebonnetsofwoolwithapieceofstuffaboutacubitlongandtwofingersbroadattachedtothepeakofeachbonnet . . .Whenwe had taken our places among them, they brought in agreat banquet, with fruits and sweetmeats, after which they began theirsinginganddancing.

Thus IbnBattutahadhis introduction to the fityan associationsofAnatolia,the institution thatwouldsubsequentlyseehimthroughmore than25differenttownsandcitieswithdisplaysofhospitalitymorelavishandenthusiasticthanhewould experience anywhere else in the Muslim world.12 The fityanorganizations, also called the akhis (originally a Turkish word meaning“generous”),werecorporationsofunmarriedyoungmenrepresentinggenerallytheartisanclassesofAnatoliantowns.Theirpurposewasessentially thesocialone of providing a structure of solidarity and mutual aid in the urbanenvironment.Thecodeofconductand initiationceremoniesof the fityanwerefoundedonasetofstandardsandvaluesthatwentbythenameoffutuwwa,bothwordscomingfromthesameArabicrootandreferringinconcepttotheMuslimideal of the “youth” (fata) as the exemplary expression of the qualities ofnobility,honesty,loyalty,andcourage.Thebrothersofthefityanwereexpectedtoleadlivesapproachingtheseidealqualities,whichincludeddemonstrationsofgenerous hospitality to visiting strangers.The leaders of the associationswereusuallyprestigiouslocalpersonagesofmatureyearswhoheldthehonorifictitleof“Akhi.”

KnownfromAbbasidtimesinvaryingformsoforganizationandpurpose,theprecepts of the futuwwa appear to have entered AsiaMinor from Iran wherefityan corporations had long been established (though Ibn Battuta barelymentions them in connection with his travels there). By the thirteenth orfourteenth centuries associations existed in probably every Anatolian town ofanysize.In theeraofpoliticalupheavalandfragmentationextendingfromtheMongol invasion to the rise of the Ottoman Empire, the fityan were filling acrucial civic function of helping tomaintain urban cohesiveness and defense.Each associationhad its distinctive costume,whichnormally included awhitecapand special trousers, and themembersmet regularly in their lodgesor thehomes of their Akhis for sport, food, and fellowship. Drawing their initiatesfrom youngworkers and craftsmen, the clubswere organized to some degreealongoccupational lines, though theywerenot synonymouswith tradeguilds,which also existed. Meetings and initiation rites incorporated prayers andmystical observances, the religiousdimension reinforcing the secular bondsof

commoninterestandcivicidealism.Coming away from his first fityan banquet “greatly astonished at their

generosity and innate nobility” and doubtless looking forward to the pleasantevenings that lay on the road ahead, Ibn Battuta turned his back on theMediterraneanandpushednorthwardthroughthecoastalhillstothelakedistrictof the southwestern interior and the territory of theAmirate ofHamid.At thetownofBurdurheandal-Tuzari (andperhapsothercompanions)stayed in thehouseofthemosquepreacher,butthefityanputonamarvelousentertainment,“although,”headmits,“theywereignorantofourlanguageandweoftheirs,andtherewasnoone to interpretbetweenus.”Turningnortheastwardnextday thetravelerscontinuedtoEgridir(Akkridur),capitaloftheHamiddynastysituatedatthesouthernendofabeautifulmountainlake.

From thispoint in theAnatolian journey IbnBattuta’s reconstructionofhisitinerarypresents serious andpuzzling im-plausibilities.ThoughwewillneverbequitesurewhichwayhewentafterleavingEgridir,theforceoflogicwouldsuggestthathecontinuedeastwardovertheSultanDaghlarimountainstoKonyaatthesouthwesternedgeofthecentralplateau,arrivingtheresometimeearlyinJanuary1331(1333).13

Talkingwith thescholarsunder thedomesof thebeautifulSeljukidmosqueof’Alaal-DinorthecollegeofInceMinare,IbnBattutamighthavefeltabitasthoughhewereback inIranagain, forKonya,whosepopulationwasamixofTurks, Persians, Greeks, Armenians, and Jews, was the most Persianized ofAnatolian cities at the level of educated culture.14 It was not, admittedly, thegrandcapitalithadbeenintheheydayoftheSeljukids.Butitwasanimportanttradecenter,anditglowedwiththeresidualprestigeofitsgreatendowmentsandthememoryofJalalal-DinRumi,thethirteenth-centurySufipoetwhoseworksareclassicsofworldliterature.

During the latewinterandspringof1331 (1333), ifourguessat theactualitineraryiscorrect,IbnBattutatraveledfromKonyaacrossthecentralplateautoasfareastasErzuruminthemountainsofArmenia,andthenbackagain.Ifhehadat the timenoimmediatedesire togotoIndia,someof themerchantsandscholars hemet on the trail probably did, formuch of theway he kept to theMongol-controlled trunk roads connecting both the easternMediterranean andtheBlackSeawithTabrizandthemainspiceandsilkroutesbeyondit.In1271theyoungMarcoPoloandhisfatherhaddisembarkedatAyasinLittleArmeniaand followed the trans-Anatolian road by way of Sivas, the principal long-distance emporium of the eastern interior, to the upper Tigris and thence toChina.

In the later twelfth and the thirteenth centuries the Seljukids had builtnumerous caravansaries (khans) along themain routes eastwards ofKonya.Amerchant bound forPersia could not have foundgrander ormore comfortableroad accommodations anywhere in theMuslimworld.Designed to serve bothordinarytravelersandsultansonthemarchduringthelongandcoldAnatolianwinters,themostelaboratekhanshad,inadditiontotheusualsleepingquartersandstoreroomsgroupedaroundanopencourtyard,alargecoveredhall,abath,asmallmosque, and amassive, ornately carved portal. TheMongols built evenmore hostelries and placed contingents of mounted police along the roads tocollecttollsandensurethesafetyofthemerchants.Eventodaytheruinsof23khansstillstandalongtheoldroadbetweenKonyaandSivas.15

IntheRihlaIbnBattutadoesnot,surprisinglyenough,mentionstayinginanyofthesecaravansaries.ButhehasmuchtosayaboutthehospitalityoftheAkhis.AtallhismajorstopsbetweenKonyaandSivas(exceptingKaraman[Laranda],the capital of theKaramanid dynasty,where hewas entertained by the sultanhimself)helodgedwiththelocalfityan.AtSivashehadthehappyexperienceofbeing argued over by two different associations for the honor of regaling himfirst.One group of brothers representing theAkhiBichaqchimet him and hiscompanionsatthegateofthecity:

Theywerealargecompany,someridingandsomeonfoot.Thenafterthemweweremetbytheassociatesofthe...AkhiChalabi,whowasoneofthechiefsoftheAkhisandwhoserankwashigherthanthatofAkhiBichaqchi.These invitedus to lodgewith them,but Icouldnotaccept their invitation,owing to the priority of the former.We entered the city in the company ofbothparties,whowereboastingagainstoneanother,andthosewhohadmetusfirstshowedtheliveliestjoyatourlodgingwiththem.

IbnBattutastayedwithoneclubforthreenights,theotherforsix,andduringthat time had an interview with the Ilkhanid governor, for he was now onceagain in the territory of the Mongol king. He gave the usual account of hiswanderings,butitwasalsoanoccasionwhereherevealstheaptitudeforwell-timedun-ctuousness thatwould laterservehimsowell in India.Thegovernorquestioned him about the rulers of various countries through which he hadtraveled:

His ideawas that Iwouldpraise thoseof themwhohadbeengenerousandfindfaultwiththemiserly,butIdidnothingofthekind,and,onthecontrary,

praised them all. He was pleased with this conduct on my part andcommendedmeforit,andthenhadfoodserved.

FromSivaseastwardthesequenceofstopoversgivenintheRihlaleavesdoubtastothepreciserouteIbnBattutaandhiscompanionsfollowed.ThehighroadtoTabriz,therouteofthespicemerchants,ranfromSivasacrossthehillsoftheeastern plateau to Erzincan (Arzanjan), a large Armenian city, and thence toErzurum,thelastimportanttownwestofthepassesleadingintoAzerbaijan.IbnBattuta, however,made two long and arduous side trips.Onewas toAmasya(Amasiya) and Sunisa (Sunusa), two Ilkhanid towns in the PonticMountains(KuzeyAnadolouDaghari), the lofty range that runsparallel to theBlackSeacoast.TheotherwastoGumushane(Kumish),highupintheforestsonthemainroadbetweenErzurumandthesea.16Heintendedtostay inErzurumonlyonenightbutwasobliged to remain for three,at the insistenceofanelderlyAkhi,who personally catered the visitors’ meals, though he was by local accountsmorethan130yearsold!

AstheitineraryintheRihlahasit,IbnBattutaandhisfriendsweresuddenlyand inexplicably transported as if by jet aircraft from Erzurum to the city ofBirgi, which lay almost 700miles to the west. He says nothing of his returnjourneyfromeasternAnatolia,butbyhisownaccounthewasinEgridir,capitalof theHamid principality, at the beginning ofRamadan,whichwas 8 June in1331 (16May in 1333). Accounting logically for his whereabouts during theprevious severalmonths, hemaywell havebeen inEgridir for a second time,returningwestward,whenRamadanarrived.17Heremained thereseveraldays,attendingtheroyalcourtandbreakingthefasteveryeveninginthecompanyofthesultanandhisqadi.

Hethenrodewestward toLadhiq,prosperouscapitalof the littleamirateofDenizli,wherehe celebrated the ’Id al-Fitr, theBreakingof theFast,with thelocaldoctorsofthelaw.HewasnowapproachingtheAegeanandpassingintothe marches where Turcoman cavalry had only in the previous few decadesexpelledtheByzantinearmiesandlandlordsandwherethemajorityoftheurbanpopulation was still Christian. Ladhiq had a large and economically vigorouspopulationofGreeksengagedintheproductionoffinecottonfabrics.“MostoftheartisansthereareGreekwomen,”theRihlareports,“forinittherearemanyGreekswhoaresubjecttotheMuslimsandwhopayduestothesultan...ThedistinctivemarkoftheGreeksthereistheir[wearingof]tallpointedhats,somered and some white, and the Greek women for their part wear capaciousturbans.”

Thefityanassociationsweretheretooofcourse,andthistimetheirvehementministrationswerealmostenoughtosendIbnBattutaandhisfriendsfleeinginpanic:

Aswepassed throughoneof thebazaars,somemencamedownfromtheirboothsandseizedthebridlesofourhorses.Thencertainothermenquarrelledwith them for doing so, and the altercation between themgrew so hot thatsome of them drew knives. All this time we had no idea what they weresaying,andwebegantobeafraidofthem...AtlengthGodsentusaman,apilgrim,whoknewArabic, and I askedwhat theywantedofus.He repliedthattheybelongedtothefityan,thatthosewhohadbeenthefirsttoreachusweretheassociatesofthe...AkhiSinan,whiletheothersweretheassociatesof the . . . Akhi Tuman, and that each party wanted us to lodge withthem...Finallytheycametoanagreementtocastlots,andthatweshouldlodgefirstwiththeonewhoselotwasdrawn.

AfterrestinginLadhiqforsomedaysfollowingthefestivitiesof’Idal-Fitr,thelittlepartyjoinedacaravangoingwest.Nowtheirroadwounddownalongthe valleys of the ancient Aegean lands of Phrygia and Caria and past thevineyards and olive groves that signalled the travelers’ return to theMediterraneanrim.

Throughouttherestof1331(1333)IbnBattutacontinuedhistourofTurkishprincipalities,movingnorthward through theAegeanhinterlandandvisiting insuccession the courts of Menteshe, Aydin, Sarukhan, Karasi, Balikesir, andfinallyOsman.ThesewerethefrontlinestatesoftheMuslimadvance,whichbythe time of his arrival in the region had left the hapless Byzantines clingingprecariously to a few patches of fortified Asian territory. Moreover, by 1331Turkish bands were already raiding Aegean islands and the Balkan shoreoppositetheDardanelles,preliminaryboutsfortheinvasionofEuropethatwassoontocome.

The speed with which the Byzantines vacated the Aegean littoral left theTurkishinvaderssuddenlyinpossessionofaregionof tremendousagriculturaland commercial wealth and an urban tradition going back more than twomillennia.Barelyoutofthesaddle,theupstartghazichiefsreadilytransformedthemselves into civilized princes. Ibn Battuta was much impressed by hisreception at Birgi, capital of the Amir Mehmed of Aydin, where he arrivedprobablysometimeinJuly.Owingtotheintensesummerheat,hespentseveraldays in the company of the sultan and his retinue at a royalmountain retreat.

Then, moving down out of the highlands to the Aegean coast, the travelersturned north again, visiting in succession the ancient cities of Aya Soluk(Ephesus),Izmir(Smyrna),Manisa,Bergama(Pergamom),Balikesir,andfinallyBursaandIznik(Yaznik,Nicaea).Akhis,shaykhs,andprincescameforwardallalong theway to host him and ply himwith gifts. Everywhere except inAyaSoluk.Thereheforgottogetoffhishorsewhenhesalutedthegovernor,asonoftheamirofAydin,thusbreakingafundamentalTurkishcourtesy.Consequentlythegovernorsnubbedhimbysendinghimnothingmorevaluablethanasinglerobeofgoldbrocade.Thetraveleralsoseemstohavehadanunsatisfactorytimein the mini-amirate of Balikesir, whose sultan he describes as “a worthlessperson”anditspeopleas“alargepopulationofgood-for-nothings”forfailingtobuildaroofontheirnewcongregationalmosqueandthereforehavingtoconducttheFridayprayerinagroveofwalnuttrees.

InacompletelycontrastingtonehereportshisintroductiontoOrkhan,rulerof the principality of Osman: “This sultan is the greatest of the kings of theTurkmens and the richest in wealth, lands and military forces.” From theperspectiveofthemid1350swhentheRihlawascomposed,suchacomparativeevaluation would have seemed painfully accurate to all the other westernamiratesaswellastheChristiansofConstantinople.ForbetweenthetimeoftheMoroccan’svisittoAnatoliaandthecloseofhistravelingcareer,theOsmanlis,orOttomans,elbowedtheirwayintoworldhistory.

Osman, the Turcoman chief, who appears in history through a fog of laterOttoman legend, started his military career in the late thirteenth centuryorganizingmountedarchersintheSakaryariverregionsandwichedbetweenthegreatamiratesofGermiyanandKastamonu.Heachievedfamesuddenlyin1301when he defeated a 2,000-man Byzantine force near Izmit (Nicomedia). AsGreekresistancestiffenedoutofdesperationtokeeptheirremainingfootholdsinAsia, Osman’s ranks swelled with Turcoman cavalry from other amirates. In1326, the yearOsman died, the importantGreek city ofBursawas taken andbecame for a time the Ottoman capital. In early 1331 Orkhan, his son andsuccessor, captured Iznik and in the following six years virtually eliminatedByzantinepowereastoftheBosphorus.

IbnBattutapassedthroughtheOsmanlikingdomatthehistoricmomentwhenitwasconsolidatinga richagriculturalandurbanbase inAnatoliaandwasonthe brink of almost seven decades of military expansion in every direction.Orkhan’stalentsasamilitaryleaderwereapparenttothevisitor:

Of fortresseshepossessesnearly ahundred, and formost ofhis timehe is

continuallyengagedinmakingtheroundofthem,stayingineachfortressforsomedaystoputitintogoodorderandexamineitscondition.Itissaidthathehadneverstayedforawholemonthinanyonetown.Healsofightswiththeinfidelscontinuallyandkeepsthemundersiege.

Less than fifteen years after Ibn Battuta observed Orkhan’s compulsive war-making, the Ottoman army conquered the neighboring amirate of Karasi andsoon thereafter crossed theDardanelles intoThrace.TheByzantine fortress ofGallipolifellin1354,andwhenOrkhandiedin1360,theTurkishwarmachinewaspoisedfortheconquestofsoutheasternEurope.18

Whenhewasnotfighting,OrkhanfoundtimetoestablishamadrasainIznikin 133119 and would undertake a good deal more public building later in hisreign, laying thecultural foundations thatwould transformhisstillveryGreekcities intoTurko–Muslimones.The fityan clubswere already active inBursa.IbnBattutalodgedinthehospiceofoneoftheAkhisandpassedthenightofthefast ofAshura (10Muharram, or 13October 1331) there in a “truly sublime”state,listeningtoQur’anicreadingsandahomileticsermon.HealsometOrkhanhimself during his stay in Bursa (though he has nothing to say about themeeting)and received fromhimagiftof“a large sumofmoney.” In IznikhemettheKhatun,wifeofOrkhan,andremainedinthatcityforsomeweeksowingtooneofhishorsesbeingill.

WhenhestartedoutagainsometimeinNovember,20nowtravelingeastwardtohisrendezvouswiththeBlackSea,hehadinhiscompany,hetellsus, threefriends(includingal-Tuzari),twoslaveboys,andaslavegirl.Thisisoneofthefew occasions in theRihla where he reveals precisely the composition of hisentourage. He was also trailing, we may surmise, several horses and a largeaccumulationofbaggage.HeadingintothelaststageofhisjourneythroughAsiaMinor,itseemsclearthatasignificantchangehadoccurredinbothhismaterialwelfareandhisownsenseofhissocialstatusasan’alimofmoderate fortune.He speaks in theRihla of “the prestige enjoyed by doctors of law among theTurks.” Indeed, as a jurist, a pilgrim, and a representative ofArab culture, hewas treated with more honor and deference among the Turkish princes,themselves hungry for approval as legitimate and respectable Muslim rulers,than anywhere else in his travels up to that point. In turn he began to asserthimselfmoreasamatureandletteredmaninthepresenceofsecularpower.InMilasat thecourtofMenteshehe successfully intercededbefore the sultanonbehalfofajuristwhohadfallenoutoffavorowingtoapoliticalslip.InAydintheamirMehmedaskedhimtowritedownanumberofhadiths,ortraditionsof

the Prophet, recalled frommemory, then had expositions of them prepared inTurkish. Later, at the palace in Birgi Ibn Battuta loudly denounced a Jewishphysician, who had a prominent position at court, for seating himself in apositionabovetheQur’anreaders.Theincidentwasnotsomuchanexpressionof anti-semitism as a demonstration of his sense of pious propriety and hiswillingness tostandupforrighteousstandardsasheperceivedthem,whateverthesultan’sreaction.21

Visiting about twenty princely courts (including seats of governors) in thespaceoflessthanayear,hecouldwellsupporthisclaimtostatusasagentlemanof consequence with a growing store of assets in hospitality gifts, not onlyclothes,horses,andmoney,butslavesandconcubines.Forthefirst timeinhistravels he speaks of acquiring bonded servants, anticipating the day in Indiawhenhewouldbeaccompaniedbyalargeretinueofthem.TheamirofAydingave him his first slave, a male Greek captive. In Ephesus he purchased forhimselfayoungGreekgirlforfortygolddinars.InIzmirthesultan’ssongavehimanotherboy.InBalikesirheboughtasecondgirl.WhenheleftIznikhehad,ashe reports, only three slaves (oneperhapshavingbeen sold), buthewas inany case traveling as a man of substance. The conspicuous evidence of hiswealthandprestigewouldcontinue togrowduring theensuing journeyacrossCentralAsia.

But firsthehad toget across thePonticMountains to theBlackSea in thedead of a bitter Anatolian winter. In stark contrast to his summer promenadethroughtheorchardsandvineyardsof thelovelyAegeanvalleys, thefinal trekout of Asia Minor was a chain of annoyances and near fatal calamitiesreminiscent of his distastrousmarch toQalhat along the SouthArabian coast.ThetroublebeganattheSakaryaRiverseveralmileseastofIznikwhenthelittlepartystartedtofollowaTurkishhorsewomanandherservantacrosswhattheyall thought was a ford. Advancing to the middle of the river, the womansuddenlyfellfromherhorse.Reachingouttosaveher,herservantjumpedintothe frigidwaterbutbothof themwerecarriedaway in the swirlingcurrent.Agroupofmenontheoppositebank,witnessingtheaccident,immediatelyswaminto the stream and managed to drag both victims ashore. Half-drowned, thewomaneventuallyrevived,butherservantperished.ThementhenwarnedIbnBattutaandhiscompanionsthattheymustgofurtherdownstreamtocrosssafely.After heeding this advice, they discovered a primitive wooden raft, loadedthemselvesandtheirbaggageonit,andwerepulledacrossbyrope,theirhorsesswimmingbehind.

ThenatthevillageofGoynuk(Kainuk),wheretheylodgedinthehouseofa

Greek woman for a night, they encountered heavy snow. A local horsemanguided them onward through the drifts as far as a Turcoman village, whereanotherriderwashiredtotakethemtoMudurnu(Muturni), thenextimportanttownonthefarsideofawoodedmountainpass.22Afterleadingthemdeepintothe hills, the guide suddenlymade signs that hewantedmoney.Whenhewasrefusedanycompensationuntilhedeliveredhisemployerssafelyintotown,hesnatchedabowbelongingtooneof thetravelersandthreatenedtosteal it. IbnBattutarelentedthen,butthemomenttheroguehadmoneyinhishandhefled,leaving the startled little band to find their own road in the deep snow.Eventuallytheycametoahillwherethetrackwasmarkedbystones,butbythistimethesunwassetting.Iftheytriedtocampintheforestovernight,theywerelikelytofreezetodeath;iftheycontinuedontheywouldonlylosetheirwayinthedark.

Ihadagoodhorse,however,athoroughbred,soIplannedawayofescape,saying tomyself, “If I reach safety, perhaps Imay contrive somemeans tosavemycompanions,”andithappenedso.IcommendedthemtoGodMostHighandsetout...AfterthehourofthenightprayerIcametosomehousesand said “O God, grant that they be inhabited.” I found that they wereinhabited,andGodMostHighguidedmetothegateofacertainbuilding.IsawbyitanoldmanandspoketohiminArabic;herepliedtomeinTurkishand signed me to enter. I told him about my companions, but he did notunderstandme.

Then,inathoroughlyimprobablestrokeofprovidence,IbnBattutafoundthathe was at a Sufi hospice and that one of the brethren was a former“acquaintance”ofhis,anArabic-speakingchap(fromwhatcorneroftheworldwearenottold)whoquicklygraspedthesituationandsentapartytorescuethestrandedcompanions.Afterawarmnightandahotmealinthelodge,thegroupcontinuedontoMudurnu,arrivingjustintimefortheFridayprayer.

Convincednowthat theyneededan interpreter, IbnBattutaengageda localman(whohadmadethehajjandspokeArabic)totakethemtoKastamonu,thelargesttownintheregion,whichlaytendaystothenortheast.Thoughthemanwasprosperousandreasonablywelleducated,hequicklyrevealedhimselftobeagreedyandunscrupulouscharacter,sellinganythinghecouldlayhishandsonin the village market places, stealing part of the daily expense funds, andappropriating forhimself themoney the travelerswished topaya sisterofhiswhofedtheminavillagealongtheway.Buttheystillneededthefellowtoget

themthroughthemountains.“Thethingwentsofarthatweopenlyaccusedhimand would say to him at the end of the day ‘Well, Hajji, how much of theexpense-money have you stolen today?’ He would reply ‘So much,’ and wewouldlaughathimandmakethebestofit.”

OntopofallthesemiseriesIbnBattuta’sslavegirlalmostdrownedcrossinganotherriver.

The weary caravaners must have been blessedly relieved to arrive atKastamonu, capital of the principality of the Jandarids and an island ofmoderately civilized comfort in the snowywilderness. IbnBattuta once againreceived the sort of treatment to which hewas accustomed, feastingwith thelocalscholars,meeting theamir inhis loftycitadeloverlooking thecity,23andaccepting the usual robes, horse, andmoney.He remained there someweeks,enjoying his last encounter with a generous Anatolian prince and perhapswaitingfortheweathertoimprove.Then,ridingnortheastwardintothePontic,nowapparentlywithanentourageofnine,hecrossedoneofthehighpassesanddescended through thedense forestsof thenorthern slopes, theBlackSeaandthelandoftheGoldenHordebeforehim.

Notes

1.Gb,vol.2,p.416.2.IB’sreferencetoastayof40daysinJiddacannotbetakenasapreciserecollection.AsHrbekpoints

out(Hr,pp.453,467)IBrepeatedlyreportsthelengthofhisstopoversinparticularplacesas“fortydays”or“aboutfortydays.”TheuseofthisnumberasaconventionalroundedfigurewascommonamongMiddleEasternandMuslimpeoples.ItappearsfrequentlyinIslamicideologyandritualinMorocco.SeeEdwardWestermarck,RitualandBeliefinMorocco,2vols.(London,1926),vol.1,p.143.

3.TheRihla’searliestdescriptionoftravelsthroughGreaterSyriaappearstobeacompilationoffourseparatejourneys,thesecondonebeingin1330(1332)(seeChapter3,note26andChapter6,note2).Thusit isdifficult toknowpreciselywhichcitieshevisitedduringeachof the four tours.Heclaims,withoutaddinganydescriptivematerial, tohavepassed throughHebron, Jerusalem,andRamlaonhisway fromGazatoAcrein1330(1332).Hrbek(Hr,p.454)isinclinedtobelieve,forreasonsofchronologyandlogic,thatthesestopoversareoutofplaceandthathewentdirectlyupthecoasttoLatakiawithoutpassingintotheinterior.However,IBcouldhavefittedinasecondvisittotheholyplacesofHebronandJerusalemandbeenbackonthecoastinamatterofafewdays.Moreover,hemayhavevisitedseveraltownsandcastlesinfarnorthernSyriain1330.Hementionsthem,however,onlyinconnectionwiththe1326itinerary.

4.Inthe1330stheGenoesewereprobablyjustbeginningtofrequentLevantineportsafterahiatusofseveral decades owing to conflict between theMamluks and the last of the Crusader states.W. Heyd,HistoireducommerceduLevantaumoyen-âge,2vols.(Leipzig,1936),vol.1,pp.547–8,vol.2,pp.61–62.

5. EugeneH. Byrne,Genoese Shipping in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Cambridge,Mass.,1930),pp.5–9.

6.IBclaimstohavetakentennightstogetfromLatakiatoAlanya,butifthewindwasfavorable,ashesays,thetripcouldhavebeenmadeintwoorthreedays.Hr,pp.454–55.

7.ClaudeCahen,Pre-OttomanTurkey(London,1968),p.153.8.Ibid.,pp.227,256,349–50.9.IBgivesanobliqueimpressionthathelearnedTurkishatsomepointinhiscareer,but,asGibbpoints

out(Gb,vol.2,p.420n),thereisnoevidencethathedid.10.SetonLloydandD.S.Rice,Alanya(Ala’iyya)(London,1958).11.WhereGibbhas translatedIB’s termal-fataakhias“YoungAkhi,” Ihavemade it simply“Akhi.”

Theleadersofthefityanwereseldomyoung.12.SperosVryonis,TheDeclineofMedievalHellenisminAsiaMinorandtheProcessofIslamization

from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971), pp. 396–402. Theauthorlists26placeswhereIBspeaksofbeingentertainedbyafityanclub.Icount27orpossibly28.13. Themain difficultywith the journey throughAnatolia is that the trip fromKonya to Erzurum is

arbitrarilyinsertedinthenarrativebetweenhisstopsatMilasandBirgi,bothcitiesinthefarwestof thepeninsula. IB says nothing of how he got fromMilas toKonya or fromErzurum toBirgi. The journeythrough easternAnatolia seems obviouslymisplaced, but there are no internal clues to help sort out theactual itinerary. Hrbek (Hr, pp. 455–64) suggests that if IB’smovementswere reasonably logical, he islikelytohavegonefromAntalyatoEgridir,thenturnedeastwardatthatpointandtraveledontoKonyaandErzurum.HewouldhavereturnedtoEgridirbyafairlydirectrouteandarrivedthereintimeforRamadan(8June1331or16May1333).Hestatesthathewasinthatcityforthestartofthefast.SuchapatternofmovementwouldfitinwellwiththechronologyoftheAnatoliantravelstakenasawhole.Thatis,arrivingon thesouthcoast in late1330 (1332),hewouldhavespent the first fivemonthsor sogoing toEgridir,Konya,Erzurum,andbackagain.HewouldthenhavecontinuedwestwardtoMilas,Birgi,andtheAegeancoast, traveling through that region, as he states several times, during the summer.There is at least oneannoyingsnaginthishypotheticalreconstruction.IBplaceshimselfinEgridirforthestartofRamadan,butduring a single visit to that town. Hrbek’s speculative solution hangs on the assertion that IB probablyvisited Egridir twice and that the Ramadan visit inMay occurred following his return from the easternregion.ThereareofcourseseveralexamplesintheRihlaofhiscollapsingdescriptionsconnectedwithtwoormorevisitstoaplaceintoasingle,firstvisit.IbelieveHrbek’sreconstructionremainsplausibleforwantof anything better. P. Wittek thinks that owing to the chronological and geographical problems of theKonya–Erzurum trip, IBmade it up on hearsay.DasFürstentumMentesche (Amsterdam, 1967), p. 66.However,IB’seasternAnatoliandetourpresentsnumerousdetailsofpersonalexperience.14.“Konya,”EI2,vol.5,pp.253–56;J.Bergeret,“Konya,”Archéologia96(July1976):30–37.15. Halil Inalcik,TheOttoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300–1600, trans. Norman Itzkowitz and

ColinImber(London,1973),pp.53,108–09.16.IB’spreciseitineraryineasternAnatoliaisimpossibletofathom.TheRihlahashimgoingdirectly

fromSunisatoGumushane,butnodirectrouteexistedowingtothehighmountains.Hrbekspeculatesonalternativeroadshecouldhavetaken(Hr,pp.458–59).17.Seenote13.18.IncontrasttothestandardhistoriographyIhavenotcloselyidentifiedtheearlyOttomanconquests

withtheholywarofghazis.Arecentessayconvincinglyarguesthattheideologyoftribalsolidarityandtheshared adventure of “nomad predation” unified Osman’s and Orkhan’s military enterprises, not jihadagainst theGreeks. SeeRudi Paul Lindner,Nomads andOttomans inMedieval Anatolia (Bloomington,Ind.,1983).19.Inalcik,OttomanEmpire,p.8.20.IBstatesthathewasinBursaforthefastofAshura(10Muharram732or13October1331).Hetook

twodaysgettingfromBursatoIznikandremainedinthelattercity40days(probablymoreorless).21.D&S,vol.2,p.xiii.TheseauthorspointoutthatIBdemonstratedconsiderabletolerancetowardnon-

Muslims.InthisinstancetheJewishphysiciandidsomethingreprehensibleinhiseyes.22.CharlesWilson(ed.),Murray’sHandbookforTravellersinAsiaMinor(London,1895),p.14.23.“Kastamuni,”EI2,vol.4,pp.737–39;Wilson,Murray’sHandbook,p.7.

8TheSteppe

Wetraveledeastward,seeingnothingbuttheskyandtheearth.1

WilliamofRubruck

If IbnBattuta had inquired among themerchants of Sinope themost sensibleway to get from the northern coast ofAnatolia to India, they probablywouldhavetoldhimtogotoTabrizbywayofTrebizond,thenontoHurmuzandashiptotheMalabarcoast.Hechose,onthecontrary,tomakeforthecityofal-Qiram(Solgat,ortodayStaryKrim)intheinterioroftheCrimeanPeninsulaonthefarsideoftheBlackSea.Al-QiramwastheseatoftheMongollordgoverningtheprovinceofCrimeaundertheauthorityofOzbeg,KhanofKipchak,thekingdomknown later to Europeans as the Golden Horde. It was also the chief inlandtransit center for goods passing from Kaffa and other Italian colonies on theCrimeancoasttothetownsofthepopulousVolgaRiverbasin,theheartofthekhanate.

IbnBattutadoesnotexplainwhyheandhiscompanionsdecidedtocrossthesea and approach India by the longer, more difficult route across the CentralAsiansteppe,butitiseasyenoughtoguess.Foronething,hehadalreadyseenTabriz,Hurmuz,andagoodbitofPersia,andifhewastohonorhisextravagantpledge to shun territory already covered, then the northern route, the fabuloussilkroadofInnerAsia,washisobviousalternative.Wemayalsosuspectthatbythistimehehaddevisedagrandschemenotonlytovisitall thegreatcitiesofthe central lands of Islam, but to penetrate the outer fringes of the expandingcivilizedworldaswell.HehadbeentoKilwa,thelastoutpostofqadisandcitycomfortsinthesoutherntropics.Andnowhehadtheopportunitytodiscoverthelimitsofculturedsocietyinthewildsofthenorth,wheresummernightsweresoshortthatintricatetheologicalproblemsaroseastothehoursofprayerandthefastofRamadan.Moreover,thepreviousyearandahalfinAnatoliahadtaughthim all he needed to know about the satisfaction Turkish princes seemed to

derive from entertaining and rewarding visiting faqihs. He was certainly wellaware that theKipchakstatehadbecomeofficially Islamiconly inhis lifetimeand that New Saray (al-Sara’), its capital on the Volga, was a flower ofcosmopolitan industry and culture that had bloomed overnight in the frigidsteppe.IfthelittleamirsofAsiaMinorcouldtreathimsowellandcontributesomaterially to his personal fortune, what might he expect from Ozbeg Khan,whoseterritoriesandwealthweresomuchgreater.

In theRihla he proposes a list of “the seven kings who are the great andmightykingsof theworld.”Oneof them,naturallyenough,was theSultanofMorocco,whocommissionedthewritingofthebook.AnotherwastheMamlukrulerofEgyptandathirdtheSultanofIndia.TheremainingfourwereMongolsoftheHouseofGenghis:theYuanemperorofChina,theIlkhanofPersia,andthekhansofChagatayandKipchak.ThoughtheMongolworldempirenolongerexisted in theMoroccan’s time except as a political fiction, its four successorkingdoms (plus the White Horde of western Siberia) ruled among them thegreaterpartof the landmassofEurasia.AdmittedlyIbnBattutadidmorethanjusticetoOzbegandhiscousintheKhanofChagataytoputthemonhislistatall,forunliketheothers(exceptingperhapstheSultanofMorocco,whohadtobeincludedanyway)theywerenotmastersofoneofthecoreregionsofagrariancivilization. They were heirs rather to the Inner Asian plains, the core of theTurko–Mongol domainwhere the pastoral way of life still predominated, andwherecivilizationcameharderandlaterowingtothelimitsofagricultureandtophysical distance or isolation from the main Eurasian centers of culture andtrade.

Butifmightykingsaretobejudgedbythesizeoftheirkingdoms,thekhansofKipchakandChagataywereamongtheawesome,fortogethertheirterritoriescoveredanexpanseofgrassland,desert,andmountainmorethanhalfthesizeofthecontinentalUnitedStates.Fromthefertilegrain-growingvalleyoftheVolga,OzbegKhandispatchedhisgovernorstotheCrimea,tothenorthernCaucasus,tothealluvialdelta(calledKhwarizm)oftheAmuDarya(Oxus)River,andtotheimmenseUkrainiansteppenorthoftheBlackSea.Totheforesteduplandsinthe northwest he sent his cavalry to collect annual tribute from the ChristianprincesofRussiaandorchestratedtheirdynasticaffairstokeepthemweakanddivided.IntheSlavicsouthwestheintervenedwhenitsuitedhimintheaffairsofthe kingdom of Bulgaria. In his foreign policy he exerted an influence of aspecialsortovertheMamluksultanate,becausehiskingdomsuppliedCairowithmost of its ruling class, the youngmale slaveswhowere captured in frontierwarsorwerepurchasedorextractedfrompoorfamiliesoftheKipchaksteppe.

Ibn Battuta visited the lands of Kipchak just a century after the MongolslaunchedtheirinvasionofwesternEurasia.Insixyearsofcataclysmicviolence(1236–41) theTatar juggernautunder thegeneralshipofBatuandSubedeihaddevouredcitiesandtownsofRussia,Poland,andHungary,leavingthePopeandthekingsoftheLatinWesttremblingforthefutureofChristendom.Thoughtheconquerors withdrew from eastern Europe as precipitately as they had come,Batu,sonofJochiandgrandsonofGenghisKhan,establishedacampnearthelower Volga which became as Saray, or later Old Saray, the capital of theKhanate of Kipchak. Ibn Battuta knew the state under that name, theGoldenHorde being an appellation bestowed by theRussians two centuries later.Theadjective “golden” remains open to different explanations, but “horde” camefrom the Turkish word “ordu,” meaning camp or palace. The name carries acertainirony,foritsuggestedtothefourteenthcenturyameaningcontrarytothemodernimageofathrongofwildbarbariansridingintobattle.TheorduofBatu(d.1256)andhissuccessorswasthecoreofastableanddisciplinedgovernmentunderwhich,asinPersia,rampantbloodshedanddestructionyieldedtopoliticalconditionsfavoringrevivalofagriculture,increasedinternationaltrade,andtheriseoftowns,someofthem,likeOldandNewSaray,fromthegroundup.

PriortotheMongolinvasionIslamwasthedominantfaithamongthesettledBulgharTurks of themiddleVolga region but hadmade little headway in theCrimea or theUkrainian steppe.The khans of theGoldenHordewere for themostpart as internationallymindedas their cousins inPersia, encouraging thetradersofallnations, toleratingconfessionaldiversity,andfor thefirstseventyyears of the khanate’s history keeping the promoters of both Islam andChristianityguessingastowhatreligiontheroyalcourtwouldfinallyaccept.In1313Ozbeg ascended the throne and, asGhazan had done in Persia 18 yearsearlier,proclaimedIslamthereligionofstate.HisdecisionwasablowtoboththeRomanandByzantinechurches,whichhaduntilthenheldsanguinehopesofbringingthekhanstoChrist.

The victory of Islam was in fact almost certainly inevitable. If Mongolinternationalism had from the point of view of European history the effect of“opening”westernAsiatoLatinpriestsandItalianmerchants,itgaveinthelongrunfargreateradvantagetoMuslimtradersandpreachers,whohadalreadybeenpressing into the steppe zone for centuries.TheVolga had close historic linkswiththeMuslimIrano–TurkishcitiesofnorthernPersiaandTransoxiana,thatis,the regions east of the Caspian. Those cities offered a much handier andweightiermodel of civilization to the khanate than either Byzantium or LatinEurope could do. As the new political order in western Asia emerged, the

caravans from the southeast brought ever-growing numbers of merchants,scholars, craftsmen, and Sufi brethren, seeking fortunes and converts in theburgeoning towns of the khanate.Whether Christian friars and Italian traderswere present or not, these towns assumed from the later thirteenth century anincreasinglyMuslimcharacter.

Ozbeg’sIslamicpolicywasinfactrecognitionofaculturalconversionoftheregionthatwasalreadytakingplace.TheRussiantributarystatesofthenorthernforests remained loyal to their Orthodox church, and the Islamization of thesteppewas by nomeans completewhen IbnBattuta passed through, since hehimselfbearswitnesstoTurkishChristiancommunitiesintheCrimea.Forhim,however,theimportantdevelopmentwasnottheconversionofthecountryside;rather, the establishment of Islam as the “official” religion signified that theshari’awastohavealargerroleinsociety,supersedinglocalorMongolcustominmattersofdevotionandpersonalstatus.IftheSacredLawweretobeappliedintherealm,thenqadisandjuristshadtobeimportedfromtheoldercentersofliteracy.ThusinIbnBattuta’stimethetownsofthewesternsteppewerefirmlylinkedtotheinternationalnetworkofjudges,teachers,andscribesalongwhichhealwaysendeavoredtotravel.

He remembers spendingmore than amonth and a half in Sinope in the earlyspringof1332(1334),thelastelevendayswaitingforafavorablewindafterhe,al-Tuzari,andothercompanionsbookedpassageonashipboundfortheCrimea.He remarks that the vessel belonged to some “Rumi,” probably in this caseGenoeseratherthanGreek.2ItalianshippinghadinvadedtheBlackSeainforcefollowing the fall of Constantinople to Frankish Crusaders in 1204. Both theGenoeseandtheVenetiansheldmercantilecoloniesintheCrimeaandalongtheshore of the Sea of Azov. In Ibn Battuta’s time these two powers competedmurderouslyforthetradeoftheBlackSea,buttheyhadvirtuallynocommercialcompetitionfromeitherMuslimsorGreeks.

WhencaptainsoftheBlackSeawereundersail,theyusuallypreferredtohugthe coast because of the tempests that might suddenly come blasting off thenorthernsteppe.ThoughwehavenocluewhetherIbnBattuta’sshipwasabigone,hispilotseemedconfidentenoughtolaunchintotheopenseaandmakeastraight course for theCrimea.But three nights out of Sinope a violent stormblewup.InhisIndianOceantravelsIbnBattutahadseennothinglikeit.

Wewere insorestraitsanddestructionvisiblybeforeoureyes.Iwas in thecabin,alongwithamanfromtheMaghribnamedAbuBakr,andIbadehim

goupondecktoobservethestateofthesea.Hedidsoandcamebacktomeinthecabinsayingtome“IcommendyoutoGod.”

ThevesselcouldmakenoheadwayagainstthefuriouswindandwasblownbacknearlytoSinope.Thestormsubsidedforatime,thenreturnedassavagelyasbefore,andtheshipwasagaindrivenback.Finallythewindswungroundtothe stern and after several days of panic and near-catastrophe the Crimeanmountains loomedahead.Thecaptainmade forKerchon thewesternbankofthestraitleadingintotheSeaofAzov.Butasheapproachedtheporthesightedpeople on the shore apparently trying to signal him off. Fearing enemy wargalleysintheharbor(Venetians?Turkishpirates?),heturnedwestwardalongthecoast,probablyheadingforeitherKaffaorSudak.

Then,forreasonsunexplained,IbnBattutaaskedthecaptaintoputhimandhis companions ashore, not in a port but at a roadstead somewhere along theruralCrimean coast.Theparty disembarked and, after spending thenight in achurch,negotiatedwithsomelocalChristianTurksforthehireofhorsesandawagon.Within a day or so they reached Kaffa, chief colony of the Genoesemerchantry.

IbnBattuta counted about 200 ships inKaffa harbor. Some of themwouldcarryawaytheclothsandotherluxurywaresthathadcomealongthesilkroadfromPersiaorChina.Otherswouldloadtheirdeckswithwarcaptivesandthesadchildrenofimpoverishedsteppefolk,consigningsometotheslavemarketofCairo,otherstothesugarplantationsofCyprusortherichhouseholdsofItaly.Butmainly,ships’holdswouldbefilledwiththerawproductsofthesteppeandforest:grainfromtheVolga,timberfromthemountainsofsouthernCrimea,fursfrom Russia and Siberia, salt, wax, and honey. Though the Franks built theirhousesandconductedtheirbusinessinKaffaatthepleasureoftheKhanoftheGoldenHordeandthoughgoodrelationsbetweenthemsometimesbrokedown,thiscitywasthemostprofoundlyLatinizedofalltheBlackSeaports.ProbablyalargeminorityofthepopulationwasGenoese,therestaheterogeneouscrowdof Turkish soldiers and nomads, Russian fur traders, Egyptian slave agents,Greeks, Circassians and Alans, not to mention Florentines, Venetians andProvençals.3

IbnBattuta,inanycase,wasnottofeelathomeinKaffa.Whenheandhisfriendsarrivedtheretheywenttolodgeinthemosque.Whiletheywererestinginside, the Catholic churches of the town suddenly began ringing their bells.Pious Muslims in general regarded church bells as one of the more odiousmanifestationsofChristiansacrilege.IbnBattutaforonehadneverheardsucha

satanicclamor.Reactingwithmorebravadothansense,heandhiscompanionsboundedtothetopoftheminaretandbeganchantingouttheQur’anandthecalltoprayer.Soonthelocalqadi rushedtothescene,weaponinhand,fearingthevisitorswouldbe indangerforprovokingthehostilityofEuropeans.What theChristiansinthestreetsbelowmighthavedoneinresponsetothiscomicoperagesturewewillneverknow,buttheincidentendedwithnosectarianviolence.

LeavingKaffawithinadayortwo,IbnBattutaandhispartycontinuedonbywagontotheirimmediatedestinational-Qiram,theprovincialcapitalandmainstagingpointforthetrans-Asiancaravans.Travelingnowinthecompanyofanofficerofstateonhiswaytoseethegovernor,theirroutepresumablytookthemwestwardalong thecoastas faras theportofSudak(SurdakorSoldaia), theninlandover the steepsouthern scarpof theCrimeanmountains.4Al-Qiram laybeyond the hills at the edge of the flat grassy plain thatwas ecologically thevestibuleofthegreatKipchaksteppe.ThoughaGenoeseconsulwassometimesinresidence,al-QiramwasadecidedlyMuslimtowninitseconomyandculture(amosquecarryingOzbegKhan’sinscriptiononitstillstands).5IbnBattutametseveral scholars, including theHanafi andShafi’i judges, and stayed in aSufihospice.

Though Tuluktemur, the Muslim Turkish governor of the town, was notfeelingwell,hereceivedthevisitorsanywayandpresentedtheMoroccanwithahorse.ItwassoonlearnedthatthisamirwaspreparingtosetoutforNewSaraytoseethekhan.InPersiaIbnBattutahadbeengiventheunexpectedprivilegeoftravelinginthemahallaoftheMongolking,andnowonceagainthechanceofhis itinerary had brought him to al-Qiram just in time to make a 700-milejourney to the Volga under imperial escort with no worries about personalamenities,highwaymen,ormalevolentguides.To thispurposehebought threewagonsandanimalstopullthem:onecartforhimselfandaslavegirl(probablyoneof theyoungGreekwomenhe acquired inAsiaMinor), a second smalleroneforal-Tuzari,andathirdlargeonefortherestofhiscompanions.

UptothatpointIbnBattutahadhadalmostnoexperiencewithwagons,fortheywere largely unknown in theArabworldwhere, sinceRoman times, thebacks of camels and other beasts had replaced wheeled conveyances as themeans of transporting people and goods. This was not, however, the case inCentralAsia.Over thenextyear IbnBattutawould findhimself bumpingandswayingoverthesteppeintheTurkishversionoftheprairieschooner.Bothtwoandfourwheeledcartswereused,pulledby teamsofhorses,camels,oroxen.Mongol andTurkish nomads customarily followed their herds inwagons overwhichtheyerectedroundlathandfelttents(yurts).Whenevertheyhaltedfora

period of time they disassembled these residences, or removed them in onepiece,andset themupon theground.WhenWilliamofRubruck, theFlemishFranciscanwhocompiledapreciousdescriptionofthesteppepeoplesduringtheearlyMongolAge,leftSudakin1253onhiswaytothecourtoftheGreatKhan,hewas advised byGreekmerchants to carry his possessions bywagon ratherthanpackhorse.Thatwayhecouldleavehisbelongingsonboardthroughoutthetrip,andifhewantedtoridehisownhorsehecouldgoalongattherelaxedpaceoftheoxen.6Thefeltsidesofthewagoncovering,IbnBattutanotes,werefittedwith little grilledwindows: “Thepersonwho is inside the tent can see [other]personswithout their seeinghim, andhecanemployhimself in it ashe likes,sleeping or eating or reading or writing, while he is still journeying.” Aprosperoussteppe-dwellermightownoneortwohundredwagons.

TheorduofarichMoal[Mongol]seemslikealargetown,thoughtherewillbeveryfewmeninit.Onegirlwillleadtwentyorthirtycarts,forthecountryisflat,andtheytietheoxorcamelcartstheoneaftertheother,andagirlwillsit on the front one driving the ox, and all the others follow afterwith thesamegait.7

Ibn Battuta traveled as an honored member of the wagon train, whoseprivilegedcompanyincludednotonlytheamirTuluktemurbutalsohisbrother,two sons, the wives of all these men, and a small bureaucracy of Muslimfunctionaries.Hereckonsthatthefirstlongstageofthejourneyfromal-QiramtoAzak(Tana,nowAzov)onthesouthernsideofthedeltaoftheDontook23days.Hedoesnotmentionanyknownstoppingplaces,sotherouteisapuzzle.Very likely the caravan crossed the peninsula separating the Crimea from themainland,thenturnedeastwardoverthegrasslandnorthoftheSeaofAzovandacrosstheesturariesoftheMiussandtheDon.8

Since driving the wagons through the shallow fords of the rivers was amuddy,bothersomeoperation,TuluktemurhadthesolicitudetosendIbnBattutaonaheadwithoneofhisofficersandaletterofintroductiontothegovernorofAzak.SinceEuropeanshipscouldsaildirectlytothemouthof theDonbutnofurther, this town had become the most distant of the important Frankishestablishments,competingactivelywithKaffaforthesaleofItalianandFlemishtextiles.

IbnBattuta andhis party camped in theirwagonsoutside the town, thoughtheywerewelcomedbythegovernorandthelocalreligiouspersonalities.Intwodays’timeTuluktemurarrivedandamidtherequisitedisplaysofobeisanceand

hospitalityonthepartof thecitizenryerectedthreehugetents,oneofsilkandtwooflinenandaroundthemaclothenclosurewithanantechamberintheshapeofatower.

Here the amir entertained his retinue and Azak’s dignitaries with titanicquantitiesoftherudecuisinetheupperclassesofInnerAsianormallyconsumed—milletgruel,macaroni,boiledmeatofhorseandsheep,andfermentedmare’smilk, called qumizz. Carried in hide bags on the wagons, qumizz was thenutritiousstapleoftheTurko–Mongoldiet.WilliamofRubruck,tastingitforthefirst time, “broke out in a sweat with horror and surprise,” though later hedecided it was “very palatable . . ., makes the inner man most joyfuland . . . intoxicatesweakheads.”9He also liked themillet beerwhich flowedfreely at Mongol banquets. The House of Genghis was notorious for itsbibulousness,a familyattributescarcelyaffectedbyconversion to Islam,sincethe Hanafi doctors conveniently took the position that this particular potationwas not expressly prohibited by the Qur’an. Ibn Battuta found qumizz“disagreeable”and,beingastrait-lacedMaliki,wouldhavenothing todowithliquor.ButhehadnoothercausetocomplainaboutTuluktemur’shospitality.Hegot theusual robeandhorseand indeedreportssomewhatsmugly thatas theyentered the audience tent the amir “made me precede him, in order that thegovernorofAzakshouldseethehighesteemhehadforme.”

At this time Ozbeg Khan was not in residence at New Saray but campedabout280milessoutheastofAzakintheregionknowninmoderntimesastheStavropolPlateau,aruggeduplandjuttingnorthwardfromthemainmassoftheCaucasus Mountains. Since the founding of the Ilkhanate of Persia, thesemountainshadbeenthedefactofrontierbetweenthetwostates,butthegrazinglandwastoogoodandthetraderoutesrunningbetweentheBlackSeaandtheCaspiantooimportanttoallowtheregionanypeace.In1262BerkeandHulegu,firstcousinsthoughtheywere,hadgonetowarforcontroloftheCaucasus,andintheensuingcenturythetwodynastieshurledarmiesatoneanothertimeandtimeagain.ItisconceivablethatOzbegperhapsledhisordusouthin1332toseetofrontierdefensesorplananoperationagainstAbuSa’id.10ButtheRihlasaysnothingofsuchapurpose.Possibly,thekhanwentsouthtotakethewaters,forhewascampedatBishDagh(Pyatigorsk),celebratedthanasnowforitsmineralspas.

TuluktemursoonleftAzaktojointhekhan,butIbnBattutaandhisassociatesstayedbehindforthreedayswaitingforthegovernortoprovidehimwithnewequipmentforthenextlegofhisjourney.Perhapsattachinghimselftoamilitarycolumn,hethensetoutsoutheasterlyacrosstheKuban–Azovlowland.Arriving

at Bish Dagh, he found that the khan had already decamped. Traveling eightmore days, he finally caught up with the ordu in the vicinity of al-Machar(Burgomadzhary).ItwastheearlydaysofRamadan,May1332(1334).11

Isetupmytentonalowhill thereabouts,fixedmyflat infrontof thetent,anddrewupmyhorsesandwagonsbehind,thenthemahallacameup...andwesawavastcityonthemovewithitsinhabitants,withmosquesandbazaarsin it, thesmokeof thekitchensrising in theair (for theycookwhileon themarch),andhorse-drawnwagonstransportingthepeople.

On themorrow of his arrival in the camp he presented himself before thekhan on recommendation of two of the sovereign’s religious dignitaries. HefoundOzbegseateduponasilvergildedthroneinthemidstofanenormoustentwhoseexteriorwascovered,after the fashionofall theKipchak rulers,withalayer of bright golden tiles. The Khan’s daughter, his two sons, other royalkinsmen,andthechiefamirsandofficerswereassembledbelowthethrone,buthisfourkhatuns,orwives,satoneithersideofhim.IbnBattutahasagooddealto say in theRihla about the freedom, respect, and near equality enjoyed byMongolandTurkishwomeninstartlingcontrasttothecustominhisownlandandtheotherArabcountries.(Whenawell-dressedandunveiledTurkishwomancomes into the bazaar in the company of her husband, he remarks derisively,“anyone seeing himwould take him to be one of her servants.”) Ifwives andmothersofteninfluencedpoliticsinthepalacesoftheMoroccanMarinids,aswemayassumetheydid,counselwasgivenintheconfinesoftheharim.ButintheMongol states thewomen of the court shared openly and energetically in thegoverning of the realm. Princesses of the blood, like their brothers, wereawardedapanages,or landedproperties,which they ruledand taxedasprivatefiefsquiteapart from thestatedomain.Thekhatuns sometimessigneddecreesandmademajor administrativedecisions independently of thekhan.TheprimMoroccan faqih, in whose own country the notion of a wife of the sultanappearing publicly at his side would have seemed unimaginable, could onlygrimace in amazement at the Kipchak ceremonial. He relates that when thesenior khatun and queen of the khanate enters the golden tent, the ruler“advances to theentranceof thepavilion tomeether,salutesher, takesherbythehand,andonlyaftershehasmounted to thecouchandtakenherseatdoesthe sultanhimself sit down.All this isdone in fullviewof thosepresent, andwithoutanyuseofveils.”

In the following days Ibn Battutawent round to visit the khatuns, each of

whomoccupiedherownmahalla.

Thehorsesthatdrawherwagonarecaparisonedwithclothsofsilkgilt...Infront of [the wagon of] the khatun are ten or fifteen pages, Greeks andIndians,whoaredressedinrobesofsilkgilt,encrustedwithjewels,andeachof whom carries in his hand a mace of gold or silver, or maybe of woodveneeredwith them.Behind the khatun’swagon there are about a hundredwagons, in each of which there are four slave girls full-grown andyoung . . . Behind these wagons [again] are about three hundred wagons,drawn by camels and oxen, carrying the khatun’s chests, moneys, robes,furnishings,andfood.

IbnBattutahadtosleepinhisownwagonbecausetherulingclassofCentralAsia had the exasperating habit of not giving lodging to their distinguishedvisitors. But he dined a number of times in the presence of the khan andthankfullyacceptedhorses, sheep, foodstuffs,and robes from thekhatunsafterregaling them (through interpreters) with his earlier adventures. He probablystayedinthecampthroughoutRamadan.12Hewastheretocelebratethe’Idal-Fitr,theBreakingoftheFast,anoccasionofpublicfeastingduringwhichOzbegKhan,notwithstandinghiscontribution to theenduring triumphofIslamin thewesternsteppe,madehimselfhelplesslydrunkandarrivedlateandstaggeringattheafternoonprayer.

AshorttimeafterthisfestivalthekhanandhisretinuesetoutforthecityofAstrakhan,whichlayabout80milesacrosstheNorthCaspianlowlandsontheleftbankoftheVolga.

WhenIbnBattutavisitedPrincessBayalun,Ozbeg’sthirdrankingwife,andtoldherof thegreatdistancehehadjourneyedfromhisnativeland,hereports that“shewept inpityandcompassionandwipedherfacewithahandkerchief thatlay before her.” She knew how it felt to live in an alien country far from thefamiliar society of her childhood, for she was a daughter of Andronicus III,EmperorofByzantium.13SeveraltimesinthethirteenthandfourteenthcenturiesdynasticmarriagestookplacebetweendaughtersofGreekemperorsandMongolorTurkishrulers.TheseallianceswereultimatelyofsmallhelpincheckingtheexpansionoftheOttomans(OrkhanmarriedaByzantineprincessin1346),butrelations between Constantinople and the court of the Golden Horde weregenerally good. The emperors knew that Kipchak power was an effectivecounterweight to their Balkan rivals, the Christian kingdoms of Serbia and

Bulgaria;theyalsoendeavoredtodefendtheinterestsoftheByzantinechurchintheMongolprotectoratesofChristianRussia.Thekhans,fortheirpart,wantedtheBosphorus(whichranunder thewallsofConstantinople)opento the tradeand diplomatic exchanges on which the vitality of their alliance with theMamluksofCairodepended.

WhentheroyalordureachedAstrakhan,itwaslearnedthatPrincessBayalunhad received permission from her husband to return temporarily toConstantinopletogivebirthtoachildinthepalaceofherfather.Asweshouldnot be surprised to learn, Ibn Battuta immediately applied to the khan forauthorization to go along. Here was an unexpected opportunity to venturebeyondtheDaral-Islamforthefirsttimeinhiscareerandtoseeoneofthegreatcities of the world, renowned among Muslims for its spectacular setting, itsfabulousbazaars,itssplendidbuildings,andthefactthatithadheldoutagainsttherelentlessexpansionofIslamovertheprevious700years.TherewasnothingextraordinaryaboutaMuslimvisitingConstantinopleinthefourteenthcentury.Merchants and envoys from Turkish or Arab lands went there when businessrequiredit,andinthepreviouscenturytheEmperorMichaelVIIIhadsponsoredreconstructionofamosqueintheheartofthecity.14AMuslimgentlemanwouldnothavebeenadvisedtowanderoverlandthroughChristianterritoryasapurelyprivateadventure,buthemightdosointhetrainofanembassyfromonerulertoanother.AtfirstOzbegrefusedtheMoroccan’srequest,fearingtherisk.

ButIsolicitedhimtactfullyandsaidtohim“itisunderyourprotectionandpatronagethatIshallvisitit,soIshallhavenothingtofearfromanyone.”Hethengavemepermission, andwhenwe took leaveofhimhepresentedmewith 1,500 dinars, a robe, and a large number of horses, and each of thekhatunsgavemeingotsofsilver...Thesultan’sdaughtergavememorethantheydid,alongwitharobeandahorse,andaltogetherIhadalargecollectionofhorses,robes,andfursofminiverandsable.

On10Shawwal(5July1332or14June1334)thecavalcadesetoutwestwardacross the hot flat prairie, crossing the Don and the Dnieper, then turningsouthwardtowardthedeltaoftheDanube.15IbnBattutawasattendedbyasmallfollowingof companions and slaves, thePrincessBayalunby5,000horsemenunderthecommandofanamir,500ofherowntroopsandservants,200slavegirls,20GreekandIndianpages,400wagons,2,000horses,andabout500oxenandcamels.Thepeasantsandherdsmenwhohadthemisfortunetolivealongtheroutewere obliged (as such folkwere in all theMongol states) to supply this

monstrouscaravanwithfood,oftentotheirdestitutionandruin.Aftertravelingsome 52 days the company arrived at the fortress of Mahtuli on the frontierbetween Byzantium and the Christian kingdom of Bulgaria. The place isprobablytobeidentifiedwiththetownofJamboli(Yambol)inthesoutheasterninterior of modern Bulgaria.16 Here the steppe wagons were exchanged forhorsesandmules,theTurkishamirandhistroopsturnedbacktotheVolga,andthekhatuncontinuedonintothemountainsofThracewithherpersonalretinue.IbnBattutasoonhadplentyofevidencethathewasenteringanalienworld:

She left hermosquebehind at this castle and theprescriptionof the call toprayerwasdiscontinued.Wineswerebroughttoheraspartofherhospitality-gift,andshewoulddrinkthem,and[notonlysobuteven]swine...Noonewas leftwithherwhoobserved the[Muslim]prayersexceptacertainTurk,who used to praywith us. Inner sentiments concealed [hitherto] suffered achange throughour entry into the landof infidelity,but thekhatunchargedtheamirKifalitotreatmehonorably,andononeoccasionhebeatoneofhismamlukswhenhelaughedatourprayer.

About threeweeks after leavingMahtuli the procession reached the landwardwallsofConstantinople.

Ibn Battuta stayed in the city for more than a month. As a guest of thedaughter of Andronicus III, he was given a robe of honor and awarded aninterview with the emperor (who employed a Syrian Jewish interpreter andquestioned him about theChristian shrines of Palestine).Hewanted to see asmuch of the city as he could, and for this the emperor assigned him aGreekguide,whomountedhimonaroyalsteedandparadedhimthroughthestreetsinanoisyfanfareoftrumpetsanddrums.Hevisitedmarkets,monasteries,andthegreat church ofHagia Sophia (though he did not go inside because hewouldhavehad toprostratehimselfbefore thecross).Hetraversed theGoldenHorn,thatis,thearmoftheBosphorusprotectingthenorthernsideofthecity,inordertoseethebusyGenoesecolonyofGalata.

HealsohadabriefpromenadeandconversationwithamonknamedGeorge,whom he identifies as the ex-emperor Andronicus II. This little episode hasconfoundedByzantinistsandscholarsoftheRihla.IbnBattutareportsaccuratelyenough that in 1328 in the climax of a seven-year civil war Andronicus IIIforcedhispredecessorandgrandfathertoabdicateatthepointofasword.Thehaplessoldmanretiredtoamonastery.Hedied,however,inFebruary1332,andbynoplausiblerearrangingoftheRihla’sitinerarycouldIbnBattutahavevisited

Constantinopleintimetoseehimalive.Butsincethestoryofhisencounterwithsomeone in the streetsof the cityhas the ringof truth about it,wemay fairlysuppose that the palace guide failed to clarify the identity of the mysteriousclericor,worseyet,washavingabitoffunwithhiscredulousArabguest.17

IbnBattuta’srecollectionofConstantinopleisofferedinaspiritoftolerance,objectivity, and indeed wonder. But taken by itself it would mislead us. TheByzantines thought of themselves as the heirs of Rome and the guardians ofHellenic culture, but by the fourteenth century all the ponderous grandeur ofnoblesandprelatesamounted toavastpretension,keptupbehind thewallsofthe bastion-city while all around the empire was slowly crumbling to bits.Though Andronicus stayed the territorial shrinkage on the European side andpresidedoveratimeofconsiderableartisticandliteraryvitality(asisoftenthecaseincivilizationsonthebrinkofdestruction),Byzantiuminthe1330swasaminorGreekstateofsoutheasternEuropeandlittlemore.Itsinternationaltradehad been abandoned to the Italians, its currency was almost worthless, itslandlordsweregrindingthepeasantryunmercifully,itsarmywasanassemblageof alien mercenaries, and its Asian territories had been all but lost to thetriumphant Turks. It was a state living on borrowed time and past glory. IbnBattuta either senses little of this or, to his credit, refrains from twisting theknife.Couldhehavebelieved that121years afterhisvisit thedescendantsofOrkhan would storm the massive walls and transform Hagia Sophia into amosque?

Though the historical record suggests that Bayalun eventually returned to herhusband’s ordu,18 she made known to the Turks in her suite that she stillprofessed Christianity and wished to remain with her father for an indefiniteperiod.Shegrantedherescortspermissiontoreturnhome,andthusIbnBattutaleft with them, probably sometime in the autumn of 1332 (1334).19 AfterjourneyingbackthroughThraceandrecoveringhiswagonsattheGreekfrontier,he rodenorth into the steppe justas thebitterAsianwinterwas setting in.Hewas soonbarricadinghimself inside three fur coats, twopairs of trousers, twolayersofheavysocks,andhorseleatherbootslinedwithbearskin.

Iusedtoperformmyablutionswithhotwaterclosetothefire,butnotadropofwaterfellwithoutbeingfrozenontheinstant.WhenIwashedmyface,thewaterwouldrundownmybeardandfreeze,thenIwouldshakeitandtherewouldfallfromitakindasnow...IwasunabletomountahorsebecauseofthequantityofclothesIhadon,sothatmyassociateshadtohelpmeintothe

saddle.

Reaching Astrakhan and finding that Ozbeg had returned to New Saray 225milesup theVolga, thecompany turnednorthward inpursuit, ridingalong thefrozen river as if itwere ahighway.They reached the capital probably in lateNovember.20

NewSaraywasacreationofthePaxMongolica.Ozbegmayhaveundertakenitsconstructiononlyabout1330,butIbnBattutafoundit“ofboundlesssize”and“chokedwithitsinhabitants.”Heclaimsthathespenthalfadaywalkingacrossthebreadthof the townandbackagain,“this too throughacontinuous lineofhouses, amongwhich therewere no ruins and no gardens.”21 Itwas a city ofwood more than of stone, but he counted 13 congregational mosques andnumeroussmallerones.Itscomplexofcraftshopsexportedmetalware,leather,andwovensilkandwoolens.ItsbazaarshandledtheVolgatrafficingrain,furs,timber,andslaves,crisscrossedwiththeflowofthetrans-AsianluxurycaravanslinkingPersiaandChinawiththeItaliancoloniesontheBlackSea.

Alongwiththesilks,thedecoratedpottery,themosaictiles,andalltheothergoodsbywhichcivilizedtastemightbeexpressedontheIslamicfrontier,therealsoarrivedthelittlebandsofscholars,mystics,andhopefulbureaucrats.Someof them came fromEgypt,Bulghar, orAnatolia,most from the Irano–TurkishregionsofnorthernPersiaandKhwarizm.Duringhisbriefstayintheicytown,IbnBattuta entered their circle and accepted their hospitality.Oneof themosteminent of the immigrants, an authority on medicine and former head of ahospital in Khwarizm, even gave him a Turkish slave boy as a gift.22 TheMoroccanalsopresentedhimselfat theroyal residence togiveafull reportonhistriptoByzantium.WemaywonderwhatOzbeg’sreactionmayhavebeentohiswife’sdecisiontoremaininConstantinople,butonthistheRihlaissilent.

Havingproudlyreachedthenortherlylimitofhistravelingcareer,IbnBattutalefttheVolgaaboutmidDecember,determined,itwouldseem,toprogressinthegeneraldirectionofIndia.Overtheensuingeightmonthshemadehiswaybyanerraticand,tostudentsoftheRihla,perplexingcoursetothevalleyoftheIndus.For about the first five of those months he traveled in parts of Khwarizm,Transoxiana (Mawarannahr), and possibly Khurasan. Politically these regionsfellamongtheMongolrealmsofKipchak,Persia,andChagatay.Together,theyembracedtheimmensearidzoneextendingfromthenorthernIranianplateautotheAltaiMountainsand theKazakhsteppe,a landofsanddesertsandbarren,echoingplains.Notuntilhis journeythroughthewesternSahara19years laterwouldheconfrontsuchmenacing,indomitableterritory.

YetMuslimcivilizationhadpushedintothisunsparingcountrymuchbeforehistime.ThetworiversystemsoftheAmuDaryaandtheSyrDarya(Jaxartes)bisected thedesert and, like theNile, supporteddense agricultural populationsand big towns along discontinuous ribbons of irrigated land. In the previouscentury the armies ofGenghis hadperfected their instruments of terror on theunfortunate peoples of Transoxiana and in the aftermath of the conquestcivilizationforatimenearlyvanished.Itisatributetothehumanspiritthatthedesertbloomedwithmarketsandmosquessoquicklyagain,andthisdespitethelater invasion ofHulegu and a succession ofmass destructions perpetrated inwarsbetweenthePersianMongolsandtheircousins,thekhansofChagatay.

IbnBattutapassed through the regionduringaperiodof relativepeaceandprosperity.Hefoundsomeofthetownshevisitedpopulousandflourishing.InUrgench(Urganj),provincialcapitaloftheGoldenHordeinKhwarizmandchiefemporiumofthefertileAmuDaryadelta,heremembersthatthebazaarwassocrowded he could not get his horse through it and had to save his visit for aFriday,whenmostoftheshopswereclosed.AndthisinatownwhichGenghisKhan had submerged entirely under water by opening a dam in the river.Bukhara, by contrast, once themost sophisticated cityof allTransoxiana,wasstill struggling to reviveafterhavingbeensacked,burned,anddepopulatedbyTatararmiesin1220,1273,and1316.“Itsmosques,colleges,andbazaarsareinruins,”theRihlareports,and“thereisnotonepersoninittodaywhopossessesanyreligiouslearningorwhoshowsanyconcernforacquiringit.”Balkh,oldestcityoftheAmuDaryavalleyandcapitaloftheancientGreco–Bactrianempire,IbnBattutafound“completelydelapidatedanduninhabited.”

Map8: IbnBattuta’s Itinerary inCentralAsiaandAfghanistan, 1332–33(1334–35)

Mongol holocausts or no,Khurasan–Transoxiana remained to the landwardcommerceofAfro–EurasiawhattheArabianSeawastothemonsoontrade:thecomplex crossroads of trails connecting all the major agrarian regions of thehemispherewithoneanother.Mostofthetime,IbnBattutaandhispartykepttothemainroadslinkingtheprincipalcities,sometimes,perhapsalmostalways,inthecompanyofcommercialcaravans.Thewagonshehad traveledwith in thenorthern steppe were no longer suitable further south. Crossing the UstyurtplateaubetweentheVolgaandKhwarizm,heaccompaniedacaravanofcamel-drawncarts,but inUrgenchhereverted tohorsesand tocamelsmountedwithlitters.WhenheleftKhwarizmhewassharingadoublelitterwithal-Tuzari.Healso had 50 horses given to him by Princess Bayalun during the trip to

Constantinople.Theseanimalshadbeenmeant to supplementhis food supply,buthepreferredsimplytoaddthemtohisgrowingstoreofpersonalwealth.Headmits that after he arrived in Khwarizm he began to accumulate a greaternumberofhorsesthanhedaredmention.HeevenboughtanunusuallybeautifulblacksteedwithpartofagiftofathousanddinarsthattheKipchakgovernoroftheregiongavehim.

Asidefromhorses,thetraveler’spropertyincludedaretinueofslaves,thoughwe can never be sure how many he had with him, male or female, at anyparticulartime.WhenhelefttheVolgahewassharinghiswagonwithnofewerthanthreeyoungwomen.WhiletravelingnearBukhara,oneofthemgavebirthtoababygirl.Thenewfatherbelieved that thechildwasborn“undera luckystar”and thathis fortunes improved from themomentofherbirth.But, sadly,shediedtwomonthsafterhereachedIndia.

He scarcely mentions his male companions other than the ubiquitous andshadowy al-Tuzari. Travelers always banded together on the open road,especiallyinsuchdangerousandwaterlesspartsoftheearthasthis,sowemaysupposethatthecompositionofthepartychangedfromonetowntothenext.InNewSarayhewasjoinedbyone’AliibnMansur,asharifandmerchantofIraqwhoplannedtogoall thewaytoIndia.But inUrgenchthisgentlemanmetupwithapartyoftradersfromhisnativetown,changedhismind,andwentoffwiththeminthedirectionofChina.AtTirmidhontheupperAmuDarya,IbnBattutalinkedupwithaPersiansharifandhistwosonswhowerealsoontheirwaytolookforemploymentinDelhi.

Heand thiskaleidoscopeof associatesvisitedabout21 important townsonhiszigzagcoursethroughKhwarizm,Transoxiana,Khurasan,andAfghanistan.Orsoheclaims.IfhevisitedallthecitiesofIlkhanidKhurasanthathementions(Herat, Jam, Tus, Nishapur, Bistam, and others), his tour was rushed anddistracted, evidenced in the Rihla in cursory descriptions and perfunctoryrecollectionsofexperiencesandencounters.23

Themostmemorableeventofthesemonthswashismeetingwith’Alaal-DinTarmashirin,KhanofChagatay(1326–3?).IbnBattutanameshimasoneofthesevenmightykingsoftheworld,thoughinmostrespectshewastheleastofthelot.Alughu,agrandsonofChagatay (thesecondsonofGenghis), founded thekhanate in the1260s in theaftermathof theborderwarsanddynasticquarrelsthat split the conqueror’sworld empire into four kingdoms. The realm of theHouse of Chagatay encompassed an enormous region of desert, steppe, andmountainextendingfromtheAmuDaryaandAfghanistantobeyondtheIrtischRiverdeepintherecessesofnomadicAsia.Thiswasthegeographicheartofthe

Mongolempire,but itwasalso theregionwhereagrarianresourcesweremostlimited, where towns were most widely scattered, and where Turko–MongolcaptainsperpetuatedtheharshwaysoftheirancestorslongaftertheirkinsmeninChinaandPersiawerelivinginpalacesanddiningwithlawyersandsycophanticpoets.

IbnBattutacelebratesTarmashirinas“amanofgreatdistinction”and“justinhis government” because, likeOzbeg, hewas the first of his dynasty tomakeIslam the official religion of state and only the secondwhowould have paidmuchattentiontoanitinerantjuristfromNorthAfrica.IbnBattutastayedwiththekhaninhiscampontheroadsouthwestofSamarkandfor54daysinthecoldlatewinter of 1333 (1335).When he left hewas given 700 silver dinars, twocamels, and a warm sable coat. Only later in India did he learn that perhapswithinafewmonthsofhisdeparturefromtheorduthiskhan“ofvastkingdomandimmensepower”hadbeenrudelyoverthrownbyatreacherousnephewandaleagueofanti-Muslimcommanders.TheMoroccanhadbeenluckytoseethistempestuous kingdom in a brief moment of unity under Islam, for in theaftermathoftherebellioncivilwarbrokeoutandtherealmwasshearedinhalf,nottobereunitedagain.

Ibn Battuta crossed the towering Hindu Kush, the great divide separatingInnerAsiafromthewatershedoftheIndus,inthelatespringof1333(1335).24He might have chosen any of several high passes through the mountains.MerchantsrunningcaravansfromTransoxianatoAfghanistanroutedthemselvesthroughone pass or another depending on the reports of snow, rock slides, orbandits.After camping for a fewweeks atQunduz not far south of the upperAmuDaryainordertograzehishorsesandcamelsandawaitthewarmweather,the faqih, his slaves, and his learned associates ascended the northern slopethrough the gorges of the Andarab River valley. He crossed the divide at the13,000-foot Khawak Pass. “We crossed the mountain,” Ibn Battuta recalls,“setting out about the end of the night and traveling on it all day long untilsunset.Wekeptspreadingfeltclothsinfrontofthecamelsforthemtotreadon,sothattheyshouldnotsinkinthesnow.”

DescendingalongthespectacularPanjshirValley,thecaravanpassedthroughCharikarandontotheKabulplain,whereallthemainmountaintrailsconverged.At Ghazna Ibn Battuta and his friends were entertained by the Chagataygovernor. Then,moving southwest-ward in the company ofmerchants driving4,000 horses tomarket in India, they crossed theSulaymanMountains by themain route through theKhyber Pass, or possibly by amore southerly road.25Traversing a narrow gorge, they had a skirmish with a band of Afghan

highwaymen,andlaterIbnBattutaandsomeofhispartybecameseparatedforatimefromthemaincaravan.Butthesewereminoradventures,andafterathree-to four-month journey from the far sideof theHinduKush, they rode into theIndusplain.IbnBattutatellsusthathereachedthegreatriveronthefirstdayof734A.H.,or12September1333.26

With this event, the first part of the Rihla comes to an end, signifying animportant transition in IbnBattuta’scareer.During the threeyearsbetweenhisdeparturefromMeccaandhisarrivalatthebanksoftheIndus,hehadbecome,with his slaves, his horses, and his pack train of expensive accoutrements, atravelerofconsiderableprivatemeans—butatravelernonetheless.Exceptforhisserviceascaravanqadion the roadbetweenTunisandAlexandria,hehadneverhadanysustainedemploymentinlegalscholarship.Now,however,hewasabouttoseekanofficialcareer.Wordhadgoneroundthemosquesandmadrasasof Islamdom that fortune and powerwere to be had in service toMuhammadTughluqandthecourtofDelhi.TheRihlaexplains:

Thekingof India . . .makes a practice of honoring strangers and showingaffectiontothemandsinglingthemoutforgovernorshipsorhighdignitiesofstate.Themajorityofhiscourtiers,palaceofficials,ministersofstate,judges,and relatives by marriage are foreigners, and he has issued a decree thatforeignersaretobecalledinhiscountrybythetitleof’Aziz(Honorable),sothatthishasbecomeapropernameforthem.

Gentleman,pilgrim, jurist, raconteur,world traveler,andguestofamirsandkhans,IbnBattutahadgoodreasontothinkhewasjustthesortofpublicservantMuhammadTughluqwaslookingfor.

Notes

1.WilliamWoodvilleRockhill(trans.anded.).TheJourneyofWilliamofRubrucktotheEasternPartsoftheWorld(London,1900),p.94.

2.“Rumi”isusuallytobetranslatedas“Greeks,”butatotherpointsinthenarrativeIBusesthetermwhenhemeansGenoese.SeeGb,vol.2,p.467n.

3.W.Heyd,HistoireducommerceduLevantaumoyen-âge,2vols.(Leipzig,1936),vol.2,pp.172–74.4. IB associates a visit to Sudak with his later trip from Astrakhan to Constantinople. Other than

insertingSudakintotheitinerary,hesaysnothingaboutadetourintotheCrimea.Moreplausibly,IBpassedthroughSudakonhiswayfromKaffatoal-Qiram.SeeGb,vol.2,p.499nandHr,pp.470,478–79.

5.B.D.GrekovandA.J.Iakubovskij,LaHorded’Or,trans.F.Thuret(Paris,1939),p.91.6.Rockhill,WilliamofRubruck,p.49.

7.Ibid.,p.57.MarcoPoloalsodescribesthewagons.TheBookofSerMarcoPolo,trans.anded.HenryYule,2vols.,3rdedn,rev.HenriCordier(London,1929),vol.1,pp.252–55.

8.ThecaravanmightconceivablyhavecrossedtheKerchStraiteastofal-Qiram,thenapproachedAzaqfromthesouth.SometopographicalhintsintheRihla,however,argueforthenorthernroute.Hr,pp.470–71.

9.Rockhill,WilliamofRubruck,pp.67,85.10. Ozbeg led unsuccessful invasions of Ilkhanid territory in 1319, 1325, and 1335. J. A. Boyle,

“Dynastic andPoliticalHistoryof the Ilkhans” inTheCambridgeHistoryof Iran (Cambridge,England,1968),vol.5,pp.408,412–13;BertoldSpuler,DieGoldeneHorde(Leipzig,1943),pp.93–96.11.IBstatesthathearrivedatBishDaghon1Ramadan,whichwas27May1332or6May1334.12.At thispoint in thenarrative IBclaims tohavemadea journey,allwithin themonthofRamadan,

fromOzbeg’scamptothemiddleVolgacityofBulgharandbackagain,atotaldistanceofmorethan800miles.StephenJanicsekhasarguedconvincinglythat this tripnevertookplace.“IbnBattuta’sJourneytoBulghar:IsitaFabrication?”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety (October1929),pp.791–800.JaniscekshowsthatIB’scursorydescriptionofbothBulgharandtheLandofDarknessbeyond(towhichhedoesnotclaim to have gone but only heard about) are based on earlier geographicalwritings inArabic.He alsopointsoutthatIBcouldnotpossiblyhavemadethejourneyinanywherenearthetimeheallotstoitandthat he saysvirtuallynothing abouthis route, his companions, hispersonal experiences, or the sightshewouldhaveseenalong theway.TheBulghar trip is theonlysectionof theRihlawhosefalsityhasbeenprovenbeyondalmostanydoubt,thoughtheveracityofsomeotherjourneysmaybesuspected,suchasthetriptoSan’aintheYemen.Wemustremember,however,thattheRihlawascomposedasaliterarysurveyoftheIslamicworldinthefourteenthcentury.ItwaswellknownamongliterateMuslimsthatBulgharwasthemostnortherlyofMuslimcommunities.Moreover,severalmedievalgeographerswrote infascinationaboutthefrigidLandofDarkness,thatis,Siberia.IfIBdidnotgotoBulghar,hemightnonethelesssatisfyhisreaders’expectationsofabookabouttravelsthroughtheDaral-Islambysayingthathedid.ScholarsoftheRihla aregenerally inagreement that theBulghardetour isa fiction.Gb,vol.2,p.491nandHr,pp.471–73.Also,becauseofIB’srichanddetaileddescriptionoflifeinOzbeg’sordu,wemaysupposethatheremainedtherethroughoutRamadan1332(1334).13.A letteraddressed fromoneByzantinemonk toanotheranddated1341hasconfirmed thatat that

timeadaughterofAndronicusIIIwasmarriedtoOzbegKhan.R.J.Loenertz,“DixhuitlettresdeGregoireAcindyne,analyséesetdatées.”OrientaliaChristianaPeriodica23(1957):123–24;alsoHr,pp.474–76.“Bayalun”isaMongolname,notaGreekone.PaulPelliot,Notessurl’histoiredelaHorded’Or(Paris,1949),pp.83–84.14.MehmedIzzeddin,“IbnBattoutaet la topographiebyzantine,”ActesduVICongrès Internationale

desÉtudesByzantines,2vols.(Paris,1951),vol.2,p.194.15. IB’s reporting of his itinerary fromAstrakhan toConstantinople is blurry and confused. There is,

however,noreasontodoubtthatheandtheprincesstraveledbywayofthenorthernandwesternshoresoftheBlackSea.SeeGb,vol,pp.498–503n;andHr,pp.476–79.16.Gb,vol.2,p.500n.Thecomplexitiesof IB’s itineraryalong thewestern rimof theBlackSeaare

analyzedinH.T.Norris,“FactorFantasyinIbnBattuta’sJourneyalongtheNorthernShoresoftheBlackSea,” in Ibn Battuta: Actes du Colloque international organizé par l’Ecole Supérieure Roi Fahd deTraductionàTangerles27,27,29octobre1993(Tangier,1996),pp.11–24;and“IbnBattuta’sjourneyinthenorth-easternBalkans,”JournalofIslamicStudies5,2(1994):209–220.17.IBpresentsdetailedvivid,andgenerallyaccuratedescriptionsoftheByzantinecourtandthecity’s

important buildings. The account, however, is also muddled by errors, puzzling observations, andimpossiblestories.Heinformsus,forexample,thattheLatinPopemadeanannualvisittoConstantinople!Thesupposedmeetingwiththeex-emperorAndronicusII(whomIBcallsGeorge,whenhismonasticnamewasAntonius)isonlythemostegregiousofhismisunderstandings.Hrbek(Hr,p.481)believesthatIBhadameetingwithsomeoneimportantbutfabricatedhisidentityinorder“toaddafurtheritemtohiscollectionof personal acquaintances with sovereigns.” Neither Gibb nor Hrbek believe that the itinerary can berearrangedtoplaceIBinConstantinoplebeforeFebruary1332.

18.AccordingtotheletterofGregoireAcindyne,shewaswithOzbegin1341.Seenote13.19.Hr,p.477.20.Ibid.,p.482.21.ScholarsformerlybelievedthatbothOldandNewSaraywerefoundedinthethirteenthcentury,the

onebyBatu,theotherbyhisbrotherBerke.ButrecentnumismaticevidencesuggeststhatOzbegnotonlymadehiscapitalatNewSaraybutfoundedthecityaswell.22.Onthisscholar,GrekovandIakubovskij.LaHorded’Or,pp.157–58.23. IB’s journey through Khurasan is doubtful. His itinerary is confusing and his description almost

devoidofpersonaldetails.HementionsonlyonestopoverbetweenBistaminthewesternpartofKhurasanandQunduzinnorthernAfghanistan,thestraightlinedistancebetweenthembeingmorethan700miles.Hewould also have had to undertake this excursion at top speed in order to sandwich it into his ownchronological scheme. Gibb (Gb, vol. 2, p. 534) believes that this section of the narrative is “highlysuspect” but offers no case.Most of the descriptivematerial is taken upwith an account of the popularrebellion that gave rise to the Sarbadar state, one of the kingdoms that seized a share of greater PersiafollowingthecollapseoftheIlkhanatein1335.Therevoltbeganin1336.IBwasinIndiabythattimeanddoesnotclaimtohavewitnessedanyof theeventshedescribes.SeeJ.M.Smith,Jr.,TheHistoryof theSarbadarDynasty1336–1381A.D.(TheHague,1970).24.Gibb(Gb,vol.2,p.531)proposesthatIBcrossedtheHinduKushattheKhawakPassabouttheend

ofJune.IB’sreferencetosnowandcoldweatherinthepass,however,suggestsamonthnolaterthanMay.See J. Humlum,La géographie de l’Afghanistan (Copenhagen, 1959). TheArabic passage of theRihlaGibbtranslates“westayedonthenorthernsideoftheHinduKushuntilthewarmweatherhaddefinitelysetin”mayberendered“untilthewarmweatherhadbeguntosetin.”D&S,vol.3,p.84.25.IB’sroutefromKabultotheIndusisapuzzleowingtotheuncertainidentityofseveralplacenames

aswellashisfailuretosaypreciselywherehereachedtheriver.Gibb,MahdiHusain,andPeterJacksonhaveanalyzed theproblemandeacharrivesatadifferentconclusion.The issuepivotson the identityof“Shashnagar,”whichIBclaimstohavepassedthroughonhisroadfromKabultotheriver.IfthislocalityisHashtnagar, a district near Peshawar (in northern Pakistan), IB is likely to have crossed the SulaymanMountainsthroughtheKhyberPass.MH,pp.1–2.If,however,itistobeidentifiedwithNaghar,aplacesouthofKabul,heprobablyenteredtheIndusplainintheBannu(Banian)districtabout100milessouthofPeshawar.PeterJackson,“TheMongolsandIndia(1221–1351)”,Ph.D.diss.,CambridgeUniversity,1977,p.224.TocomplicatetheproblemfurtherIBtellsusthathespent15nightscrossinga“greatdesert.”Gibb(Gb,vol.3,p.591n)believesthatheprobablytraveledthroughthedesertsouthofGhaznaandreachedtheIndusintheLarkanadistrictofSind,thatis,lessthan300milesfromthemouthoftheriver.26.IB’sstatementthathearrivedattheIndusRiveron1Muharram734(12September1333)isprobably

moreorlessaccurate.Thedateisopentoquestion,however,sinceheclaimstohaveleftMeccaattheendof732A.H.(12September1332),yethetookabout threeyears travelingfromtheretoIndia.Therefore,onedateortheothermustbewrong,andiftheMeccadeparturedateiscorrecthewouldnothavereachedIndiauntiltheautumnof1335.(SeeChapter6,note2forafullerdiscussionofthisissue.)Onthewhole,the indications thathecrossed theIndusby theautumnof1333aremorecompelling than theargumentssupportinghisdeparture fromArabia in1332.The evidence for the1333arrivalmaybe summarized asfollows:

(a) IB reports events surrounding thedepartureofSultanMuhammadTughluq fromDelhi inorder tosuppressarebellioninMa’barinthefarsouthofIndia(seeChapter9).Therevoltbrokeoutin1334.IBstatesthatthesultanleftthecapitalon9JumadaI,whichwas5Januaryin1335(seeChapter9,note21).IB had clearly been living in the capital for some time when this event occurred. If the dating here iscorrect,hemusthaveenteredIndiain1333,oratleastmanymonthsbeforethefallof1335.

(b)MuslimmedievalsourcesdatethedepositionanddeathofTarmashirin,KhanofChagatay,in1334–35(735A.H.). IBstates thatheheardabout thekhan’sbeingoverthrown“twoyears”afterhisarrival inIndia(Gb,vol.3,p.560).ThiswouldaccordwithIB’shavingvisitedtheruler’scampinthelatewinterof1333.Ifhehadbeentherein1335,thatis,veryshortlybeforeTarmashirinwasoverthrown,hewouldlikelyhaveheardthenewswithinashorttimeofreachingIndia,nottwoyears.

(c)PassingthroughAjodhan(Ajudahan)onhiswayfromtheIndustoDelhi,IBrecountsthathemettheholyman Farid al-Din al-Badhawuni.MahdiHusain (MH, p. 20) explains that no shaykh of that nameexistedatthattimeandthatIBmusthavebeenreferringtohisgrandson’Alamal-DinMawj-Darya.MahdiHusain also notes that this latter personage died in 734 A.H. Assuming Mahdi Husain is right on thequestionofthesaint’sidentity,thenIBmusthavecrossedtheIndusnolaterthanthatyear.Gibb(Gb,vol.2,p.529nandvol.3,p.613n)alsoarguesthispoint.

9Delhi

Many genuine descendants of the Prophet arrived there from Arabia,many traders from Khurasan, many painters from China . . . manylearnedmenfromeverypart.Inthatauspiciouscitytheygathered,theycamelikemothsaroundacandle.1

Isami

Arriving at the western edge of the Indo–Gangetic plain, Ibn Battuta wasenteringaworldregionwherehisco-believersmadeuponlyasmallminorityofthepopulation.Theywere,however, theminority that ruled thegreaterpartofthesubcontinentof India.Over thevery long termthefundamentalpatternsofIndian society and culture had been defined by the repeated invasions ofbarbarian charioteers or cavalrymen from Afghanistan or the steppe landsbeyond. In the eleventh century, about the same time that the Seljuks wereradically changing the political map of the Middle East, the Muslim TurkishrulersofAfghanistanbegandispatchinggreatbandsofholywarriorsagainsttheHinducultivatorsoftheIndusandGangesvalleys.Theseghazisseizedthemaintowns of the Punjab, or upper Indus region. Lahore became a capital of twoTurko–Afghandynasties,firsttheGhaznavidsandlatertheGhurids.

In1193Qutbal-DinAybek,aGhuridslavecommander,capturedDelhi,thena smallHinducapital strategically locatedon theYamunaRiver at the easternendof thenaturalmilitaryroute throughthePunjabplain to thefertileGangesbasin.In1206heseizedpowerinhisownright,proclaimingDelhithecapitalofanewMuslimmilitarystate.DuringtheensuingcenturythesultansoftheSlaveDynasty,asitwascalledafterthemamlukoriginsofitsrulers,defeatedoneafteranother the Hindu kingdoms into which North India was fragmented andfoundedanempireextendingfromtheIndustotheBayofBengal.

ThefirstphaseoftheMuslimconquestofNorthIndiawasasplendidghaziadventure of looting, shooting, and smashing up the gods of Hindu idolators.

ThenewkingsofDehli, however, imposedcivilorderon theconqueredareasand created a structure of despotism designed to tax rather than slaughter thenativepeasantry.Intherichplainsaroundthecapital,theMuslimmilitaryelitesecureditsauthorityasakindofrulingcasteatopthestratifiedsocialsystemoftheHindus. A pyramid of administrationwas erected linking the sultan, fromwhomallpowerderivedbyrightofconquest,withseverallevelsofofficialdomdown to the petty Hindu functionaries who supervised tax collections inthousands of farming villages.Like theTurkish rulers of theMiddleEast andAnatolia, the sultans learned proper Muslim statecraft from the Abbasidtradition,thoughaddinghereandtherecolorfulbitsofHinduceremonial.Withinseveraldecadesofthefoundingofthesultanate,theseerstwhiletribalchieftainswere transforming themselves into Indo–Persianmonarchs, secluded from thepopulaceatthecenterofamazeofintimidatingritualandanever-growingarmyofofficials,courtiers,andbodyguards.

Map9: IbnBattuta’s Itinerary in India,Ceylon,and theMaldive Islands,1333–45

Delhigrewrapidlyinthethirteenthcentury,notbecauseitwasanimportantcenterofindustryorakeyintersectionoftrade,butbecauseitwastheimperialresidence.AsIbnBattutahadwitnessedinotherleadingcapitals,theoperationof the army, the bureaucracy, and the royal household required an immensesupporting staff of clerks, servants, soldiers, construction workers, merchants,artisans, transporters, shopkeepers, tailors, and barbers. Delhi was typical ofparasiticmedievalcapitals,itsroyalestablishmentfeedingmagnificentlyoffthelaborof the lowerordersand the revenuesofhundredsof thousandsofHindufarmers.

In1290theSlavedynastyexpiredandwassucceededbytwolinesofTurkishsultans. The first were the Khaljis (1290–1320),men sprung from anAfghan

tribeofthatname.ThesecondweretheTughluqids(1320–1414),calledafterthefounding ruler,Ghiyas al-Din Tughluq.During the first four decades of thesekings, the empire expanded spectacularly. ’Ala al-Din Khalji (1296–1316), abrilliant administrator, created a new standing army of cavalry,war-elephants,and Hindu infantry. Advancing to the Deccan plateau of Central India, heconquered one important Hindu state and raided nearly to the tip of thesubcontinent.AreasofSouthIndia that ’Alaal-Dinmerelyplundered,Ghiyathal-DinTughluq(1320–25)andhissonMuhammadTughluq(1325–51)invadedagain, thenannexed to theempire, replacingHindu tributarieswithTurkishorAfghan governors appointed fromDelhi. By 1333Muhammad Tughluq ruledovermostof India.Thus thecongeriesofethnicgroups, languages,andcastesthat comprised the civilization of the subcontinent were politically united,however precariously, for the first time since the Gupta empire of the fifthcenturyA.D.

Thegreatdangerofdispatchingarmiesasmuchas1,300milessouthofDelhiwas that the northwest frontier might be inadequately defended against newdisturbances emanating from Inner Asia. In 1221–22, just 18 years after thefoundingofthesultanate,ChinggisKhanadvancedacrosstheHinduKushandpenetratedas fareastas the Indus. In the reignof theGreatKhanOgedei, theTatarsinvadedagain,seizingLahorein1241.LaterinthecenturytheKhansofChagatay,hemmedintothesteppebytheotherthreeMongolkingdoms,lookeduponIndiaasthemostpromisingoutletfortheircombativeenergies.Chagatayarmiesand raidingpartiescrossed theSulaymanmountainpasses in the1290sand continued to do so repeatedly for three more decades. About 1329Tarmashirin, the Chagatay khan whom Ibn Battuta visited a few years later,invadedIndiaandeventhreatenedDelhi.ButMuhammadTughluqchasedhimback across the Indus, putting an end to further Mongol incursions of anymoment (at leastuntil thecatastrophic invasionofTamerlaneat theendof thecentury).

BysuccessfullydefendingNorth Indiaagainst theTatarsover thecourseofmore than a century, the sultans earnedwell-deserved reputations in thewiderworldaschampionsofMuslimcivilization,astatusakintotheircontemporaries,the Mamluks of Egypt. Thus Delhi, along with Cairo and the Turkish-ruledtowns ofAnatolia, became a refuge for skilled and literatemenwho had fledTransoxiana or Persia before theMongols killed or enslaved them. The silverlining around the devastations of the Islamic heartland was the consequentfloweringofcivilizedlifeincitiesjustbeyondthereachofMongolcavalry.InthetimeoftheearlySlavedynasty,Delhihadbeenanarmedcamp,anoutpostof

hardy faith fighting for its survival againstHindu idolators on three sides andMongoldevilsonthefourth.Butoncethesultansshowedtheycoulddefendthecommunityofbelieversagainstsuchpowersofdarkness,DelhirosequicklyasthecentralurbanbasefortheadvanceofIslamintothesubcontinent.Therulersbaskedintheirhard-wonprestigebyopeninguptheircourtandadministrationtoallMuslimsoftalent,skill,orspiritualreputeandpatronizingthemwithstipendsandgifts,aswellasgrandpublicedificesinwhichtopursuetheirvocations.

From Khurasan and Transoxiana came theologians and legists whointroduced the universalist standards of the Sacred Law. The sultan appointedimmigrantscholarsasqadisandlegaladvisersandgenerallydeferredtothemtoenforce theshari’a inmattersof religiouspracticeandcivildisputes involvingbelievers. Since the Hanafimadhhab was dominant in Khurasan and CentralAsia, it became the basis of juridical practice in the sultanate.As theMuslimpopulation grew, so did the demand for qualified jurists, requiring theconstruction of colleges offering studies inHanafi fiqh and the other religioussciences.According to theEgyptianscholaral-Umari,whowrote fromplainlyexaggerated information supplied by travelers returned from India, therewere“onethousandmadrasasinDelhi,oneofwhichisfortheShafi’itesandtherestfortheHanafites.”2

Also from central Islamdom came belle-lettrists, historians, poets, andmusicians toentertain the imperialcourt,chronicle itsachievements,andextolthe virtues of the king. ThoughHindi, Turkish, Gujarati, and numerous otherIndian tonguescouldbeheard in thestreetsandbazaarsofDelhi,Persianwasusedinpolitecircles,thusextendingitsrangeasthelanguageofliterateprestigeall the way from Anatolia to Bengal. Speaking and writing in Persian, theMuslim elite of India reaffirmed in effect their cultural and historicalconnectionstothecentrallandsandatthesametimecreatedalinguisticbarrierofexclusivityandprivilegebetweenthemselvesandtheHindumasses.

CraftsmenmigratingfromthewestimportedArabo-Persianarchitecturalanddecorativetraditions.Delhi,likeotherrisingMuslimcitiesofthatperiod,grewoutward from a hub of grand public buildings — mosques, palaces, Sufikhanqas, colleges, and mausolea— that incorporated the domes, arches, andcalligraphic inscriptions characteristic ofMiddle Period architecture in Persia.Sincetheimmigrantcommunitywassmall,however,Hinduartisansandlaborershadtobehiredinlargenumberstocarryoutmostofthework.Thusallsortsofnative structural anddecorative elements found theirway into thesebuildings,someofthembuiltwiththesandstoneblocksofdemolishedHindutemples.

TheearliestMuslimDelhiwasestablishedwithintherefortifiedwallsofthe

oldHindutown,Kil’aRayPithora.HereSultanQutbal-DinAybek(andseveralofhissuccessors)builtthecongregationalmosqueandmausoleacomplexcalledtheQuwwatal-Islam.NearitrosetheQutbMinar,thegreattaperingsandstonetower whose bands of Arabic inscriptions proclaimed Koranic truths and themilitarytriumphsofthefirstSlavesultans.ByIbnBattuta’stimethreeadditionalurbanaggregations—threemorecitiesofDelhi—hadbeenfounded,allonthewestbankoftheYamunaRiverwithinaboutfivemilesofoneanother.OnewasSiri, built by ’Ala al-Din Khalji as a military camp and later walled in. ThesecondwasTughluqabad,awalledcomplexandfortressfoundedbyGhiyasal-Din Tughluq. The third was Jahanpanah, where Muhammad Tughluq built amagnificentresidence,thePalaceofaThousandPillars.

TheprosperingofMuslimlifeinDelhiandnumerousotherHindustanitownsin the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries was evidence of a continuousstream of native conversion. India’s immigrant population of Turks, Afghans,Persians, andArabsnever representedmore thana smallminorityof the total.BythetimeIbnBattutavisitedthecountry,thegreatmajorityofMuslimstherewere Indian-born.Mostof India’s ruralpopulation remained true to theHindutradition.ThoughthesultanaterequiredHindus,atleastintheory,topayspecialtaxes(asChristiansandJewsunderMuslimauthoritywererequiredtodo),thegovernmentforthemostpartleftthemalonetoliveandworshipastheywished.Nevertheless, Indo–Muslimswere by the late thirteenth centuryworking theirway into the intelligentsia and the elite circles of the sultanate.Ministers andprovincialgovernorsofIndo–Muslimoriginwerebeingappointed.Indian-bornscholars,poets,andreligiousdoctorswereappearingintheroyalcourt.AsIslamin the Indiancontextmatured, themostconspicuoussocial tensionswithin theupper stratawere occurring, not betweenMuslim andHindu, but between therising Indo–Muslim elite and the still dominant notables who traced theirlineagestotheolderIslamiclands.

In fact thecultural tiesbetween Indiaand the restof theDaral-Islamwerebecoming stronger in the early fourteenth century. Under theMuslim IlkhansPersiawas restored to itsoldpositionas thehubof circulation throughout theIslamicworld.Asaresult,merchants,Sufis,andenvoysweremovingingreaternumbersbetweenthereandIndiaoverthehighroadsthroughAfghanistan.Boththe Khalji and Tughluq sultans cultivated diplomatic ties not only with theIlkhans but also with the Mamluks and, later, the rulers of Kipchak andChagatay. These connections in turn helped broadcast information about thesultanateamonginternationalprofessionalandscholarlycircles.IbnBattutamayhavefirstheardinCairoaboutattractiveopportunitiesforofficialserviceatthe

brilliantcourtofDelhi.

TheQutbMinar,DelhiRaySmith

It was sometime between 1327 and 1330 that Sultan Muhammad Tughluqdecided on the policy of systematically filling the highest posts of hisadministrationand judiciarywithforeignersandrewarding themwithfabulousgiftsandstipends.Thisplanwasbutoneofseveralpeculiaritiesofhisreign.IbnBattutawashimselfoneoftheprominentchroniclersofthatperiodandsharedwith other contemporary writers certain norms and expectations as to the

behaviorofaproperSunniruler.3Mostofthesultansandamirswhostarredinthe drama of the laterMongolAge complied outwardlywith the standards oforthodoxywellenoughthattheirhistoriansappliedtheconventionalpanegyricsto themand their regimes. If therulerupheld theshari’a in religiousandcivilaffairs,patronized thescholarsandspiritual luminaries,gavegenerously to theprominentandthepoor,attendedfeastsandFridayprayers,condemnedpagansand Shi’ites, and refrained from indulging publicly in things forbidden, thenlearnedopinionnormallygaveitsstampofapproval.

MuhammadTughluq,however,wastheoddduckoffourteenth-centuryrulers—eccentric,anomalous,baffling. In theeyesof theeducatedmenwhoservedhim(andlaterwrotebooksabouthim),herepeatedlydeviatedfromthenormsoftraditionandadvocatedpoliciesthatwerevisionary,extreme,andunfathomable.Though he presided over his court in the grand style of theAbbasidCaliphs,cultivatedrelationswiththemajorstatesofIslam,anddoubled,inGod’sname,the size of the Indian empire, the official establishment could not adjustthemselvestohisquixoticschemesandcontradictions.Theyultimatelydesertedhimwholesale.

Muhammad was a religious scholar of greater attainments than any of theother more or less polished rulers of his time. He insisted that his Muslimsubjects perform the ritual prayers and abstain from wine. He took a livelyinterest in legal studies andmemorized large sections of the corpus ofHanafilaw. He mastered the art of calligraphy and wrote elegant Persian verse. Helearned Arabic in order to read religious texts. He showered patronage onscholars and divines. Yet he also pushed his inquiries well beyond theboundariesoforthodoxpropriety.HeinvitedHinduandJainsagestocourtandengagedthemintheologicaldiscussion.Heconsortedwithyogis.Heeventookup the study of Greek philosophical rationalism, a subject anathema tofourteenth-centurySunnidoctors.4

MuhammadwasalsoamanofactioninthebesttraditionoftheTurkishwarcaptain. Rather than confining himself to the usual policy of merely seizingchunksofHinduterritoryandsqueezingthemfortaxes,hepursuedinaspiritofrelentless logic a series of ingenious, sweeping, andunprecedentedprojects toreorganizegovernmentandsociety.Mostoftheseschemeswereinitiatedduringthefirsttenyearsofhisreign,thatis,priortoIbnBattuta’sarrival.Allofthemended in disaster. The sultan developed a plan to rationalize and improveagriculturalproductionandtax-gatheringinthefertileDoabregionbetweentheGangesandYamunaRiverssoutheastofDelhi.Theresultwasaseriousdeclineofproductivityandaprotractedpeasantrevolt.Heconceivedagrandstrategyto

taketheoffensiveinthenorthwestandinvadetheChagatayKhanate.Heraisedahugemounted force,kept themon themuster role forayearatgreatexpense,thenabandonedtheentireplan—exceptfordispatchinganarmyintoKashmir,whereHindumountain folk annihilated it.5He issued copper coins backed bygold in the treasury in order to compensate for a shortage of silver, probablygetting the idea from China. If the Chinese were amenable to token money,however, Indianswere not.Counterfeitingbecame rampant, the coins droppedprecipitously in value, and the sultan finally had to redeem them for gold atimmensecosttothegovernment.

In1326,hedecidedtofoundanewcapitalatDeogir,renamedDaulatabad,acity located in thebarrenDeccanplateaumore than400miles southofDelhi.His aimwasapparently tobetter assimilatenewlyconqueredareasby shiftingthe center of government to South India. If the schemewas politically logicalandreasonablyplanned,itwasfromahumanstandpointgrievouslyunrealistic.TheofficialclassescomfortablyensconcedinDelhiresistedthemove,wantingnothing to dowith life in that remote province. The sultan responded to suchrecalcitrancebyorderingamassexodusof theroyalhouseholdandalmost theentire governing corps. Modern historians are divided on the question of theextent to which Delhi was depopulated and ruined in consequence of themigration. Inanycase theexperiment failed. IfMuhammadbriefly achieved atighter grip on the south, conspiracies and revolts were soon erupting in thenorth, forcing him to return.Moreover, about 1329 hewas obliged to defendDelhiagainsttheinvadingarmyofTarmashirinKhan.Withinbutafewyearsofhis decision to move his government to Daulatabad, his officials and theirretinueswerebeinggivenauthorizationtodesertthecityandtrekbacktoDelhi.

Thesultanappearstohavedecidedearlyinhisreign,perhapsfollowingtheresistanceofhisofficials toresettling inDaulatabad, thathecouldbestputhisinnovativepoliciesintoactionbyentrustingthemtoforeignpoliticalservantsonwhose personal loyalty he could count in return for salaries and perquisites.Since educated men were constantly circulating from one Muslim court toanotherinthatage,itwaseasyenoughtoattractthemtoIndia.Butonceagainthe plan backfired. The more respectable Sunni gentlemen recoiled at thesultan’squeerorthodoxy.The lesshonorable tried toget richonMuhammad’snaivegenerosity,thensneakoutofthecountryatthefirstopportunity.

All of the sultan’smurky, fruitless dreams for amodelMuslim state revealbothanimpressivevisionandadeplorableinabilitytoaccommodatehiswilltosocialandpolitical realities.Hewasabull in thechinashopofIndiansociety,insensitivetothedelicatecompromisesamongsocialgroupsandpowercliques

that had held the sultanate together for more than a century. The intricateregionalandcastedivisionswithinHindusociety,theprimitivecommunicationssystem,andthedoggedrivalrieswithintheMuslimeliteitselfallputfargreaterlimitsoncentralauthoritythanMuhammadcouldbringhimselftoadmit.

Asthecriticismsofhis’ulamaandtheleadingdivinesbecameknowntohim,he reacted with petulant brutality. Rather than compromise with opinion, hechose to ferret out and punish those who failed by their disloyalty orincompetencetomakehisreformssucceed.InanyMuslimstateofthatagetherulingwarriorclasswasexpected tobearbitrary,capricious,andnastyup toacertain limit in the interest of publicorder.ButMuhammadTughluqwent toofar. Itwasone thing tochastise rebelsand thievesbyhaving themcut inhalf,skinnedalive,ortossedaboutbyelephantswithswordsattachedtotheirtusks.Itwasquiteanotherthingtoinflictsuchhumiliationsondistinguishedscholarsandclerics for merely questioning public policy or happening to be a friend ofsomeone who did. “Not a day or week passed,” reports the contemporarychronicler Barani, “without the spilling of much Musulman blood and therunningofstreamsofgorebeforetheentranceofhispalace.”6

Atthesametimethatherepressedandterrorizedhisownbooncompanionsand officers of state, Muhammad continued to bestow stupendous prizes andsalariesonthosehehappenedtofavoratthemoment.Baranirelates:

His indiscriminate liberality did not stop to differentiate between thedeserving and the undeserving, between an acquaintance and a stranger,between a new and an old friend, between a citizen and a foreigner, orbetweentherichandthepoor.Allofthemappearedtohimjustthesame.Naymore,thegiftofthemonarchprecededtherequestandtheamountorvalueofthe donation exceeded the wildest expectations of the receiver; so that thelatterwasliterallyconfounded.7

The politicalmessage such actions carriedwas that the sultan, the ShadowofGod,wasthetemporalsourceofallpower,whetherforgoodorevil,andthatthepeoplemustunderstandtheiruttersubordinationtohiswill.ThustotakeservicewithMuhammadTughluqwas to live a life of reckless insecurity, to spin thewheelofchancewitheverywordoractiononwhichthesultanmightchoosetohaveanopinion.

As Muhammad’s schemes went awry and the empire began to crack, theatmosphereoftheimperialcourtbecameincreasinglyparanoidandbrooding.By1334theconstructiveenergiesofthegovernmentwereexhausted,aseven-year

droughtwasabouttobegin,andthesultanwasfacingtheearliestofthe22majorrebellions that would consume the last decade and a half of his reign. TheSultanateofDelhihad reached itspeakofpowerandwasabout to founder. ItwasintheseconditionsofimminentdisasterthattheMoroccantravelerchosetoarriveinHindustan.

Ibn Battuta reached the valley of the Indus River at an uncharacteristicallytranquil moment in the history of that tumultuous frontier. Aftermore than acentury of chronic hostilities between the sultanate and the Mongols,Muhammad Tughluq had accomplished something of a truce with his Tatarneighbor. The routes from Persia and Central Asiawere busywith trade, anddistinguishedvisitorswerearrivingregularlyatthegovernmentimmigrationandcustomspostssetupatthemaincrossingpointsalongtheriver.

AttheIndus,intelligenceofficerschargedwithcontrollingthemovementsofpersons in and out of the empire subjected the Moroccan and his friends tometiculousobservation.Whoisthisindividual?Whatdoeshelooklike?Wherehas he come from?How does he dress and behave?Howmany servants andanimals does he have with him? The answers to these and numerous otherquestionswereimmediatelywrittenupanddispatchedbyrapidcourierrelaytothegovernorof thenorthwest frontieratMultan,acityeastof the river in thePunjab region, and to the sultan in Delhi (or wherever in the kingdom hehappenedtobe).ThevisitorsweretheninstructedtoproceedtoMultantoawaitthesultan’sordersregardingtheirfitnesstocontinuetoDelhiandthedegreeofhonortobeaccordedthem.

IbnBattutarelatesthathedidnotinfactgodirectlytoMultanbutsetoffonasidetriptovisitSind,thearidvalleyofthelowerIndusanditsdelta.Theregionwas of special historic interest to educated travelers— and to readers of theRihla—sinceithadfirstbeenconqueredforIslambyanArabarmyearlyintheeighthcentury.Thehighlightsof IbnBattuta’sdetour includeda five-dayboattrip down the great river to the delta port of Lahari in the company of itsgovernor,meetingswith various Sufi divines, and an unpleasant brushwith arhinoceros. The itinerary of the trip is ambiguous because IbnBattuta fails tomakeclearwherealongtheIndus,withinarangeofabout550miles,hehadfirstarrived fromAfghanistan.8Moreover, a study of chronological matters in thenarrativesuggeststhattheeventshedescribesinconnectionwithSindmaywellhavetakenplaceata later time,probablyin1341whenhetraveledtherefromDelhiatthesummonsofthesultan.9Itseemsplausiblethatheandhiscompanydid in fact go directly to Multan in order to secure official clearance before

travelingfurtherintotheempire.Locatedat that timeneartheRaviRiver,oneof thetributariesof theIndus,

Multan was the military capital of the western borderlands. Multan was alsoknownas theheadquartersof theSuhrawardiya,oneof the two importantSufiorders represented in India. Upon arriving in the city, Ibn Battuta presentedhimself before the governor, then took lodgings in a Suhrawardi khanqa justoutsidethetown.HewasevenintroducedtoRuknal-DinAbul’Fath,theGrandShaykhofthebrotherhood,thusfulfillingtheastonishingpredictionthattheoldEgyptianmystichadmadetohiminAlexandriasevenyearsearlier.(OntheroadfromMultantoDelhiashorttimelaterhewouldvisitAlaal-DinMawj-iDarya,master of the Chishti order. This man was not quite the second of the threedivinestheEgyptiantoldIbnBattutahewouldmeetinIndia.Ratheritwashisgrandson.)

IbnBattutaremainedinMultanat least twomonthsandperhapsthroughoutmuch of the winter of 1333–34.10 There he had the company of travelingnotablesfromBukhara,Samarkand,andothercitiestothewest.MostprominentamongthemwasKhudhawand-ZadaQiwamal-Din,qadioftheChagataycityofTirmidh. IbnBattutahadbeen travelingoff andonwith this judge, twoofhisbrothers, and a nephew on the journey through Afghanistan. When theintelligencereportsonthenewvisitorsreachedMuhammadTughluq,herepliedthatQiwamal-Dinwastobegivenspecialhonors.Consequently, therearrivedin Multan from Delhi one of the sultan’s chamberlains with instructions toaccompanytheqadiandotherforeigngentlementothecapital.Al-MakhdumahJahan, the sultan’smother, also sent along three eunuchs to escortQiwam al-Din’swifeandchildren.

No one, however, was to be permitted to proceed to Delhi on pretense ofseekingofficialemploymentunlessheplannedtostaypermanently.IbnBattutawasinterviewedagain:washeseriousinhisintentionstoservethesultanate?Heansweredwithconviction,andwehavenoreasontodoubt thatat thispoint inhiscareerhewasexpectingalongresidenceinIndia.Nonetheless,hisintentionshad to be put in writing. “When I told them that I had come to stay theysummonedtheqadiandnotariesanddrewupacontractbindingmeandthoseofmy company who wished to remain in India, but,” he adds, “some of themrefusedthisengagement.”

As another sign of his commitment, he had taken the trouble either inAfghanistanor thePunjab tobuya selectionof suitablegifts topresent to theemperor at the criticalmoment of his first audience.His purchases included aloadofarrows,severalcamels,morethanthirtyhorses,and,herecallsvaguely,

“white slaves and other goods.” The financing of these expensive presentsreflected rather ominously on the climate of brash opportunism prevailing inDelhi.Itwascustomary,everyoneknew,forMuhammadTughluqtorespondtohonorablevisitorswithgratuitiesoffarlargervalue,makingthesymbolicpointthathe,andnooneelse,was thewellspringofallgoodthings.Speculatingonthe likelihoodof suchunequal exchanges,menwithcapital advanced funds tonewcomerstobuygiftswiththepromiseofahandsomereturnoutofthevalueofthesultan’sreciprocation.Alwaysquicktograspthelocalcustom,IbnBattutatookaloanfromaMultanientrepreneurtobuypartofwhatheneeded.HenotesintheRihlathatwhenhelaterpaidthemanback,“hemadeanenormousprofitthroughmeandbecameoneoftheprincipalmerchants.”

LeavingMultanprobably some time in the latewinterof1334, IbnBattutaand theother foreigngentlemen followed thechamberlainandhisgovernmentretinuealongthemainmilitaryandcommercialroadleadingeastwardfromtheInduswatershedtothevalleyoftheupperGanges.Therouteranthebreadthofthe high Punjab plain, where dense rice-growing settlements lay along thetributarysystemthatspreadlikethefingersofmanyhandstothenortheastoftheIndus.11IbnBattutawasleadingagroupofabout40companions,servants,andslaves. They were, we may assume, mainly the same people who hadaccompaniedhimthroughAfghanistan, including theEgyptianfriendal-Tuzariandtheyoungslavewomanwiththeinfantdaughtershehadbornehermasterinthe camp of Tarmashirin Khan.12 Qadi Qiwam al-Din and his entourage,however,wereallthecenterofofficialattention.Twentycookswereevenhiredtogoaheadofthemainpartyeachday,setuptheeveningcamp,andgreetthejudgewithahotmealassoonashearrived.

Thechamberlainmighthavebeenadvisedtotakeonfewercooksandalargerbodyofsoldierstoprotecthisguests.Onthemorningthecaravanleftthetownof Abohar, Ibn Battuta and 21 others lagged behind in the place for severalhours.Finally settingout aboutmidday to catchupwith themaingroup, theyweresuddenlyattackedby82Hindubandits.Onlytwooftheassailantshadtheadvantageofbeingonhorseback,butitwasaclosecallnonetheless.

Mycompanionsweremenofcourageandvigorandwefoughtstoutlywiththem,killingoneoftheirhorsemenandabouttwelveofthefootsoldiers,andcapturing the horse of the former. I was hit by an arrow andmy horse byanother,butGodinHisgracepreservedmefromthem,forthereisnoforceintheirarrows.

Apparently no force at all, for Ibn Battuta and his friends were certainly notdressedinarmorplate.Thebanditsweresoondrivenoff,andtocelebratevictoryinthefashionofthetimetheheadsofthe13slainwerecutoff,carriedtothatevening’s stopping place, and suspended from thewalls of a government fort.Theincidentwastheyoungvisitor’sfirstexperiencewiththelimitsofimperialpower among the rural Hindu population, even near the trunk roads of thesultanate. Inhisnextbrushwithnative insurgentssomesevenandahalfyearslater,hewouldnotbesolucky.

IbnBattuta’s first impression ofDelhimight be clearer to us if he did notdescribeitinonepartoftheRihlaas“avastandmagnificentcity...thelargestcityinIndia,nayratherthelargestofallthecitiesofIslamintheEast”andinanother part as “empty and unpopulated save for a few inhabitants.” Thecontradiction probably reflects the ’ulama’s disapproval, which Ibn Battutashared,ofSultanMuhammad’sdecision in1327 tomove them toDaulatabad,his new capital in the drearyDeccan.Over about two years large numbers ofofficials, courtiers, and artisans did relocate. When Ibn Battuta arrived sometime in the spring of 1334, part of the intelligentsia was still in Daulatabad.When he tells us the city was “empty and unpopulated”, he was probablythinking only of the people that mattered, like a bored social climber at acrowded cocktail partywho recalls that “nobodywas there.” In fact the largelower-classHindu population ofDelhi likely neverwent anywhere, exceptingservantsandemployeesofthestate.Indeedaboutthesametimethatthesultanimposed his Daulatabad policy he also started building Jahanpanah, his newwalledurbancomplexandpalaceafewmilesnortheastofoldDelhi.Moreover,bytheearly1330shewasgivinguphisdreamofacapital inthecenterofhisempireandpermittinggroupsofunhappyexiles toreturnnorthif theywished.Thereseemslittledoubt that thecityIbnBattutasawwasinfact the largest inIndiaandgrowingrapidlytoservetheinsatiableneedsofthegoverningclass.13

Whenhearrivedthere,thesultanwasabsentintheDoabregionsoutheastofDelhi. A tax revolt had erupted among the much-burdened peasantry, andMuhammadhadbeenobliged to leadanarmyout from thecapital tocrush it.Nevertheless IbnBattuta andhis partywent immediately to thenewpalace inJahanpanah.There,inthehugewooden-roofedaudiencechambercalledtheHallofaThousandPillars(HazarSutun), theypaid their respects toKhwajaJahan,the sultan’s vizier. They also presented gifts at the palace residence of al-Makhdumah Jahan (the sultan’s blind mother), ate a ceremonial meal, andacceptedsilkrobesandothertokengratuitiesbefittingtheirstatus.AtasecondaudienceonthefollowingdaytheviziergaveIbnBattuta2,000silverdinarsto

“wash his head,” a symbolic gift of welcome proportioned in amount to thevisitor’s importance. A comfortably furnished house awaited him and hispersonal retinue inKil’aRayPithora, theancientDelhiofsandstonebuildingsandnarrowstreetsclusteredaroundtheQuwwatal-Islamandits loftyminaret.In thishousehewould liveduring thenextseveralyears,passingmanyhours,wemaypresume,inthecourtsanddomedarcadesofthegreatmosque.

Until Muhammad Tughluq returned to Delhi, Ibn Battuta had no officialappointment. However, the sultan was receiving regular reports on all theforeignersarriving in thecapital inhisabsence.Hesentorders to thevizier togive the newman, who had not yet lifted a finger in service to the state, anannualstipendof5,000silverdinars tobepaidfromtherevenueof twoandahalfvillageslocatedabout16milesnorthofthecity.14Itwascustomaryforstateofficials, army officers, and special honorees of the sultan to be paid regularallowancesfromtaxesoncropsproducedinpeasantvillagesratherthandirectlyfrom the royal treasury. In the areasofNorth Indiawhere the authorityof thesultanatewas firm, the thousands of rural hamletswere registered, grouped inunits of one hundred, and administered at the local level by petty Hindu orMuslimfunctionariesundertheauthorityoftheprovincialgovernors.Grantsofrevenuefromthesevillagescouldbeawarded,withdrawn,or transferredat thepleasureofthesultan,andtheycarriednohereditaryrights.Thegranteedidnothavetoliveonhisestate(andnormallydidnot)nor takeresponsibilityfor thegoverningofitsinhabitants,ataskthestateassumeddirectly.Thepoorfarmerswho toiled to produce this income had, of course, nothing to say about thesearrangements.

Unknownfaqihthathewas,IbnBattuta’sinitialemolumentdidnotamounttomuch by comparison with the revenue estates of the established elite.Nonetheless,whileawaitingtheemperor’sreturnduringthelatespringof1334,hetookthetroubletorideouttotheNorthIndianplaintoinspecthistwoandahalfvillages.TheHinducountryfolkinhabitingthesewretchedclustersofmudwallandthatchheldnofascinationforhim.HesaysnothingintheRihlaaboutthelookofthehamletsortheirresidents,andheprobablyneverbotheredtovisitthemmorethanonce.

Thenon8JunewordcamethatMuhammadTughluqwascampedatacastlejustsevenmilesfromthecity.Onthevizier’sorders,IbnBattutaandtheothernewcomerswentimmediatelyouttotheforttogreettherulerwiththeirgiftsofobeisance. In order of their professional eminence each suppliant entered theaudience room and was presented to the Master of theWorld, a tall, robust,white-skinned man seated, his legs tucked beneath him, on a gold-plated

throne.15Thiswasthecriticalmoment,fortheemperor’sfirstreactiontoamancouldmeanthedifferencebetweenfuturerichesandtotal,immediateostracismfromtheroyalcourt.

Iapproached thesultan,who tookmyhandandshook it,andcontinuing toholditaddressedmemostaffably,sayinginPersian“Thisisablessing;yourarrival isblessed;be at ease, I shallbe compassionate toyouandgiveyousuch favors that your fellow-countrymen will hear of it and come to joinyou.”ThenheaskedmewhereIcamefromandIsaidtohim“FromthelandoftheMaghrib”...EverytimehesaidanyencouragingwordtomeIkissedhishand,untilIhadkisseditseventimes,andafterhehadgivenmearobeofhonorIwithdrew.

ThusIbnBattutajumpedthefirsthurdleintothecircleofprivilege.Thenextday he joined the triumphal entry into Delhi, a spectacular cavalcade offestooned elephants and cavalry, Hindu infantry columns, and singing girls.MuhammadTughluq,thecrusherofinsurgentpeasants,wasnowthebenefactortohispeopleinthemostextravaganttraditionofaHinduking:

On someof the elephants thereweremounted smallmilitary catapults, andwhen the sultan came near the city parcels of gold and silver coinsmixedtogetherwere thrownfromthesemachines.Themenonfoot in frontof thesultanandtheotherpersonspresentscrambledforthemoney,andtheykeptonscatteringituntiltheprocessionreachedthepalace.

Shortlyafter theseevents twocourtofficialspaidavisit to IbnBattutaandsomeofhisassociatestotellthemtheemperorwasreadytomakeappointmentstovariousgovernment and religiousposts:ministers, secretaries, commanders,judges, and madrasa teachers. “Everyone was silent at first,” Ibn Battutaremembers,“forwhat theywerewantingwastogainrichesandreturnto theircountries.” He for one was ready to come forward, declaring that he wasdescended from a long line of legal scholars and that hewould be pleased toserveinsomejuridicalcapacity.

Forthwithheandseveralothernotableswere led to theHallofaThousandPillars,whereSultanMuhammadawardedhim the importantofficeofqadi ofDelhi. The emperor controlled all appointments to the judiciary, whichconstituted a branch of government separate from the political administration.IbnBattutawould serveunder theqadial-qudat, orChief Judgeof the realm.

Moreover,inacityaslargeasDelhihewasprobablyonlyoneofseveraljudgesholding comparable positions.16 His compensation was to be two villages inaddition to the ones he already had, carrying a total annual salary of 12,000silver dinars. He also received 12,000 dinars in cash as an advance bonus, ahorsewithsaddleandbridle,andyetanotherrobeofhonor.Suchanincomewasnot nearly as large as that of other, more prominent appointees. The averageHindufamily,however, livedonabout5dinarsamonth;asolider in theroyalarmy was paid 19½.17 Compared to ordinary folk of Hindustan, the obscureMoroccanfaqihwasabouttobecomeaveryrichman.

After several years of enjoying the favor of numerous kings and princespurelyon thestrengthofhissocialstatus,earnestpiety,andbrightpersonality,Ibn Battuta was now walking into circumstances far more promising thananything he had known before.MuhammadTughluq’s policywas to pack hisgovernmentwithforeignprofessionalsonwhosepersonalloyaltyhethoughthecould rely.Alienoriginhadbecomeamore important criterion foroffice thandistinction and experience. Only such circumstances can explain this strangerfrom the FarWest of Islam being handed amagistracywhose responsibilitiesshouldhaveputhimwayoutofhisdepth.SinceleavingMorocco,hehadspenthardly any time in sustained study of the law, excepting his brief sojourn inDamascus and hismonths inMecca.He had had virtually no experience as ajurisconsultorsittingjudge.Persianwasthelanguageofadministrativeandlegalaffairsinthesultanate,yethedidnot,ashepointedouttohisnewmaster,speakitwellatall.Healsoadmittedthat,asaMaghribi,hewastrainedintheMalikimadhhab, whereas almost all shari’a decisions in India were founded on theHanafi school.Very fewpeople fromMaliki countries lived in India, so therecouldhardlybemuchworktodo.Thesultandismissedalltheseobjectionsandappointed two Persian-speaking Hanafi scholars to serve as his “substitutes.”Their job was presumably to do the day-to-day work of hearing cases ofreligiousinfractionorcivildisputesamongMuslims,thenormalresponsibilitiesofaqadi.“Theywillbeguidedbyyouradvice,” theemperorchargedhisnewmagistrate,“andyouwillbetheonewhosignsallthedocuments.”

IbnBattuta’sappointment towhatcanonlybecharacterizedasasinecure18supports the complaint of contemporary critics that the official ’ulama of thesultanate,comprisingboththejudiciaryandthevariousstateministries,wereonthewholeamediocre,self-interested,andacutelyinsecuregroupofmen,moreso than in other Muslim states of the time, and more so under MuhammadTughluq than his predecessors. The emperor’s method of governing was tomobilize the skills and energies of the learned classes in the interests of his

personaldespotism.Hedemandedthatthe’ulamaendorsehiseveryscheme.Heevenroutedthemostsaintly,apoliticalSufisoutoftheirlodges,dispersingthemto the provinces to propagate the faith under his personal orders. Thoughpublicly he showed respect for the shari’a and the legal scholars (on a fewoccasionssubmittingwithsymbolichumilitytoaqadi’sunfavorablejudgmentina case against the state), he curtailed the independence of his judges andcontrolledtheirlegalopinionsmorecloselythandidotherMuslimrulersofthetime.

Among officers of state, the sultan’s energy, wilfulness, and fabulousgenerosity invited toadyism and corruption. On the other hand, the ’ulama,though not as a group highly distinguished, leaned to rigidity and ultra-conservatismintheirSunniorthodoxy,anattitudebroughtonpartlybyIslam’sprecarious dominance in an overwhelmingly infidel land. Consequently, thesultan’s continuing flirtationswithunacceptable, evenpagan, philosophies, hisstrangereformideas,andfinallyhisfailuretoholdontoalltheterritorywonforthe faith in South India produced a swell of outrage, private mutterings, andsecret resistance. Muhammad was undeterred. “My remedy for rebels,opponents, disobedient persons and evil-wishers is the sword,” he says in ahypotheticalconversationwiththechroniclerBarani.“Iwillcontinuepunishingand strikingwithmy sword till it either cuts ormisses. Themore the peopleoppose me, the greater will be my punishments.”19 Ibn Battuta indeed bearswitnesstoadesperatecrescendoofbrutalityfarworsethananythinghehadseeninotherlands.

Inspiteofall thatwehaverelatedofhishumility,hissenseoffairness,hiscompassionfortheneedy,andhisextraordinaryliberality,thesultanwasfartoo free in shedding blood . . . [He] used to punish small faults and great,withoutrespectofpersons,whethermenoflearningorpietyornobledescent.Everydaytherearebroughttotheaudience-hallhundredsofpeople,chained,pinioned, and fettered, and thosewhoare for execution are executed, thosefortorturetortured,andthoseforbeatingbeaten.

Open-hearted,eager toplease,and far toogregarious forhisowngood, theyoungqadi soon foundhimselfenmeshed in themorbid,dangerouspoliticsofthe imperial court. The sultan remained inDelhi only about sevenmonths—fromJune1334tothefollowingJanuary.DuringthisperiodneitherIbnBattutanor his two “substitutes” got around to hearing any legal cases. Rather heoccupied his time attending at court or accompanying hismaster on the great

gaudyhuntingexpeditionsforwhichallTurkishandMongolwarriorkingswereknown. These colossal promenades in the Delhi hinterland required theparticipation of almost the entire ruling establishment. Courtiers and highofficialswere expected topurchase their ownouting equipment, as itwere, indiminutiveimitationofthesultan’ssplendidencampment.Likeeveryoneworthyof esteem, Ibn Battuta felt obliged to buy a large tent with a white fabricenclosure,togetherwithfood,utensils,clothing,carpets,animals,andacorpsofservantssufficient tohaulandsuperviseall thismatériel.A teamofeightmenhadtobehiredtocarrythedula,ordecoratedpalanquin,inwhichanotablerodewhennotpreferringhishorseorelephant.IntheRihlaIbnBattutamakesmuchof the“vigorandenergy”heshowed inalwaysbeingready to leaveDelhi thesamedaythesultandidandhowhewashonoredduringtheseexcursionswithinvitationstositorrideincloseproximitytotheShadowofGod.

Keeping up with the ruling class of India, however, was frighteninglyexpensive. Like the Turko–Mongol states, the sultanate was an extremelypersonal systemofpower.Bondsof loyaltyand respectbetweensocialgroupsweremaintainedthroughachainoffavorstartingwiththesultanandextendingdownward through the political ranks to the lowliest servant. What the rulerexpended ingiftsandstipendshisofficeholderswereexpected togiveback infuturepresentstohimorredistributetotheirownservants,clients,andsuppliers.This medieval version of “trickle down theory” kept the political systemreasonably stable, but it also put tremendous pressure on men of position tospend freely. Spectacular donations and purchases strengthened a man’sauthorityoverthosebelowhimandhisprestigeamongthoseabove.Cautionandfrugalityinvitedscorn.Anytemptationtoinvestinlong-termcapitalenterpriseorsaveforarainydaywaseasilyresisted,forthestatecouldpartamanfromhisricheswithdevastatingsuddenness.Everyoneintheelitecircles,andespeciallythe governors and senior military officers, were thus encouraged to competefeverishly with one another in stupendous, ceaseless spending. “If one of thenoblesbestowed fiftyhorses inhiswineparty andgave robes to twohundredpersons,”saysBarani,“anothernoblehearingthiswouldfeeljealous,andwouldtry to give away a hundred horses and to bestow robes on five hundredpersons.”20

IbnBattutawasnotofcourseinthesameleaguewiththegreatcommandersof the realm, but he lost no time piling up debts to finance his gifts to thesovereignandaproperlyluxurioushousehold.HeconfessesfranklyintheRihlathat he developed a reputation for extravagance and that the sultan was wellawareofit.Weshouldnotconclude,however,thathewasnecessarilyabigger

spenderthanothermenofcomparablestatus.Headmitsfreelyofhisprodigality,nottoconfesshumblytoabadhabit,buttoshowthathelivedgenerouslyandexpansivelyasbefittingaqadi ofDelhi.Nonetheless, hehad to find away topayoff themerchantswhohad stakedhim to his début in the capital becausetheywerepreparingtoleavethecountryonacommercialventure.Theamountinquestionwas55,000 silverdinars.TheRihla rather tires the readerwith itslengthydescriptionofhisstrategiesforgettingMuhammadTughluqtopayhisbillsforhim,suggestingthathespentagoodpartofhisfirsthalfyearinDelhipreoccupiedwithhispersonalfinances.TobroachthesubjectbeforehismasterhecomposedapraisepoemtohiminArabicthatended,candidlyenough,withthelines:

Makespeedtoaidthevotarytothyshrine,Andpayhisdebt—thecreditorsaredunning.

Thesultanwaspleasedwiththeodeandagreedtopay,butthedisbursementfrom the treasury was held up. Ibn Battuta then got his creditors tomake anappealtoMuhammadonhisbehalf.Successagain,butpaymentwasdelayedasecond time because of certain procedural improprieties involving anotherofficial. Ibn Battuta appealed once more, this time sending the sultan threecamels, two gilded saddles, and plates of sweets.At long last themoneywasreleased,notonly the55,000dinars for thedebtbutalso the12,000 thesultanhadearlieragreedtogivehim.

Bythetimeall thiswassettledMuhammadTughluqwaspreparingtoleavethecapitalonceagain.Sometimein1334rebellionhadbrokenoutinMa’bar,theTamil-speaking region in the far southeast of the subcontinent that had beenannexedtotheempirebyMuhammadTughluq’sfatheronlyelevenyearsearlier.TheleaderoftherisingwasnotaHinduprincebutJalalal-DinAhsanShah,thesultan’s owngovernor.Rallying the support of theMuslimamirs and soldiersunderhisauthority,heproclaimedhimselfSultanofMa’bar.Despitethepoliticalperils of campaigning 1,300 miles from the capital, Muhammad mustered anarmy to march to Daulatabad, then on to Madurai, chief city of Ma’bar. IbnBattutaexpectedtobeorderedtogoalongontheexpedition.Tohissurpriseandrelief,thesultaninstructedhimtoremaininDelhiand,asidefromhisjudgeship,appointed him administrator of the mausoleum of Qutb al-Din Mubarak, theKhalji sultan who reigned from 1316 to 1320 and under whom MuhammadTughluq had entered military service as a young man. Just before the royaldepartureon5January1335,21 IbnBattutagainedonemoreaudiencewithhis

master,thistimepersuadinghimtoallotextrafundsfortheupkeepofthetomb,nottomentionmoneytorepairhisownresidence.

During the next two and a half years, he resided inDelhi, refurbishing hishouse,buildinga littlemosquenext to it,andrunningupmoredebts.Heevenspent,muchtohislaterembarrassment,1,060dinarsafriendhadleftinhistrustbeforeleavingwiththesultan.Heandhissubstitutesmayhaveheardlegalcasesin Delhi during this period, but he makes no mention of them. His principalinterest seems to have been themausoleum. The burial place of a sultanwasoftenanimportantroyalendowment.Itwasfirstofallamosquebutmightalsohaveassociatedwith it acollege, aSufi retreat, and facilities todispense foodand lodging towayfarers and theneedy. IbnBattutahad to superviseall thesefunctions.Herecallsthatthiscomplexemployed460persons,includingQur’anreciters, teachers, theological students, Sufis, mosque officials, clerks, andvarious classes of cooks, servants, and guards. All of these people weresupported from the revenue of 30 villages whose crops were assigned to thetomb andwith funds allocated directly from the state treasury.He also busiedhimselfoverseeingconstructionofadomeoverthesepulchre.22

HisresponsibilitiesweremadeevengreaterbythedisastrousfaminethathitNorthIndiain1335andlastedsevenyears.Baranireportsthat“thousandsuponthousandsofpeopleperishedofwant,”23andIbnBattutaspeaksofIndiansbeingreduced to eating animal skins, rotten meat, and even human flesh. As thefaminebecamegeneralandstarvingcountryfolkpouredintoDelhitofindrelief,Ibn Battuta distributed quantities of food from the stores allocated to themausoleum. He presents a picture of himself in this work as an exemplaryadministrator, mentioning that the sultan sent him a robe of honor fromDaulatabadafterhearingfromoneofhisofficersaboutthefinejobtheMaghribiwasdoingdispensingwelfaretothestricken.

Some timeduring thisperiod,probably in the summerof1335or1336,heleftDelhifortwomonthstomakeanofficialinquiryintheregionofAmroha,atownlocatedacrosstheGangesabout85mileseastofDelhi.24Hetraveledwitha proper retinue, including 30 companions and “two brothers, accomplishedsingers,whousedtosingtomeontheway.”Chargeshadbeenmadethat’Azizal-Khammar, the district’s tyrannical tax-collector, was holding back on grainshipmentsassignedfromanumberofvillages to themausoleum.Meetingfirstwith the notables ofAmroha, IbnBattuta learned that al-Khammarwas to befoundinavillageontheSarjuRiver,requiringajourneyofanother190milesorsoeastwardacrossthenorthGangeticplain.25Finallycatchingupwithhisman,hesucceededinhavinghimarrangefortransportofalargequantityofgrainto

Delhi.Butmorerevealingoftheyoungqadi’sauthoritywashisofficialinvestigation

ofaviolentfeudthathadbrokenoutbetweenal-Khammarandtheamirofthemilitary district. Al-Khammar presented a number of complaints against theofficer, including the charge that one of theamir’s servants, amannamed al-Rida,hadbrokenintohishouse,stolen5,000dinars,anddrunksomewine.

Iinterrogatedal-Ridaonthissubjectandhesaidtome“IhaveneverdrunkwinesinceIleftMultan,whichiseightyearsago.”Isaidtohim“Thenyoudiddrink it inMultan?”andwhenhe said“Yes” Iorderedhim tobegiveneighty lashes and imprisoned him on the charges preferred, because of thepresumptiveevidenceagainsthim.

Ibn Battuta was not behaving with arbitrary severity here. Rather he wasimposing the precise shari’a punishment for imbibing wine— 80 lashes, nomore, no less. It was a religious infraction falling within a qadi’s normalauthority.Onthechargeofburglary,however,themanwastosufferthepenaltyofthesultan’slawandthussentofftoDelhiinchains.IfIbnBattutasentencedother malefactors to the lash while he served in Delhi, we have no way ofknowing,forthisistheonlyjudgmenthereportshavingmadeduringhisyearsinIndia.

Sometimein1337or1338thesultanreturnednorth.BecauseofthefaminethatstillragedaroundDelhi,heapparentlystoppedthereonlybrieflybeforemovingtoatemporarycapitalataplaceonthewestbankoftheGangessomedistancenorth of the town of Kanauj (Qinnawj).26 Intending to remain there severalmonths,heorderedconstructionofamodestpalaceandcalleditSargadwari,theGateofParadise.Itwashardlysohappyaresidence,fortheexpeditionagainstMa’barhadendedintotalfailure.MuhammadhadadvancedasfarasthecentralDeccanwhenanepidemicbrokeoutamonghistroops,forcinghimtoreturntoDaulatabadandleavingthetraitorousAhsanShahstillonhisthroneinMadurai.NotonlydidtheembattledsultanloseanyhopeofpreventingthesecessionofMa’bar, but between the time he left Delhi and returned to the north, severalother defecting Turkish or Afghan commanders raised rebellions, effectivelyterminatingimperialruleovermuchofSouthandCentralIndia.

The empire disintegrating around him, the sultan summoned many of hisDelhiofficials to joinhimatSargadwari, IbnBattutaamong them.Some timeafter theqadi andhis entourage arrived there, ’Ain al-Mulk, the Indo–Muslim

governor of theprovince immediately east of theGanges, revoltedout of fearthat theemperorwrongly suspectedhimofdisloyalty.Afterboldly raiding thearmy’sstocksofelephantsandhorses,’Ainal-Mulk,fourofhisbrothers,andaforceofHindusoldiersescapedeastwardacrosstherivertosafety.Atthispointthesultancontemplatedmarchingback toDelhi to reinforcehisdepletedarmyanddealwiththerebelsatsomelatertime.IbnBattuta,whowasinthethickofthe crisis and an eye witness to all that occurred, reports that Muhammad’scommanders urged him to strike back at the rebels before they had time toconsolidatetheirposition.IfMuhammadTughluqwasadisasterasapolitician,hehadprovenhimselfaskillfulsoldierandtacticianfromthetimeofhisfather’sreign.Takinghisofficers’advice,headvancedbyforcedmarchalongthewestbank of theGanges toKanauj to secure the town ahead of ’Ain al-Mulk. IbnBattutawastravelinginthevanguardunderthecommandofthevizierKhwajaJahan.In themeantime’Ainal-Mulkandhiscompanycrossedtheriveragain.Foolishly overestimating his own military talents and the likelihood ofdefectionsfromthesultan’sranks,’Ainal-MulkattackedtheimperialvanguardnearKanaujintheearlyhoursofthemorning.

The troops, then, drawing their swords, advanced towards their adversariesand a hot battle ensued. The sultan gave orders that his army’s passwordshould be “Dilhi” [Delhi] and “Ghazna”; each one of them therefore onmeeting a horseman said to him “Dilhi” and if he received the answer“Ghazna”heknewthathewasoneofhissideandifnotheengagedhim.Theaimoftherebelhadbeentoattackonlytheplacewherethesultanwas,buttheguideledhimastrayandheattackedtheplaceofthevizierinstead...Inthe vizier’s regiment there were Persians, Turks and Khurasanians; these,beingenemiesoftheIndians,putupavigorousfightandthoughtherebel’sarmycontainedabout50,000mentheywereputtoflightattherisingoftheday.

Numerous rebelsoldiersdrowned trying to reach theeastbankof the river;otherswere captured, including ’Ain al-Mulk himself, and brought before thesultan. “Muleteers, peddlars, slaves and persons of no importance” werereleased,butontheveryafternoonofthebattle62ofthetraitorousleaderswerethrown to the elephants. “They started cutting them in pieceswith the bladesplacedontheirtusksandthrowingsomeofthemintheairandcatchingthem,”IbnBattuta remembers, “andall the time thebugles and fifes anddrumswerebeingsounded.”’Ainal-Mulkmusthaveexpectedasimilarfate,orworse.ButwhatMuhammadTughluqcould takeawayhecouldalsogive.Convinced that

hisgovernorhadactedrashly“throughmistake,”asBaranihasit,27theemperorpardonedhimandgavehimthemodestpostofsupervisingtheroyalgardensinDelhi.

Despite his total victory, Muhammad returned to his capital in a fury ofdespair.28Thefamineragedon,Bengalhadbrokenawayfromthesultanateorwasaboutto,otherrevoltswereignitinghereandthere,andallhisdreamsofatidy, productive empire were falling to ruin. Thus he lashed out at whateverenemies, real or imagined, happened to be at hand. In such a sinisterenvironment as this, only the most circumspect, inconspicuous officeholdermightexpect to survive indefinitely.Eager, sociableyoungqadis, on theotherhand,werelikelytomakeadisastrousslipsoonerorlater.

It might well have happened earlier than it did. At some point during hisresidence in Delhi, Ibn Battutamarried a woman namedHurnasab and had adaughter by her. As usual we learn almost nothing in the Rihla about hisdomesticaffairs,exceptthatthiswomanwasadaughterofAhsanShah,leaderof the Ma’bar rebellion, and a sister of Sharif Ibrahim, a court official andgovernor who had plotted a rebellion and was subsequently executed in thepalacewhile IbnBattutawas inattendance there.Although theRihlagivesnohint thathismarriage toHurnasabbroughthimundersuspicion,havingfamilyties with men guilty of high treason was hardly an advantage at the court ofMuhammadTughluq.IbnBattutawouldlaterinhistravelsbeaguestofoneofAhsanShah’ssuccessorsinMa’bar,suggestingthathemaywellhavehadsomeconcealedsympathyfortherebellionthere.29

The event that finally got him into troublewas his friendshipwith ShaykhShihab al-Din, a venerable Sufi originally fromKhurasan. It was a long-heldtradition among the most pious and principled divines of Islam to shunrelationshipswithsecularrulersontheargumentthatsuchcollaborationwouldtaintthemanddetractfromtheirtotalservicetoGod.Nizamal-DinAwliya,theillustriousmaster of the Chishti brotherhood who died eight years before IbnBattuta came to India, bluntly cold-shouldered both Khalji and Tughluqemperorsateveryopportunity.“Thehouseof thishumbleonehas twodoors,”Nizamal-Dinisknowntohavesaid.“IftheSultanentersthroughone,Ishallgooutbytheother.”30SuchaloofnessasthiswasquiteunacceptabletoMuhammadTughluq,whosepolitical theory included the idea thatSufi asceticsand ivory-towertheologiansshouldsubmittohiswillasmuchastheofficial’ulama.

WhetherShihabal-DinwasaChishtiornotisunclear,buttwicehebrashlyrefused to obey his sovereign’s commands. In the first incident he spurned agovernment post offered to him. In retaliation Muhammad had the shaykh’s

beardpluckedouthairbyhair,thenbanishedhimtoDaulatabad.Sometimelaterhe had him restored to favor and appointed him to an office, which in thatinstance Shihab al-Din agreed to accept. When Muhammad went off on theMa’bar expedition,Shihabal-Dinestablisheda farmnear theYamunaRiver afew miles from Delhi and there dug himself a large underground housecomplete,asIbnBattutadescribesit,with“chambers,storerooms,anovenandabath.” Returned to the capital, the sultan ordered Shihab al-Din to appear atcourt, but the troglodyte refused to emerge. When Muhammad had himsummarilyarrested, theshaykh retorted that the sultanwasanoppressorandatyrant.Thecourt’ulamapleadedwithhimtorecant.Whenhewouldnot,hewastorturedinthemostheinousmanner,thenbeheaded.

Ibn Battuta, by contrast, was hardly the sort to martyr himself for rigidprinciples.Theodorofpoliticsdidnotbotherhimatall,andofficialserviceandrewardwerehisambition.Unfortunately,hehadmadethemistakeofgoingoutone day to seeShihab al-Din and hismarvelous cave. Following the shaykh’sarrest,thesultandemandedalistofallwhohadvisitedhim,andtheMaghribi’snamewason it. “Thereupon,” IbnBattuta recalls, “the sultangaveorders thatfourofhisslavesshouldremainconstantlybesidemeintheaudience-hall,andcustomarily when he takes this action with anyone it rarely happens that thepersonescapes.”ForninedaysIbnBattutaremainedunderguard,imaginingincold horror his short final journey to themain gate of the Jahanpanah palacewhereexecutionswerecarriedoutandthecorpseslefttoliethreedaysinpublicview.

ThedayonwhichtheybegantoguardmewasaFridayandGodMostHighinspired me to recite His words Sufficient for us is God and excellent theProtector. I recited them that day33,000 times andpassed the night in theaudience-hall. I fasted five days on end, reciting theQur’an from cover tocovereachday,andtastingnothingbutwater.AfterfivedaysIbrokemyfastandthencontinuedtofastforanotherfourdaysonend.

Then, just after Shihab al-Din was executed, the terrified qadi, much to hissurprise,wassuddenlyreleasedandallowedtogohome.

Shakenbythisdreadfulexperience,hesecuredpermissionashorttimelaterto withdraw from his official duties and seclude himself with Kamal al-Din’Abdallah al-Ghari, a well-known Sufi who occupied a hermitage, indeedanother cave, on the outskirts of Delhi. Kamal al-Dinwas a rigorous ascetic,living in extreme poverty and performing awesome feats of self-denial. Ibn

Battutahadgone intobriefperiodsof spiritual retreatpreviously inhiscareer,but this time he threw himself into the abstinent life, ridding himself of hispossessions,donningtheclothesofabeggar,andfastingtothepointofcollapse.Heremainedinthesepenitentcircumstancesforfivemonths,probablyunsureofwhat he would do next. Apparently he had decided at least that life withMuhammadTughluqwasfartoodangeroustocontinue.

Meanwhile, thesultanwentonamilitarytourtoSindandfromthetownofSehwansummonedhisqaditoappearbeforehim.IbnBattutapresumablymadethejourneyimmediately,thoughtheRihlahasnocommentonitortheroute.31When he arrived, Muhammad received him “with the greatest kindness andsolicitude” and pressed him to return to his judgeship and rejoin the palacecircle.Determined to avoid that fate at all costs, IbnBattuta counteredwith arequesttomakethehajj,themostpersuasivereasonhecouldcomeupwithforgettingpermissiontoleavethecountry.Muchtohisrelief,thesultanagreed.Forseveral weeks thereafter, beginning in June 1341, he resided in another Sufikhanqa,thistimeprogressivelyextendinghisperiodsofself-denialuntilfinallyhecouldfastfor40daysatastretch.

Thensuddenlyhewascalledintotheroyalpresenceagain,thistimetohearanastoundingproposal.Knowinghis“loveoftravelandsightseeing,”thesultanwished to make his North African qadi ambassador to the Mongol court ofChina. His mission would be to accompany 15 Chinese envoys back to theirhomelandandtocarryshiploadsofgifts to theYuanemperor. IbnBattutawaspreparingtoleaveforMeccaanduntilthatmomentprobablyhadnothoughtoftravelingeastwardsofIndia.Nowhewasbeinghandedanopportunity,notonlytogetawayfromMuhammadTughluqandthegloomofDelhi,buttovisit thefurther landsof Islamandbeyond—and todo it ingranderstyle thanhehadevertraveledbefore.Itwasanoffermuchtoopromisingtorefuse.

Notes

1.QuotedinP.Hardy,HistoriansofMedievalIndia(London,1960),p.98.2.IbnFadlAllahal-’Umari,AFourteenthCenturyArabAccountofIndiaunderSultanMuhammadbin

Tughluq,trans.anded.IqtidarHusainSiddiqiandQaziMohammadAhmad(Aligarh,1971),p.36.3.SinceIBlivedandtraveledinIndiaforaboutadecadeandsinceheandhiseditorexpectedliterate

Moroccanstobeparticularlyinterestedinfactsaboutthatdistantland,hedevotesnearlyafifthoftheRihlatoadescriptionofthehistory,politicalaffairs,socialcustoms,classrelations,andMuslimreligiouslifeofthesultanateandotherregionsof thesubcontinent.TheRihla isoneofaveryfewcontemporaryliterarysourcesonfourteenth-centuryIndia,especiallythelifeandtimesofMuhammadTughluq.IBisindeedthesole sourceof informationonanumberofhistoricalevents, includingsomeof the rebellionsagainst thesultan.Healsogivesabriefdynastichistoryofthekingdom,based,ashereveals,oninformationsupplied

to himmainly byKamal al-Din ibn al-Burhan, the chief judge.Where IB’s reporting has been checkedagainsttheothercontemporarysources,hehasbeenfoundreasonablyaccurate.Forthemodernhistorian,however,thevalueofthenarrativehasbeenrestrictedbythelackofaclearchronologicalframeworkandalmostnoreferences toeitherabsoluteor relativedates.Theotherchroniclesof the timesuffer fromthesamedeficiency.

SincetheRihlaisabookforMuslimsaboutMuslims,indeedliterateMuslims,itisaninadequatesourceon Hindu society and civilization. Though IB does describe certain Hindu customs and gives someexamplesof the interpenetrationofHinduandMuslimculture,he isgenerallydisinclinedtoexaminethelifeofMuslimpeasantfolk,muchlessinfidelpeasantfolk.DespitethethreadofamiabletolerancethatrunsthroughtheRihla,IB’sperspectiveisidenticalwiththatoftheotherMuslimwritersofthetime.“Forthem,indeed as for Muslim historians outside India,” Peter Hardy writes, “the only significant history is thehistoryoftheMuslimcommunity;theyarehistoriansoftheresgestaeofthepoliticallyprominentmembersofagroupunitedbytiesofcommonfaithratherthanhistoriansofthewholepeopleoftheareacontrolledbytheDelhisultan.”HistoriansofMedievalIndia,p.114.

4.MuhammadTughluqwasalsosuspectedofbeingundertheperniciousinfluenceofadiscipleofIbnTaymiyya (d. 1328), a famous theologian and exponent of the Hanbali madhhab who had lived inDamascus.IbnTaymiyyaincurredtheoppositionoftheorthodoxscholarsbyhiscriticalrejectionofSufimysticismandbyhisinsistenceontherightofijtihad,thatis,thefreedomtoinquireintothefoundationsofparticularpointsoflawevenwhereanauthoritativemadhhabdecisionalreadyexisted. IBclaimstohaveheardhimpreach inDamascus in1326andcharacterizeshimashaving,according toGibb’s translation,“somekinkinhisbrain.”Gb,vol.1,p.135.ThevalidityofIB’sremarkisexaminedbyD.P.Little,“DidIbnTaymiyyaHaveaScrewLoose?”StudiaIslamica41(1975):39–111.

5. Peter Jackson links the plan for the conquest of Chagataywith an abortive invasion of Kashmir,calledtheQarachilexpedition.“TheMongolsandtheDelhiSultanateintheReignofMuhammadTughluq(1325–51).”CentralAsiaticJournal19(1975):128–43.

6.Ziyaal-DinBarani,Tarikh-i-FiruzShahi,trans.anded.H.M.ElliotandJohnDowson,TheHistoryofIndiaasToldbyitsOwnHistorians,vol.3(Allahabad,1964),p.236.Baraniwasacourtieratthecourtof Muhammad Tughluq and perhaps an acquaintance of IB. Under the patronage of Firuz Shah,Muhammad’ssuccessor,hewroteahistoryofthesultanatefrom1266to1351.Heinterpretseachreigninthe light of his own orthodox morality and findsMuhammad Tughluq badly wanting. Barani does notmentionIB.

7.QuotedinK.M.Ashraf,LifeandConditionsofthePeopleofHindustan,2ndedn(NewDelhi,1970),p.150.

8.SeeChapter8,note25.9. IBstates thathis firstvisit toSind tookplaceshortlyafter thesuppressionofa localuprising, the

Sumrarevolt,bythemilitarygovernorImadal-MulkSartiz.Thisofficialwasnotappointed,however,untilabout 1337. Peter Jackson, “The Mongols and India (1221–1351),” Ph.D. diss., Cambridge University,1977,pp.225–26.IBmaythereforebeconfusingthisallegedtourofSindwiththetriphetooktherefromDelhishortlybeforeJuly1341.HealsosaysthathevisitedSindforthefirsttimeduringthe“hottestperiodofthesummer.”SucharemarkfitspoorlyintothechronologicalschemeofhisarrivalinIndia,whichheclaimsbeganon12September1333.ThereisnoevidencethatheremainedinthePunjabandSindfromthenuntilthefollowingsummer.The1341visit,however,apparentlydidtakeplaceinearlysummer,whichwasindeedthetimeofthescorchingsouthwesterlywinds.JacksondevelopsalineofargumentaboutIB’schronologytosuggestthathedidnotvisitChinaatall,thathestayedinIndiauntil1346–47(747–48A.H.),andthathelefttheredefinitivelybywayofanoverlandroutethroughSindandKhurasan.Jacksonadmits,however,thatifIBdidpassthroughSindaslateas1346–47,Sartizwasnolongergovernorthere,havingbeen transferred to theDeccan in1345 (p.226).Thus theSumra rebellion, forwhich IBoffers theonlydescription,maywellhavetakenplacein1341ratherthan1333.M.R.HaigdiscussesIB’sitineraryinSindand struggles unsuccessfully with the chronological difficulties. “Ibnu Batuta in Sindh,” Journal of theRoyalAsiaticSociety19(1887):393–412.C.F.BeckinghamsuggeststheSindvisitmayhavetakenplacein1341rather than1333–34.“IbnBattuta inSind” inHamidaKhuhro(ed.),SindthroughtheCenturies:

ProceedingsofanInternationalSeminar,Karachi1975(Karachi,1981),pp.139–42.10.IBstatesthathehadbeeninMultanfortwomonthswhenthesultan’schamberlainarrived.Gb,vol.

3,p.606.IfhedidnotinfactvisitSindatthistime,hemayhavestayedquiteabitmorethantwomonthsinMultan.11.Adescriptionof therouteduring theSultanateperiod is foundinA.M.Stow,“TheRoadbetween

DelhiandMultan,”PanjabUniversityHistoricalSociety3(1914–15):26–37.12.HementionsinconnectionwithhisarrivalontheIndusthathehadabout40peoplewithhim.This

companyprobablynumberedmoreorlessthesameonthecontinuingtriptoDelhi.13.MahdiHusain,TughluqDynasty(Calcutta,1963),pp.145–75.Theauthorpresentsalengthyanalysis

of the transfer of the capital and its consequences for Delhi. He suggests that the destruction of DelhiallegedbyBaraniandothershasbeengreatlyexaggerated.Othermodernhistoriansdisagree.14. IBnames thevillages,whichhavebeen identifiedbyGibb(Gb,vol.3,p.741)andMahdiHusain

(MH,p.122).15.MahdiHusain(TughluqDynasty,p.480)presentsadescriptionofthesultancompiledfromvarious

medievalsources.16.Onthegeneralorganizationofthejudicialsystem,S.M.Ikram,MuslimRuleinIndiaandPakistan,

2ndedn(Lahore,1966),pp.149–52;andA.B.M.Habibullah,TheFoundationofMuslimRuleinIndia,2ndedn.(Allahabad,1961),pp.271–79.17.Ashraf,LifeandConditions,p.291.18.Onsinecurismamongthereligious,judicial,andeducationalofficeholdersoffifteenth-centuryEgypt

seeCarlF.Petry,TheCivilianEliteofCairointhelaterMiddleAges(Princeton,N.J.,1981),pp.201,319.19. Quoted in Mohammad Habib and Afsar Umar Salim Khan, The Political Theory of the Delhi

Sultanate(Allahabad,n.d.),p.159.20.QuotedinM.Mujeeb,TheIndianMuslims(Montreal,1967),p.209.21.IBgivesthedeparturedateas9JumadaI,or5January1335.Allrecentauthoritiesareagreedthatthe

Ma’barrebellionbrokeoutin1334,andMahdiHusain(TughluqDynasty,p.243)affirmsthatMuhammadTughluqmusthaveleftDelhithefollowingyear.Unfortunately,inanoteinhistranslationofthenarrative(MH,p.140),hemistakenlyconverts9JumadaIto21October1341.Gibb(Gb,vol.3,p.758)repeatstheerror.22.ThetombofQutbal-DinMubaraknolongerexists.23.Barani,Tarikh-i-FiruzShahi,p.238.24.IBstatesthathemadethistripduring“theperiodoftherains,”thatis,duringthesummerorearlyfall

monsoonseason.AlthoughhesaysnothinginthecontextofhisyearsinDelhiaboutexcursionsotherthanthetrips toKanauj(seebelow)andSind,hementions later in theRihlaofhavingvisitedGwalior,acityabout150milessouthofthecapital,sometimebetween1334and1341.25.IB’sSaruRiveristheSarju.MH,p.145n.26.Gibb(Gb,vol.3,p.698)andMahdiHusain(TughluqDynasty,pp.254,658)agree that thesultan

establishedhistemporarycapitalontheGangesin1338.Jackson(“TheMongolsandtheDelhiSultanate,”p.149)suggests1337or1338.IBstatesthatMuhammadwasabsentfromDelhiontheMa’barexpeditionfortwoandahalfyearsfromJanuary1335.27.Barani,Tarikh-i-FiruzShahi,p.249.28.MahdiHusain(TughluqDynasty,p.254)assertsthatMuhammadTughluqstayedatSargadwarifrom

late1338untilmid1341,thenreturnedtoDelhi.IBalsoimpliesthatthesultanremainedtheretwoandahalfyears(Gb,vol.3,p.698),buthedoesnotmakeclearhowmuchofthattimehespentwiththeroyalparty.MahdiHusain (TughluqDynasty, p. 256) dates the ’Ain al-Mulk rebellion to 1340.Adate ofmid1341forthesultan’sreturntoDelhi,however,doesnotaccordwellwithIB’sstatementthathevisitedhiminSindsometimebeforeJulyofthatyear.29.MahdiHusain(TughluqDynasty,pp.ii,iii)speculatesonthispossibility.30.AzizAhmad,“TheSufiandtheSultaninPre-MughalMuslimIndia,”DerIslam38(1962):147.

31.Seenote9.

10MalabarandtheMaldives

AndinthislandofMalabarthereareMoorsingreatnumbers...Theyarerich,andlivewell,theyholdalltheseatradeandnavigationinsuchsortthatiftheKingofPortugalhadnotdiscoveredIndia,Malabarwouldalready have been in the hands of the Moors, and would have had aMoorishKing.1

DuarteBarbosa

About1340,15ambassadorsrepresentingToghonTemur, theMongolemperorof theYuanDynastyofChina, arrivedat thecourtofDelhi.2Commercial tiesbetween China and the sultanate may have been the main business of themission, since the Yuan emperors were pursuing a vigorous overseas tradepolicy.IbnBattuta’sexplanationoftheeventisthatthedelegationcametoseekpermissionofMuhammadTughluq to have aBuddhist shrine constructed at atownabout80mileseastofDelhi.3Thesultandeclinedtoauthorizetheproject,and thiswas themessage hewishedhis special envoy to carry toPeking. IbnBattutaclaimsthatthesultanchosehimforthishonorbecauseheknewhisqadiloved “to travel and go abroad.” This is hardly a convincing rationale forappointing an ambassador to the largest and most populous kingdom in theworld. PerhapsMuhammad thought the peripateticMoroccan would have theenergyandmotivationtopersevereinthemissiondespitethehardshipsofalongseavoyage.AndperhapshewishedtomaximizetheprestigeoftheembassybyselectinganArab,apiousscholarof theProphet’s race, to representhim. (IbnBattutawasanArabinhisliterateculture,thoughBerberinethnicorigin.)

Whatever the reason, theex-qadiwas takingonagreaterweightofofficialresponsibilitythanheeverhadbefore.NotonlywasherequiredtogethimselftoPekingandback,healsohadtotransport,andsafeguardwithhislife,anentirecaravan of royal presents for the Yuan emperor. The Chinese emissaries hadearlierarrivedinDelhiwith100slavesandcartloadsoffineclothing,brocade,

musk, and swords, compliments of Toghon Temur. Muhammad Tughluqnaturallyfeltobligedtoreciprocatewithanevenmoremagnificentarrayofgifts.The list included 200 Hindu slaves, songstresses, and dancers, 15 pages, 100horses,andwondrousquantitiesofchoicetextiles,robes,dishware,andswords.

IbnBattuta leftDelhiat theheadofhismission in latesummer,probably2August1341.4His companions included the 15Chinese gentlemen,whowerereturninghome,andtwoofficialsofthesultanatebesideshimself.OneofthemwasZahiral-Dinal-Zanjani,ascholarofPersianorigin.TheotherwasaeunuchnamedKafur,whoheld the titleofshurbdar,orcupbearer,andhadday-to-dayresponsibility for overseeing the slaves and the bullock carts laden with theimperial presents. Al-Tuzari was also along, as well as other unnamedindividualsamongIbnBattuta’spersonalfriends,oldcomrades,andconcubines.Muhammadal-Harawi,oneof thesultan’samirs, leda troopof1,000horse toescort the embassy fromDelhi to the coast. The plan of travel was tomarchsouthward along the government trunk road toDaulatabad, thenmake for thewestern coast atCambay (Kinbaya), the chief port ofGujarat. From there themission would take ship for Calicut on theMalabar coast of South India. AtCalicut they would board ocean-going junks to carry them across the Bay ofBengaltoChina.ThelandwarditineraryfromDelhitoCambaywashardlythemostdirect routepossible,asDaulatabad laysome240milessoutheastof thatport. Sultan Muhammad may have given his envoy official business inDaulatabadthattheRihlafailstomention,orperhapsheinstructedthecaravantomakeanappearancethereasasymbolicshowofDelhi’scontinuingauthorityintheDeccan.

If Ibn Battuta had undertaken this mission eight or ten years earlier, thatauthority would have been relatively secure and the journey all the way toGujarataccomplishedinsafety.Bythe1340s,however,theconditionsoftravel,even under armed escort, had changed drastically. Seven years of famine,repeated rebellion, and disastrous government had left the rural areas ofwhatremainedoftheempiremoreandmoredifficulttocontrol.Hinduinsurgencyandbrigandagehadbecomeendemicoutsidethewallsofthegarrisontowns,evenintheGangesheartland.Trafficonthehighroadsconnectingthemajorcitieswaseven more susceptible to interference than when Ibn Battuta had his firstencounterwithHindudacoitsonhiswaytoDelhiin1334.

Theembassyhadleftthecapitalonlyafewdayswhenitranintotroubleandcamenear to losing its leader.ArrivingatKoil (modernAligarh),acity in theDoabplainabout75milessoutheastofDelhi,areportreachedthecompanythataforceofHinduinsurgentswaslayingsiegetothenearbytownofJalali.Riding

immediately to the rescue, al-Harawi’s cavalry escort caught the rebels bysurprise.Althoughoutnumberedfourtoone,thetroopsmadeshortbloodyworkof the assailants, killing, according to Ibn Battuta, all 4,000 of them andcapturing theirhorsesandweapons.The imperial force lost78men, includingKafur, the cupbearer. At this point Ibn Battuta decided that he should send amessengertoinformthesultanaboutwhathappenedandaskhimtodispatchareplacementfortheunfortunateKafur.InthemeantimethemissionwouldwaitinKoil for a reply fromDelhi. Since the districtwas apparently in a state ofalarmandHindubandscontinued to raid theoutskirtsof Jalali, al-Harawiandhismenjoinedforceswiththelocalcommandertoundertakecounter-insurgencysweepsthroughthelocalcountryside.

Riding into theDoabonemorning in theheatofAugust, IbnBattutaandapartyofhiscomradesinterceptedarebelbandthatwasjustthenretreatingafteranattackononeofthevillagesnearJalali.TheMuslimsgavechasebutintheconfusionofthepursuitIbnBattutaandfiveofhismenbecameseparatedfromtheircompanions.SuddenlyaforceofHindusonfootandhorsesprangfromawood.The sixmen scattered and IbnBattuta found himself alone. Ten of theassailantspursuedhimatfullgallopacrossthefields,thenallbutthreefellaway.Twicehewasforcedtostopanddismount,firsttopickastonefromhishorse’shoof,thentorecoveroneofhisswords,whichhadbouncedoutofitsscabbard.Hispursuersclosingin,heeludedthembydrivingawayhismountandhidingatthebottomofadeepditch.

Whenhisenemieshadfinallygivenup trying tofindhim,hestartedoffonfoot to find his way back to safety. Going only a short distance, he wasconfronted again, this time by 40 bowmen, who promptly robbed him of hisremainingswordandeverythingelsehehadwithhimexcepthisshirt,pants,andcloak.The brigands then led him to their camp and put him under guard. IbnBattutadidnotspeakanyHindi,buthesucceeded incommunicatingwith twoIndo-Muslims in the campwhoknewsomePersian, telling thema little abouthimselfbutwiselyconcealinghisstatusasanofficerofDelhi.Thetwomenlethim know that, whoever he was, he was certainly to be killed, and it soonbecame apparent that his three guards, one of them an old man, had beeninstructedtodothejobwhenevertheyweresodisposed.

Theassassins,however,seemedtolackresolve.Afterkeepingtheirprisonerinacavethroughoutthenight,theyreturnedinthemorningtotherobbercamp,whichwasby this timedeserted.Here theysat throughout theday, thecaptorsworkingupthenervetodotheirdeed,IbnBattutasweatinginmortalfear thateach breathwas to be his last.Then at nightfall three of the bandits suddenly

returnedanddemandedtoknowwhytheprisonerhadnotbeendispatched.Theguards had no satisfactory answer, but one of the young brigands, perhapsadmitting the pointlessness of executing amanwho had already given up hispossessions, suggested that as far as hewas concerned the foreigner could gofree.Jumpingatthischangeofevents,IbnBattutaofferedthemanhisexpensivetunicinthanks,acceptedanoldblueloinclothinreturn,andboltedintoanearbybambooforest.

Alivebutaloneagainandcompletelylostinafairlyheavilypopulateddistrictwhose hostility toward representatives of Muhammad Tughluq was all tooapparent,hewanderedthecountrysideforsixdays,avoidingvillages,sleepingundertreesorinabandonedhouses,andsubsistingonwellwaterandherbs.Atonepoint he eluded a bandof 50 armedHindus byhiding all day in a cottonfield. On the seventh day, exhausted and starving, he entered a village indesperation, but when he begged for something to eat, one of the localsthreatenedhimwithasword,searchedhim,andstolehisshirt.

Thenontheeighthdaysalvationcame.AfterhavingescapedfromtheHinduvillagewithnothingbuthistrousers,thefugitivefoundhimselfbesideadesertedwell.Hewas justcuttingoneofhisboots into twopieces,afterhaving lost itsmate down the well while trying to draw water with it, when a darkcomplexionedman suddenly appeared, offered him some beans and rice, andrevealedthathetoowasaMuslim.ThemaninvitedIbnBattutatoaccompanyhim and even insisted on carrying him on his back when the exhaustedwanderer’slegsgaveout.RecitingaversefromtheQur’anoverandoverastheyplodded along, IbnBattuta finally fell asleep.Whenhe awoke, hismysteriousbenefactorhaddisappeared,buthefoundhimselfinavillagewithagovernmentofficerinresidencewhowarmlytookhimin,fedhim,andgavehimabathandasuitofclothes.

LearningfromhisMuslimhostthatthevillagetheywereinwasonlysixorsevenmilesfromKoil,IbnBattutaimmediatelysentamessagetohiscomrades.Inadayortwoapartyofthemarrivedtocollecttheirfoot-wearyambassador,astonished and jubilant that hewas still alive.He then learned that during hisabsencethesultanhadsentanofficialnamedSumbultoreplacethedeadKafurandthatthemissionwastoproceedonitsway.

I also learned thatmy companions hadwritten to the sultan informinghimwhathadbefallenmeandthattheyhadregardedthejourneyasill-omenedonaccountofthefatewhichIandKafurhadmetinthecourseofitandthattheyintended to return. But when I saw the sultan’s injunctions ordering us to

prosecute the journey Ipressed them toprosecute it andmy resolutionwasmadefirm.

Thusundauntedbyhisordeal,heledhisembassyontoDaulatabadwithoutfurther incident. The caravan appears to have followedmore or less themaingovernmentroutetotheerstwhilesoutherncapital,aroadfastidiouslykeptuptoensurerapidcourierandmilitarycommunicationbetweenDelhiandtheDeccan.FromthefortresscityofGwalioronthesouthernedgeoftheGangesplain,thecompany trekked southwesterly across theMalwa plateau to Ujjain, the chiefcommercialentrepôtonthedirectroutefromDelhitoCambay.FromtheretheycrossedtheVindhyaHills,descendingthesteepsouthernscarpnearDhartotheNarmadaRiver,thetraditionalhistoricdividinglinebetweentheculturalworldsofNorthIndiaandtheDeccan.SouthoftheNarmadatheycrossedthewoodedSatpuraRange,probablybywayoftheBurhanpurGap,thefamouspassthroughwhich the armies of the Turks had repeatedly invaded South India. The laststretch of the journey took them from the Tapti River through the richlycultivatedtablelandofnorthernMaharashtratoDaulatabad.5

TherethemissionwastheguestofQutlughKhan.HehadbeenMuhammadTughluq’s governor of the Deccan provinces since 1335, commanding histerritoriesfromthespectacularcitadelofDeogirsetatopagranite,cone-shapedrockrising800feetabove thesurroundingplain.Defendedbyaperpendicularscarp 80 to 120 feet high on all sides, the castle could be reached only bypassagewaysandstaircaseshewnoutofthesolidrock.Anouterwalltwoandahalfmiles around enclosed the city ofDaulatabad,which lay to the south andeastofthekeep.Despiteitsabandonmentasthecapitaloftheempire,thetownappears from theRihla’s brief description to have been prospering from tradeandfromthetaxrevenuesofthedenselypopulatedMaharashtracountryside.YetnotmuchmorethantwoyearsafterIbnBattuta’svisit,abandofarmyofficerswould rise in rebellion, seize the great fort, and in 1347 found anotherindependentMuslim kingdom, theBahmani.And so, as theMaghribi travelermade hisway out of the Sultanate ofDelhi, it progressively collapsed behindhim.

TheembassyprobablystayedinDaulatabadonlyafewdays,thencontinuednorthwesterlythroughMaharashtra,acrosstheTaptiandNarmadariversagain,and thence along the eastern lowland shore of the Gulf of Cambay into theregionofGujarat.

The fair city of Cambay stood on the northern shore of the Mahi Riverestuarywhereitflowsintotheheadofthegulf.Walkingamongthebazaarsand

imposingstonehousesoftheport,IbnBattutafoundhimselfforthefirsttimeina decade in the familiar culturalworld of theArabian Sea. The sultanate hadruledCambay since the early part of the century, but the soul of the citywasmore kindred toMuscat,Aden, orMogadishu than toDaulatabad orDelhi. ItwasindeedoneofthegreatemporiaoftheIndianOcean.“Cambayisoneofthemost beautiful cities as regards the artistic architecture of its houses and theconstructionofitsmosques,”IbnBattutarecalls.“Thereasonisthatthemajorityof its inhabitants are foreignmerchants,who continually build there beautifulhouses andwonderfulmosques— an achievement inwhich they endeavor tosurpasseachother.”Manyofthese“foreignmerchants”weretransientvisitors,men of South Arabian and Persian Gulf ports, who migrated in and out ofCambaywith the rhythmof themonsoons.ButothersweremenwithAraborPersian patronyms whose families had settled in the town generations, evencenturies,earlier,intermarryingwithGujaratiwomenandassimilatingeverydaycustomsoftheHinduhinterland.IbnBattutavisitedCambayjustatatimewhenthese dark-skinned, white-shirted Gujarati traders were venturing abroad inincreasingnumbers,foundingmercantilecoloniesasfarawayasIndonesiaandcreating a diaspora of commercial association that would continue on theascendancyintheIndianOceanuntilthetimeofthePortuguese.6

Theambassadorspentafewdaysinthetownastheguestofthegovernorandsomeofthereligiouslights,thenledhiscompanybackalongtheeasternshoreof the gulf to the port of Gandhar (Qandahar) at the mouth of the Narmada.Owing to the shallowness of the upper gulf, Cambay could not accommodatesea-goingships,soitwasnormalpracticeforthemtoputineitheratGandharorat another port, which lay directly across the gulf.7 Agents of the sultan hadapparentlymadeadvancearrangementswiththelocalrulerofGandhar,aHindutributary,toprovidethedelegationwithfourshipsforthevoyagedownthecoastto Malabar. As usual Ibn Battuta has virtually nothing to tell us about thearchitectureof thesevessels.Certainly theywereall two-masted“dhows”withstitchedhulls, the samegeneral typeof ships IbnBattuta had sailed along thecoastsofAfricaandArabia.Threeofthemwereordinarycargoships,butlargeones,sincetheyhadtohaveroomfor theGreatKhan’spresents, includingthe100horsesand215slavesandpages.Thefourthvesselwasatypeofwargalley.IbnBattuta’sship,oneofthethreemerchantmen,carriedaforceof100soliderstodefendthemissionagainsttheHindupirateswhohabituallylayinwaitalongthe western coast. Fifty of the warriors were archers. The others were blackspearmen and bowmen, representatives of a long tradition ofAfrican fightingmentakingserviceonthelargertradingshipsoftheIndianOcean.8

EmbarkingfromGandhar,thefourshipsputinbrieflyattwoothergulfports.Then,turningduesouth,thelittlefleetmadefortheArabianSea.IfthetimewasaboutDecember,theyranbrisklybeforethenortheastmonsoonunderclearskiesandaplacidsea.

WhenIbnBattutavisitedtheEastAfricancoastmorethanadecadeearlier,hehadfoundaseriesofpettymaritimeprincipalitiescompetingwithoneanotherfor long-distance trade between the sea basin and the uplands of the interior.AlongthewestcoastofIndiathepoliticalpatternwassimilar.FromthesouthernfrontierofGujarat toCapeComorinat the tipof the subcontinent,hecountedtwelvetradingstatesstrungoutalongthenarrowcoastallowlands.TheTurkishsultansmayhaveclaimedsuzeraintyoversomeoftheselittlekingdoms,butthepeaksandridgesoftheWesternGhats,whichranthelengthofpeninsularIndia50to100milesinland,effectivelypreventedDelhifromexertingdirectauthorityon the coast south ofGujarat, excepting sporadic intervention in a few of themorenortherlyports.9FromDelhiorDaulatabad, imperialcavalrycouldreachthe northerly coast, called the Konkan, only by squeezing their way throughruggedwoodland passes usually guarded by belligerent Hindu chieftains. ThegreatportsofMalabar,onthesoutherlyshore,weremoreeasilyaccessiblefromthe interior but much too far from the centers of Turkish power to makesustained military pressure feasible. No doubt Muhammad Tughluq pined toconquer the coastal territories, but in fact the commercial needs of the empirewerebetterservedbyleavingtheseatownstocarryontheirbusinessinpeace.

Thesummermonsoons,blowingupagainsttheGhats,emptiedheavyrainsonthe coastal lowlands, producing a lush tropical economy startlingly differentfromthatoftheinteriorplateaus.Inmedievaltimesthemaritimetownsexportedrice,coconuts,gemstones, indigoandotherdyes,andfinished textiles.Amongthespiceexports,blackpepperwaskingintheoverseastrade.TheforestsofthesteepwesternslopesoftheGhats,theonlyregionofdensewoodlandanywherearoundtherimoftheArabianSea,producedtheteakwoodwithwhichmostoftheoceanic tradingshipswerebuilt.Themajorportsallhadbusyshipbuildingindustries, and Indian teak was exported to the Persian Gulf, Arabia, andnortheastAfricatomeetthegeneralneedsofthosewood-starvedregions.

ThenaturallandfallforshipsmakingthelonghaulsacrosstheArabianSeaortheBayofBengalwassouthwestIndia.ThelargestandrichestwestcoasttownswereinMalabar,partlybecauseoftheirrelativelybroadagriculturalhinterland,theirpeppercrop,andtheirlinkstothepopulousinteriorofSouthIndia,butalsobecause they served as the main transshipment centers for goods moving

between the western and eastern halves of the Indian Ocean. Trade from theChinaSeaswestwardacross theBayofBengalwascarriedmainly inChinesejunks.ThesegreatshipswerestructurallycapableofsailingsafelyfromoneendoftheIndianOceantotheother,but thenormalpattern,at leastuntil theearlyfifteenthcentury,wasforthemtogoonlyasfarwestasMalabar.There,goodsintransshipment were carried in lateen-rigged vessels to all the countries of theArabian Sea. ThusMalabar was the hinge on which turned the inter-regionalseabornetradeofvirtuallytheentireEasternHemisphere.

Almostallthetransittradeofthewestcoast(aswellasthatofbothCeylonand the southeastern coast of India, called Coromandel) was in the hands ofMuslims.Therulersofnearlyallthemaritimestates,however,wereMalayalam-or Tamil-speaking Hindus. The populations of the hinterlands were Hindu aswell,or,inthecaseofCeylon,Buddhist.ArabandPersianmerchantshadbeensettling on those shores sinceAbbasid times, but by the latermedieval periodmostwestcoastMuslimswereraciallyIndian,notwithstandingsomecherishedstrain linking them to the prestigious Arabo–Persian center. Moreover, thecultureofthetowns,liketheportsofEastAfrica,representedacomplex,long-simmeringsynthesizingofnativeandalienelements,thatis,traitsandpracticesresponsive to the requirements of the Sacred Law inter-penetratingwith localHinducustoms,styles,dress,andcuisine.TheHindurajasof thecoastalstateslefttheirMuslimsubjectstoworshipastheywished,indeedencouragedit,sincetherulers’powerandwealthdependedalmostentirelyoncustomsrevenuesandtheprofitsoftheirpersonaltransactionsinthemaritimetrade.WemaysupposethatthegovernmentofthesecitieswasnothinglessthanaworkingpartnershipbetweentherajasandtheleadingMuslimmerchants.

For threedaysoutof theGulfofCambay IbnBattuta’s four shipsmadegoodspeedalongtheKonkancoast, thedarkgreenwallandsheared-offsummitsoftheWesternGhatsloomingofftheportbeam.BypassingChaul,Sandapur(Goa),andotherbusyportswhich layon littlebaysor theestuariesof rivers flowingfromthemountains,thefleetfinallyputinatHonavar(Hinawr),atownonthestretchofcoastknownasNorthKanara.

In the fourteenth centuryHonavarwas a thriving portwith a typical Indo–Muslimcoastalculture,itschildren,accordingtoIbnBattuta,dutifullyattendingachoiceof36Qur’anicschools, itsMuslimwomenwearingcolorfulsarisandgolden rings in their nostrils. Jamal al-DinMuhammad, the ruler of the town,was,exceptionallyenough,aMuslim,thoughundervassalagetotheHindukingof theHoysalasstate,whosecenterwas in the interior.10 IbnBattutadescribes

Jamal al-Din as one of “the best and most powerful rulers” on the coast,possessingafleetofshipsandaforceofcavalryandinfantrysoimpressivethathe could command annual tribute from the ports of the West India coast as“protection”against seaborneattack. In the threeshortdays themission restedup in Honavar and restocked the ships, Jamal al-Din fêted his distinguishedvisitor in all the correct and predictableways and introduced him to the localnotables.Butmore than that,a friendshipof sorts seems tohavebeensparkedbetweenthetwomen.AtleastitwasarelationshipIbnBattutawouldbeeagertodraw on a few months later when he returned to the town under drasticallydifferentcircumstances.

South ofHonavar along theKanara andMalabar coasts, the towns becameprogressively largerandmoreaffluent.Thiswasblackpeppercountryand theland where the commercial dominions of the dhow and the junk made theircrucialconnection.PerhapsbecausethesailingseasontoChinawasstillafewmonths off and the urban scene along the south Kanara and Malabar shoresnotably worth investigating, the embassy cast anchor and enjoyed the localhospitality at eight different ports, including Mangalore (Manjurur) andCannanore(Jurfattan).11

Then,aboutthreeweeksoutofHonavar,thelittleconvoyarrivedoffCalicuttoawarmofficialreception.Thedignitariesofthecity,bothMuslimandHindu,cameout tomeet themission, IbnBattuta says,with“drums, trumpets,horns,andflagsontheirships.Weenteredtheharboramidgreatovationandpomp,thelikeofwhichIhavenotseenintheseparts.”Theambassadorandhisassociatesweregivenhousesasguestsofthezamorin,orprince,ofCalicutandsettledinfor three months of leisure, since no ships would embark for East Asia untilMarch,thatis,neartheendofthenortheastmonsoonseason.12InthemeantimethezamorinmadeadvancearrangementsforthedelegationtotraveltoChinaona largeocean-going junkandonesmallervessel (orpossiblymore) thatwouldaccompanyit.TheChineseenvoys,whohadbeentravellingwithIbnBattutauptothispoint,weretomakeplanstoreturnhomeonaseparateship.

Ibn Battuta saw 13 junks wintering at Calicut, their corpulent hulls andmultiple soaring masts dwarfing even the largest lateen-rigged vessels in theharbor.Thesewere the ocean liners of themedieval age, artifacts of the greattechnological leap forward achieved in China between the eleventh andthirteenth centuries. Not only Ibn Battuta, but other travelers of the time,includingMarcoPolo,madecleartheirpreferenceforsailingonjunksoverthecreaky,sewn-togethershipsoftheArabianSea.Theshellofajunkwasbuiltofdouble-superimposed timbers attached with iron nails to several transverse

bulkheads, dividing the hull into a series of watertight compartments thatpreventedtheshipfromsinkingevenifitwerepiercedbelowthewaterlineinmorethanoneplace.Alargejunkmightstepfivemastsormore.Thelug-typefore-and-aft sails were aerodynamically more efficient and far easier tomaneuver than the lateen type. Theyweremade of bamboomatting stiffenedwith battens, or laths,which gave them their characteristic ribbed appearance.Unlike lateen sails, they could be reefed and furled with ease bymeans of acomplex arrangement of sheets. The tautness, variety, and adjustability of thesails permitted a junk to make headway under almost any wind condition.Medieval junks were all equipped with stern rudders, the efficient way ofsteeringashipthatwasbecomingknownintheMediterraneanworldonlyneartheendofthethirteenthcentury.

IbnBattutawassoimpressedwithChineseshipsthatheevenrouseshimselfin theRihla to offer aword or two about their nautical design. Hewasmostinterested,naturally,inthecomfortstheyofferedtravelingnotableslikehimself.Thedhowsof thewestern seawereonlypartiallydeckedornotdeckedat all,andifsomevesselshadarudimentarycabinortwo,mostofthepassengerswereexpected to brave the elements the whole time they were at sea. Owing tobulkheadconstruction,whichdistributedweightevenlyonthehull,ocean-goingjunkscouldsupportasmanyasfivedecks,aswellasnumerousenclosedcabinsfor the convenience of themore affluent passengers. Someof the rooms evenhadprivate lavatories,aconveniencefarsuperior to the littleseathookedoverthe side of a dhow. Fire-fighting equipment, steward service, lifeboats, andcommonroomsforthepassengersaddedtothecomfortandsafetyofavoyageacrosstheeasternsea.IbnBattuta,manofprivatepleasuresthathewas,informsusthat

agoodcabinhasadoorwhichcanbeboltedbytheoccupant,whomaytakewith him his female slaves and women. Sometimes it so happens that apassengerisintheaforesaidresidentialquartersandnobodyonboardknowsofhimuntilheismetonarrivingatatown.

He also claims that the crew of a sizable junk might number 1,000 men,counting both sailors and fighting marines. He may exaggerate, but withintolerablelimitssinceOdoricofPordenone,theLatinmonkwhotraveledthroughSouthAsiaearlierinthecentury,reportsthathesailedoutofMalabaronajunkwith“sevenhundredsouls,whatwithsailorsandmerchants.”13IbnBattutasaysthat in his time junkswere built exclusively in the southern Chinese ports of

Guangzhou (Canton) or Quanzhou (Zaitun). Owing to the Yuan policy ofencouraging foreign participation in the sea trade, however, the owners andcaptains of the ships, aswell as the bigmerchants,weremore often than notMuslimsofIndian,Arab,orPersiandescent.

Astonishing as they were in cargo capacity and technical efficiency, these“whales”ofthesea,astheChinesecalledthem,couldbesimplytoobigandtoorigidfortheirownsafetyiftheychancedtoblowintoshallowsorreef-infestedwaters. There was some truth in Ibn Battuta’s remark that “if a ship nailedtogetherwith ironnails collideswith rocks, itwould surelybewrecked;but aship whose beams are sewn together with ropes is made wet and is notshattered.”

AndsohediscoveredashisgrandembassytoChinawassuddenlyabortedintragedy off Calicut harbor. What exactly happened the Rihla does not makeentirelyclear.Asthedayforthemissiontoembarkarrived,probablysometimein Feburary 1342,14 a minor difficulty arose over accommodations. Chinesemerchants,itseems,hadreservedinadvanceallthebestcabinsonthelargejunkthe embassywas toboard, and theSultanof India’s ambassadorwasgoing tohavetosettleforamoremodestroom,onewithnolavatory.IbnBattutahadhisluggageandentourageputaboardbut thendecided thefollowingmorning thatthe cabinwas simply unsuitable and far too small. The ship’s agent, a Syriangentleman, suggested that the best solution might be for the envoy and hispersonalretinuetotravelonthekakam.Thiswasasomewhatsmallerjunk-typevesselthatwouldaccompanythelargership,butithadgoodcabinsavailable.15IbnBattuta thought thiscompromisewasall rightandsoorderedhis servants,concubines,personal friends,andbelongings tobe transferred.However,Zahiral-Din and Sumbul, the other officers of the mission, remained on the largervessel along with the slaves, horses, and presents destined for Peking.MeanwhileIbnBattutaspentthedayinCalicutattendingFridayprayer.

Thenthateveningastormcameup.Calicutharborwasnotadeep,shelteredbaybutashallowroadstead.Recognizingthedangerofridingatanchorclosetoshore, thecaptainsof the junk, thekakam, anda third largevesselquicklyputouttosea.ThroughoutthenightIbnBattutawaitedhelplesslyonthebeachandthenextmorningwatchedinhorrorasthetwolargershipswentagroundintheshallows,brokeup, and sank.Someof thepassengers andcrewononeof thejunks were saved, but no one survived on the vessel he himself was to haveboarded the previous day.OnSundaymorning the bodies ofZahir al-Din andSumbulwashedashore,theonewithhisskullbrokenin,theotherwithanironnailpiercinghis temples.Theslaves,pages,andhorseswerealldrowned,and

thepreciouswareseithersankorwasheduponthebeach,wherethezamorin’sgendarmes struggled to prevent the townsfolk frommaking off with the loot.Meanwhile,thecaptainofthekakamsteeredhisshipsafelyouttoseaand,notwantingtoriskenteringtheharboragain,sailedsouthwarddownthecoast.OnboardwereIbnBattuta’sbaggage,servants,andconcubines,oneofthesewomencarryinghermaster’schild.

Alone on the Calicut shore, the lofty ambassador found himself suddenlyreducedtothestatusofapennilessfaqih.Hehadnothingtohisname,savehisprayer rug, theclothesonhisback,and tendinarsanoldyogihadgivenhim.But for all that, he was fortunate to be alive. And it seems he still had thecompany of al-Tuzari and perhaps one or two other companions. Even morehopeful,therewasstillachanceofcatchingupwiththekakam.Thevessel,hewastold,wasalmostcertaintoputinattheportofQuilon(Kawlam)180milesdownthecoastbeforesailingawayfromIndiaaltogether.So,hiringaMuslimportertocarryhiscarpetforhim,hemadehiswaytoQuilon,travelingthistimebyriverinecraftthatpliedthelagoonsandinterconnectingcanalsparallelingthesouthernMalabarshore.

Aftertenmiserabledaysinthecompanyoftheporter,whoturnedouttobeaquarrelsome drunkard, he arrived in the city, not to the applause of the localraja’scourt,buttoamodestreceptioninaSufihospice,theusualrefugeofananonymous wanderer. Much to his surprise his old associates, the Chineseenvoys,turnedupwhilehewasthere.TheyhadleftCalicutsomewhatbeforetheseatragedyhadoccurred,buttheyhadalsobarelyescapedwiththeirliveswhentheir own ship ran aground.TheChinesemerchants resident inQuilon helpedthemoutwithclothesandassistanceandlatersentthemhomeonanotherjunk.The forlornex-ambassador,however,waited invain forhiskakam to showupandafterseveralhoplessdaysintheSufilodgedecidedtomoveon.

But where indeed was he to go? “I wanted to return from Quilon to thesultan,”heremembers,“inordertotellhimwhathadhappenedtothegifts.ButIfearedthathewouldcondemnme,saying‘Whydidyouseparateyourselffromthepresents?’”16 If themission’s twoother officials, togetherwith the slaves,horses, andmagnificentwares allwent to thebottomof the sea,whywas theMaghribisoshiftlessinhisdutythathefailedtogodownwiththem?Knowingwell thathiswishtotravel inprivatecomfortwithhisslavegirlswashardlyaconvincing explanation for not boarding the junk, and perhaps imagining hisheadaffixed to apoleorhis skin stuffedwith strawhanging from thewall ofJahanpanahpalace,heconcludedeasilyenoughthat,no,hewouldnotreturntoDelhi.Hedid,however,needapatrontorestorehimtoapositionofdignityand

perhapsgivehima jobwhile hewaited for newsof thekakam or figured outsome new plan. The closest and most likely seigneur was Jamal al-DinMuhammad, the pious Sultan of Honavar and the only Muslim ruler on thesouthwesterncoastofIndia.

ReturningtoCalicut,hefoundthereafleetofshipsbelongingtoMuhammadTughluqhimself.Theywereenroute to thePersianGulf to recruitmoreArabnotablesforserviceinthesultanate.IbnBattutastruckupanacquaintancewiththechiefoftheexpedition,aformerchamberlainintheDelhigovernment,whoadvisedhimtostayawayfromthecapitalbutinvitedhimtoaccompanythefleetasfarupthecoastasHonavar.IbnBattutagladlyacceptedtheofferandsailednorthwardoutofCalicutsometimearound1April1342.17

IfheexpectedJamalal-DinofHonavartoelevatehimatoncetoahighofficeonthestrengthoftheimperialrankhehadheldthefirsttimehevisitedthetown,hewastobedisappointed.

Hequarteredme inahousewhere Ihadno servantanddirectedme to sayprayerswithhim.SoIsatmostlyinhismosqueandusedtoreadtheQur’anfrombeginningtoendeveryday.Lateron,IrecitedthewholeQur’antwicedaily . . . Ididthiswithoutabreakforthreemonths,ofwhichIspentfortyconsecutivedaysindevotionalseclusion.

WhiletheMoroccan faqihquietlypassedasteamingsummerontheKanaracoastinaboutofspiritualrenewal,SultanJamalal-Dinbusiedhimselfplottingtheviolentoverthrowofhisneighbor, theraja ofSandapur.Warsbetween thelittlemaritimestatesofthewestcoastdonotappeartohaveoccurredveryofteninmedieval times.Conflictwas terrible for trade, and inanycasenoneof thepetty princes had armies or fleets large enough to sustain control over longstretchesofthecoastforindefiniteperiodsoftime.Yetafortuitousopportunitytoseizeaneighboringportandmilkitscustomsrevenuesmightbetootemptingtopassup.AstheRihlaexplains it,an internalstrugglehadbrokenoutwithintherulingfamilyofSandapur,afineportlocatedonanislandintheestuaryofariverabout90milesnorthofHonavar. (In1510SandapurwouldbecomeGoa,capitalofPortugal’sseaborneempireinAsia.18)AsonoftherajaofSandapur,scheming to wrest the throne from his father, wrote a letter to Jamal al-Din,promising to embrace Islam if the sultan would intervene on his side in thequarrel.Oncevictorywasachieved,thenewrajawouldmarrythesultan’ssister,sealinganalliancebetween the two towns.Forthwith, Jamalal-Dinoutfittedawarfleetof52ships,twoofthembuiltwithopensternstoenablehiscavalryto

makearapidamphibiousassaultonSandapurbeach.Wearyofinactivityandperhapshopingtoingratiatehimselfwithhispatron

bysomemorevigorousshowofhomage,IbnBattutahadtheideaofofferinghisservicestotheexpedition.HeclaimsthatJamalal-Dinwassopleasedwithhisproposalthatheputhiminchargeofthecampaign,thoughwemaypresumetheofficewasmoreorlesshonorific.Preparationscomplete,thefleetsetsailfromHonavaron12October1342.19

OnMondayeveningwereachedSandapurandentereditscreekandfoundtheinhabitantsreadyforthefight.Theyhadalreadysetupcatapults.Sowespentthenightnearthetownandwhenmorningcamedrumswerebeaten,trumpetssoundedandhornswereblown,andtheshipswentforward.Theinhabitantsshotat themwith thecatapults,and I sawastonehit somepeoplestandingnearthesultan.Thecrewsoftheshipssprangintothewater,shieldandswordin hand . . . Imyself leaptwith all the rest into thewater . . .We rushedforward sword in hand.The greater part of the heathens took refuge in thecastleoftheirruler.Wesetfiretoit,whereupontheycameoutandwetookthemprisoner.Thesultanpardonedthemandreturnedthemtheirwivesandchildren...AndhegavemeayoungfemaleprisonernamedLemkiwhomIcalledMubaraka.HerhusbandwishedtoransomherbutIrefused.

Having acquitted himselfwell in this day-longholywar and even acquiredpart of the living spoils, Ibn Battuta remained at Sandapur for about threemonthsinthecompanyofJamalal-Din,whoseemstohavebeeninnohurrytoturn the townover tohisHindually, theraja’s son.Thenabout themiddleofJanuary134320 IbnBattutadecided to take leaveofhispatronand travelbackdownthecoastinsearchofinformationonthefateofthekakam.Onthistriphevisited once againmost of the ports he had seen the previous year, includingCalicut,andspent“a longtime,”perhapsafewmonths, inShaliyat (Shalia),afamousMalabarweavingtown.

Then, returning toCalicut,hecameupon twoofhisownservantswhohadbeenaboardthekakamandhadsomehowmadetheirwaybacktoMalabar.Thenews was bad. The ship had sailed to the Bay of Bengal, apparently withoutstoppingatQuilon,andafter reaching Indonesiahadbeenseizedbyan infidelrulerofSumatra.TheconcubinewhowascarryingIbnBattuta’schildhaddied,and the other slavegirls, aswell as his possessions,were in the hands of thisking. The mystery of the kakam finally settled in more tragedy, he returnedimmediatelytoSandapur,arrivingthereinJune1343.21

However,anyexpectationhehadoftakingupanofficialcareerintheserviceof Jamal al-Din soon ended in yet another disaster. Sometime in August thedeposedrajaofSandapur,whohadescapedatthetimeoftheinvasion,suddenlyreappearedwith aHindu force, rallied the peasants of the hinterland, and laidsiege to the town. Most of Jamal al-Din’s troops, apparently unaware of animpendingattack,werescattered in thesurroundingvillagesandcouldnotgetback into the city to defend it. Having attached himself to Jamal al-Din invictory,IbnBattutasawnoreasontostickbyhimindefeat,apointofviewinthe best tradition of Muslim public men, for whom loyalty to one sultan oranother was of no great importance. In the thick of the assault, he somehowmanagedtogetpastthesiegelineandheadeddownthecoastagain,perhapsthistimebyland.InafewweekshereachedCalicut,enteringthatcitynowforthefifthtime.22

SometimeduringthemonthsfollowingtheCalicuttragedy,hedecidedtotrytovisitChinaonhisown.HisprospectsforacareeronthewestcoastofIndiawere no longer encouraging, he could not return to Delhi, and he had noimmediateurge tomakeanotherpilgrimage toMecca.Moreover,heknewthathecouldfindhospitalityamongtheMuslimmaritimecommunitiesallalongthesearoutestotheSouthChinacoast.HeevenhadapotentialentréetotheYuangovernment through the 15Chinese diplomats,whowere presumably then ontheirwayhome.HisplanwouldbetomakeabrieftouroftheMaldiveIslands(“ofwhich Ihadhearda lot”), continue toCeylon to see the famous religiousshrineofAdam’sPeak,thencrossovertothesoutheasterncoastofIndiatovisittheSultanateofMa’bar,whoserulerwasmarriedtoasisterofHurnasab,theex-wifeIbnBattutahadleftbackinDelhi.FromtherehewouldgoontoBengal,Malaysia,andChina.

AfterstayinginCalicutforanunspecifiedtime,perhapssomemonths,hemetupwithaseacaptainfromHonavarnamedIbrahimandtookpassageonhisshipboundforCeylonandMa’barbywayoftheMaldives.23TheideaofvisitingthisoutlyingtropicalarchipelagoonhiswaytotheBayofBengalwasnotsuchanerraticschemeas itmightappear,even though the islands layabout400mileswest and a bit south of Ceylon. Sea-going ships trading eastbound from theArabianSeacouldnotsailthroughthePalkStraitthatdividedthesubcontinentfrom Ceylon owing to the extremely shallow reef called Adam’s Bridge thattraversedthechannel.Rather,theyhadtogoaroundthesoutherntipofCeylon.Fortrafficmovingbotheastandwest,theMaldiveatollswerecloseenoughtothisroutetobedrawnintotheinternationalcommercebetweenthewesternandtheeasternseas.ShuttletradebetweenMalabarandtheMaldivesseemstohave

been very regular in medieval times. Moreover, the islands exported twocommodities thatwereofmajor importance in the trans-hemisphericeconomy.One was coir, or coconut fiber rope, used to stitch together the hulls of thewestern ocean dhows. The other was the shells of the littlemarine gastropodcalledthecowrie,whichwereusedascurrencyasfareastasMalaysiaandasfarwestastheAfricanSudan.

ThepeopleoftheMaldives(Dhibatal-Mahal)wereabrown-skinnedfishingandsea-tradingfolk.TheyspokeDivehi,alanguagecloselyrelatedtoSinhalese,evidenceofancientseabornemigrationsfromCeylon.About themiddleof thetwelfthcentury theyhadbeenconvertedfromBuddhismtoIslam.In theRihlaIbnBattuta recounts the legend, told even todaybyoldmenof the islands,ofAbu l’Barakat,apiousBerber fromtheMaghribwhorid the landofa terribledemon(jinni)andbroughtthepeopletothefaithoftheProphet.24Eachmonththefiendhadarisenfromtheseaanddemandedayoungvirgintoravishandkill.When Abu l’Barakat arrived in the islands and heard about the situation, heoffered to go to the idol house where the sacrifice took place and substitutehimself for the girl. He seated himself in the temple and recited the Qur’anthrough the night.As he expected, the demon refused to approach himout offearoftheSacredWord.WhenAbul’Barakatrepeatedthisfeatasecondtimeamonthlater,thekingoftheislandsrazedtheinfidelshrinesandorderedthatthenewfaithbepropagatedamonghissubjects.Behindtheveilofthisheroicmythmaybediscerned thecomingandgoingofMuslimmerchants in theMaldivesfrom as early as Abbasid times and the incorporation of the islands into thecommercialnetworkofthewesternocean.SinceNorthAfricanandAndalusianMuslimsseem tohavebeenmoreactive in the India trade in theeleventhandtwelfthcenturiesthantheywerelateron,therewasnothingimplausibleaboutaBerberturninguptointroducethefaith.25

Approaching theMaldives fromMalabar, Ibn Battutamay have blinked inwonderatthesightoftallcoconutpalmsapparentlygrowingdirectlyoutofthesea.Hewastodiscoverthattheislandsrisebarelyafewfeetabovethesurfaceoftheoceanandthatnotasinglehillistobefoundonanyofthem.Stretching475milesnorth tosouth likeastringofwhitegems, theMaldivesaredividedintoabouttwentyring-shapedcoralatolls.Eachoftheseclustersofislandsandtiny islets isgroupedmoreor lessaroundacentral lagoon.With thehelpofaMaldivianpilotwhoknewhiswaythroughthedangerousreefsthatsurroundedtheislands,CaptainIbrahimputashoreatKinalosIslandinthenortherlyatollofMalosmadulu.26Asusual,thevisitingfaqihimmediatelyfoundlodgingwithoneoftheliteratemenoftheplace.

ForallthetropicalcharmoftheMaldivesandtheirpeople,IbnBattutahadnoother intention than to play the tourist for a few weeks and get on with hisplanned itinerary. As soon as he arrived, however, he got fair warning that adifferentfatelayahead.Theislandswerepoliticallyunited,andhadbeensincepre-Islamic times, under a hereditary king who ruled in a reasonably benignspiritincollaborationwithhisextendedroyalfamilyandasmallclassoftitlednoblemen.TheMaldiveshadnorealtowns,butthecenterofgovernmentwasonthemile-longislandofMalelocatedaboutmidwayinthechainofatolls.AtthetimeIbnBattutaarrived,themonarchhappenedtobeawoman,RehendiKabadiKilege, called Khadija, the nineteenth in the line of Muslim rulers. Femalesuccession to the thronewasunusual inMaldivianhistory, and in factSultanaKhadija’sadministrationwas thoroughlydominatedbyherhusband, theGrandVizier Jamal al-Din (not the same man of course as the Sultan of Honavar).Aside from island governors and other secular officials, the queen appointedMuslim judges and mosque dignitaries and expected them to uphold thestandardsoftheshari’a.

However, themanwhoheld thepositionof chiefqadi at that timewasnotgivenmuchcreditforability.NosoonerhadIbnBattutasetfootonKinalosandrevealedhimselftobeascholarofrefinementandworldlyexperiencethanoneof theeducatedmen there toldhimhehadbetternotgo toMale ifhedidnotwant the grand vizier to appoint him as judge and oblige him to stay onindefinitely. IbnBattutawasnodoubtbetterqualified for this job thanhehadbeenforhismagistracyinDelhi.NotonlywasArabic,ratherthanPersian,thelanguage of jurisprudence and literate prestige in the islands, but the Malikimadhhab, Ibn Battuta’s own legal school, was practiced. The existence of aMaliki community in the IndianOcean is odd, but if themenwho introducedIslam to the Maldives were North Africans, they would have brought theirMalikilearningwiththem.(Inthesixteenthcenturytheislanderswouldshifttothe Shafi’i madhhab, which made more sense in the context of sustainedmaritime connections with Malabar and the other Muslim lands around theArabianSea.27)

Anchoring his ship off Kinalos Island probably some time in December1343,28 Captain Ibrahim hired a small lateen-rigged boat of the sort theMaldiviansused in inter-island tradeandsetoff forMalewithIbnBattutaandseveral unnamed companions aboard. As soon as they arrived, they went theshort walk to the wooden, thatched-roof palace to be introduced to QueenKhadijaandGrandVizierJamalal-Din.CaptainIbrahim,whohadbeen in theislands before, guided the other visitors in the peculiarities of Maldivian

ceremonial:

Whenwearrivedinthecouncil-hall—thatis,thedar—wesatdowninthelobbiesnear the thirdentrance . . .ThencameCaptainIbrahim.Hebroughtten garments, bowed in the direction of the queen and threw one of thegarments down. Then he bowed to the grand vizier and likewise threwanothergarmentdown;subsequentlyhethrewtherest...Thentheybroughtusbetelandrose-water,whichisamarkofhonorwiththem.Thegrandvizierlodgedus inahouseandsentusa repastconsistingofa largebowlof ricesurroundedbydishesofsaltedmeat,fowl,quail,andfish.

IbnBattutahadlearnedbyexperiencethatMuslimrulerswhosekingdomslayintheouterperipheryoftheDaral-Islamwerealwaysavidtoattracttheservicesof’ulamawithpreviouslinkstothegreatcitiesandcollegesofthecentrallands.Hehadalsolearnedthatonceascholardevelopedapublicreputationforpiouslearning,hisroyalbenefactormightusemorethansimplepersuasiontopreventhimfrommovingsomewhereelse.Inorder toforestallanycomplicationsoverhisowntimelydeparture,IbnBattutadecidedtosaynothingtotheMaldiviansabouthislegalbackgroundandenlistedCaptainIbrahimtohonorthesecret.ThesultansofDelhihadneverhadtheslightestauthority,symbolicorotherwise,intheMaldives,butthesmall-timenobilityoftheislandsneverthelesslookeduponthe empire with fear and awe. Any former high official of the sultanate whoturnedupintheatollswouldhavetocarryaheavyloadofdistinctionandmightevenstirupacertainapprehension.

Forabout thefirst tendaysofhisvisit IbnBattutamanaged topreservehissecret,asheandhiscompanionsexploredthecoconutgrovesoftheislandandenjoyedthehospitalityofthegovernment.ButthenashiparrivedfromCeyloncarryingagroupofArabandPersianSufis.SomeofthemhappenedtoknowIbnBattuta from his Delhi years and immediately let the cat out of the bag. TheMoroccanvisitor,thequeenandhercourtweretold,hadbeenanimportantqadiin the service of the mighty Muhammad Tughluq. The grand vizier wasdelightedatthenews.Herewasacelebritywhoshouldbespeciallyhonoredandmustnotbeallowedtoescapetheislandstooeasilyortoosoon!

To his dismay, but also, the tone of the Rihla makes clear, to his vainsatisfaction,IbnBattutawassuddenlythecenterofattention.AtfirstJamalal-Din tried to flatter him into staying on Male with gifts and preferments. HeinvitedhimtothenightlyfeastsofRamadaninthequeen’spalace.Hegavehimapieceoflandandofferedtobuildhimahouseonit.Hesenthimslavegirls,

pearls,andgoldenjewelry.IbnBattutaacceptedallthisfusswithgrimcourtesy,but he was in no mood to revise his travel plans, even less so when he fellseriouslyillforsomeweeks,possiblywiththemalariathatwasendemicintheislands.29As soon ashe recovered sufficiently tomove about, he tried tohirepassageonanoutboundship, but Jamal al-Dinmade it impossible for himbyobstructingthefinancialarrangements.Finallyhehadtoconcludethatthegrandvizierwas going to keep himonMalewhether he liked it or not.Under suchcircumstancesasthese,itwasbettertonegotiatehisfatevoluntarilythantobecoercedintoservice.PresentinghimselfbeforeJamalal-Din,hegavehiswordthathewouldremainintheislandsindefinitely,makingthecondition,however,that he would not go about Male on foot and that the Maldivian custom ofallowing only the vizier to appear publicly on horseback (the queen rode in alitter)wouldinhiscasehavetobesetaside.

ThebrashnessofthisdemandwasthefirstsignthatIbnBattuta’ssojournintheMaldiveswastobeunlikeanyofhisothertravelingadventures.HisyearsinIndia reveal plainly that he had political ambition. But there he had been arelatively small fish in a large, shark-infested pond. Among the ingenuousMaldivians, however, his prestigious connections to the sultanate gave him astatusofeminenceoutofallproportiontothepowerhehadactuallyexercisedinDelhi.Once he agreed to stay in the islands, he seems to have determined tocapitalize on his reputation and throw himself into politics. To be sure, theupper-class factionalquarrelsof this remoteequatorialparadisehadsomethingof a comic opera quality about them in contrast to themajestic affairs of thesultanateortheMongolkingdoms.Nevertheless,IbnBattutabecameaverybigman in theMaldives for a few fleetingmonths, andhe is at pains tohave thereaderoftheRihlaunderstandthatthiswasthecase.Eventhoughtheaccountofhisinvolvementisdisjointed,incomplete,andambiguous,herevealsmoreabouthispersonalsocialandpoliticalrelationstherethanhedoesinconnectionwithanyofhisotherexperiences,includinghisyearsinDelhi.ThereisnoreasontodoubtthathebecamedeeplyenmeshedintherivalriesoftheMaldiviannobility,even to the pointwhere, if things hadgonehisway, hemight have endedhistravelingcareerthereinapositionoflastingpower.

InFebruary1344,probablylessthantwomonthsafterhisarrival,hemarriedawoman of noble status.30 Shewas thewidow of Sultan Jalal al-Din ’Umar,whowasthefather(byanothermarriage)andapredecessorofQueenKhadija.Thisnoblewomanalsohad adaughterwhowasmarried to a sonof thegrandvizier.Marriageamong thegoverning familiesof theMaldiveswasasmuchapoliticaltoolasitwasinanyotherkingdominthatage.IbnBattuta,likeother

scholarswho circulated among the cities and princely courts of Islam, soughtmarriageasawayofgainingadmissiontolocalelitecirclesandsecuringabaseof social andpolitical support.Bywedding thiswoman (whosename isnevermentioned in theRihla, though he says he found her society “delightful”), healliedhimselftoboththeroyalfamilyandthehouseholdofthegrandvizier.

Jamal al-Din had in fact urged themarriage on him and as soon as it wasconsummatedinvitedhisnewcousintofilltheofficeofchiefjudgeoftherealm.IbnBattuta pleads rather coyly in theRihla that “Jamal al-Din compelledmeagainstmywill to accept theqadi’s post,” but he hardly discouragedhis owncandidacywhenhecriticizedtheincumbentjudgeforbeing“absolutelynogoodat anything.” Ibn Battutamakes it plain that once he got the job he used theofficetowieldconsiderablymorepoweroverothermenthanheeverhadinhisopulentsinecureinDelhi:

All sentences proceed from theqadi,who is themost influentialmanwiththem, and his orders are carried out like those of the sultan or evenmorepunctiliously.Hesitsonacarpetinthecouncil-hallandhasthreeislands,theincome which he appropriates for his personal use according to an oldcustom.

Intheabsenceofanyindependentobservation,wecannotknowhowmuchhemayhaveinflatedhispowerintheislandsforthebenefitofadmiringreadersoftheRihla.Heclaims,inanycase,tohavegoneabouthisjudicialpracticeinthesame spirit of orthodox zeal that had prompted him to expose the errant bathoperators in thatNile townofUpperEgypt 18 years earlier. “When I becameqadi,”hereportstriumphantly,“Istrovewithallmymighttoestablishtheruleoflaw,”implyingthattheMaldivianbumpkinshadmuchtolearnaboutrigorouscanonical standards and that hewas just theman to rid the kingdom of “badcustoms.” Among his reforms, he ordered that any man who failed to attendFridayprayerwastobe“whippedandpubliclydisgraced.”Hestrovetoabolishthe local custom that required a divorced woman to stay in the house of herformerhusbanduntilshemarriedagain;hehadatleast25menfoundguiltyofthis practice “whipped and paraded round the bazaars.” At least once hesentencedathieftohavehisrighthandsevered,astandardshari’ajudgmentthatnonethelesscausedseveralMaldivianspresent in thecouncilhall to faintdeadaway. In onematter, however, the populace refused to conform to his idea ofscripturalpropriety.Mostofthewomen,herelates,

wearonlyawaist-wrapperwhichcoversthemfromtheirwaisttothelowestpart, but the remainder of their body remains uncovered. Thus they walkaboutinthebazaarsandelsewhere.WhenIwasappointedqadithere,Istrovetoputanendtothispracticeandcommandedthewomentowearclothes;butI couldnotget it done. Iwouldnot let awomanentermycourt tomakeaplaintunlessherbodywerecovered;beyond this,however, Iwasunable todoanything.

WhenthezealousmagistratewasnothearingcasesinthecouncilchamberorferretingoutderelictionsofKoranicduty,hewasbusybuildinguphisnetworkofpoliticalallianceswiththechieffamiliesandmakingahighplaceforhimselfinthepeckingorderofpower.Withinashorttimeofhisfirstmarriage,hewedthreemorewomen, four being themostwives aman couldhave according toIslamiclaw.Hissecondwifewasthedaughterofanimportantministerandgreatgranddaughterofaprevioussultan.His thirdwasawidowofQueenKhadija’sbrotherandimmediatepredecessor.Hisfourthwasastep-daughterof’Abdallahibn Muhammad al-Hadrami, a nobleman who had just been restored to aministerial position after having spent a period of time in exile on one of theouter islands for some unnamed transgression against the state. “After I hadbecomeconnectedbymarriagewith theabove-mentionedpeople,” IbnBattutatellsusbluntly,“thevizierandtheislandersfearedme,fortheyfeltthemselvestobeweak.”

Despite the unity ofMaldivian government, the political claustrophobia oftinyMale coupledwith the fragmentedgeographyof thekingdomencouragedboth factional intrigues anddissidence.31TheRihlamakes it apparent that thegrandvizier,thedefactoruler,didnothavethewhiphandoverhisnobilityandcouldnotfullycontroltheactionsofpoliticalcliques.IbnBattuta’srecountingoftheeventsthatledtohisprecipitousdeparturefromtheislandsissubjectiveandepisodic and leaves the reader of the narrative straining to discern the deepercurrents of the political drama.He leaves no doubt, however, that he had notbeenafigureintheroyalcourtforverylongbeforehebegantomakeenemies.Vizier’Abdallah,theministerwhohadreturnedfromtemporaryexile,seemstohaveregardedhimasanarrivisteandathreattohisownpositionofpower.Thetwo men got on badly from the start, clashing over symbolic matters ofprecedenceandprotocolthatconcealedafarmoreseriousrivalryforinfluenceinthekingdom.AsIbnBattutaexplainsit,andwewillneverknowanyoneelse’ssideofthestory,’Abdallahandcertainofhiskinsmenandalliesplottedtoturnthegrandvizieragainsthisnewqadi,and theyfinallysucceeded.Anastyrow

brokeoutbetweenIbnBattutaandJamalal-Dinoveralegaljudgmentinvolvingasordidaffairbetweenaslaveandaroyalconcubine.ThegrandvizieraccusedIbnBattutaofinsubordinationandcalledhimbeforetheministersandmilitaryofficersassembledinthepalace.

UsuallyIshowedhimtherespectduetoaruler,butthistimeIdidnot.Isaidsimply “salamu alaikum.” Then I said to the bystanders, “You are mywitnessesthatIherewithrenouncemypostasqadiasIamnotinapositiontofulfillitsduties.”Thegrandvizierthensaidsomethingaddressingme,andIrose up moving to a seat opposite him, and I retorted in sharptones . . .Thereuponthegrandvizierenteredhishousesaying,“TheysayIamaruler.But look!Isummonedthismanwithaviewtomakinghimfeelmywrath;farfromthis,hewreakshisownireonme.”

On the heels of this stormy confrontation, Ibn Battuta paid off his debts,packed up his luggage, divorced one of hiswives (probably ’Abdallah’s step-daughter),andhiredaboattotakehimtoCaptainIbrahim’sship,whichwasatthatmomentinthesouthernregionoftheatolls.Yetfarfromwashinghishandsof the Maldive government and sailing off in an offended huff, he reveals,tantalizinglyandobscurely,thathewasplayingforbiggerstakesthanmerelytheindependenceofhisauthorityasqadi.Describinghisdeparture fromMale,hewritesintheRihla,asifaddingaforgottendetail.

Imadeacompactwiththevizier’Umar,thearmycommander,andwiththevizierHasan,theadmiral,thatIshouldgotoMa’bar,thekingofwhichwasthehusbandofmywife’s [that is,Hurnasab’s]sisterand return thencewithtroops so as tobring theMaldive islandsunderhis sway, and that I shouldthenexercisethepowerinhisname.32AlsoIarrangedthatthehoistingofthewhite flags on the ships should be the signal and that as soon as they sawthemtheyshouldrevoltontheshore.

Thenheaddsratherdisingenuously,“Neverhadsuchanideaoccurredtomeuntil thesaidestrangementhadbrokenoutbetweenthevizierandmyself.”HealsohintsthatJamalal-Dinhadatleastasuspicionofthisastonishingplot,butthe vizier’s own political position had apparently weakened so much that hecouldnotriskarrestinghisqadi.WhateverJamalal-Din’sfearsmayhavebeen,the threat of an invasionwas not entirely far-fetched, for theChola empire ofSouthIndiahadconqueredtheislandsinearlymedievaltimes.33

Asit turnedout,IbnBattutaleftMalewithoutfurtherincidentandsailedinseveraldays’timetoFuaMulak(Muluk)island,whichlaynearthesouthernendofthearchipelagojustacrosstheequator.34HereCaptainIbrahim’sshipawaitedhim.IbnBattutahadsailedoutofMalewiththreewivesinhiscompany,buthedivorced them all in a short time. One of these women, the wife of his firstMaldivemarriage,fellseriouslyillonthewaytoFuaMulak,sohesentherbacktoMale.Anotherherestoredtoherfather,wholivedonFuaMulak.Heoffersnoexplanation for his divorcing the third woman, though she was pregnant. Hestayed on Fua Mulak for more than two months, and there he married, andpresumablydivorced,twomorewomen.Quiteapartfromhispoliticalmotivesintaking a total of six wives during his sojourn in the islands, such transitoryalliancesreflectedthecustomofthecountry:

It is easy tomarry in these islandsbecauseof the smallnessof thedowriesandthepleasuresofsocietywhichthewomenoffer...Whentheshipsputin,thecrewmarry;whentheyintendtoleavetheydivorcetheirwives.Thisisakind of temporarymarriage. Thewomen of these islands never leave theircountry.35

IbnBattutamadeabrieftripbacktoMaleinthecompanyofIbrahiminordertohelpthecaptainironoutadisputehehadwiththeinhabitantsofFuaMulak.Hedidnot,however,leavetheshipwhileitwasanchoredinMaleharbor.Then,after touchingbrieflyatFuaMulakonceagain, theyset sailnortheastward forthecoastofCeylon.ThetimewaslateAugust1344.36

Notes

1.TheBookofDuarteBarbosa,trans,anded.ManselLongworthDames,2vols.(London,1918–21),vol.2,p.74.

2.TheRihlaisthesolerecordofthisevent.NoevidenceoftheembassyhascometolightinChinesesourcessofarasIknow,thoughPeterJacksonnotesthataYuanmissionisknowntohavevisitedEgyptin1342–43. “TheMongols and India (1221–1351),” Ph.D. diss., CambridgeUniversity, 1977, p. 222. TheenvoysprobablyarrivedseveralmonthsbeforeIBleftDelhi.Onthedatingofhisdepartureseenote5.

3. Henry Yule identifies this town as Sambhal east of Delhi.Cathay and the Way Thither, 4 vols.(London,1913–16),vol.4,p.18.AlsoMH,p.150.

4.IBstatesthatheleftDelhion17Safar743A.H.,thatis,22July1342.Evidencesuggeststhathedidnot remember theyear correctlyor that an errorwasmade in copying theRihla.Adeparturedateof17Safar742(2August1341)makesmoresensewithinthecontextofsubsequentstatementsintheRihlaaboutchronology and itinerary. The fundamental problem with IB’s chronology for the travels in India, theMaldiveIslands,andCeylonisthatheclaimstohaveleft theMaldives(followingthefirstandlongeroftwovisits)inthemiddlepartofRabi’II745(lateAugust1344),thatis,alittlemorethantwoyearsafter

leaving Delhi. His own statements about traveling times and lengths of sojourns in particular places,however,indicatethataboutthreeyearselapsedbetweenhisleavingDelhiandhisfirstdeparturefromtheMaldives.Fortheperiodoftravelsbetweenthesetwoevents,theRihlaisnotveryhelpful,sinceIBoffersnotoneabsoluteyeardate.TheMaldivedeparturedateof745,however,isprobablyaccurate.Inthespaceofafewmonthsfollowingthatdate,hearrivedintheSultanateofMa’barinthefarsoutheasterncornerofthesubcontinent.TherehewitnessedandwasinvolvedineventssurroundingthedeathofSultanGhiyathal-DinandtheaccessionofNasiral-Din.Numismaticevidenceshowsthatthisregnalchangetookplacein745A.H.(ThelastcoinofGhiyathal-Dinisdated744;thefirstcoinofNasiral-Dinisdated745.)S.A.Q.Husaini,“SultanateofMa’bar” inH.K.SherwaniandP.M.Joshi (eds.),HistoryofMedievalDeccan,2vols.(Hyderabad,1973–74),vol.1,pp.65,74.IfIB’sMaldivedeparturedateisaccurate,at leastfortheyear, thenwemayhypothesize that theDelhidateshouldbepushedbackayear tomakeroomfor threeyearsoftravel.

5.AsitissetforthintheRihla,IB’sitineraryfromDelhitoDaulatabadiserraticandillogical.Partoftheexplanation isprobably that someof the stageshavebeenplaced in incorrectorder.Forexample,hestates that hevisitedDhar beforeUjjain,when itwas almost certainly the reverse.Furthermore, hemayhavevisitedsomeoftheplacesmentionedduringearlierexcursionsoutofDelhiwhichhedoesnotreportandwhosedescriptive information iswoven into theaccountof the trip toDaulatabad.He indicates, forexample,thathehadvisitedGwalioratsomeearliertime,thoughnothingissaidaboutthecircumstancesofsuchatrip(D&S,vol.4,p.33).IBoffersalmostnohelpindeducingthechronologyofhisjourneythroughthe interior of India.Mahdi Husain calculates that he arrived in Daulatabad on 3November. A generalestimateoflateautumnseemsreasonable,butthisauthor’sprecisetown-to-townchronologyfortheentirerange of IB’s travels in India, theMaldives, and Ceylon is delusive, for it is based almost entirely oninformed guessing and inferential evidence such as “normal” traveling times from one place to another.MH,pp.lxiv-lxvi.

6.GujaratiswerewellestablishedintheEastIndiesinthefifteenthcenturyandwereprobablyarrivingthereinthefourteenth.M.A.P.Meilink-Roelofsz,“TradeandIslamintheMalay-IndonesianArchipelagoPriortotheArrivaloftheEuropeans”inD.S.Richards(ed.),IslamandtheTradeofAsia(Oxford,1970),pp.144–45.

7.DuarteBarbosa,vol.1,pp.134,136,138.8. SimonDigby, “TheMaritimeTrade of India” inTapanRaychaudhuri and IrfanHabib (eds.),The

CambridgeEconomicHistoryofIndia,2vols(Cambridge,England,1982),vol.1,p.152.9.P.M.Joshi,“HistoricalGeographyofMedievalDeccan”inSherwaniandJoshi,MedievalDeccan,

vol.1,pp.18,20.10.IBstatesthatthesuzerainofJamalal-DinwasarulernamedHaryab,buthistorianshavedisagreedas

towhetherthisindividualisBallalaIIIoftheHoysalasorHariharaIoftheKingdomofVijayanagar.SeeR.N. Saletore, “Haryab of Ibn Battuta and Harihara Nrpala,”Quarterly Journal of theMythic Society 31(1940–41):384–406;alsoMH,p.180n.11.The locationand identityof theseports, someofwhichno longerexist,are investigated inDuarte

Barbosa,vol.1,pp.185–236,vol.3,pp.1–92;Yule,Cathay,vol.4,pp.72–79;andMH,pp.178–88.12.Accordingtothefifteenth-centurynavigatorIbnMajid,thebesttimeforsailingfromthewestcoast

ofIndiatotheBayofBengalwasaround11April,orfrommidMarchthroughApril.G.R.Tibbetts,ArabNavigationintheIndianOceanbeforetheComingofthePortuguese(London,1971),p.377.13.Yule,Cathay,vol.2,p.131.14.Junksnormally left theMalabarcoast forChinaaftermidMarch(seenote12).However, itseems

likely that IB’svesselswereplanning tostopoveratQuilon,amajorport furtherdownthecoast,beforedeparting for theBayofBengal.Moreover, the subsequent chronological clues IBgives suggest thathisdeparturefromCalicutwasnotscheduledforanylaterthanabout1March(seenote19).15.IBdoesnotdescribethisvessel.JosephNeedhamsuggeststhenamemayberelatedtococca,coque,

or cog,whichwasamedieval shipof theMediterraneanandNorthAtlantic.ScienceandCivilization inChina,vol.4,part3,CivilEngineeringandNautics(Cambridge,1971),p.469n.

16.Mytranslation.D&S,vol.4,pp.103–4.17.IBsaysthathisseconddeparturefromCalicuttookplace“attheendoftheseasonfortravelingon

thesea,”meaning theweeksbefore thesouthwestmonsooncameup in full force.Although theMalabarportsdidnotclosedownaltogetheruntilJune,IBalmostcertainlyleftCalicutnolaterthanabout1April,since vessels bound for Arabia or the Persian Gulf had to reach their destinations before the monsoonreached full strength in those latitudes.Tibbetts,ArabNavigation, p. 375.Therefore, the sinking of IB’sjunkoffCalicutmusthavetakenplacenolaterthanabout1MarchtomakeroomforhistriptoQuilonandback,whichprobablyconsumedat least25days. (Hesays it tookhimtendays to travel fromCalicut toQuilon.)18.Yule(Cathay,vol.4,pp.64–66)identifiesSandapurwithGoa.DuarteBarbosa,vol.1,pp.170–72.

IBpresentstheonlyaccountofJamalal-Din’sconquestofthecityanditssubsequentrecoverybytheraja.19.IBstatesthattheshipsleftHonavaronSaturdayandattackedSandapuronthefollowingMonday,or

13Jumada1743A.H.(14October1342).20. IBdeclares thathestayed inSandapur from13Jumada Iuntil themiddlepartofSha’ban, that is,

about threemonths.15Sha’ban743corresponds to13January1343. Inconnectionwithhis firstvisit toHonavar,IBmentionsthatatsomesubsequenttimehestayedwithJamalal-Dinforelevenmonths(D&S,vol.4,p.70),buta sojournof this length fitsbadlywith theothermeagerchronological information IBprovidesconcerninghisIndiatravels.21. He says he arrived there in late Muharram, which is the first month of the Muslim year; 28

Muharram,thatis,oneofthelastdaysofthemonth,calculatesas22June1343.22.IB’sdateforhisflightfromSandapurwhenitwasunderseigeis2Rabi’II.Thatdatein744A.H.

correspondsto24August1343.InhisinitialdescriptionofthewestcoastintheRihla,heimpliesthatatsomepointhetraveledalongtheroadthatparalleledtheKanaraandMalabarcoasts.Thismayhavebeenthetime,sinceescapefromSandapurbyseawouldlikelyhavebeenmoredifficultthanbyland.23. IBsays thathe leftSandapuron2Rabi’ II,andhe implies thathearrived in theMaldivesshortly

beforethefollowingRamadan.Theinterveningtimewasfourtofivemonths,presumablydividedbetweenhisjourneyfromSandapurtoCalicut,hisstayinthelatterplace,andhisten-dayseavoyage(asherecallsit)totheMaldives.24.ClarenceMaloney collected a version of the legend, very similar to IB’s story, in themid-1970s.

PeopleoftheMaldives(Madras,1980),pp.98–99.25.S.D.Goitein,“FromAdentoIndia:SpecimensoftheCorrespondenceofIndiaTradersoftheTwelfth

Century,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 23 (1980): 43–66; “Letters andDocuments on the India Trade in Medieval Times,” Islamic Culture 37 (1963): 188–205; “From theMediterraneantoIndia:DocumentsontheTradetoIndia,SouthArabiaandEastAfricafromtheEleventhandTwelfthCenturies,”Speculum29(1954):181–97.26.IB’sKannalusmaybeidentifiedwithKinalosIsland.TheVoyageofFrançoisPyrardofLavaltothe

EastIndies,theMaldives,theMoluccasandBrazil,trans.anded.AlbertGray,2vols.(London,n.d.;reprintedn.,NewYork,1963?),vol.2,p.438.FrançoisPyrardwasaFrenchsailorwhospentfiveandahalfyearsintheMaldivesintheearlyseventeenthcenturyandsubsequentlywrotealivelyanddetaileddescriptionofthe customs andmanners of their inhabitants. The edition cited here also includes edited translations ofearlierreportsontheMaldives,includingIB’snarrative.27.Maloney,PeopleoftheMaldives,pp.219,233.28. IB implies thathe reached the islands someweeksbeforeRamadan744.Thatmonthbeganon17

January1344(seenote23).29.IBandsubsequenttravelerstotheislandsspeakofthe“Maldivianfever,”whichwasalmostcertainly

malaria.Maloney,PeopleoftheMaldives,p.398.IfIBbecameinfectedwithmalaria,hewouldprobablyhavebeenseriouslyillforafewweeks.30.HedateshisfirstmarriageintheMaldivestothemonthofShawwal,whichbeganon16February

1344.31.Maloney,PeopleoftheMaldives,pp.191–96.

32.MahdiHusain’stranslationreads“soastobringbacktheMaldiveislandsunderhissway”(MH,p.214).“Bringback”isanaccuratetranslationoftheverbalnountarajju’i,buttheislandshadnotpreviouslybeeninvadedorruledbytheSultanateofMa’bar.SeeD&S,vol.4,p.160.33. In the seventeenth century theKing ofBengalwould send a fleet of galleys to raid and sack the

Maldives.Gray,FrançoisPyrard,vol.1,pp.310–20.34.Ibid.,vol.2,p.465.35.Pyrardalsoremarksonthehighfrequencyofmarriageanddivorceintheislands.Ibid.,vol.1,pp.

150–55.36.IBgivesthedateofhisdeparturefromtheislandsasmidRabi’II745A.H.;15Rabi’IIcalculatesas

26August1344.Thatwouldhavebeenthelatesummermonsoonperiodandaplausibletimetobesailingnortheastward from theMaldives.Heremy revised chronology, placing his departure fromDelhi in 742ratherthan743,fallsbackintolinewithIB’sowndating.HisdeparturefromtheMaldivesin745accordswell with the dating of the subsequent visit to Ma’bar (see note 4). IB mentions that he lived in theMaldivesforayearandahalf(D&S,vol.4,p.114),butthisstatementdoesnotseemcompatiblewiththeotherchronologicaldataheprovides.Astayofabouteightmonths,frommidSha’ban744tomidRabi’II745,makesmoresense.

11China

IassureyouthatforonespiceshipthatgoestoAlexandriaorelsewhereto pick up pepper for export to Christendom, Zaiton is visited by ahundred...IcantellyoufurtherthattherevenueaccruingtotheGreatKhanfromthiscityandportissomethingcolossal.1

MarcoPolo

IbnBattutavisitedCeylon(SriLanka)onhiswaytoMa’barsothathemightgoonpilgrimagetothetopofAdam’sPeak,thespectacularconicalmountainthatloomed over the southwestern interior of the island. “That exceeding highmountainhathapinnacleofsurpassingheight,which,onaccountoftheclouds,canrarelybeseen,”wroteJohndeMarignolli, theChristianmonkwhopassedthroughCeylon justafewyearsafter IbnBattuta.“ButGod,pityingour tears,lightedituponemorningjustbeforethesunrose,sothatwebehelditglowingwiththebrightestflame”2IbnBattutarecallsthathefirstsawthepeakfromfarouttosea,“risingupintotheskylikeacolumnofsmoke.”ThemountainwassacredtoMuslims,Hindus,andBuddhistsalike,andpilgrimsofallthreefaithsclimbedtogethertothesummittobeholdadepressioninthesurfaceoftherockvaguely resembling the shape of an enormous foot. For Buddhists it is thefootprint of Siddhartha Gautama, the Buddha. For Hindus it is a trace of theGreatGodShiva,andforsomeChristiansitbelongstoSt.Thomas.InMuslimtraditionGodcastAdamandEvefromtheseventhheavenindisgrace,andwhentheytumbledtoearththemanlandedhardonthepeakofthemountain,leavinganimpressofhisfootinthesolidrock.Heremainedthereforathousandyearsatoningforhissins,until theArchangelGabriel ledhim toArabia,whereEvehad fallen. The man and the woman met on the plain of ’Arafat and laterreturned toCeylon to propagate the human race.Adamwas not only the firstman but the first prophet of Islam as well, and it was to reverence him thatMuslimpilgrimstrekkedtotheFoot,astheystilldotoday.

ArrivingfromtheMaldivesinthecompanyofCaptainIbrahim,IbnBattutaput ashore at a place he calls Battala, probablymodern Puttalam on thewestcentralcoast.3 In thepatternofMuslimmaritime settlement,Ceylon’swesterncoastwasanextensionofMalabar.MerchantsoftheArabianSeahadoperatedfrom ports like Puttalam since Abbasid times, exporting rubies, pearls, arecanuts, and from about the fourteenth century large quantities of cinnamon.Puttalam laywithin thedomainof theHindukingdomof Jaffna,whichat thattime dominated the northern half of the island, prospering from the Indo–CeylonesetradeandthewealthofthepearlfisheriesintheGulfofMannar.

Ibn Battuta arrived in Puttalam to find the King of Jaffna, the AryaChakravarti, temporarily in residence. Announcing himself a kinsman bymarriageoftheSultanofMa’bar(withwhomJaffnahadgoodrelations),hehadno trouble getting himself introduced into the royal court. Since the AryaChakravarti understood some Persian, Ibn Battuta regaled him for three dayswithstoriesof“kingsandcountries,”thenpolitelyrequestedpatronagetosecureguidesandprovisionsforthelongwalktoAdam’sPeak.Thekingnotonlygavehimallthesuppliesheneededbutalsoapalanquinforhispersonalcomfortplusthe fellowship of 10 Brahmin priests, 15 porters, 10 courtiers of the royalhousehold,and4yogis.AtthispointIbnBattuta’spersonalsuiteappearstohaveconsistedofal-Tuzari,asecondEgyptiangentleman,andtwoslavegirls.

The partymade the round trip up themountain and back to Puttalam by acircularroutethroughthesouthwesternquarteroftheisland,ajourneyfacilitatedby Ceylon’s superior network of high roads, stone bridges, and rest houses.4They first traveleddue south along thepalm-lined coast to theport ofChilaw(Bandar Salawat). There they turned southeastward into the interior, passedbriefly through the territory of the Buddhist Sinhalese kingdom of Gampola,thenclimbedgraduallyupwardsthroughthelushmontaneforestsofthecentralhighlands.5Therewere two tracks to the summit of themountain, but custominstructedthatapilgrimwouldacquiredivinemeritonlyifheascendedbythemore difficult route and came down by the easy one. The final ascent up therockyconewasitselfanactofreligiousfaith,forthepilgrimhadtohaulhimselfgrunting and sweating up a series of nearly vertical cliffs by means of littlestirrupsaffixedtochainssuspendedfromironpegs.

Makingit to the topinonepiece,IbnBattutaandhiscomradescampedforthree days at a cave near the summit. Following tradition, he walked eachmorning and evening to the site of the Foot and joined the cluster ofHindus,Buddhists, and fellowMuslims, eachgrouppossessing itsownnotionofwhatholy event the imprint represented but sharing nonetheless a rare moment of

transcendent brotherhood.He also beheld one of themost breathtaking scenicviewsanywhere in theworld, apanoramaofwoodedhills ripplingaway fromthebaseofthePeaktothegoldenbandoftheseainthefardistance.

Adam’sPeak,CeylonSallyandRichardGreenhill

ThepartyreturnedtothecoastbyaroundaboutroutesouthwardtotheportofDondra (Dinawar), then up along the western shore. When they reachedPuttalamagain, IbnBattutafoundthefaithfulCaptainIbrahimwaiting toferryhim and his companions across the Gulf of Mannar to the shore of the

subcontinentandthekingdomofMa’bar.ThestagesofthetriptoAdam’sPeakandbacksuggestthathemayhaveputoutfromPuttalaminOctober.6

Thiswas the transitionalperiodbetween the twomonsoons, a seasonwhenheavysquallsmightcomeup in thegulfwithoutwarning.More than that, IbnBattutamentionstwiceintheRihla thatdespitehislongacquaintanceshipwithIbrahim,heneverreallyhadmuchconfidenceinhimasasailor.SettingacoursenortheastwardfromPuttalam,thevesselhadalmostmadeittotheSouthIndiancoast,whensuddenly

thewindbecameviolentandthewaterrosesohighthatitwasabouttoenterthe ship, while we had no able captain with us.We then got near a rock,wheretheshipwasonthepointofbeingwrecked;afterwardswecameintoshallowwaterwhereintheshipbegantosink.Deathstaredusinthefaceandthe passengers jettisoned all that they possessed and bade adieu to oneanother.

Racing against thewind andwaves, the crewmanaged to cut down themainmastandthrowitoverboard,thenlashtogetheracruderaftandlowerit tothesea. IbnBattutagothis twocompanionsandhis concubinesdownonto it, buttherewasnoroomleftforhim.Toopooraswimmertojumpintothewaterandhangontotheraftwitharope,hecouldonlystickwiththeshipandhopeforthebest.Thesailorswhostayedbehindtriedvainlytotietogethermorefloats,butdarknessfellandtheworkhadtobegivenup.ThroughoutthenightIbnBattutahuddledterrifiedinthesternasthewaterrosearoundhim.InthemeantimehiscompanionsmadeitsafelytoshoreandsoughthelpfromTamilvillagers,forinthemorningarescuepartyofboatmensuddenlyappearedalongsidetherapidlysinking dhow. The crew and remaining passengers were all taken to shore,apparentlyincludingCaptainIbrahim,thoughofhimwehearnomore.

Reunited with his friends and slave women on a rural stretch of thesoutheasterncoast,IbnBattutagladlyacceptedfoodandshelterfromtheTamilcountryfolkwhohadpluckedhimfromthesea.Heseemstohavesavedsomeofhispersonalbelongings from the shipwreck, includingmementos fromvariousSufidivinesandabagofpearls,rubies,andothergemsgiventohimbytheKingof Jaffna. The party remained with the local Tamils while word was sent toGhiyathal-Din,theSultanofMa’bar,thatabrother-in-lawofhis,lateofDelhi,hadarrivedonthecoastindistressingcircumstances.Thesultanhappenedtobeonamilitarytournotfaraway,andinthreedays’timeacompanyofhorseandinfantry arrived to conduct the visitors across the dry coastal lowlands to the

royalcamp.IbnBattuta spent altogether about twomonths inMa’bar, but it was not a

periodofhistravelsherecallswithanyjoy.MorethanadecadehadpassedsinceJalal al-Din Ahsan Shah, the father of Ibn Battuta’s ex-wife, Hurnasab, hadrevoltedagainstMuhammadTughluqandfoundedanindependentMuslimstateheld precariously together by a small, turbulent minority of Turko–Afghanfightingmen.Jalalal-Dinhaddiedin1338or1339whileIbnBattutawasstillinDelhi.HissuccessorruledlessthantwoyearsbeforetakingaHinduarrowinthehead.Thethirdsultanwasassassinatedbyhisowncommandersafteronlyafewmonths in power.The fourthwasGhiyath al-Din.A former cavalrymanunderMuhammadTughluqandhusbandofHurnasab’ssister,hehadfoughthiswaytothethronein1340or1341.

Since the entire Muslim population of Ma’bar was small, limited to themilitaryaristocracy,coastalmerchants,andamodestbureaucraticandreligiouscorps,Ghiyathal-DinwouldlikelyhavewelcomedtheformerqadiofDelhitohis court whether the marriage connection existed or not. Beyond that, IbnBattuta arrived with a fascinating proposal that Ghiyath al-Din was only toohappytoentertain:

I had an interview with the sultan in the course of which I broached theMaldive affair and proposed that he should send an expedition to thoseislands.Hesetaboutwithdeterminationtodosoandspecifiedthewarshipsforthatpurpose.

TheplanthetwomendevisedwastohaveIbnBattutaleadanavalinvasionoftheatollsandintimidateQueenKhadijaintoacceptinganunequalalliancewiththesultanate.Ghiyathal-Dinwouldmarryoneofthequeen’ssisterswhilemenloyal tohim, IbnBattutaamong them,wouldrun thekingdomasasatelliteofMa’bar. The plot had only to await preparation of an attack fleet, which, thesultan’snavalchiefreported,wouldtakeatleastthreemonths.7

Presumably the admiral set to work fitting out the warships, but the planbegantogoawryalmostassoonasitwashatched.Fromtheoutset,IbnBattutatookadisliketoGhiyathal-Din,whosetroopswentaboutthelandroundingupTamilvillagersandindiscriminatelyimpalingthemonsharpenedstakes,thesortof political atrocity absolutely forbidden to Muslim rulers by Qur’anicinjunction. IbnBattuta and his retinue spent some time in Pattan (Fattan), themain port ofMa’bar,8 then traveled upcountry to Madurai, the capital of thesultanateandoneofthemajortownsofsoutheasternIndia.Therehefoundthe

populationinthethroesofanepidemicsolethalthat“whoevercaughtinfectiondied on themorrow, or the day after, and if not on the third day, then on thefourth.”Hepurchasedahealthyslavegirlinthecity,butshediedthefollowingday.Ghiyathal-Din,whowasalready ill from takinga lovepotioncontainingiron filings,witnessed the lossofhismotherandson to theepidemic.Aweeklaterhehimselfdied.9Nasiral-Din,anephewofthedeadsultanandasoldierofapparently low origins, quickly seized the throne and got to the business ofdismissingormurderingvariouspoliticalenemies.

Thenewrulerwashappyenough to retain theservicesofhispredecessor’sbrother-in-law and pressed him to carry on with the expedition. Ibn Battutamight at that point have been willing to move ahead, but he suddenly fellseriously ill himself, probably notwith the disease that had killed somany inMaduraibutfromthemalariahehadcontractedintheMaldives.Bythetimeherecoveredhehad lostall interest in theconspiracy,dislikedMadurai intensely,andwanted only to get out ofMa’bar.He never explainswhy he had such adrasticchangeofheart,buthegivestheimpressionthathehadlittleconfidencein Nasir al-Din and liked him even less than Ghiyath al-Din. Whatever thereason, he refused the sultan’s urgings to launch thewar fleet and finally gotpermissiontoleaveMa’barwithhislittleentourage.Hisoriginalplanoftravel— before he got involved in Maldivian politics — was to visit Ceylon andMa’bar,thengodirectlyontoBengal.ButifhewasleavingfromPattanaboutDecember 1344, hewould not have found any vessels sailing into theBay ofBengal until the start of the summerwinds inMay.10Shipsweregoing in theotherdirection,however—westwardaroundCeylon toMalabar andAden. IfhisimmediateobjectwastofleetheSultanateofMa’barasfastaspossible,thenhe and his companions would go wherever the monsoon blew.11 And so hereturnedonceagaintoQuilonontheMalabarcoast.

His career at sixes and sevens, he stayed in Quilon for three months, stillrecoveringfromhisillness.ThenhedecidedtotryhisluckwithhisoldpatronJamalal-DinofHonavar.Thesultanmightwellhavebeenlessthandelightedtosee themanwhohadabandonedhimsoabruptlyduring thesiegeofSandapurtwo and a half years earlier, but in any case the reunion was not to be. IbnBattutaandhisgroup tookpassageona shipbound forHonavar,wellenoughawarethatstormsandshallowswerenottheonlyperilsonthewestIndiancoast.Marco Polo had passed through the region about a half century earlier anddescribedthedangerwell:

YoumustknowthatfromthiskingdomofMelibar,andfromanothernearit

calledGozurat,theregofortheveryyearmorethanahundredcorsairvesselson cruise . . . Theirmethod is to join in fleets of 20 or 30 of these piratevesselstogether,andthentheyformwhattheycallaseacordon,thatis,theydropofftillthereisanintervalof5or6milesbetweenshipandship,sothattheycoversomethinglikeahundredmilesofsea,andnomerchantshipcanescapethem.Forwhenanyonecorsairsightsavesselasignalismadebyfireorsmoke,andthenthewholeofthemmakeforthis,andseizethemerchantsandplunderthem.Aftertheyhaveplunderedthemtheyletthemgo,saying:“Goalongwithyouandgetmoregain,andthatmayhapwillfalltousalso!”Butnowthemerchantsareawareofthis,andgosowellmannedandarmed,andwithsuchgreatships, that theydon’t fear thecorsairs.Stillmishapsdobefallthemattimes.12

ForIbnBattutaandhislucklessfriends,the“mishap”occurrednearasmallislandjustsouthofHonavar.13Caughtinthecorsair’snet,twelveshipssuddenlyconverged on the lonely vessel and attacked at once. Clambering over thegunwalesfromalldirections,thepiratesquicklyoverpoweredthehaplesscrew,andstrippedthepassengersofeverythingtheyhad.“Theyseizedthejewelsandrubieswhich thekingofCeylonhadgivenme,” IbnBattuta remembers, “androbbedmeofmyclothesandprovisionswithwhichpiousmenandsaintshadfavoredme.Theyleftnothingonmybodyexceptmytrousers.”14Then,withanencouragingwordtotheirterrifiedvictimstopassthatwayagainsometime,thebrigandspolitelydroppedthemalloffonthenearbyshoreunharmed.

Dispossessedandhumiliatedonceagain, IbnBattutadidnotwalk the shortdistanceuptheKanaracoast toHonavar,probablyconcludingthat itwouldbeimpolitic,ifnotthoroughlyboorish,toappearbeforeJamalal-Dinasecondtimeinastateofdestitution.Somehowheandhispartymanagedtomaketheirwayback down the coast to Calicut— no details are given—where “one of thejuristssentmeagarment,theqadisentmeaturban,andacertainmerchantsentmeanothergarment.”

WhilerecuperatinginCalicuthelearnedthroughtheportgossipthattheotherJamalal-Din, thegrandvizierof theMaldives,haddiedand that thepregnantwoman Ibn Battuta had divorced had given birth to a son shortly after hisdeparture the previous year.15 He also learned that his old nemesis, the vizier’Abdallah,hadmarriedQueenKhadijaandassumedtheofficeofchiefminister.BythistimeIbnBattutahadgivenupanyideaofreturningtotheislandsattheheadoftheMa’barnavy,buthedidhaveanurgetoclaimhisson,arighthehadinMuslim law.Well knowing that ’Abdallah couldmake considerable trouble

forhimifheturneduponMaleagain,especiallyiftheMa’barconspiracyhadbecomeknown,hedecidednonetheless tochanceavisit.SailingfromCalicut,presumablynolaterthanMay1345,hereachedtheatollsintendays.16

Landing first on Kinalos Island then sailing southward to Male, he found’Abdallah reasonably well disposed toward him, though a bit suspicious. Hedinedwiththevizierandwasgivenlodgingsneartheroyalpalace,buthesaysnothingintheRihlaofrenewinghispoliticalcontacts.Whenhisex-wifelearnedthatshewasabouttoloseherson,probablyforalltime,shecomplainedbitterlyto’Abdallah,whowasneverthelessdisinclinedtostandinthefather’sway.Thefather, however, was a man with a long history of abandoning we may onlyguesshowmanysonsanddaughtersinvariouspartsoftheMuslimworld.Afterseeingthelittleboyand,wemighthope,respondingtothepleasofhiswretchedmother,he“deemeditfitforhimtocontinuewiththeislanders.”Andso,afterstayingintheMaldivesonlyfivedays,heboardedajunkboundforBengal.Hewasnottoreturnagain,muchtotherelief,wemaysuppose,ofallconcerned.

SailingroundthesoutherntipofCeylonintotheBayofBengal,IbnBattutawasjoining a surge of Muslim migration into the maritime lands of greatersoutheasternAsia.Thefourteenthwasacenturyofbrightopportunitiesforanybelieverseekingcareer,fortune,orspiritualself-masteryoutbeyondthefrontierof the Dar al-Islam, where the Sacred Law and the rightly guided society itembodied had yet to be introduced to benighted millions. It was the centurywhen Islamic urban culture secured itself firmly in Bengal, when MuslimmercantilesettlementstookchargeoftheinternationaltradethroughtheStraitofMalacca, and when cosmopolitan Islam reached its zenith of influence andprosperityinChina.

ArabandIranianseamenof theeighthcenturyhadfirst introducedIslamintheFarEastduringbold,year-and-a-halftradingvoyagesfromthePersianGulfto theSouthChinacoastandbackagain.Yet thesemissionsweregivenupbythe tenth century as the Abbasid state and the T’ang empire of Chinadeteriorated simultaneously. The Arabo–Persian settlement at Guangzhouvirtuallydisappeared,andthevoyageslefthardlyanyIslamicimpressoneasternAsia.Historiansusedtosupposethatthecessationofthesedirect,long-distancelinksbetweentheMiddleEastandChinawasevidenceofaprotracted“decline”of Muslim trade with the farther East. On the contrary, the long run ofcommercialdevelopmentsbetweentheeleventhandfifteenthcenturiesinvolvedamore or less steady increase in the variety, and no doubt volume, of goodsexchangedalongthechainofsouthernseas,aswellasproliferationofportsand

localhinterlandsincorporatedintotheinter-regionalsystem.Bytheeleventhortwelfthcenturies aMuslimnetworkof trust, friendship, and social expectationruledthecommerceofthewesternIndianOcean.SincethesearoutesfromtherethroughtheBayofBengaltotheChinaSeashadsinceancienttimesconstitutedacontinuumofcommercialexchange,itwasalmostinevitablethatthenetworkshouldpushoutalongtheshoresnorthandeastofCeyloninsearchofnewbasesofoperation.Sharingas theydidanunusualespritdecorpsandmonopolizingtheroutesleadingtothemarketsofAfrica,Persia,andtheMediterraneanbasin,upstart Muslim merchants had powerful advantages over Indian, Malay, orChinesetradinggroups,whofoundthemselvesgraduallysupersededbyor,morelikely,cooptedintotheMuslimclub.

During the era of the two Sung dynasties (960–1279), China experiencedspectacular economic growth. Agricultural and industrial output shot up,populationsoared,citiesmultiplied,andtheinternalnetworkofroadsandcanalswas vastly improved. A remarkable expansion of overseas trade accompaniedthesetrends.ChinesenauticalandnavaltechnologywaswellinadvanceoftheArabian Sea tradition and could conceivably have been wielded to enforce amonopoly over the eastern sea routes. In fact, the Sung emperors embraced adualpolicy.TheyencouragedChinesemerchantstotradedirectlytoIndia(orinsomeisolated instancesasfarwestas theRedSea).Butat thesametimetheyinvited foreign traders,notablyMuslims, toestablish,or in thecaseofCantonre-establish,settlementsinthecitiesofSouthChina.

Moreover,ChineseoverseasmercantileoperationstendedtobehamperedbytheSunggovernment’s insistenceonclose regulationandcontrol.Bycontrast,the alienMuslim trading groups were fluid, versatile, and unimpeded by anycentralbureaucraticauthority.TheycouldthereforemovegoodsacrosstheBayofBengalandtheSouthChinaSeamorespeedily,moreefficiently,andprobablyat lower cost than could the Chinese junk masters. Thus, the “commercialrevolution”ofSungChinastimulatedtheexpansionofMuslimshippingeastofMalabarandthegrowthofbusy,multinationalsettlementsinQuanzhou(Zaitun),Guangzhou (Canton), and other south coast ports. Muslim mercantilecommunities even sprang up in Hangzhou, the capital of the Southern SungDynasty(1127–1279),andothermajor townsalongthe interior landandwaterroutes.Indeed,asignificantproportionofChinesemerchantsintheinternationaltradeappeartohaveconvertedtoIslam,improving,asitwere,theircreditrating.

TheMongol invasion of China and overthrow of the Sung only reinforcedthese trends. The Yuan dynasty was the only one of the four great MongolkhanateswhoserulersneverconvertedtoIslam.Nevertheless, thekhansofthe

early Yuan period, distrusting, as well they might have, the loyalty andcommitmentofthesullen,hyper-civilizedclassofChinesescholar-bureaucrats,broughtinnumerousforeignersofdiverseoriginsandreligionsandplacedthemin responsible, even powerful, positions of state. These men dependedcompletelyon theirMongolmasters toprotect themandpromote their careersand were expected to give unquestioning loyalty in return. The influence offoreigncadresreacheditspeakinthereignofKhubilaiKhan(1260–94),whenhundredsofMuslimsofCentralAsianorMiddleEasternorigin(nottomentionafewEuropeanadventurerssuchasNiccoloPoloandhissonMarco)heldjobsastax-collectors,financeofficers,craftsmen,andarchitects.

The Yuan “open door” policy on foreign recruitment, combined with theirenthusiastic promotion of pan-Eurasian trade, attractedMuslimmerchants intoChina’svast,largelyunexploitedmarketasneverbefore.TheycamenotonlytotheChinaSeaportsand thecitiesof thepopuloussouth,butalsoacross InnerAsiaandthroughthegatesoftheGreatWalltofoundsettlementsinthenortherntowns, including evenKorea.The largest communitieswere inQuanzhou andGuangzhou on the southern coast. These groups largely governed the internalaffairs of their own city quarters, and Muslim merchant associations, calledortakh, even took loans from theYuan government to capitalize their foreigntrade enterprises. Mosques, hospitals, khanqas, and bazaars rose up in theMuslimneighborhoodsofCh’üan-chouandCanton,andqadiswereappointedtoadjudicatetheSacredLawincivilandbusinessaffairs.17

FollowingKhubilai’sdeathin1294,theappointmentofforeignerstoofficialposts trailed off as the Yuan emperors lost touch with the stout ways of thesteppe, took up the habits of traditional Chinese potentates, and graduallybroughttheConfucianscholar-gentrybackintogovernment.TheSinicizationofthedynasty,whichwasespeciallypronouncedafter1328,doesnotseemtohavemuchaffectedMuslimtradingenterpriseinthecities,whichcontinuedtothriveuntilthecollapseoftheMongolregimein1368.Untilthattime,aMuslimmighttravel the main roads and canals of China, finding in the major towns littleclustersofco-believersalwayseagertoofferhospitalityandtohearnewsfromthe west. After 1368, however, the alien Muslim settlements along the southChinese coast shrank or disappeared, perhaps partly because local ChineseMuslimmerchantstookoverthiscommercialsector.

ThegrowthofMuslimcommercialsettlements inChinain theMongolAgewasmirrored in similar developments along the coasts ofSoutheastAsia.Thestrategic link in the trade between India andChinawas theStrait ofMalacca,connectingtheBayofBengalwiththeSouthChinaSea.LiketheMalabarcoast,

thestraitwasahingeinthemonsoonalsailingsystem.VesselscrossingtheBayofBengaleastboundon the summermonsooncouldnotnormally reachChinabeforetheopposingnortheastwindsetin.Thereforetheywouldwinterinaportalong the strait before continuing around theMalay Peninsula and across theSouth China Sea in April or May. Climatic reality encouraged India-basedmerchantstoselltheirgoodsinthestraittowns,thenreturndirectlytoMalabaronthewinterwind.Chinashippersfollowedthesameseasonalpatternoftravel,onlyinreverse.

BythethirteenthcenturylocalMalayrulersofthestrait,menwhopracticedHinduism or a combination of Hindu–Buddhist devotions, were avidlyencouragingMuslim traders to settle in theirportsowing to theobvious fiscaladvantages of tying themselves securely into the southern seas’ commercialnetwork.Whereversuchcommunitiessprouted, theirmembers felt impelled toorder their collective lives in accord with the demands of the shari’a to theextent the authorities permitted. Thus a call went out for the scribes, judges,Qur’anic teachers,mosque officials, craftsmen, and, since businesswas good,moremerchants.Intime,theMuslimpopulation,withitsuniversalistclaimsanditscosmopolitanconnections,becamelarge,rich,andprestigiousenoughtowinover members of the Malay elite and ultimately to impress, intimidate, ormanipulatetheprincelycourtintoofficialconversion.Thiseventinturnsetoffanew round of immigration from abroad, as enterprising, footloose menrespondedtowhatMarshalHodgsoncallsthe“drawingpower”ofnewMuslimcommunities.18

This process was only just beginning in Southeast Asia when Ibn Battutacamethrough.AMalayprince,ruleroftheportofSamudraonthenorthwesterncoastofSumatra,convertedtoIslamsometimeinthelatethirteenthcentury,andhis is the earliest Islamicized state in the region historians have been able todiscover.19 Elsewhere in the Eastern Archipelago, that is, in the countriesborderingtheJavaSeaandthe“spiceislands”furtherofftotheeast,Islamwasstill largelyunknowninthefirsthalfofthefourteenthcentury.Thesubsequentthreehundredyearswouldbethecrucialperiodofquiet,persistentconversion,ultimatelytransformingIndonesiaintoanoverwhelminglyMuslimcountry.

Fromtheeleventhcentury,whenthehighageofArabgeographicalwritinghadalmost run itscourse,downto theendof theIslamicMiddlePeriod, theRihlastands alone as an eyewitnessMuslim travel account of EasternAsia.Yet thestory of IbnBattuta’s journey toChinamust be told briefly and in a spirit ofuneasyskepticism.Ifwetakehiswordfortheitineraryhefollowed,insofaras

wecanmakesenseofit,thiswasthelongestmoreorlessuninterruptedtripofhiscareer, spanning somewherebetween11,000and12,000milesof travelbylandandsea.Yethisnarrativeof theentire tour from theMaldives toBengal,Sumatra,ChinaasfarnorthasBeijing,andbacktoMalabaroccupieslessthan6percent of theRihla text. And as both a descriptive account and a record ofpersonalexperienceofwhatallegestobeabold,arduousjourneyfarbeyondthefrontiers of the Dar al-Islam, it is the least satisfying and most problematicsectionoftheentirebook.

The itinerary is vague, possibly disordered, and sometimes baffling.Chronological information, except for what can be inferred here and there, isalmost altogether lacking. Descriptions of places, events, and things observedareoftenmuddledorpatentlyinaccurate.Thesortofprecisepersonalwitnessingthatlendscredibilitytosomuchofthenarrative,whilenotaltogetherlacking,issuspiciouslyspare.Thefuzzinessandobscurityofthestorystandsoutuneasilyagainsttherich,vivid,evenintrospectiveaccountsoftheyearsinIndiaandtheMaldives. Indeed, thedeficienciesof thispartof thebookgive the impressionthat Ibn Battuta remembered the details of his much earlier travels in Persia,Africa,orAnatoliabetter thanhedid theFarEastern trip,whichoccurred lessthanadecadebefore theRihlawascomposed.Moreover, anestimationof theprobable starting date of the journey (that is, his second departure from theMaldives)andhisownrecollectionof themonthwhenhereturned toMalabarsuggest thathemadetheentirejourneyfromtheMaldivestoPekinginthefarnorthofChinaandall thewaybacktoSouthIndiaagaininthespaceofabouttwenty months, including several leisurely rest stops. Since we can safelyeliminate thepossibilityofhis travelingbyjetplaneorspeedboat,suchapaceseems inconceivable, and if not that, then at least pointless. All of thesedifficulties have led some scholars to doubt that IbnBattuta really traveled toChinaor evenanywhere east ofCeylon, contending that thispart of theRihlamaybeafabricationandthedescriptiveinformationitcontainsbasedentirelyonhearsay.20

Noone,however,hasmadeacompletelyconvincingcasethatIbnBattutadidnotgotoEastAsia,atleastasfarastheportsofSouthChina.TheriddleofthejourneyprobablydefiessolutionsincetheRihla,wemustremindourselves,isawork of literature, a survey of theMuslimworld of the fourteenth century innarrativeform,notatraveldiarycomposedalongtheroad.WehavenowayofknowingthepreciserelationshipbetweenIbnBattuta’sreal lifeexperienceandtheaccountofitcontainedinthefragilemanuscriptsthathavecomedowntousfrom his time. Moreover, the narrative of the China trip is by no means a

collection of abstract reports or improbable tales. For all its sketchiness andambiguity, it is still a storyof countries and cities visited, events experienced,people talked to, and aspects of everyday life observed.And so, honoring IbnBattutawiththebenefitofthedoubt,wefollowhim,albeitwarily,toBengalandbeyond.

Insteadof sailingdirectly from theMaldives to theStraitofMalaccaonsomepepper ship out of Malabar, Ibn Battuta decided first to visit Bengal. Heprobably had no trouble finding a vessel to take him there since the islanderscarriedon regular tradewith that region, importingquantitiesof rice from theGangesDelta,paidforincowrieshells.21

LiketheDeccan,Bengalinthethirteenthandearlyfourteenthcenturieswasafrontier of Turkish arms and Persian-style Islamic culture emanating from theIndo–Gangeticplain.Butmuchunlikethecentralplateau,Bengalwasaheavilypopulated, water-soaked garden of immense fertility. In the early thirteenthcenturytheregionwasannexedtotheSultanateofDelhi.AsMuslimgovernorsandgarrisonsoccupiedtheimportantdeltatowns,immigrantsstreamedinfromthe northwest,makingBengal the eastward overland terminus for the class ofskilledand literate refugeesand theirdescendantswhohad introducedArabo–Persiancivilization to India.By IbnBattuta’s time,anumberofBengali citieshad madrasas and important Sufi lodges, and the conversion of Hindu orBuddhist peasant folk that would prove so successful in subsequent centurieswasalreadygettingunderway.

The sultans ofDelhi, however, found it exasperatingly difficult to hold themastery of their eastern frontier. Unlike the northern plains, Bengal wasextremelyunaccommodatingtotheoperationsofcavalry.Junglesandmountainsobstructed the routes in from the capital, and rivers were numerous andunfordable.Consequently,thelocalTurkishlords,whobuiltupriverinenaviestoensure their own purely regional power, repeatedly rebelled against Delhi.Muhammad Tughluq succeeded in placing governors over his delta provincesearly in his reign, but when the pretense of his vast subcontinental empirebecame exposed, Bengal was one of the first provinces to bolt. In 1338, theeastern half of the region broke away when Muhammad’s governor died,prompting an obscure Turkish officer named Fakhr al-Din Mubarak Shah toseizethemainchanceandproclaimakingdomofhisown.TwoyearslaterWestBengalsecededundersimilarcircumstances.

IbnBattuta seems to havewanted to visit the delta in the summer of 1345mainlytoseektheblessingofShahJalal.Hewasacelebratedholywarriorwho,

intheyearourtravelerwasborn,participatedintheMuslimtakeoverofSylhet,a town and district in the northeastern corner of the delta.22 Under normalcircumstances,IbnBattutawouldalsohavehadhimselfpresentedattheprincelycourt of Fakhr al-Din,whose capitalwas at Sonargaon, a city about halfwayalong the route from thecoast toSylhet. In this case,however,Fakhral-Din’sdissidencewastoorecentandhisownidentificationwithMuhammadTughluqtoo well known to make such an introduction advisable. Consequently, hedecidedtosteerclearofroyalinterviewsandmakeaquicktripuptoSylhetasanonymouslyaspossible.

He probably disembarked at the busy eastern port of Chittagong, a cityoverflowingwithagriculturalgoodstransportedbyrivercraftdownthroughthemazeofdeltachannelstothecoast.23HenotesintheRihlathatforeignerslikedtocallBengal“ahellcrammedwithgoodthings.”Thenoxious,humidvapoursexudedfromthedelta’smarshesandriverbanksmadeforanoppressiveclimate,butfoodwasabundantandremarkablycheap.Toprovehispoint,heevenoffersintheRihlaalistofpricesforrice,meat,fowl,sugar,oil,cotton,andslaves.Nottopassupabargainhimself,hepurchasedan“extremelybeautiful”slavegirlinChittagong.One of his comrades acquired a young boy for “a couple of golddinars.”

HetellsusnothingverylucidabouttheitineraryortimescheduleofhistripfromChittagongtoSylhet,butheverylikelytraveledbyboatnorthwardalongtheMeghna River valley, a lush, watery, rice-growing country leading to theAssamPlateau and theTibetanHimalayas beyond.24 He seems to have had apartyofcompanions,but theyaremorephantom-like thanever.Al-TuzariwasapparentlywithhimwhenhevisitedMa’bar,butheisnevermentionedafterthatandindeedwelearnparentheticallyinanearlierpartof theRihla that themandiedinIndia.25

Shah Jalal of Sylhet, whose tomb is still a local pilgrimage center, wasrenownedinmedievalIndiaforawesomemiracles,prognostications,andthefeatofdyingattheageof150.26Oneday,theRihlareports,theoldshaykh,whohadnopreviousknowledgeofIbnBattuta,toldhisdisciplesthatatravelerfromtheMaghribwasabouttoarriveandthattheyshouldgoouttomeethim.Thistheydid,interceptingthevisitortwodays’distancefromthekhanqah.ThestorygivesIbn Battuta a convenient entrée to remind his readers of his own singularaccomplishmentsasaglobetrotter:

WhenIvisitedhimherosetoreceivemeandembracedme.Heenquiredofmeaboutmycountryandjourneys,ofwhichIgavehimanaccount.Hesaid

tome, “Youare a traveler ofArabia.”Hisdiscipleswhowere thenpresentsaid,“Olord,heisalsoatravelerofthenon-Arabcountries.”“Travelerofthenon-Arab countries!” rejoined the shaykh, “Treat him, then, with favor.”Thereforetheytookmetothehospiceandentertainedmeforthreedays.

Returning southward along theMeghnaRiver past “waterwheels, gardens,and villages such as those along the banks of theNile in Egypt,” he reachedSonargaon (not far from modern Dacca), the capital of Sultan Fakr al-Din.Without dallying long or identifying himself at the royal residence, he boughtpassageonacommercialjunkdepartingdowntheriverandwentdirectlyontoSumatra.

TherouteofhisvoyagetotheStraitofMalacca,whichwouldprobablyhavetakenplaceinthefallorwinterof1345–46,isanannoyingpuzzlesincethispartof theRihla ismurky and possibly disarranged. The shipmade one stop at aplacehecallsBarahNagar,whichmayhavebeena small Indo–Chinese tribalstatealongthewesterncoastofBurma.27Theship’scompanypresentedgiftstothelocalchief(whoappeareddressedinagoatskinandridinganelephant),thendid a bit of trading and sailed away.A second stopwasmade at a port calledQaqula (Kakula, or Qaqulla), a lair of pirates. It may have been locatedsomewhere along the Tenasserim coast on the western side of the MalayPeninsula.28HereIbnBattutavisitedthewalledtown,acceptedthehospitalityoftheinfidelMalayrulerforthreedays,andhadthegrislytreatofwatchingoneoftheprince’ssubjectsdecapitatehimselfasashowofaffectionforhissovereign!

Map10:IbnBattuta’sItineraryinSoutheastAsiaandChina,1345–46

ContinuingsouthalongtheMalaycoastandintothemouthofthestrait,thejunkput in at theSumatranport ofSamudra, a transshipping town locatedonone of the rivers flowing down from the wild mountains of the northwesterninterior.29InapoliticalsenseSamudrawasthelastoutpostoftheDaral-Islam.Though other towns down along the Sumatran coast had thriving commercialsettlements, no sovereignMuslim states are known to have existed anywhereeastofSamudrabeforethemidfourteenthcentury.

Al-Malik al-Zahir Ahmad, the prince of the place and third in a line ofMuslimrulersextendingbacksomeyearsbefore1297,30warmlyentertainedIbnBattutaandhiscompanionsinhiswooden-walledtown,whichwasafewmiles

upriverfromtheportsettlement.Exceptforthemosque,theFridayprayerritual,theforeignMuslimsattendingatcourt,andthefactthatthesultanenjoyedlivelydiscussion on points of Islamic law with a small cadre of legal scholars, thepalaceofSamudra followedcustomand ritualnotmuchdifferent fromanyoftheHindu–BuddhiststatesofMalayaortheArchipelago.31Gettingintothespiritof things, IbnBattutaexchangedhisunder-breechesfora loincloth,andbeforeappearingatcourt,donnedarichsetofgarments in the local fashion.Hisfirstofficialhostwasarankingmilitaryofficer,whom,itturnedout,healreadyknew.Themanhad traveled toDelhi someyears earlieron adiplomaticmission forSamudra.Later, thenewcomerwaspresented toal-Malikal-Zahir,whoinvitedhimtositonhisleftatroyalmealsandpliedhimwithquestionsabouthistravelsandtheaffairsofDelhi.

IbnBattutarecallsthathespentonlytwoweeksinSamudra,butitmayhavebeen longer than that sincehedidnot leave forChinauntil aboutApril 1346,that is,when thesouthwestmonsoonstartedandshipsboundforQuanzhouorGuangzhounormallyleftthestrait.32Inanyevent,hedepartedinstyle.Al-Malikal-Zahirhonoredhislearnedguestbyoutfittingandprovisioningajunkforhimand even sending along one of his courtiers to provide good company atshipboardmeals.

ThenormalsailingtimefromSumatratotheSouthChinacoastwasabout40days,33 but Ibn Battuta remembers that the trip took something short of fourmonths.Heaccountsforthelongertimebydescribingtwostopsatportsalongthe way, possibly on the coasts of eastern Malaya, Champa, or Tonkin.Unfortunately, theRihla’s description of these places is somurky and, in thecaseofoneof them,ofsuchdoubtfulauthenticity that their locationremainsapuzzle.34

IbnBattuta arrived on the coast of China during the last peaceful years ofMongol rule. Signswere growing of the violent popular uprisings against theYuanthatwouldbegininafewyears,butin1346thecountrywasstillunifiedand prosperous.On the thronewas Toghon Temur.He had come to power in1333afteranunsettlingperiodofmurderoussuccessionfightswithintheroyalfamily. Turning his back on theMongolian steppe, he ruled in the style of atraditionalConfucianemperorandcultivatedreasonablyamiable relationswiththeChineseelite.

IbnBattutapraisesChinaasvastandbounteous,notingthequalityofitssilkandporcelain,theexcellenceofitsplumsandwatermelons,theenormoussizeofitschickens,andtheadvantagesofitspapermoney.Hesaysthat“Chinaisthesafestandmostagreeablecountryintheworldforthetraveler.Youcantravelall

alone across the land for nine months without fear, even if you are carryingmuchwealth.”35Ontheotherhand,headmitstoexperiencingtheworstcultureshockofhis traveling career, unable to acceptorunderstandmuchofwhathewitnessed, likeamemberofsomeAmericantourgroup,hoppingthroughAsiafromoneHiltonandair-conditionedbustoanother.

Chinawasbeautiful,butitdidnotpleaseme.Onthecontrary,Iwasgreatlytroubledthinkingaboutthewaypaganismdominatedthiscountry.WheneverIwentoutofmylodging,Isawmanyblameworthythings.Thatdisturbedmeso much that I stayed indoors most of the time and only went out whennecessary.Duringmystay inChina,whenever I sawanyMuslimsIalwaysfeltasthoughIweremeetingmyownfamilyandclosekinsmen.36

Through the cultural lens of a Maliki schoolman, he saw the Chinese asheathens,worseindeedthantheChristiansintheirignoranceoftheOneGodandevery single one of the prophets. More disturbing than that, the Confucianscholars were supremely confident that theMoroccan traveler’s own ideas ofGod and the universewere notworthy of serious discussion. Ifwe accept theassumptionthathedidinfactvisitChina,weshouldbetolerantofhisfailuretolearnmuchaboutChinesecultureor to reportmuchofwhathehad learned intheRihla.Itwas,afterall,abookaboutthetriumphantexpansionoftheDaral-Islam,notaboutcivilizationsstillbefoggedinidolatry.

Even his account of his own itinerary through China is vague, brief, anduncharacteristicallysuperficial.Althoughheclaims tohave traveledsomethingcloseto3,500miles,mostlyalongChina’sextensiveriverandcanalsystem,hementionsvisitingonlysixdifferentcitiesandwhathesaysaboutthemismostlyeitherconventionalorinaccurate.37Onlyhisencounterswithacquaintancesoldornewseemtoringtrue.AfterlandingatthegreatportcityofQuanzhouonthecoast of Fujian province, he had the good fortune, as he certainly hoped hewould, tomeetupwithoneof theChineseenvoyswhohadaccompaniedhimfromDelhi toCalicut andwhohadmade it back toChinaaheadofhim.ThisgentlemanwillinglyintroducedhimtotheYuanchiefofcustomsinQuanzhou,whoassignedhimacomfortablehouse.IbnBattutatoldthisofficialthathehadcometoChinaastheambassadorofthesultanofIndia,andalettertothiseffectwasdulysentofftotheemperorinBeijing.SinceMuhammadTughluq’sgiftstoToghonTemurwerelyingatthebottomoftheseaoffCalicut,onewondersjusthow Ibn Battuta, suddenly wandering in with none of the retinue oraccoutrementsofanofficialdiplomat,establishedhiscredibility.Inanycase,the

emperorwastodecidewhetherthemanshouldbetoldtoproceedtothecapital.In the meantime the visitor met theMuslim worthies of Ch’üan-chou and

evenran intoamannamedSharifal-Dinal-Tabrizi,oneof themerchantswhohad loanedhimmoneywhenhewas first settinghimselfup inDelhi.Healsomadeabrieftrip300milesdownthecoasttotheportofCanton(Guangzhou),wherehelodgedfortwoweekswithoneoftherichtraders.

SoonafterhereturnedtoQuanzhou,hereceivedwordthathewasindeedtogoontoBeijingastheguestoftheemperor.Herelatesthathetraveledbyriverboat,buthementionsonlytwoplacenamesbetweenQuanzhouandHangzhou(Khansa), cities almost 400miles apart as the crow flies. It would have beenlogical for him to travel northward along the canal system, but we can onlyguessattheroutehetook.HemadeonestopatacityhecallsQanjanfu,whichmay have been the port of Fuzhou.38Here he had the remarkable pleasure ofmeetingafellowMoroccan.Themanwasayoungscholarnamedal-BushriwhohadcomeoriginallyfromCeuta,acityonly40milesfromTangier.Hehadlefthome to travel to theeastern lands in thecompanyofanuncle. IbnBattuta infacthadalreadymadeaslightacquaintancewithhiminDelhi.

I had spoken of him to the sultan of India, who gave him three thousanddinarsand invitedhimtostayathiscourt,butherefused,ashewassetongoing to China, where he prospered exceedingly and acquired enormouswealth.He toldme thathehadabout fiftywhite slavesandasmanyslave-girls,andpresentedmewithtwoofeach,alongwithmanyothergifts.39

Al-BushriaccompaniedhiscompatriotforfourdaysoutofQanjanfu,thensenthimonhiswaynorthtoHangzhou.

FormercapitaloftheSouthernSungempire,Hangzhoumaywellhavebeenthelargestcityintheworldinthefourteenthcentury.40IbnBattutadeclaresthatit was indeed the biggest place he had ever seen and that its foreignMuslimpopulationwaslargeandthriving.HespeaksofresidingintheMuslimquarterwith a family ofEgyptian origin, then latermeeting theYuan governor in thepalaceandenjoyingbanquets, canal rides,andperformancesofmagic.Yethisdescription ofHang-chou is cursory, blurred, and defective, as though hehadbeentolditwasthegreatestcityonearthbutcouldnotconveyintheRihlaanyconcreteorconvincingimagesofwhatsuchaplacewaslike.41

He claims to have continued on from Hangzhou to Beijing (a distance ofabout 700 miles) by way of the Grand Canal, which the Mongol rulers hadextended as far as Beijing earlier in the century. This section of the Rihla,

however,issostrangeandsodeficientinhistoricalaccuracythatitseemshighlyunlikely he traveled anywhere north of Hangzhou, if that far, or that he evercompletedhischeckereddiplomaticmissiontoToghonTemur.42Indeed,hisowndatingclues leadus to infer thathisentire tourofChinawas jammed into thesummerandearlyautumnof1346.Unlessafullyearhasmysteriouslydroppedoutofthechronology,thejourneytoBeijingmustbeapocryphal.Howeverdeepinto China he actually went, he recounts that he returned to Quanzhou byretracinghis route throughHangzhouandQanjanfuand thathearrivedon thesouthcoasttofindajunkbelongingtotheSultanofSamudrareadytoembarkfortheStraitofMalacca.

Setting sail from the port on the first rushof the fallmonsoonof 1346, hewas, ifhedidnotquiteknow it at the time,onhiswayhomeagain.Withinalittle over three years he would be walking the steep streets of Tangier andtellinghiswondroustalesamongthelearnedmenofFez.

Notes

1.TheTravelsofMarcoPolo,trans.andwithanintroductionbyRonaldLatham(NewYork,1958),p.237.

2.HenryYule,CathayandtheWayThither,4vols.(London,1913–16),vol.3,p.232.3.S.Pathmanathan,TheKingdomofJaffna(Colombo,1978),p.235;MH,p.217n.4.WilliamGeiger,CultureofCeyloninMediaevalTimes(Wiesbaden,1960),pp.105–08.5.IBstatesthathevisitedaplaceheidentifiesasKunakar,capitalofthekingcalledKunwar.Hedoes

not say thathemet this ruler and indeed reveals that, about the timehepassed through, the lordsof therealmroseagainst themanandinstalledhissononthethroneinhisplace.MahdiHusain(MH,p.219n)identifiesKunakarwithKurunegala, butmore recent studies suggest itwas either the city ofRatnapura,which laysouthofAdam’sPeak,orGampola, theSinhalesecapital,whichwasmoreor lesson thewayfrom Puttalam to the mountain. C. W. Nicholas and S. Paranavitana, A Concise History of Ceylon(Colombo, 1961), p. 296; Pathmanathan,Kingdomof Jaffna, p. 240. IB’sKunwarwas probably not theSinhalesekingbutawell-knownchiefministerwhowasexercisingpowerintheruler’sname.NicholasandParanavitana,HistoryofCeylon,p.296;Pathmanathan,KingdomofJaffna,p.238.TheSinhalesestatehadbeen a large and powerful one in earlier medieval times, but by the fourteenth century it had declinedprecipitouslyandwouldbeinvadedbyJaffnaabout1359.

6.IBoffersnochronologicalinformationonhisjourneythroughCeylon.ByhisownreckoninghelefttheMaldives inAugust.MahdiHusain (MH,pp. lxviii–lxix)estimatesa stayon the islandofabout twomonths,whichseemsreasonable.

7.IBsaystheadmiralreportedthatnovoyagecouldbemadetotheislandsforthreemonths.Thismightbe taken to mean that the summer monsoon was in full strength, making the expedition risky from anavigational point of view. But unless our chronological scheme is hopelessly off track, IB arrived inMa’barinthefall,thatis,nearthestartofthenortheastmonsoonandthebesttimetosailfortheMaldives.

8.IB’sPattanhasnotbeenidentified,butYule(Cathay,vol.4,p.35)suggeststhatitstoodsomewhereonthePalkStraitleadingintotheBayofBengal.H.A.R.GibbsuggestsKaveripattanamorNegapatamintheKaveriRiverdelta.IbnBattuta:TravelsinAsiaandAfrica(London,1929),pp.365–66n.LargevesselsleavingthisportfortheMaldiveswouldhavehadtocircumnavigateCeylonowingtotheblockingreefsof

Adam’sBridge.9.IBgivesnoclueaboutthepathologyofthisepidemic,buthedoesnotlinkitspecificallytoplague,

whichhewitnessed later inSyria.Theassertionof somehistorians that theBlackDeathpassed throughIndia on its way to theMiddle East and Europe on the grounds that IBwitnessed it inMadurai is notjustified.MichaelW.Dols,TheBlackDeathintheMiddleEast(Princeton,N.J.,1977),p.377.10.G.R.Tibbetts,ArabNavigationintheIndianOceanbeforetheComingofthePortuguese(London,

1971),p.377.11.ShipswouldverylikelyhavebeenleavingtheMa’barcoastinDecemberforvoyagestoMalabarand

on to South Arabia. The West Coast of India Pilot, 11th edn. (London, 1975), p. 24; Tibbetts, ArabNavigation,p.375.Suchadeparturetimefitsinwellwithmysuggestedreconstructionofthechronology.12.TheBookofSerMarcoPolo,trans.anded.HenryYule,2vols.,3rdedn.,rev.HenriCordier(London,

1929),vol.2,p.389.13.Yule(Cathay,vol.4,p.35)identifiesthisplacewithPigeonIsland.14.AtseveralotherplacesintheRihlaIBreferstogiftsandsouvenirshelostinthisholdup,includinga

setoftombinscriptionshehadcopiedwhenhepassedthroughBukharainCentralAsia.15.IBstatesthathissonwasabouttwoyearsoldwhenhesawhimintheMaldives.Butiftheboywas

bornshortlyafterhisfatherlefttheislandsthefirsttime(inAugust1344),hewouldhavebeenlessthanayearoldatthetimeofthesecondvisit.Seenote16.Perhapsalapseofmemoryistheexplanationhere.16.Followingthemonsoonpattern,IBmusthaveleftCalicutnolater thanMay.Calicutharborwould

havebeenclosedinJuneandJuly,andifhewaiteduntiltheendofthesummertogototheMaldives,hewouldnothavefoundshipsatthatseasonsailingfromtheretoBengal.17.MorrisRossabi, “TheMuslims in theEarlyYuanDynasty” in JohnD.Langlois, Jr.,China under

MongolRule (Princeton, N.J., 1981), pp. 274–77; Howard D. Smith, “Zaitun’s Five Centuries of Sino-ForeignTrade,”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety,pts.3and4(1958):165–77.18.MarshallG.S.Hodgson,TheVentureofIslam,3vols.(Chicago,1974),vol.2,p.541.19.A.H.Hill,“TheComingofIslamtoNorthSumatra,”JournalofSoutheastAsianHistory4(1963):

6–21.20.ThemostadamantskepticisGabrielFerrand,Relationsdevoyagesettextesgéographiquesarabes,

persansetturksrelatifsàl’ExtrêmeOrientduVIIIauXVIIIsiècles,2vols.(Paris,1913–14).HefindsIB’sitinerarythroughSoutheastAsiaandChina“absurdorunrealizable”(vol.2,p.429)andconcludesthatIB“neverwenttoIndochinaandinventedthejourneyoutofwholecloth;orelseeitherIbnJuzayyorcopyistsofmanuscriptsofthenarrativemodifiedthetexttothepointwhereitisdevoidofanyexactitude”(vol.2,pp.432–33).Yule,whohadpublishedthemostdetailedannotationoftheChinatrip,acceptsIB’sveracityingeneralbutpointsoutnumerousflawsandpuzzles in thissectionof theRihla thatmust raisegenuinedoubts.Cathay,vol.4,pp.50–51andpassim.GibbbelievesIBwenttoChina,observingthattorejectitsveracity raisesmoreproblemswith the text thanotherwise.Travels inAsiaandAfrica, pp. 13–14.Morerecently, Peter Jackson has argued that IB’s sojourn in China is “highly suspect,” emphasizing Yule’sobservationsthat(1)themosqueIBclaimstohaveseenatGuangzhouin1346burneddownin1343andwasnotrebuiltuntil1349–51,and(2)hisaccountofpoliticaleventsinBeijingandNorthChinaduringhisvisit there in 1347 bears almost no resemblance to what we know from numerous other sources. “TheMongolsandIndia(1221–1351),”Ph.D.diss.,CambridgeUniversity,1977,p.221.21.TheVoyageofFrançoisPyrardofLavaltotheEastIndies,theMaldives,andMoluccasandBrazil,

trans.anded.AlbertGray,2vols.(London,n.d.[HakluytSociety];reprintedn.,NewYork,1963?),vol.1,pp.237–42;MH,p.201.22.N.K.Bhattasali,Coins and Chronology of the Early Independent Sultans of Bengal (Cambridge,

England,1922;reprintedn.,NewDelhi,1976),pp.150–54.23. IB identifies theplaceofhisdebarkationasSudkawan.Severalhistorianshave taken sideson the

issue of whether this toponym corresponds to Chittagong, today an important city in southeasternBangladesh, or Satgaon, a medieval commercial center in the western delta region north of modernCalcutta. The proponents of Chittagong are Muhammad Abdur Rahim, Social and Cultural History of

Bengal (Karachi,1963),pp.12–14;Bhattasali,CoinsandChronology,pp.145–49;Gibb,Travels inAsiaandAfrica,p.366n;MH,p.235n;andYule,Cathay,vol.4,p.82n.TheadvocatesofSatgaonareJadunathSarkar(ed.),TheHistoryofBengal,2vols.(Dacca,1948),vol.2,p.100;IbnBatutah’sAccountofBengal,trans.HarinathDe,anded.P.N.Ghosh(Calcutta,1978),app.I,pp.1–4;Ferrand,Relationsdevoyages,pp.434–35; andHenri Cordier, editor of 3rd edn. of Yule’sCathay, vol. 4, p. 82n.Without laying out theseveral semantic and geographical arguments advancedon both sides, I find the case forChittagong themoreconvincing,especiallyinthecontextofIB’ssubsequentmovementsthroughBengal.24. IB states that hewent to see Shah Jalal in themountains ofKamaru, that is, Kamrup inAssam.

Sylhet,however, ison theedgeof thedeltaregion justsouthof thehillsofAssam.IBdoesnotmentionSylhetbyname,butShahJalal isknown tohave resided there.Yule,Cathay,vol.4,pp.151–52.MahdiHusain(MH,p.237n)suggeststhatIBmadealongloopingtouruptheBrahmaputraRiverthroughcentralAssam,thensouthwardtoSylhet.ButthereisnothinginIB’saccountofhispersonalexperiencesindicatinghewentanyfurthernorththanSylhet.25.Inconnectionwithhisbefriendingal-TuzariinCairo,IBstatesthattheman“continuedtoaccompany

me formany years, until we quitted the land of India, when he died at Sandabur.” Gb, vol. 2, p. 415.However, IB says nothing of al-Tuzari in the account of his experiences at Sandapur, and themanwasapparentlystill inhissuite later inMa’bar. It isconceivable that IBmadeasubsequentvisit toSandapurthathenevermentionsintheRihlaandleftal-Tuzarithere;orelseal-TuzariwentthereonhisownwhenIBleftIndiaonhiswaytoChina.26.IBcallsthemanhevisitedShaykhJalalal-Dinal-Tabrizi,butheappearstohaveconfusedthesaint

ofthisname,adivineoftheSuhrawardiorderwhodiedabout1225,withShahJalal,theMuslimconquerorofSylhet.AbdulKarim,SocialHistoryoftheMuslimsofBengal(Dacca,1959),pp.91–101;AbdurRahim,SocialandCulturalHistoryofBengal, pp.85–103;Bhattasali,CoinsandChronology, pp. 149–54.ThismistakemightraisequestionsabouttheauthenticityofIB’sjourneyintotheinteriorofBengal,exceptthatBengalisthemselvescommonlyconfusethesetwoholymenandevenuse“ShahJalal”asagenerictermforanypowerfulsaint.PersonalcommunicationfromRichardEaton,UniversityofArizona.27.G.R.Tibbetts,AStudyoftheArabicTextsContainingMaterialonSouthEastAsia(Leiden,1979),p.

97;Yule,Cathay,vol.4,pp.93–94n.28.TheidentificationofOaqulaisapuzzle.IBplaceshisvisit thereafterhisstopoverinSumatraand

identifies the place withMul-Java, which in some Arabic texts means the island of Java. None of theprincipalcommentators,however,areconvincedthatIBactuallyvisitedJava.Cordier(Yule,Cathay,vol.4,p.157n)believesQaqula tobe locatedontheeastcoastof theMalayPeninsula, that is,alongIB’sroutefrom the Strait of Malacca to China. Tibbetts (Arabic Texts, pp. 97–98) makes an interesting case forplacingQaqulaonthewestern,orTenasserim,coastofMalaya.HesuggeststhatthedescriptionofitmaybedisplacedintheRihlaandthatIBprobablystoppedthereonhiswayfromBurmatoSamudra(northwestSumatra).29.IBcallstheislandofSumatra“Java,”whichwascommonmedievalusage.MarcoPolocallsSumatra

“JavatheLess.”PaulPelliot,NotesonMarcoPolo,2vols.(reprintedn,Paris,1959–63),vol.2,pp.757–58;Yule,Cathay,pp.94–95.Thecommercialcenter,knownasSamudra,whoseexactmedievalsiteisnotcertain, later gave its name to the entire island. Kenneth R. Hall, “Trade and Statecraft in theWesternArchipelago at theDawn of the EuropeanAge,” Journal of theMalaysian Branch of the Royal AsiaticSociety54(1981):30–31;Hill,“NorthSumatra,”pp.7–12.30.Hill,“NorthSumatra,”pp.13–15.31.KennethR.Hall,“TheComingofIslamtotheArchipelago:ARe-Assessment”inKarlL.Hutterer

(ed.),EconomicExchangeandSocialInteractioninSoutheastAsia(AnnArbor,Mich.,1977),p.226.32. IB implies in the Rihla that he left at the start of the southwest monsoon, as Défrémery and

Sanguinetti(D&S,vol.4,p.239)noteparenthetically.33.TeobaldoFilesi,ChinaandAfricaintheMiddleAges,trans.D.L.Morisen(London,1972),p.15.34.OneofthestopsmentionedisQaqula.Seenote28.TheotherisaportcalledKaylukari(Cailoucary)

inthecountryofTawalisi.IB’sdescriptionofhisvisittothefemalegovernorofthecity(anddaughteroftheking)readsasthoughitwereapasticheoflegends,misplacedanecdotes,andgarbledgeography.The

peopleof this realm look likeTurks, IBsays,and theking is theequalof theemperorofChina,againstwhom he conducts successful naval campaigns. The governor–princess, who happens to have the samenameasoneofthewivesofOzbeg,KhanofKipchak,speaksTurkish,writesArabiccharactersskillfully,butisnotaMuslim!Shealsocommandsaforceoffemalemountedarchers!Yule(Cathay,vol.4,pp.157–60) develops a lengthy, unconvincing argument to suggest that Tawalisi is a kingdom in the SuluArchipelago,themostsoutherlyislandgroupofthePhilippines.DéfrémeryandSanguinetti(D&S,vol.4,p.248)put forwardTonkinor theCelebeswithoutexplanation.YamamatoTatsuroargues forChampa, i.e.,southeasternIndochina.“TawalisiDescribedbyIbnBattuta,”MemoirsoftheResearchDepartmentoftheToyoBunko,no.8(1936),pp.93–133.Tibbetts (ArabicTexts,p.98)favorsIndochina.Assumingthat IBtraveled the normal route from the Strait of Malacca to South China and did not visit Java, thenintermediarystopsalongtheMalayanorIndochinesecoastwouldnothavebeenoutof theordinary.Thedescription of Tawalisi, however, does seem embellished with information pulled from other contexts.Legendsandtalesaboutamysterious“kingdomofwomen”or“islandofwomen”appearinArabic,aswellasEuropeanandChinese,medievalliterature.Pelliot,NotesonMarcoPolo,vol.2,pp.671–725.35.D&S,vol.4,p.267.36.D&S,vol.4,pp.282–83.37. Because of the language barrier, IB would certainly have had difficulty remembering, or even

recordinginnotes,numerousChineseplacenames.WhenheandIbnJuzayycomposedtheRihla,wemaysupposetheyhadathandalibraryofstandardArabgeographicalandtravelworksandusedthemtohelpIBrefresh his memory about particular places, including the spelling of toponyms. Such reference works,however,hadlittletosayaboutChina,obliginghimtorelyonhisownrecollectionsornotes(iftherewereany)whenmentioningstrangeChineseplacenamestohiscollaborator.38.Gibb(TravelsinAsiaandAfrica,p.371n)makesatentativecaseforQanjanfubeingFuzhou.Yule

(Cathy,vol.4,pp.126–27n)argues that theplacemaybe identifiedwithKienCh’angFu in the interiorprovinceofJiangxi.But,asGibbpointsout,aroutefromQuanzhoutoHangzhoubywayofJiangxiwouldhavebeenroundaboutandveryunlikely.39.Gibb,TravelsinAsiaandAfrica,p.292.Gibbnotes(p.14)thatIBwouldneverhavetoldofsuchan

encounterifhehadnotreallytraveledtoChina,sincethecitizensofCeutamightwellhaveconfirmedthestorythroughthefamilyofal-Bushriatsomelatertime.AlsoseeChapter13onIB’smeetingal-Bushri’sbrotherinsouthernMoroccoin1353.40. JacquesGernet,Daily Life inChina on the Eve of theMongol Invasion 1250–1276, trans.H.M.

Wright(Stanford,Calif.,1970),pp.27–31.41.Yule(Cathay,vol.4,p.130)notesthat“thereareseveralveryquestionablestatementsinIbnBatuta’s

accountofthegreatcity.”42.Asidefromsomedescriptiveincongruities,IB’saccountofhisvisittoBeijingismadebarelycredible

by his assertion that he witnessed the funeral of the Yuan emperor, who, he says, had died in battleattemptingtoquellarevoltledbyarivalmemberoftheroyalhouse.Thereisnodoubtatall,however,thatToghon Temur reigned straight through from 1333 to 1368. Yule (Cathay, vol. 4, p. 142) can find no“indicationofanycircumstanceoccurringabout this time thatcouldhavemade thefoundationofsuchastory,”thoughIB’sdescriptionofMongolfunerealritualisgenerallyaccurate(p.143).Jackson(“MongolsandIndia”,p.221)thinksthestorymaybe“averygarbledversion”ofasuccessionconflictthathadtakenplaceinChinain1328–29,whenIBwasfarawayinArabiaandAfrica.

12Home

Civilization both in theEast and theWestwas visited by a destructiveplague which devastated nations and caused populations to vanish. Itswallowed upmany of the good things of civilization andwiped themout. . .Civilizationdecreasedwiththedecreaseofmankind.Citiesandbuildings were laid waste, roads and way signs were obliterated,settlementsandmansionsbecameempty,dynastiesandtribesgrewweak.Theentireinhabitedworldchanged.1

IbnKhaldun

SometimeinRamadan747A.H.(December1346orJanuary1347)IbnBattutaarrived back inQuilon on the southMalabar coast.He had sailed all thewaythroughfromQuanzhoutoIndiaonasinglewinter’smonsoon,changingshipsatSamudraintheMalaccaStraitandmakingareturnvisitofafewweekstothecourtofSultanal-Malikal-Zahir.OnceinQuilonhelodgedwiththeqadiuntiltheBreakingoftheFast,thentraveledonupthecoasttoCalicut.2

Herehehadanotherargumentwithhimselfovertheadvisabilityofreturningto North India, throwing himself on the mercy of Muhammad Tughluq, andperhapsrecoveringhisjudicialsinecure.Suchaplanmightbebrashenoughtowork in the short run.Yet quite apart from the possibility that his appearancebefore theroyalPersonwouldbeswiftly followedbyhisexecution,anyone inMalabar could have warned him that the Tughluq empire was in a moreadvanced state of deterioration thanwhen he had left India and that Delhi in1346washardlyanauspiciousplace torebuildacareer inpublicservice.Andso, repudiating once and for all the attractions of that extraordinary city, hedecided not to travel north. (Muhammad Tughluq had in fact left Delhi theprevious year on one of his frantic campaigns. He would never return again,perishing of an illness on the banks of the Indus in 1351 while obsessivelychasingdownhislastrebel.Hissuccessor,FiruzTughluq,wouldinheritonlya

modest North Indian state and be obliged to share the subcontinent with apatchworkofupstartMuslimandHindukingdoms.)

Map11:IbnBattuta’sReturnItineraryfromChinatoNorthAfrica,1346–49

WhenIbnBattutahadfirstangeredMuhammadTughluqback in1340overtheShihabal-Dinaffair,hehadthoughtthenofmakingthehajjagain,ifonlyasa credible excuse for getting out of the sultanate.Now, in the absence of anyfurtherprospectsforacareerinIndia,Meccaseemedmorethaneverasensibledestination.

TheseasonforwestboundvoyagesfromMalabarwascomingtoanend,buthemanagedtosecurepassageonashipembarkingforZafar(Dhofar),theSouthArabianporthehadvisited18yearsearlier inconnectionwithhis trip toEastAfrica.HehasnothingtosayabouthisspringvoyageacrosstheopenexpanseoftheArabianSeaexceptthatthetriptookanormal28daysandthathereachedZafarinMuharram748,thatis,sometimeafter13April1347.Possiblybecausethenexthajj seasonwasalmostayearawayorbecausehewouldhavehad towait in tedious Zafar until September to get a westbound ship to Aden, hedecided tomake a grand looping tour through Persia, Iraq, Syria, and Egypt,

violatingonceagainhisquixoticoathnevertotravelbythesameroadtwice.FromZafarhesailedonacoastingvessel thatwasrunningbefore theearly

summermonsoonuptotheGulfofOmanandtheStraitofHurmuz.ArrivedatHurmuzcity,hefoundtheelderlyArabrulerofthatgreatemporiumlockedinanaval war with two of his nephews for control of the family domain, whichincludedall thekeyportsof thestrait.The fightinghadseverelydisrupted theIndiatrade,andthecountrywasgrippedbyfamine.IbnBattutastayedthereforabout twoweeksbuthadonlyonebriefmeetingwith theoldsultan,whowaspreoccupiedfittingouthiswargalleys.3

The political and economic troubles IbnBattuta found at themouth of thePersian Gulf were echoes of the violent disintegration of the Ilkhanid state,whichhadoccurredtwelveyearsearlierwhenhewasjustbeginninghiscareerinDelhi.For three-quarters of a century the successorsof theMongol conquerorHulegu had held greater Persia precariously together, but the finances of theIlkhanate rested on an agricultural and urban recovery that was too limp toensurefirm,confidentcentralruleoverthelongterm.WhentheyoungkingAbuSa’id died suddenly in 1335 while on campaign in the Caucasus against theGoldenHorde,he leftagovernmentdebilitatedbychronic frontierwarsandathrone with no obvious successor groomed to mount it. On the instant, anomnivorous mix of Mongol and Turkish commanders leapt into the politicalvoid,violentlychallengingoneanotherforcontroloftheland.BythetimeIbnBattuta returned to the region, the great kingdom had been superseded by acluster of states, ruledbyparvenumilitarydynasties.Thus theKhanate of theIlkhanswasthefirstofthefourTatarempirestorunitscourse,heraldingthelastdaysoftheMongolAge.

Apparently having little urge to discover what any of these petty regimesmightofferhim,IbnBattutahurriedthroughPersia,makinghisonlyimportantstopover at Shiraz. Traveling north to Isfahan, thenwestward over theZagrosMountainpasses toBasra,heretracedhis journeyof1327upthevalleyof theEuphrates. In January 1348 (Shawwal 748) hemade a brief stop inBaghdad.Fromtherehecontinuedalongthevalleybeyond’Anah,thencrossedtheSyriandesert on the camel route through Palmyra (Tadmor). He reached Damascus,secondcapitaloftheMamlukSultanate,sometimeinthelatewinterof1348.

ThefirsttimehehadvisitedDamascusin1326,hehadmarriedawomanofMoroccanorigin.ButhedivorcedherwhenhesetoutforMecca,terminatingaunionthatlastedhardlymorethanafewweeks.MuchlaterinIndiahelearnedthat after the separation the woman had given birth to a son. Feeling someresponsibilityfortheboy,ifnotforthemother,hehadsenthisex-wife’sfather,

who lived not in Syria but inMorocco, a gift of 40 gold dinars, presumablythrough the good offices of awestboundmerchant.Now arrived inDamascusagain,hesoonlearnedthatthesonhehadneverseenhaddiedabout1336attheageoften.

Moreunhappynewsfollowed.AMoroccanjuristwhowasaffiliatedwithoneof the Damascene colleges informed him that his father had passed away inTangiersome15yearsearlier.Hismother,asfarasthemanknew,wasstillaliveandwell.

After resting in Damascus for several weeks, he decided about the end ofMarchtomakeatripuptoAleppo(Haleb),thesecondrankingcityofindustryandcommerce inSyriaand theseatofMamlukadministrationon thenorthernfrontier.This journeywas tobeoneof his leisurelydiversions, an itinerary tooccupyafewmonthsbeforeitwastimetotraveltowardMecca.Yetevenasherodenorth,thecatastropheofthefourteenthcenturydescendedonSyriabehindhim.4WhileIbnBattutawasenjoyingthecompanyofthe’ulamaofAleppoinJune 1348, travelers reaching the city from the south reported that a virulentdiseasehadbeenragingatGazaon theEgyptian frontierand thatmore thanathousand people had been dying from it every day. Buboes, or inflamedswellings, appeared in the groin, armpits, or neck of the afflicted, and thisirruptionwas typicallyaccompaniedbynausea,pain in thehead,stomach,andlimbs, insomnia, and delirium. If a victim began to spit blood and experiencepneumonicsymptoms,heusuallydiedwithinhours.

AmidrumorsofthislethaldarknessadvancingintoSyria,IbnBattutadecidedto return south. He got as far as the town of Horns when he suddenly foundhimself engulfed in the epidemic, 300 people dying the day he arrived there.Continuing on toDamacus, he reached the great oasis in July to find that theplaguehadalreadystruck.Thedeathtollhadrisento2,000aday,thepopulationwasreelinginshock,andthemundaneroutinesofthecityhadcometoahalt.

Thepeoplefastedforthreesuccessivedays,thelastofwhichwasaThursday.Attheendofthisperiodtheamirs,sharifs,qadis,doctorsoftheLaw,andallother classes of the people in their several degrees, assembled in the greatmosque, until it was filled to overflowing with them, and spent Thursdaynightthereinprayersandliturgiesandsupplications.Then,afterperformingthedawnprayer . . ., theyallwentout togetheronfootcarryingQur’ans intheir hands – the amirs too barefooted. The entire population of the cityjoined in the exodus,male and female, small and large, the Jewswent outwiththeirbookofthelawandtheChristianswiththeirGospel,theirwomen

and childrenwith them; thewhole concourse of them in tears and humblesupplications, imploring the favor of God through His Books and HisProphets.5

AtthesametimethatIbnBattutahadbeensailingwestwardfromChinatohisexpectant reunionwith the Islamic heartland, so theBlackDeath, the greatestpandemicdisastersincethesixthcentury,wasmakingitsterriblewayacrosstheCentralAsian grasslands to the shores of theBlack Sea. Plaguewas endemicamongground-burrowing rodent populationsof the InnerAsian steppe. Itwastransmitted from animals to humans by the bite of a common species of flea.Hatchingandlivinginthefurofplague-afflictedrats,infectedfleasfoundtheirwaytosacksofgrainandotherfoodstuffsortoclothing.TheplagueappearstohavestartedamongpastoralfolkofEastCentralAsia,spreadingoutwardfromthere along the trade routes both southwest and west, beginning about 1331.Lurkingamongthemerchandiseincommercialwagontrainsor thestoreroomsofcaravansaries,fleascarriedthebacillusYersiniapestis to thebloodstreamofhumans.Thebubonictypeofplague,whichproducedbuboesonthebody,couldbe spread only by infected fleas and their rodent hosts. However, pneumonicplague, the deadlier form of the disease, was transmitted directly from onehumantoanother.Asthepestilencebrokeoutinoneoasisorkhanafteranother,survivorshurriedontothenextplacealongthetrail,therebyunwittinglycarryingthediseasethroughoutthecommercialnetworkofthesteppe.ThesameMongollaw and order that made possible a century of intense human interchangebetweenChinaandtheAtlanticcoastnowquickenedtheprogressoftheplaguebacillusacrossEurasia.TheBlackDeathwasthegrimlyironicpricetheworldpaidforthetrans-hemisphericunityofthePaxMongolica.

InChina,wherefrontierfortificationswerenodefensewhatsoeveragainsttheadvanceof the invader,majoroutbreaksofplagueoccurred in1353and1354,producingmassivemortalityandeconomicdisruptionandprobablycontributingto the collapse of the Yuan dynasty 14 years later. In the west the diseaseadvanced through the KipchakKhanate to the Black Sea, where it struck theGenoesecolonyatKaffa in1346.FromthereItalianshipscarriedinfectedratsand fleas amongst cargoes of grain, timber, and furs southward toConstantinople, then on to Venice and Genoa. The epidemic appeared aboutsimultaneously in Sicily and Egypt in the autumn of 1347. The Egyptianhistorian al-Maqrizi tells the ghastly tale of a trading ship, probably from theBlackSea,arrivingonedayinAlexandriaharbor.Outofatotalcompanyof332,allbut40sailors,4merchants,and1slavehadsuccumbedtotheplagueatsea.

Andallwhohadsurvivedthevoyagepresentlydiedintheport.6

In thecalamitousyearof1348shipsofdeathcoursedwestward throughouttheMediterraneanbasin, inflicting their grim ladingononeport after another.From the ports,mule trains and camel caravans transmitted the disease to theinterior regions of Europe, northern Africa, and the Middle East. Paris andBordeaux,BarcelonaandValencia,TunisandCairo,DamascusandAleppoallsuffered massive plague mortality in the spring and summer of 1348. By thefollowingyearthecontagionwasmovingupthevalleyoftheNileandcrossingthe English Channel to the British Isles. By the end of 1350, when the firstassaultof thediseasewasplaying itselfout,Europemayhave lostasmuchasone-third of its population.Mortality rates in the Islamic landswere probablycomparable.Cairo’spre-plaguepopulationofperhapshalf amillionmayhavebeen reduced by 200,000. The population of Damascusmay have diminishedfrom80,000tolessthan50,000.7

TheBlackDeathstruckthecitiesandtownsofIslamwiththesuddennessandsurprise of a Mongol attack. The usual patterns of quotidian life wereabandoned,andcommunitiesgavethemselvestoprayersofsupplicationandtothe overwhelming task of washing, shrouding, and burying the proliferatingdead.Funeralprocessionsmovedthroughthestreetsinanever-endingparadeofgrief. Stocks of burial garments ran out, and gravediggers who managed tosurvivecommandedexorbitantfeesfortheirwork.Mosquesclosedwhenalltheofficialsandcaretakersdied.Manywhofledtheplagueinvainhopeofevadingitfelldeadalongtheroadwiththeirhorsesandcamels.Ascholarwitnessingthescene inEgyptwrites of “thesedeadwhoare laidout on thehighway like anambushforothers.”8

BothMuslimsandChristiansstruggledtofitthisunprecedenteddisasterintoaframeworkofspiritualmeaning.Christiandoctrineinvitedtheconclusionthatthe sins ofmankind had accumulated to the point where Godwas obliged toteachhiscreationalessonitwouldneverforget.Amidthehorrorsoftheplague,manybelievedthislessonwastobethefinalone,theendoftheworld.Amoodof impending apocalypse seized Europe, producing obsessive preoccupationwith images of death, furious self-flagellatingmovements to expiate sins, andmassacres of Jews, the traditional target of hostility and fear. In Islam, bycontrast,nodoctrineoforiginalsinpervadedtheology.Alleventsaffectingthecommunity of believers were to be understood as the continuing revealing ofGod’swill.Despite social trauma in themidst of the plague,MuslimsmostlyaccepteditasamanifestationofGod’sunknowableplanforHiscreation.MasspublicsupplicationstoGodtolift thescourgeprobablyoccurredinmostcities

and towns of the Middle East, but expiation crusades, messianism, orpersecutionofminoritieswerenotinevidence.

Neither Muslims nor Christians in that age had the faintest notion of themedical pathology of the disease, which was not discovered until the latenineteenth century. In both Europe and the Islamic world the epidemic wasgenerallyattributedtoamiasma,thatis,acorruptionoftheair.Someauthoritieslinked it to a polluted wind, a mysterious “impoisoned blast” blowing out ofCentral Asia or from the open sea.9 Prophylactic advice abounded. Muslimswererecommendedtoliveinfreshair,sprinkleone’shousewithrosewaterandvinegar,sitasmotionlessaspossible,andeatplentyofpickledonionsandfreshfruit. Those who fell victim to the disease were advised to have their blooddrawn,applyeggyolktotheplaguebuboes,wearmagicalamulets,orhavetheirsick bed strewnwith fresh flowers. Above all, God’s creatureswere urged tospendtheirnightsinthemosqueandbegdivinemercy.

IbnBattuta saysnothingofanypersonalmeasureshemayhave taken tokeepfromfallingill,butheleftDamascussometimeafterJuly1348ingoodhealth,evenasthepestilenceragedaroundhim.HedoesnotseemtohavetakentotheroadtoescapetheplaguebutonlytocontinueonhiswaytoMeccabywayofEgypt,wherethesicknesswasasbadasitwasinSyria,ifnotworse.Travelingsouthward into Palestine through one depopulated village after another, theirwaterwheelsidleandtheirfieldsabandoned,hearrivedatJerusalemtofindthatthecontagionhadabatedthere.Infact,thepreacherofthegrandmosqueinvitedhimtoafeastinfulfillmentofanoathtogivespecialthankstoGodassoonasadaypassedonwhichnooneperished.

JoiningupwithtwogentlemenofNorthAfricanorigin,IbnBattutacontinuedonintheircompanythroughJudaeatoGaza,whichhefoundmostlydesertedinthewakeoftheDeath.IndeedthepopulationoftheentireNileDeltaregionwasdeclining drastically in the fall months of 1348, when the plague was at itsworst.10ThetravelerspassedthroughAlexandria,wheretheepidemicmayhavefirstenteredEgyptinthefallof1347,tolearnthattherethedailymortalityratewasfinallysubsiding.

In Cairo, however, the toll was still rising. Urban land and property werebeing abandonedprecipitately, commerce and industrybecameparalyzed, and,inthewordsofonechronicler,“thedeathshadincreaseduntilithademptiedthestreets.”11TheMamlukSultanal-Hasan fled fromCairo to a countryestate inSeptember and stayed away from his capital for three months.12 The royalofficercorps,livinginclosequartersintheCitadelandrefusingtoleaveCairo

forfearoflosingtheirpowerandranktorivalMamluks,sustainedsuchahighrateofdie-offthatthearmyandadministrationofthesultanatefellintoastateofdisorderanddiminishedcapacitylastingseveraldecades.13

IbnBattutaprobablystayedintheravagedcitynomorethanafewdays,thencontinuedonup theNile.Now,happily,hemovedaheadof theplague,whichdidnot strikeUpperEgyptuntilaboutFebruary1349.14Crossing theRedSeafrom’AydhabtoJiddaashehaddoneinthereversedirection18yearsearlier,heperformed theceremonyof the tawafaround theHolyKa’baon16November1348 (22 Sha’ban 749), praising God that he had so far been spared. HeremainedinMeccaformorethanfourmonthsastheguestoftheMalikiimam,awaiting the hajj of 749. He relates nothing about plague in the city, thoughotherhistorical sources report that it raged thereduring thepilgrimageseason,introducedbythecaravansfromEgyptorSyria.15

Since returning from India, IbnBattuta’swishhadbeen to standbefore theHolyHouseonemoretime.Nowthathehaddoneit,hemayhavehadnofurtherplansinparticular.Forthetimebeingatleast,hedecidedtogobacktoCairo(bya route through Medina, Jerusalem, and the Sinai). The Mamluk capital washardly thecityhehadknownin1326.Asidefromtheruinandwastageof theplague(whichabatedonlyafterJanuary1349),thequalityofleadershipovertheMamlukstatehadbadlydeterioratedsincethedeathofal-NasirMuhammadibnQala’unin1341.Over theensuingdecade thatgreatbuilderwassucceededbyfourdifferentsonsandgrandsons,allofwhomwerelusterlessorinfantilepawnsofonequarrelingmilitaryfactionoranother.

PerhapsthebleaksceneinCairoquickenedthejourneyer’sresolvetoreturnatlasttohisnativeland.Hewas45yearsold,hehadbeenabroadfor24years,and,sofarasheknew,hisagedmotherwasaliveandstilllivinginTangier.Inhis absence Fez, the capital of the Marinid dynasty, had blossomed into thepremiercityofMalikireligiousandlegalstudiesinwesternIslam.AsaformerqadioftheSultanateofDelhi,heshould,ifhewished,havenotroublesecuringagovernmentposteitherinFezorsomeotherMoroccantown.And,ironicallyenough,MoroccowasoneofthefewcornersoftheIslamicworldhehadnotyetexplored. In the end, however, sentiment and nothing elsemay have impelledhimtoheadforthatbeautifullandoftheFarWest:“Iwasmoved[togoback]bymemoriesofmyhomeland,affectionformyfamilyanddearfriends,whodrewmetowardmyland,which,inmyopinion,wasbetterthananyothercountry.”16

LeavingEgypt for the last timeonasmallvesselbelonging toamariner fromTunis, IbnBattuta sailed along theCyrenaican andTripolitanian coasts to the

portofGabès(Kabis)onthesouthIfriqiyanmainlandwherehepassedthefeastoftheProphet’sbirthdayon31May1349(12Rabi’I750)inthecompanyofthelocal notables. Continuing up the coast by sea, he joined a party of bedouintravelingoverland toTunis,acity thenunder thecommandof theAmirof theMuslimsandDefenderoftheFaithAbul’Hasan,SultanofMorocco.

A quarter of a century earlier Ibn Battuta had traveled across the EasternMaghrib inconditionsofmilitary turmoil.Nowitmighthaveappeared tohimthatlittlehadchanged.TheArabtribesoftheIfriqiyanplainswereupinarms,andTunis layundersiege.Yet thepatternofNorthAfricanpowerpoliticshadaltered drastically in his absence.By going abroad for so long he hadmissedmostofthereignofAbul’Hasan(1331–51),themostillustriousoftheMarinidkings.CalledtheBlackSultanbecauseofthedarkvisageheinheritedfromhisEthiopian slave mother, Abu l’Hasan was more than any of his predecessorsimpassioned by the oldAlmohad vision of a vast Islamic state embracing theentirewesternMediterraneanbasin.In1333herecapturedGibraltarfromKingAlfonso XI of Castile and during the ensuing four years seized most of theimportant towns of the ’Abd al-Wadid kingdom of the central Maghrib,includingTlemcen,thecapital.In1340hesent44wargalleysintotheStraitofGibraltartoinflictacalamitousdefeatontheCastilianfleet.Sixmonthslaterhelaunched an invasion of Spain in alliancewith theSultanate ofGranada.Thistime, however, a combined army of heavily armored knights from Castile,Aragon,andPortugalroutedhisforcesneartheRioSalado.

TheBattleofRioSaladoendedonceandforallanyseriousMuslimhopesofreversing the Christian reconquista. Indeed, Abu l’Hasan may have been sofearfulthattheSpanishcrusadewouldnowadvanceonAfricathatheredoubledhis efforts to bring the entire Maghrib and its resources in commerce andmanpowerunderhiscontrol.TakingadvantageofasuccessioncrisiswithintherulingHafsidfamily,heinvadedIfriqiyabylandandseainSeptember1347anddrovetheHasfidsfromTunis.

TheMarinid seizure ofTuniswas a remarkable feat ofmilitary leadership.YetAbul’Hasan’sarmywasnowoperatingalmost900milesfromFez,andtheIfriqiyanpopulationremainedimplacablyhostiletohisoccupation.Inthespringof1348heventuredtofirmuphisauthorityovertheplainssouthofthecapital,butanallianceofbedouintribesmethisforcesnearKairouanandbeatthemsobadlythathewasforcedtoretreattoTunisbyseainutterhumiliation.Asifhishuman detractors were not troublesome enough, his Ifriqiyan campaigncoincidedwith the arrival of the BlackDeath. According to the historian IbnKhaldun,theplaguesodebilitatedhisarmyinthefieldthatit“settledtheaffair”

attheBattleofKairouan.17WhenhefellbackonTunis,hefoundthecontagionravaging the city and killing off his courtiers and officials. Abu ’Inan, thesultan’s son andgovernor of the centralMaghrib, heard reports that his fatherhaddiedatKairouan.FearingrebellioninMorocco,hehadhimselfproclaimedsultanatTlemceninJune1348andquicklymarchedonFez.

WhenIbnBattutaarrivedinTunis justoneyear later, theMariniddreamofMediterraneanempirewasforthetimebeingdead.Abul’Hasanwasstillthere,butbottledupwithintheHafsidpalaceanddoingnothingtorepel thebedouinforceswhichcommandedthecountrysidebeyondthecitywalls.AlargenumberofMoroccan scholars had accompanied the sultan to Ifriqiya, and IbnBattutafoundlodgingwithoneofthem,apparentlyacousinofhis.Hehadatleasttwoaudienceswithhishaplesssovereign,givinghimtheusualinformationaboutthecountrieshehadvisited.

IbnBattutastayedinTunisforaboutamonth,thendecidedtocontinueontoMoroccodespitetheagitatedstateofpoliticalaffairsallacrosstheMaghrib.Heleft Ifriqiya on a Catalan vessel, hardly a surprising choice since in the midfourteenthcenturythemerchantsandshipmastersofBarcelonadominatedtradeonthesearoutesbetweenSpainandtheSicilianChannel.TheshipwasboundforTenèsontheAlgeriancoastbutonthewayputinatCagliariatthesouthernendoftheislandofSardinia.18

The Kingdom of Aragon–Catalonia ruled the coastal regions of Sardinia,giving IbnBattuta an opportunity to set foot on LatinChristian soil, the onlytimehewoulddo so inhis travelingcareer.Thevisit, however,wasbrief anddisagreeable.Heleft theshiptovisitamarketplaceinsideachateau-fortinthevicinityoftheport.Butthenhewasinformedthatsomepiraticalresidentsoftheislandhad inmind topursuehisvessel after it embarked inorder to seize theMuslim passengers and presumably hold them for ransom. Swearing that hewouldfastfortwoconsecutivemonthsiftheAlmightysavedhimfromthesesearovers, he reboarded his ship, which, as it happened, continued on its waywithoutincident.Aftertendaysatsea,hereachedTenès.

Map12: IbnBattuta’s Itinerary inNorthAfrica,Spain, andWestAfrica,1349–54

From here he traveled overland to Tlemcen, which was then under theauthority of the rebellious Abu ’Inan. Here he joined two men of Tangierianorigin and continued westward in their company. In the wild hills near themodern dayAlgero–Moroccan border the little party had a close brushwith abandof highwaymen,but theypassedon safely toTaza, the little hillside citycommanding thehigh road toFez.Apparentlymeetingupwithmore travelersfromTangier,IbnBattutalearnedthattheBlackDeathhadcarriedoffhiselderlymotheronlyseveralmonthsearlier.Hadsheheardinherlastdays,perhapsfrompilgrimsreturningfromthehajjof749,thatherlong-departedsonhadbeenseeninMeccaandmightfinallybecominghome?

WhenIbnBattutaleftMoroccoin1325,hemaywellhaveintendedatthetimetoreturnintwoorthreeyearstopursueadvancedlegalstudiesinFez.UnderthepatronageoftheMarinidsultans,thecityhadcometorivalTunisasthepremierNorthAfricancenterofMalikijurisprudenceandArabletters.Thewarcaptainsof the Banu Marin had rudely seized power in Morocco in 1248 withoutpossessing any religious ideology to justify their authority.Consequently, theymoved quickly to assert their distinctive legitimacy by distancing themselvesfrom the idiosyncratic theologicaldoctrinesof theAlmohads.Theymoved thedynastic capital from Marrakech to Fez and invited learned exponents ofMalikism, whose views had been suppressed during the Almohad century, totakeupresidenceinthecity,revitalizeorthodoxMalikieducation,andservetheadministrativeandjudicialneedsofthenewgovernment.

WhentheBanuMarincametopower,FezwasalreadyanimportantAlmohadmilitarycenterandabusycommercial junction linking the trans-Maghrib roadwiththecaravanroutesthatbroughtWestAfricangoldandivorytotheportsoftheMediterranean.Nestled saucer-like ina lovelyvalleybetween the southernspursof theRifandthecentralplain,Fezhadanabundantwatersupplyandarichagriculturalhinterlandwhichanimatedaprofusionofcraftindustries.

Physically, ancient Fez occupied a remarkably small territory, its growingpopulation of merchants, artisans, civil officials, scholars, laborers, andtransients crammedwithin the circularwalls that enclosed the valley. Then in1276 Abu Yusuf Ya’qub, the second Marinid sultan, built a new urbanfoundation, called Fez Jdid, or New Fez, to serve as the military andadministrative center of the dynasty. Set on a plateau above the old city andenclosedwithinhighdoublewalls,FezJdid, like theMamlukcitadelofCairo,rose up as a conspicuous, fear-inspiring symbol of Marinid power andpermanence.Itwastheexclusivesanctuaryof thesultan,hishighofficials,hisaccountantsandsecretaries,andselectedunitsoftheroyalarmy.

FezJdidnonethelessremaineddependentontheteeming,labyrinthinecityinthe valley below, not only for its food and luxuries, but also formany of theliterate men who managed the bureaus of state. As champions of Malikiorthodoxy, the early Marinids sponsored the founding of madrasas on theorganizational and curricular pattern of the great colleges of theMiddle East.AbuYusufbuiltthefirstcollegesometimebefore1285.SultansAbuSa’idandAbu l’Hasan founded five more, employing the most talented Moroccan andAndalusiancraftsmentoproducebuildingsofexquisitedecorativebeauty.Abul’Hasan also founded madrasas in several other Moroccan cities, includingTangier. The colleges of Fez soon attracted the flower of erudition from all

acrosstheMaghrib,aswellasfromMuslimGranada.Someoftheseluminariesdivided their time between themadrasas in the depths of the old city and theministries of Fez Jdid. Others camemainly to teach, thereby attracting to thecollegesincreasingnumbersofbrightyoungpeople,severalhundredofthembythe mid fourteenth century, to undertake advanced studies in the religioussciences.

SufiideaswereonlyjustbeginningtopenetratehighereducationinFezatthemidpointofthefourteenthcentury.ThemorerigorousleadersoftheMalikieliteopposed any teachings not firmly grounded in scriptural orthodoxy. TheMarinidsdisplayedrespectfor themostcelebratedsaintsofwesternIslam,buttheydistrusted thepotentialpolitical influenceof theSufiholymenwhowerebecomingsopopularamongtheBerberfolkofthecountryside.Yetdespitetheresistanceofboth thegovernmentand theconservative religiousestablishmentto the teachings of amovement they could not satisfactorily control, the Sufiprecepts of love, divine grace, and spiritual fulfillment were already by themiddle of the century warming the chill corridors of Maliki formalism. AnunknownTangierian scholar just back from the East could expect at least themoreliberal-mindedwithinthelearnedcirclesofFezto takeakeeninterest inhisstoriesofpersonalmeetingswiththegreatmysticsoftheage.

IbnBattutaarrivedinFezon8November1349tofindthecityinastateofuncertaintyandsuspenseover the fateof theempire.19TheusurperAbu’InanwasthesonofaChristianslavewomanandasslenderandfairashisfatherwascorpulentandblack.HehadoccupiedFez formore thanayearandhadmadehimself master of Morocco. Like his father, he was a pious, cultivated man,giventoholdingregularstudysessionswiththeleadingdivinesandjuristsandtowritingbelles-lettres andpoetry.The elite ofOldFez accommodated to hisregimereadilyenough,butthefactremainedthatforthemomentthereweretwosultansandnooneknewwhenorifAbul’Hasanmightappearbeforethewallsof Fez at the head of his army. The usual course for the cosmopolitanprofessionalmaninsuchcircumstanceswastosubmittowhomeverhappenedtobeoccupyingtheroyalaudiencechamberatthetime.

Ibn Battuta, having just come from making obeisance to Abu l’Hasan inTunis,nowpresentedhimselfatthegreatpalaceofFezJdidtostandbeforehis“illustrious master” Abu ’Inan. He apparently did not get an opportunity toaddress thesultan,butaviziernamedAbuZiyan ibnWadrarofferedhimgiftsandquestionedhimaboutEgypt,acountrytheministerhadvisited.IbnBattutadecidednottostayinFezforverylong,however,sincehewasanxioustoreturntoTangier.Giventheprecariouspoliticalsituationinthecapital,itwasprobably

prudent,inanycase,togoelsewhere.ArrivedinhisnataltownsometimeduringthefastingmonthofRamadan,he

tells us only that he visited his mother’s grave.20 He does not mention hisdeceasedfather,suggestingthatthemanmayhavediedinsomeotherplace.Nordoeshedescribe joyousreunionswithbrothers,sisters,cousins,oroldfriends.Indeed, thefourteenth-centuryreaderof theRihlawouldfind toomuchof thatsortofinformationtediousandirrelevant.Yetwecanimagineahomecomingofwarm recognition and nights spent in the central mosque or the houses ofkinsmen, sharing tales ofMuhammad Tughluq andOzbegKhan and of thosegloriousdaysintheprecinctoftheHolyHouse.

Restlessagainafteronlyafewdaysamongthehauntsofhischildhood,IbnBattutadecidedtomaketheshort tripoverlandtoCeuta(Sabta),whichin thatagewasthequeencityoftheStraitofGibraltar.Endowedwithafineshelteredharborandsuperbnaturaldefenses,Ceutawas theheadquartersof theMarinidnavyandthechiefMoroccanterminusoftheWestAfricangoldtrade.ThetownwassetonatongueoflandjuttingeastwardintotheMediterranean.TheeasternhalfofthislittlepeninsulawasdominatedbytheheightsofMountHacho(Jabalal-Musa).FromitssummitlookoutshadacommandingviewofthestraitandtheIberianshorebeyond.21

When IbnBattutawalked throughCeuta’swestern gate, hewas in a sensealready arriving inMuslim Spain. Located a mere 14miles from Europe butseparated from itsownMoroccanhinterlandbya chainofmountains, the citywas culturally a prolongation of Andalusia. Its leading official and scholarlyfamilieshadcenturies-oldtiestothegreatMuslimintellectualcentersofSpain,and as the Christian reconquista progressed in the thirteenth and fourteenthcenturies,itwasthechiefportofentryforskilledandeducatedrefugeesfleeinginto Africa. From the point of view of a lettered man, Ceuta’s mellowAndalusian sophisticationmade it amuchmore interestingplace thanTangier.SoitisnotsurprisingthatIbnBattutaspent“severalmonths”there,undoubtedlyfrequenting the new college Abu l’Hasan had built and perhaps makingacquaintancewiththeal-Bushrifamily,whosescholarkinsmanhehadmetafewyearsearlier inChina.Hewas,unfortunately, illduringmuchofhisvisit.Theplague was still raging in the region of the strait, but he says nothing aboutcontractingthebubonictype(fromwhichsomedidrecover).Morelikelyhewassufferingfromyetanotherboutofmalaria.

AtthetimehearrivedinCeuta,thecitywasintentlyfollowingreportsfromGibraltar,22milesacrossthestrait.InthepreviousJulyAlfonsoXIofCastile,taking advantage of the Marinid civil crisis and Abu l’Hasan’s absence in

Ifriqiya,hadlaidsiegetotheRockanditsmightyfortifications.SincethelossofAlgeciras toCastile in 1344,Gibraltar remained theonlyport on thenorthernshore of the strait still in Muslim hands. If Alfonso breached its walls, theimmediateconsequencewouldbetocutthemainmilitarysupplyroute,notonlyto the few towns theMoroccans still held in Iberia, but also to their ally, theNasrid Sultan of Granada. More than that, the loss of Gibraltar would giveCastile and its Christian allies such a naval advantage in the strait that bothTangierandCeutawouldbeunderagreaterdangerofinvasionthaneverbefore.

EitherinTangierorCeuta,IbnBattutalearnedthatvolunteerswereurgentlywantedtoaidtheMoroccanarmyinthedefenseofGibraltar.RecoveringfromhisillnessinCeutaandthankingGodforit,hedecidedtorespondtothecall.Hehadtakenuparmsatimeortwoinhiscareer,andhewascertainlysusceptibletothehighesteemIslampaidtothosewhoservedspontaneouslyinthe jihad.HesetsailfortheRockonasmallMoroccanvesselinMarchorApril1350.22Bythis time, however, the immediate military crisis had completely dissipated.DuringthemonthsoftheCastiliansiege,theBlackDeathhadmadewaronbotharmieswithscrupulousimpartiality.On26March1350,ittookthelifeofKingAlfonso,distinguishinghimas theonlymonarchofChristianEurope todie intheepidemicofmidcentury.23ThelossoftheirvaliantwarriorkingobligedtheCastilianforcestoabandonthesiege,leavingthepromontoryandtheisthmusofGibraltarunderMuslimcontrol,astateofaffairsthatwouldendure,asitturnedout,foranother112years.

Whether to his disgruntlement or relief, IbnBattutawas discharged of anymilitarydutywhenhearrivedinGibraltarportandsowasfreetoseethesights.Hemadeathoroughinspectionofthepromontoryanditsramparts,climbingupto the Calahorra, a massive stone tower Abu l’Hasan had constructed at thesummitof thecitadel toserveas thepivotof the town’sdefenses.TheqadiofGibraltaraccompaniedhimonhistourandhostedhiminhishouseononeofthestreetsofthetown,whichlayupagainstthewesternfaceoftheRock.“Idesiredto be, until the end of my life, among those who guarded and defended thisplace,”IbnBattutarecallsintheRihlawithperhapsahintofbravado.Butsinceat themoment therewasnoseriousdefending tobedone,hewassoonon theroadagain,crossingthesandyneckoflandthatlinkedGibraltartothehighlandsofAndalusia. Hementions no companions andmaywell have been travelingwithonlyaservantortwo.

WiththewithdrawaloftheChristiansiege,itwasrelativelysafeforMuslimtravelerstoventurealongtheoverlandroutestoGranada.ThisIbnBattutanowproposedtodo,probablywiththehopeofaddingtheNasridsultanAbul’Hajjaj

YusufibnIsma’iltothelistofMuslimrulerswhohadinvitedhimtotheirtable.The direct route fromGibraltar to Granada City ran along theMediterraneancoasttoMalaga.Typically,hedecidedtogoadifferentway,travelingnorthwardthroughtherichvineyardsandfruitorchardsoftheRioGuadiarovalley,thenupinto the forests of the Sierra deRonda. The city ofRonda,which occupied aspectacular site straddling the deep gorge of the Tajo River, was still apossessionof theMarinids in1350. IbnBattutamayhavegone therepartly toseeapaternalfirstcousinofhis,whowastheqadiofthetown.AfterfivedayshereturnedtothecoastagainbythetreacherousmountainroadovertheSierraBermejatothelittleportofMarbella.

HerehemadetheacquaintanceoftwelvemenwhowerejustthensettingoutforMalaga along the coast road throughSuhayl (Fuengirola), a fortress at thewestern frontierof theNasridkingdom.He intended to joinupwith them,butforsomeunexplainedreasontheyleftMarbellawithouthim.Hefoundanotherpartyoftravelers,however,andwassoononhisway.

Movingeastward along thenarrowplainbetween the sea and theSierradeMijas,IbnBattutahadamindatonepointtorideoutaheadofhiscompanions.AllalongthisshoretheNasridsultans,andotherMuslimrulersbeforethem,hadconstructed stone watchtowers at regular intervals to guard against coastalraidersandtosurveythemovementsofforeignnavies.Ashewasnearingoneofthesetowers,hesuddenlycameuponadeadhorselyingbythesideoftheroad.Suspicious of trouble butmoving along a little further, he came upon anotherhorserecentlyslain.Then,hearingshoutsbehindhim,hereturnedtohisfellowsto find them in the company of the Nasrid commander of Suhayl fort. ThetwelvehorsemenwhohadleftIbnBattutabehindinMarbella,itseemed,hadruninto a band of Christian corsairs. Themarauders had approached the coast infourgalleys.Findingnooneonguardat thewatchtower tosound thealarm,apartyof themhadgoneashoreandambushed the first travelerswhohappenedby.Oneofthehorsemenhadbeenmurderedandoneescaped.Theremainingtenhadbeentakenprisonertobeheldforransom.ThankingGodfordeliveringhimfrom infidel pirates for the second time in his life, Ibn Battuta accepted theinvitationofthecommanderofSuhayltospendthenightinthecastle.Thenextday the officer escorted the travelers safely on to Malaga, chief port of theNasridrealm.

Entering the city’s central mosque, a magnificent building whose interiorcourt bloomed with orange trees, Ibn Battuta found the ’ulama and othernotables of the town gathered to collect ransommoney for the capturedmen,whowerenodoubtcitizensofMalaga.Hetoldtheassembledgrouphisstoryof

havingbarelyescapeddeathorcapturehimself.Theywereallastonishedathisgood fortune, and theqadi and preacher both gave him hospitality. If he everlearnedhowthenegotiationswiththepiratesturnedout,hedoesnotreportit.

FromMalagahecontinuedeastward toVelezMalaga (Ballish), then turnedintothemountains.HepassedthroughAlhama,atownfamousforitshotspringbaths,thencontinuedonnortheastwardtotheVega,theuppervalleyoftheGeniiRiver, whose fertile highland plain sustained Granada City’s 50,000inhabitants.24

Two decades earlier Ibn Battuta had visited Christian Byzantium at a time ofmilitary retreat before the triumphant Turks. Yet in the same periodConstantinople was the scene of brilliant erudition in Greek science andphilosophy, as if to make a final, defiant statement of a thousand years ofcreativitybeforesurrendering toan ineluctablefate.At theoppositeendof theMediterranean theSultanateofGranadawasdisplayinga similar contradictionof trends. Like the three kingdoms of theMaghrib, theNasrid state had beenfounded in the aftermath of the Almohad collapse. By 1348 it was, with theexception of the enclaves theMarinids held on the coast, the only remainingstrongholdofMuslimpowerinIberia.Pressedintoitsmountainouscornerofthepeninsula byCastile andAragon—Catalonia,Granada struggled to survive bybuildingup its frontierdefensesandpursuingapolicyofpragmaticdiplomacywithChristianandMuslimneighboursalike.

TheSultanatehadapopulationofperhapsamillionpeopleinthefourteenthcentury,25aferventlyMuslimpopulationreadytodefendvalleybyvalleywhatremained of its Iberian patrimony. Inescapably, time was on the side of theChristian states. But while Granada endured, its people dedicated themselves,perhaps consciously so, to the mission of summing up six centuries ofAndalusiancivilization.TheNasridculturalachievementwasnot intellectuallyor aesthetically innovative.Rather itwas a final exquisite reaffirmation of theliteraryandartisticheritageofIslamicSpain.

OuterwallsoftheAlhambra,Granada,SpainPhotobytheAuthor

AviewofOldFez.PhotobytheAuthor.

DemonstratingonceagainhisremarkableabilitytovisitMuslimkingdomsattheir efflorescent best, Ibn Battuta saw Granada in the reign of Abu l’HajjajYusuf,orYusufI(1333–54).TogetherwithhissuccessorMuhammadV(1354–59, 1369–91), Yusuf was the most successful ruler in a dynastic line of 23largelyundistinguishedmen.FollowingthedébâcleoftheBattleofRioSalado,inwhichGranadahad fought on the sideof theMarinids,Yusuf succeeded inarranging what proved to be long-term military truces with both Castile andAragon.Freeforthetimebeingfromthethreatofinvasion,heandhiscircleofbrilliant ministers and secretaries devoted themselves to perpetuatingAndalusia’s legendary traditionofurbane learningandtaste. ItwasYusuf(andlaterMuhammad)whoconstructedthemostbeautifulcourtyardsandportalsofthe Alhambra, “the red fort” which stands on a spur of the Sierra NevadaoverlookingthecityofGranadaandthefertilevalleyoftheGenilRiverbeyond.The Alhambra was the seat of Nasrid government and court life. From theoutsideitwasaforbidding,mysteriouscomplexofstoneramparts,butwithinabuoyant, gossamer composition of exquisitely decorated halls and courts,

juxtaposedone to another in a symphonyof light, shadow,and flowingwater.“Thepeculiarcharmofthisolddreamypalace,”WashingtonIrvingwroteinthenineteenthcentury,“is itspowerofcallingupvaguereveriesandpicturingsofthepast,andthusclothingnakedrealitieswiththeillusionsofthememoryandtheimagination.”26

IbnBattutamayhavepresentedhimself at thepalace as soonashe arrived inGranada.ButhehadnoaudiencewithYusufI.Thesultan,itseemed,wasillandnot disposed to receive learned visitors from Morocco. The visitor, to hisconsternation,neverdidgettomeetYusufduringhisbriefsojourninthecity.HedoesnotsayintheRihlawhetherheeverwentinsidetheAlhambraandinfactomits anymention of it. The twentieth-century tourist is so amazed by thosesplendorousroomsandcourtsthatIbnBattuta’sfailuretotaketheslightestnoteofthemseemspuzzling.YettheAlhambraistheonlyIslamicpalaceofthatagetosurvivedowntoourowntimeinallitsornamentaldelicacy.IbnBattutahadseentheroyalmansionsoffarbiggerandricherkingdomsthantheNasridstate,andtohiseyesandhisworldtheAlhambramaynothaveseemedsospecialasitdoestous.

Hewasnoton theotherhand totally ignoredby theroyal family.WhenhisarrivalinGranadawasmadeknowntotheauthorities,asitroutinelywouldbe,thesultan’smothersenthimapurseofgoldcoins,whichhefound“veryuseful”formeetinghisexpenses.HespentpartofhistimeastheguestofvariousMalikinotablesandtherestvisitinganumberofSufilodgesintheGranadinesuburbsor the nearby countryside. He even notes that little bands ofmendicant SufisfromasfarawayasAnatolia,Persia, India,andSamarkandweresettledin thetown.

It was in the home of Abu l’Kasim ibn ’Asim, one of Granada’s eminentjurists,thathemadewhatlaterprovedtobethemostfatefulacquaintanceofhislife.OveraperiodoftwodaysandanighthesatamongstagroupofAndalusiangentlemen inAbu l’Kasim’s lovely garden, recounting scenes and episodes ofhistravelsabroad.OneofthemenpresentwasAbu’AbdallahMuhammadibnJuzayy, a 28-or 29-year-old ’alim who held a secretarial post in the Nasridgovernment.HewasoneofthreesonsofanotedGranadinejuristandpoetwhohadbeenkilledattheBattleofRioSalado.TheyoungIbnJuzayycarriedonthefamily’s distinguished literary tradition, writing poetry and composingrespectableworksinphilology,history,andlaw.27

Absorbed by Ibn Battuta’s stories and the sheer breadth of his travels, IbnJuzayymeticulouslycopieddownthenamesoffamousdoctorsandshaykhsthe

journeyerhadmetoverthepreviousquarterofacentury.SinceIbnBattutadidnotstay inGranadavery long,hisacquaintancewith IbnJuzayywasprobablyfleeting.Butinanothertwoandahalfyearstheyoungsecretary,inthepatternofrovingAndalusianscholars,wouldleaveGranadatotakeupservicewithSultanAbu’InaninFez.HewouldbetherewhenIbnBattutareturnedfromthefarsideof the Sahara Desert, ready to accept the sultan’s assignment to set down inproperliteraryformthecompleterecordoftheTangierian’sremarkablecareer.

Sometimearoundtheendof1350IbnBattutareturnedtoCeuta.28Forthenextseveralmonthshejourneyedabouthishomeland,spendingafewmonthsintheAtlanticportofAsilah,visitingSalébriefly,thenridingsouthacrossthecoastalplainstoMarrakech,latecapitaloftheAlmohads.TheshiftofpoliticalpowertoFez,andprobably thehavocof theBlackDeath,hadcausedMarrakech to fallinto a dilapidated state,worse, he recalls, thanBaghdad.Findingno reason toremain in thosesurroundings for long,he returnednorth to thecoastand fromtheretoFez.

InthemeantimethedramaoftheMarinidkingshadcometoitsdenouementinthetriumphofAbu’Inan.Latein1349Abul’HasanhadabandonedTunisandreturned to Morocco, determined to reckon with his mutinous son. ReachingMarrakechwithasmallforceofexhaustedfollowers,hehadattemptedtoerectarival government.But inMay 1350Abu ’Inan defeated his forces outside thecity, thenpursuedhimsouthward intoavalleyof theHighAtlas.Trappedandpowerless,theoldsultanheldoutthroughtheensuingwinter,thenmadeformalabdication in favor of his son. When he died of illness and despair in hismountain refuge later in thespringof1351,Abu ’Inancarriedhisbody to thecityofRabatandhaditburiedwithallthehonorsofstateintheroyalnecropolisofthedynasty.

These events occurred while Ibn Battuta was traveling about Spain andnorthernMorocco.WhenhearrivedinFezthesecondtime,probablyintheearlyfallof1351,Abu’InanwasrulingunrivaledatranquilMorocco,plottinganewinvasionof theeasternMaghrib,andbusilyconstructing thegrandestmadrasaFezhadyet seen. Itwasanauspiciousmoment for IbnBattuta tosettledown,entertheMalikijudiciary,andreflectonhisyearsabroad.YettherewereafewMuslimkingshestillhadnotseen,amongthemMansaSulayman,EmperorofMali, whose capital lay due south 1,500 miles across the most fearsomewildernessonearth.

Notes

1.IbnKhaldun,TheMuqaddimah,2ndedn.,trans.F.Rosenthal,3vols.(Princeton,N.J.,1967),vol.1,p.64.

2.IB’sreckoningoftimespentbetweenQuanzhouandQuiloneitheratseaorintheportofSamudraaddsupto222days,oralmostsevenandahalfmonths.YetifheleftChinaatthestartofthefallmonsooninSeptemberandarrivedatQuilon,ashestatesinRamadan747(themonthbeganon16December1346),the trip took no longer than about four and a halfmonths. It was indeed feasible, asArab seamen haddemonstratedinAbbasidtimes,tosailfromtheSouthChinacoasttoMalabarinasinglemonsoonseason.GeorgeHourani,ArabSeafaringintheIndianOceaninAncientandEarlyMedievalTimes(Princeton,N.J.,1951),p.75.WemustassumeeitherthatIBfailedaccuratelytoremembertimespentbetweenstagesofthejourneyorpossiblythatpartofthetextisalateraddition.IB’sdescriptionofhisvoyagefromQuanzhoutoSamudraincludesanoddlyvaguereportofhisshipbeinglostatseafor42daysandanuncharacteristicallycredulousaccountofaclosecallwitharukhkh,acreaturedescribedin legendasagiant,predatorybird.HenryYule,CathayandtheWayThither,4vols.(London,1913–16).vol.4,p.146.

3. In the Rihla IB links the civil war in Hurmuz and his meeting there with Sultan Qutb al-DinTahamtanwithhisbriefvisittherein1329(1331).Theseeventsclearlyoccurred,however,in1347.JeanAubin,“LesPrincesd’OrmuzduXIIIeauXVesiècle,”JournalAsiatique241(1953):102–08;Hr,pp.447–48;Gb,vol.2,pp.402–03.SeealsoChapter6,note41.

4.HesaysthathestayedinDamascusuntiltheendof748A.H.Thelastdayofthatyearwas31March1348.The precise itinerary of IB’s travels through greater Syria at this time is uncertain.Altogether, hetraveledthroughsomepartsofSyria,Lebanon,andPalestineatleastfourdifferenttimesduringhiscareer,in1326,1330(1332),1348,and1350.Thedescriptionsofnumerouscities,towns,andcastlesheclaimstohavevisited,however,arelargelygroupedintotheaccountofhis1326journey,whosechronologydoesnotadmitofsuchanextended,complicatedtour.SeeChapter3,note26.Therefore,aconfidentsortingoutofthe several itineraries through this region ishardlypossible.Theseveraldateshegives forhis travels inSyria, Egypt, and Arabia in 1348 (748–749 A.H.), however, are generally corroborated by independentcontemporaryreportsonthespatialtransmissionoftheBlackDeath.

5.Gb,vol.1,pp.143–44.6.MichaelW.Dols,TheBlackDeathintheMiddleEast(Princeton,N.J.,1977),p.69.7.Ibid.,pp.215,219.8.Ibid.,pp.238and236–54passim.9.Ibid.,p.96.10.Ibid.,pp.154,155,160,161.11.Ibnal-Furatquotedinibid.,p.277.12.Ibid.,p.173.13.DavidAyalon,“ThePlagueand itsEffectsupon theMamlukArmy,”Journalof theRoyalAsiatic

Society(1946):67–73;andDols,BlackDeath,pp.185–92.14.Dols,BlackDeath,p.161.15.Ibid.,p.63.16.D&S,vol.4,p.326.17.QuotedinDols,BlackDeath,p.64.18.IBdoesnotmentionthenameoftheporthevisited,butthereisnorealdoubtthatitwasCagliari.

Monteilsharesthisopinion.D&S,vol.4,p.481.19.IBsaysthathereachedFezonaFridayneartheendofSha’ban750.D&Scalculatethisdateas8

November1349.ThelastFridayinSha’banofthatyear,however,was6November.20.ChronologicalcluesregardingthelengthofhissubsequentvisittoCeutaandthedateofhisdeparture

forSpainsuggestthatifhewasinFezinSha’ban750,ashesays,heprobablywentontoTangierearlyin

thefollowingmonthofRamadan.21.DerekLatham,“TheStrategicPositionandDefenceofCeutaintheLaterMuslimPeriod,”Islamic

Quarterly15(1971):195.22.IBstatesthathereachedGibraltarshortlyafterthedeathofAlfonsoXI.Thateventoccurredon26

March1350.23.RobertS.Gottfried,TheBlackDeath(NewYork,1983),p.51.24.RachelArié,L’EspagnemusulmaneautempsdesNasrides,1232–1492(Paris,1973),p.339.25.DerekW.Lomax,TheReconquestofSpain(London,1978),p.162.26.WashingtonIrving,TheAlhambra(NewYork,1926),p.71.27.“IbnDjuzayy,”EI2,vol.3,p.756.28. IB offers no specific dates for the period between his arrival in Fez in November 1349 and his

departure fromsouthernMorocco toWestAfricaon18February1352.Therefore, thechronologyofhismovementsfromcitytocityinAndalusiaandMoroccoduringthatperiodisindeterminate.

13Mali

The people of Mali outnumbered the peoples of the Sudan in theirneighborhood and dominated the whole region . . . Their authoritybecamemightyandallthepeoplesoftheSudanstoodinaweofthem.1

IbnKhaldun

When Ibn Battuta visited Cairo in 1326 on his way to his first hajj, thepopulation was undoubtedly still talking about the extraordinary pilgrim whohad passed through the city two years earlier.MansaMusa, ruler of theWestAfrican empire ofMali, had arrived at the Nile in the summer of 1324 afterhavingcrossedtheSaharaDesertwitharetinueofofficials,wives,soldiers,andslaves numbering in the thousands and a train of one hundred camels loadedwithunworkedgold.Ahandsomeyoungkingofpietyandnoblebearing,hehadcreatedaminorsensationamongCairo’sprotocol-consciousofficialsbyrefusingto kiss the ground before the Mamluk sultan, al-Nasir Muhammad. Yet he“flooded Cairo with his benefactions,” writes the historian al-Umari, and“performedmanyactsofcharityandkindness.”2

Havingcomesofarfromtheirdistantgrasslandkingdom,theemperorandhisgold-heavyentouragespentfreelyandindiscriminatelyintheCairobazaars,likeprosperousandnaivetouristsfromsomeAmericanprairiestate.“TheCairenes,”saysal-Umari,“madeincalculableprofitsoutofhimandhissuiteinbuyingandselling and giving and taking. They exchanged gold until they depressed itsvalueinEgyptandcauseditspricetofall.”3

Musawasnot the firstmansa (king, sultan)ofMali togoonpilgrimage toMecca,butnonebeforehadmadesuchadazzlingdisplayofpompandriches.Well into the next century Egyptian chroniclerswrote about the event and itsdisturbing short-term effects on the Cairene gold market. In the history ofmedievalWestAfricano single incident hasbeenmore celebrated. Indeed thehajj ofMansaMusa sums upMali’s important place among the kingdoms of

AfricaandAsiainIbnBattuta’stime.The unworked gold which themansa showered on Cairo came from three

major alluvial deposits in West Africa. The mines of the bilad al-sudan, orsimplytheSudan,astheArabgeographerscalledthesteppeandsavannaregionsouth of the Sahara, had been known to the Mediterranean world sincePhoenician times.But itwas only the introduction of the dromedary toNorthAfricaabout the secondcenturyA.D. thatmade feasible in termsofcostsandrisksregularcaravantradefromonerimoftheWesternSaharatotheother.Theone-humpedcamel is adifficult anddisagreeable animal, but he could carry aloadof125–150kilograms,gowithoutwatertendaysormore,andtravelfasterthan any other available beast of burden. When Islam reached the WesternMaghrib in the seventh century, Berber-speaking merchants were alreadyrunningcamelcaravanstocommercialsettlementsonthefarsideofthedesert.

The founding of the Arab Empire and later the High Caliphate created anever-growing demand in the Islamic heartland forWestAfrican gold tomakecoinsandfinery.ThisdemandimpelledMuslimmerchantsandcameliersoftheMaghrib and theNorth Sahara to organize trans-desert business and transportoperationstoanunprecedentedlevelofsophistication.Aboutthesametime,theKingdomofGhanaemerged in thesteppe regionofWestAfricaknownas theSahel(Sahal),thetransitionalclimaticzonebetweenthesoutherndesertandthesavanna lands.TheappearanceofGhanaasan imperial statewasundoubtedlylinkedtothegoldtrade,whichencouragedtheriseofmilitaryleadersaggressiveenough to seize monopolistic authority over the commercial routes andsettlementsleadingfromthegoldfieldsdeepintheSudantothe“ports”attheedge of the desert where the North African caravans arrived. The empiredeclined in the eleventh century, perhaps in connection with a prolongeddrought,andeventuallywitheredaway.

Yetthepatternofimperialstate-buildingintheSudancontinuedwiththeriseof Mali early in the thirteenth century. The founders of this kingdom wereMalinke-speaking people whose homeland was the region between the uppervalleysoftheSenegalandtheNigerRivers.Thisregionwasintheheartofthesavannaandmuchnearertothetwogold-bearingareas,knownasBambukandBure,thanthecenterofGhanahadbeen.TheearlykingsofMali,membersofachieflyclanoftheMalinkeknownastheKeita,succeededintakingcontrolofterritorybetweenthegoldfieldsandtheSahel,therebypositioningthemselvestoexact tribute in gold from the producing populations. In thisway the cycle ofexpansion began. The gold revenues of the mansas permitted heavierexpendituresonthearmy,whichwascomprisedmainlyofinfantrybowmenand

armoredcavalry.Astheroyalforcesweredeployedacrossthefertilegrasslandsbotheastandwest,greaternumbersoffarmingandherdingfolkweresubduedandtaxed,expandingthewealthandmilitaryenergiesofthestateevenmore.

In the course of the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, themansasextended theirdomainswestward to theAtlanticcoast,eastwardpast thegreatbendof theNiger, andnorthward to thecommercial towns scatteredalong theSaharanfringe,buildinganempirethatincorporatedmanynon-Malinkepeoples.Byachievingpoliticaldominationoverabandofsteppeandsavannasome1,200miles longat thepeakof theempire, theyeffectivelycontrolledand taxed thenorth–southflowofcommerceacrosstheWesternSudan.

Indeed,Mali’shighagefromthemidthirteenthtothemidfourteenthcenturycorresponded to theperiodwhenEuropewasexchanging silver forgoldas itsprincipalcurrency,promptingItalianandCatalanmerchantstoofferhigherandhigherpricesforthelittlebagsofdustandnuggetsthatweretransportedacrosstheSaharaandovertheAtlasMountainstoCeutaandotherNorthAfricanports.The rising European demand for gold, added to the perennial market in theIslamic states, stimulatedmoregoldproduction in theSudan, to the enormousfiscaladvantageofMali.Inthelatermedievalperiodoverall,WestAfricamayhavebeenproducingalmosttwo-thirdsoftheworld’sgoldsupply.4

In addition to gold, north-bound caravans carried numerous productsoriginating either in the grasslands or the tropical forests — ivory, ostrichfeathers,kolanuts,gumresins,hides,andslaves. Inreturnfor thesegoods thesouthbound trade brought many products from North Africa and theMediterranean basin: textiles, copper, silver, books, paper, swords, iron ware,perfumes,jewelry,spices,wheat,anddriedfruits.Horses,whichdidnotprosperin the deep savanna country owing to the lethal bite of the tsetse fly, wereimported from theMaghrib to meet the needs of theMalian cavalry. CowrieshellswereusedasaformofcurrencyintheSudan,as theywereinIndia.AsIbnBattutaattests,theywereharvestedexclusivelyintheMaldiveIslands,thenexportedtoWestAfricabywayofEgyptandtheMaghribports.Thesinglemostprecious commodity imported to the Sudan was salt, a food essential to thehuman body thatWest Africa was unable to produce in sufficient quantity tomeet demand. Salt came from mines in the Sahara and was transportedsouthwardintheformofgiantslabs,twotoacamel.

In the fourteenth century that section of the West Africa-to-EuropecommercialexchangesystemextendingfromthenorthernedgeoftherainforesttotheMediterraneancoastwasentirelyinthehandsofMuslims.Indeedfromaglobalperspectivethetrans-Saharantraderouteswerenorth–southbranchlines

of thehemisphericMuslimnetwork that extended right acrossnorthernAfricaand Asia to the ports of the South China Sea. As early as the ninth century,Berber-speaking merchants settled in commercial centers in the Sahel belt,wheretheyactedashostsandbusinessagentsforfellowMuslimswhoorganizedcaravansinthecorrespondingentrepôtsalongthenorthernrimofthedesert.Inthe timeofGhana,Muslim towns roseupalongsideolderSaheliancenters. Inthese new towns merchants of North African Berber or Arab origin werepermitted by royal authority to govern their internal affairs according to thestandards of the Sacred Law, just as they were beginning to do among non-MuslimpeoplesintheIndianOceanbasin.

These expatriate merchants did not organize the trade directly to the goldfieldsortothetownsdeepinthesavanna.Thatstretchofthenetworkremainedunder the control of professional Sudanese traders.Most of themwere of theSoninke and, later, Malinke culture groups. These men were among the firstWest Africans to convert to Islam, thereby linking themselves into thebrotherhoodofsharednormsandtrust thatencouragedorderandroutinealongthetrans-Saharansystem.

As in India and Southeast Asia, the founding of new Muslim tradingcommunities created an immediate demand for literate cadres to organize andsuperintendIslamicworship,education,andlaw.FromthebeginningofIslamicexpansion intoWestAfrica,Maghribimenof learningwereaccompanying themerchant caravans across the desert to settle in the towns of theSahel.ThesecenterssupportedIslamiceducationsouthoftheSahara,andoverthecourseoftimegaverise toaclassofMuslimsgrounded in the“normative” traditionsofpietyandscholarshipaspreachedandpracticedinNorthAfrica.Intheperiodofthe Mali empire the communities of ’ulama in the Sahelian towns includedfamiliesofbothArabo-BerberandSudaneseorigin,thelattermainlyMalinkeorSoninke.Deeper in the Sudan, learned families of purelyWestAfrican originpredominated.

Sudanese chiefs and petty kings are known to have converted to Islam asearlyasthetenthoreleventhcenturies.Whateverpurelyreligiousfeelingsmayhavemotivatedsuchmenindividually,conversionenhancedtheiresteemamongMuslim merchants, the economically most powerful group in the land, andpotentiallytiedthemintoamuchwidercommercialanddiplomaticworldthantheyhadknownbefore.TheoriginsofIslamamongtheMalinkeareobscure.Intheir tradition the founderof the empirewasSunjata (orMari-Jaata), a larger-than-lifehomeric figureof theearly thirteenthcenturywhorose fromphysicaladversity and exile to rid his homeland of an alien tyrant, then rebuilt the

Malinke capital and ruled from it for 25 years. The reign of Sunjata is onlyvaguely associatedwith Islam, but at some point in the thirteenth century hissuccessorsmade it the official religion of state, an act certainly linked to thegrowingimportanceoftheMuslimmercantilecommunitieswhichinhabitedthemaintownsalongthetrans-savannaroutes.

Yet the military and political success of themansas also depended on thecontinuingallegianceandcooperationofthemassoftheirsubjects—farming,fishing,andherdingpeoplewhofor themostpartadhered toancientanimisticbeliefs and rituals, not Islam.Unlike the sultans ofDelhi, themansas hadnotcome to power as foreign invaders, prepared to organize a state as formallyIslamicastheypleased.Thelegitimacyoftheirauthorityrestedtoalargeextenton satisfying traditionalMalinke expectations in their public conventions andceremonies. Consequently, they were obliged to walk a narrow line betweentheir urban Muslim subjects, who wanted them to behave up to the publicstandardsoftheirMarinidorMamlukcounterparts,andthevastmajorityofthetax-andtribute-payingpopulation,whichtooknonoticeofMalikilaworproperproceduresatFridayprayer.

The character of official ritual and administration as more or less Islamicprobably depended on the ruler’s perception of the relative importance of hisMuslimandnon-Muslimsubjectsfromoneperiodtothenext.MansaMusawasnaturallyagreatfavoriteofMuslimopinion,bothinMaliandthewiderIslamicworld.Hisprestigeresultednotonlyfromhissensationalpilgrimage,butalso,writesal-Umari,because

he built ordinary and cathedral mosques and minarets, and established theFridayobservances,andprayersincongregation,andthemuezzin’scall.Hebrought jurists of theMalikite school tohis country and there continued assultanoftheMuslimsandbecameastudentofreligioussciences.5

YetMansaMusaalso reignedduringaperiodwhen relationswith theMuslimmerchantsandwiththestatesofNorthAfricawereparticularlyimportantowingtothestrongmarketforgold.

Thisexpansiveperiod in the trans-Saharan tradecontinued into thereignofMusa’sbrotherSulayman,whocametothethroneabout1341.Sulaymancameclose to matching his brother’s reputation for Islamic leadership and piety.Moreover,heruledMaliinprosperityandpeace.HewasthesortofkingfromwhomIbnBattutahadcometoexpectanhonorableandlarge-heartedreception.

Intheautumnof1351therelentlesstravelersetoutfromFeztovisitMali.Hesays nothing in theRihla to explainwhy he felt impelled to cross the SaharaDesert.Wemaysupposehehad theusualprivateplans toseekfavor fromyetanotherMuslimcourt.Obsessive traveler thathewas,hemayevenhavebeenurgedonbytheknowledgethattheSudanwastheoneimportantcorneroftheDaral-Islamhehadnotyetseen.6

SomemodernhistorianshavesuggestedthatSultanAbu’Inanappointedhimas a state envoy to the emperor.BothMansaMusa andMansaSulayman hadinitiateddiplomaticexchangeswithAbul’Hasan,Abu’Inan’sfather.BecauseoftheMarinid campaign to conquer all of North Africa and thereby control thenorthern termini of the trans-Saharan trade from the Atlantic to Ifriqiya, therulersofMalihadabundantreasontocultivategoodrelationswiththeirnorthernneighbor.Abu’InancertainlyknewthatIbnBattutawasmakingthejourneyandexpectedhimtoreportindetailuponhisreturntoFez.YetthereisnoconvincingevidencethatthisTangierianfaqih,whowaslittleknowninMorocco’sofficialcircles, had anything like the ambassadorial status he had enjoyed (with suchdisastrousresults)underMuhammadTughluq.7

TravelingduesouthfromFezacrosstherangesoftheMiddleandHighAtlasMountains, he arrived inSijilmasa, thepre-eminent desert port of theWesternMaghrib,afterajourneyofeightorninedays.SijilmasalayinthemidstofanimmenseoasiscalledTafilalt, thelastimportantoutpostofsedentarylifeatthenorthern edge of the void. Today nothing remains of the city except anagglomeration of unremarkable ruins strewn among the palm groves. In thefourteenthcenturyitwas,accordingtoal-Umari,aplace“ofimposingpalaces,highbuildings,andtallgates.”8Tafilalt’srichagriculture,fedbyariverflowingdown out of theAtlas 50miles to the north, supported the urban population,includinga largeresidentcommunityofBerberandArabmerchants.Fromtheperspective of Mali, Sijilmasa was the chief northern terminus of the trans-Saharan gold caravans.Here the products of the savanna and forestwere off-loaded, stored in warehouses, and finally carried by camel, mule and donkeytrains over themountains to Fez,Marrakesh,Tlemcen, and theMediterraneanports.

Ibn Battuta spent about four months in Sijilmasa, waiting for the winterseason,whenthebigcaravanssetoutforWalata,theirdestinationatthefarsideofthedesert.Duringthistimehepurchasedcamelsofhisownandfattenedthemup.WhenhewasinCeutasomemonthsearlier,hemayhavebecomeacquaintedwith theal-Bushri family,whosekinsmanhehadmet inChina.Forhe lodgedduringhisentirestayinSijilmasawithoneMuhammadal-Bushri,alegalscholar

andbrotheroftheal-BushriofQanjanfu.“Howfaraparttheyare,”heremarksblandlyintheRihla.

InFebruary1352(beginningofMuharram753)hesetoutfromTafilaltwithacaravanof“merchantsofSijilmasaandothers.”TheleaderwasafellowoftheMasufaBerbers,aherdingpeopleoftheWesternSaharawhoappeartohavehadsomethingclosetoamonopolyonthesupplyofguards,guides,anddriversontheentireroutebetweenTafilaltandtheSahel.Thetwelfth-centurygeographeral-Idrisi describes the normal routines for traveling safely across “the emptywaste”thatyawnedforathousandmilessouthofSijilmasa:

They load their camels at late dawn, andmarch until the sun has risen, itslight has become bright in the air, and the heat on the ground has becomesevere.Then they put their loads down, hobble their camels, unfasten theirbaggageandstretchawningstogivesomeshadefromthescorchingheatandthehotwindsofmidday...Whenthesunbeginstodeclineandsinkinthewest, they setoff.Theymarch for the restof theday, andkeepgoinguntilnightfall,when theyencampatwhateverplace theyhave reached . . .Thusthe traveling of the merchants who enter the country of the Sudan isaccording to thispattern.Theydonotdeviate from it,because thesunkillswithitsheatthosewhoruntheriskofmarchingatmidday.9

AmarketinTafilaltnearthesiteofOldSijilmasa.PhotobytheAuthor.

RuinsofOldSijilmasaintheTafilaltoasis.PhotobytheAuthor.

Bytradition,thetombofIbnBattutainTangier.PhotobytheAuthor.

Twenty-fivedaysoutofSijilmasathecaravanreachedthesettlementofTaghaza,themainsalt-miningcenteroftheWesternSahara.TheparadoxofTaghazawasthegrim,treelessdesolationoftheplacesetagainstitsextremeimportancetotheentire interregional commercial system. All the southbound caravans took onloadsofslabsalt,sincenoproductwasingreaterdemandintheSudan.“Thisisavillagewithnothinggoodaboutit,”IbnBattutacomplains.“Itisthemostfly-riddenofplaces.”Thenhegoeson to speakof theenormousamountsofgoldthatchangedhandsthere.

Thecaravanstayedinthevillagefortendays,givinghimanopportunitytowatchwretchedslavesbelongingtoMasufaproprietorsdigslabsoutoftheopenmineandtiethemagainstthesidesofthedromedaries.Healsohadthecuriousexperienceofsleepinginahouseandprayinginamosquemadeentirelyofsaltblocks,exceptforthecamel-skinroofs.ThewaterofTaghazawasbrackish,andeverybitof foodfor the laborers,except forcamelmeat,had tobebrought infromeitherMoroccoorMali.MorethanacenturyandahalflatertheGranada-born traveler Leo Africanus would visit Taghaza and find conditions littlechanged:

Neitherhave thesaiddiggersofsaltanyvictualsbutsuchas themerchantsbringuntothem:fortheyaredistantfromallinhabitedplaces,almosttwentydaysjourney,insomuchthatoftentimestheyperishforlackoffood,whenasthemerchantscomenotinduetimeuntothem:Moreoverthesoutheastwinddothsooftenblindthem,thattheycannotliveherewithoutgreatperil.10

Between Taghaza and Walata lay the most dangerous stretch of the journey,almost500milesofsanddesertwheretheaverageannualrainfallisascantfiveto tenmillimetersandwhereonlyonewateringpointexists,aplacecalledBiral-Ksaib (Tasarahla).11 If rain fell at all in the region, it usually came in latewinter.12IbnBattutaandhisfellowswere,accordingtohischronology,travelingsouth from Taghaza sometime in March. Fortunately, the rain had come thatyear,leavingpoolsofwaterhereandtherealongthetrack,enoughinfactforthecaravaners to wash out their clothes. Yet there was danger enough in thiswildernessforallthat:

Inthosedaysweusedtogoonaheadofthecaravanandwheneverwefoundaplacesuitableforgrazingwepasturedthebeaststhere.ThiswecontinuedtodotillamannamedIbnZiribecamelostinthedesert.Afterthatweneitherwentonaheadnorlaggedbehind.Strifeandtheexchangeofinsultshadtakenplacebetween IbnZiriandhismaternalcousin,named Ibn ’Adi, so thathefellbehindthecaravanandlosttheway,andwhenthepeopleencampedtherewasnonewsofhim.

ArrivingsafelyatBiral-KsaibminusIbnZiri,thecaravanstoppedforthreedaystorestandtorepairandfillthewaterskinsbeforenavigatingthetrekacrossthevastsanddesertcalledMreyye, the finalandmostdangerousstageof the trip.Keeping to the usual procedure, the company hired aMasufa scout called the

takshif,whosejobitwastogoonaheadofthecaravantoWalata.Ifhedidnotlosehiswayamong thedunes,or runoutofwater,or fallprey to thedemonswhichIbnBattutatellsushauntedthosewastes,hewouldalertthepeopleofthetown to the caravan’s approach.AgroupofWalatanswould thenbe sent fourdays’journeynorthtomeetthecaravanwithfreshwater.

TheMasufatakshifearnedthe100mithqalsofgoldthecaravanerspaidhim,for on the seventh night out ofBir al-Ksaib they saw the lights of theWalatarelief party. A few days later, sometime in the latter part of April 1352(beginningofRabi’I753),theyreachedtheswelteringlittletown.Itsmudbrickhouseslayalongtheslopeofabarrenhill,ascatteringofpalmtreesina littlewadibelow.Thesitewasbleak,butasthemainsouthernterminusofthecameltrainsthetownnonethelesssupportedapopulationoftwoorthreethousand.13Itranked as a provincial capital of Mali and had an important community ofeducatedmenofBerberandSudaneseorigin.

Bya letterentrusted to the takshif IbnBattutahadarranged to rentahousethroughthegoodofficesofa“respectable”MoroccantradernamedIbnBadda’,who resided in the town.Yet as soon as he arrived, he found cause to regrethavingcomeatall.Walatawasthemostnortherlycenterunderthejurisdictionofthemansa.Followingcustom,themembersofthecaravanwentimmediatelytopaytheirrespectstothefarba,orgovernor.Theyfoundhimseatedonacarpetunder a portico, surrounded by lancers, bowmen, andwarriors of theMasufa.Though he sat very close to the visitors, he addressed them not directly butthroughaspokesman.InMalithiswasproperceremonialproceduresymbolizingthesacredcharacterof themansa, inwhosename the farbaheldhisauthority.IbnBattuta,however,thoughtthegovernor’sbehaviorashockingdisplayofbadmanners,misinterpretingitasashowofcontemptforthevisiting“whitemen.”14Later,thenewcomersallwenttoreceivehospitalityfromoneofthegovernor’sofficials.Thewelcometurnedouttobeabowlofmilletwithalittlehoneyandyogurt.

Isaidtothem:“Wasittothisthattheblackmaninvitedus?”Theysaid:“Yes,forthemthisisagreatbanquet.”ThenIknewforcertainthatnogoodwastobeexpectedfromthemandIwishedtodepart.

HesoongotthebetterofhisurgetoretreatbacktoMorocco,buttheinclinationoftheSudanesetocombineIslamicpracticewithregionalcustomwasnoendofirritation to him. His prejudice, if he were to try to explain it, had nothingdirectlytodowithrace.ItwasamatterofthefailureoftheMalianstoconduct

themselvesaccordingtothenormativestandardsthatpiousMuslimsfromNorthAfricancitiesmightexpectofvirtuousofficersofstate.Suchstandardsdidnotincluderulersspeakingtofellowbelieversthroughritualheraldsorentertainingvisiting’ulamawithsmalldishesofporridge.

Theincident,unfortunately,wastobeonlythefirstofmanyoccasionswhenIbnBattuta,thesophisticatedMalikijurist,wouldfindtheSudanesecomingupshortintheirattentiontomoralandlegalniceties.HeadmitsthatthescholarsofWalata treated himwarmly during his sojourn in the town, but he found theirfailure to subscribe to what he regarded as the civilized rules of sexualsegregation evenworse than the practices of theCentralAsianTurks.Ononeoccasion he appeared at the house of the qadi to find him seated in casualconversation with a young and beautiful woman. That a woman should bepresent in the reception roomof aMuslim’s housewhen amale guest arrivedwas bad enough. But the judge’s explanation, that it was all right to come inbecause the woman was his “friend,” made the visitor recoil in shock. Onanother occasion Ibn Battuta paid a call to a Masufa scholar and found thisworthy’swifechattingwithastrangemaninthecourtyard.Whenheexpressedprofound disapproval of such goings-on, the scholar replied insouciantly that“the association of women with men is agreeable to us and a part of goodconduct, towhichnosuspicionattaches.Theyarenot like thewomenofyourcountry.”Unpersuaded,IbnBattutaleftthehouseatonceandnevercameback.“Heinvitedmeseveraltimes,”hetellsus,“butIdidnotaccept.”

HestayedinWalataseveralweeks,thenstartedoutforthecapitalofMaliinthecompanyof threecompanionsandaMasufaguide.Heremarksthathedidnot need to travel in a caravanbecause “neither traveler therenor dweller hasanything to fear from thief or usurper” owing to Mansa Sulayman’s firmgovernment.Nor did he have to carry a large stockof supplies.As hemovedsouthward from the Sahelian steppe into the grassy plains, giant baobab treesrisingstalk-likeonthehorizon,heencounteredvillageaftervillageofSudanesefarming folk. In them he and his comrades offered glass beads and pieces ofTaghaza salt in return formillet, rice,milk, chickens, and other local staples.After two weeks or more on the road by way of Zaghari (which may beidentifiedwiththeSokoloareainmodernMali),hereachedtheleftbankoftheNigerRiverat aplacehenamesKarsakhu.15He calls the river theNile (Nil),following themistakennotionofmedievalMuslimgeographers that that greatriverwasabranchoftheEgyptianNile.Whateverhiserror,thecrocodilesherewereasdangerousastheoneshehadseeninEgypt:

OnedayIhadgonetotheNiltoaccomplishaneedwhenoneoftheSudancameandstoodbetweenmeandtheriver.Iwasamazedathisillmannersandlackofmodestyandmentionedthistosomebody,whosaid:“Hedidthatonlybecausehefearedforyouonaccountof thecrocodile,soheplacedhimselfbetweenyouandit.”

The traveler’s precise route from Walata to the Malian capital is a puzzlebecausewedonotknowforcertainwherethetownwas.TheRihlagivesneitheranametotheplacenoraveryusefultopographicaldescriptionofit.Thechiefseat of royal power may have changed location from one period to another,indeedmorethanone“capital”mayhaveexistedatthesametime.Somemodernscholarsidentifythesite,atleastatthattimeinMali’shistory,withthevillageofNiani, located south of the Niger in themodern Republic of Guinea. But thetownmayalsohavelainnorthoftheriversomewhereeastofBamako.16Aboutten miles from his destination Ibn Battuta crossed what he calls the SansaraRiverona ferry (henevermentionscrossing theNiger). If thecapital is tobeidentified with Niani, that river would have been the Sankarani, a southerntributaryoftheNiger.

The seat of Mansa Sulayman was a sprawling, unwalled town set in a“verdant and hilly” country.17 The sultan had several enclosed palaces there.Mansa Musa had built one under the direction of Abu Ishaq al-Sahili, anAndalusian architect andpoetwhohad accompaniedhimhome from thehajj.Al-Sahili surfaced the building with plaster, an innovation in the Sudan, and“covereditwithcoloredpatternssothatit turnedouttobethemostelegantofbuildings.”18 Surrounding the palaces andmosqueswere the residences of thecitizenry,mud-walledhousesroofedwithdomesoftimberandreed.19

IbnBattutaarrivedinthetownon28July1352(14JumadaI753)andwentimmediately to the quarter where the resident merchants and scholars ofMaghribi origin lived. He had written to the community in advance of hisarrival,probablyfromWalata,andwasrelievedtolearnthathisletterhadbeenreceivedandahousemadereadyforhimtooccupy.Withinaday,hemadetheacquaintance of the qadi, a Sudanese, as well as the other members of theMuslimnotability.Hewasalsointroducedtothemansa’s“interpreter,”orgriot,amannamedDugha.ThisofficialwasaSudaneseof special socialcastewhoperformedamultiplicityofimportantstatefunctions:masterofstateceremonies,royalbardandpraisesinger,herald,confidant,counsellor,andkeeperoftheoraltraditionsoftheKeitadynasty.

IbnBattutanodoubtexpectedtoseethekingpromptly,buttendaysafterhis

arrivalhefellgrievouslysickaftereatingsomeyamsorsimilarrootthatmaynothavebeencookedlongenoughtoremovethepoisonfromitsskin.20Hefaintedawayduringthedawnprayer,andoneofthefivemenwhohadsharedthemealwithhimsubsequentlydied.IbnBattutadrankapurgativeconcoctionto inducevomiting,butheremainedsoillfortwomonthsthathecouldnotrousehimselftomakeanappearanceatcourt.

He finally recovered just in time to attend a publicmemorial feast for thedeposedanddeceasedMoroccansultanAbul’Hasan,withwhomMalihadhadamicablediplomaticrelations.Theceremoniesofthemansa’spublicsittingwerenotunlike thepageants the travelerhadwitnessed indozensofMuslimcourts,butelementsoftraditionalMalinkechieftaincywereinevidencetobesure:

[Thesultan]hasaloftypavilion,ofwhichthedoorisinsidehishouse,wherehesitsformostofthetime...Therecameforthfromthegateofthepalaceabout 300 slaves, some carrying in their hands bows and others having intheirhandsshortlancesandshields...Thentwosaddledandbridledhorsesare brought, with two rams which, they say, are effective against the evileye...Dughatheinterpreterstandsatthegateofthecouncil-placewearingfinegarmentsof silkbrocadeandothermaterials, andonhisheada turbanwith fringes which they have a novel way of winding . . . The troops,governors,youngmen,slaves,theMasufa,andotherssitoutsidethecouncil-place in a broad street where there are trees . . . Inside the council-placebeneath the arches a man is standing. Anyone who wishes to address thesultanaddressesDughaandDughaaddressesthatmanstandingandthatmanstandingaddressesthesultan.

Ifoneof themaddresses thesultanand the latter repliesheuncovers theclothes from his back and sprinkles dust on his head and back, like onewashinghimselfwithwater.Iusedtomarvelhowtheireyesdidnotbecomeblinded.

Theqadiandotherscholarsbrought IbnBattuta forwardandpresentedhim tothegold-turbanedmonarch seatedonhisdaisunder a silkendome.Therewasnothing particularly special about a Moroccan faqih passing through thekingdom and this first meeting was perfunctory. Later, when Ibn Battuta hadreturned tohishouse,oneof thescholarscalled to tellhim that thesultanhadsentalongtherequisitewelcominggift.

Igotup,thinkingthatitwouldberobesofhonorandmoney,butbehold!it

wasthreeloavesofbreadandapieceofbeeffriedingharti[sheabutter]andagourdcontainingyoghurt.WhenIsawitIlaughed,andwaslongastonishedattheirfeebleintellectandtheirrespectformeanthings.

To make matters worse he spent almost another two months attending courtbefore the sultan paid any further attention to him. Finally, on the advice ofDugha,hemadeanappealtoSulayman,brashlyraisingtheissueofthemansa’sprestigeamongtheMuslimrulersoftheworld:

I have journeyed to the countries of theworld andmet their kings. I havebeenfourmonthsinyourcountrywithoutyourgivingmeareceptiongiftoranythingelse.WhatshallIsayofyouinthepresenceofothersultans?

InallprobabilitySulaymancouldnothavecaredlesswhatthiswanderingjuristsaidofhim.AtfirsthesublimelydisavowedhavingevenknownthatIbnBattutawasinthetown.ButwhenhisnotablesremindedhimthathehadreceivedtheMoroccan a fewmonths earlier and “sent him some food,” themansa offeredhim a house and an allowance in gold.Notwithstanding the sultan’s desultoryefforttoputthingsright,IbnBattutanevergotovertheindifferenttreatmenthereceived,concludingintheRihla thatSulayman“isamiserlykingfromwhomnogreatdonationistobeexpected”andthatMansaMusabycontrasthadbeen“generousandvirtuous.”

IbnBattutaendedasojournofalittlemorethaneightmonthsinthecapitalinastateofambivalenceoverthequalitiesofMalianculture.OntheonehandherespectedSulayman’sjustandstablegovernmentandtheearnestdevotionoftheMuslimpopulation to theirmosqueprayers andQur’anic studies. “Theyplacefettersontheirchildrenif thereappearsontheirpartafailure tomemorizetheQur’an,”hereportsapprovingly,“andtheyarenotundoneuntiltheymemorizeit.” On the other hand he reproached the Sudanese severely for practicesobviouslybasedinMalinketraditionbut,fromhispointofview,eitherprofaneor ridiculous when set against the model of the rightly guided Islamic state:female slaves and servantswhowent starknaked into the court for all to see;subjectswho groveled before the sultan, beating the groundwith their elbowsandthrowingdustandashesovertheirheads;royalpoetswhorompedaboutinfeathersandbirdmasks.IbnBattutaseemsindeedtobeharsherontheMaliansthanhedoesonothersocietiesoftheIslamicperipherywherebehaviorrootedinlocal tradition, but contrary to his scriptural and legal standards, coloredreligious and social practice. We may sense in his reportage a certain

embarrassmentthatakingdomwhoseIslamwassoprofoundlyinfluencedbyhisownhomelandanditsMalikidoctorswasnotdoingabetterjobkeepingtothestraightandnarrow.

Ibn Battuta left Sulayman’s court on 27 February 1353 (22 Muharram 754),traveling by camel in the company of a merchant. Since the location of thecapitalisuncertain,hisitineraryawayfromitisequallyproblematic.Ifhehadageneral plan of travel, it seems to have been to explore the provinces ofMalifurtherdowntheNiger.Hementionsthatintheensuingdayshecrossed,notthegreat river itself, but a tributary channel, which might be identified with the“canal du Sahel,” a northerly flood branch located east of themodernMaliantownofSégou.21Fromtherehefollowedanortheasterlyroute,keepingwelltothewestof the river, then rejoining it again somewherenot farupstreamfromTimbuktu.

IntheRihlaIbnBattutaexpressesnoparticularwonderatthatlegendary“cityofgold.”InfacttheriseofTimbuktuasatrans-SaharanterminusandcapitalofIslamiclearningcamemainlyinthefifteenthandsixteenthcenturies.Inthemidfourteenth century, when Ibn Battuta passed through, the town was onlybeginningtoflower.Ithadapopulationofabout10,000andaMaliangovernor,whohadbeen installedwhenMansaMusavisited the townonhis return fromthe Hijaz.22 It almost certainly had a sizable community of Maghribi andSudanese scholars.According to tradition,MansaMusa had commissioned animpressivegrandmosque.23YetuntillaterinthecenturyTimbuktuwasjuniortoWalata as a trade and intellectual center. Ibn Battuta found nothing there todetainhimforlongandwassoononhiswaydowntheNiger.

At Kabara, Timbuktu’s “port” on the river fourmiles south of the city, heabandonedhisdromedaryandboardedasmallboat,atypeofcanoe(“carvedoutofasinglepieceofwood”)thatisstillusedintheregiontoday.24FromKabarathe Niger flows due eastward for about 180 miles through the flat Saheliansteppe. “Each night,” he reports, “we stayed in a village and boughtwhatwewereinneedofinthewayofwheatandbutterforsalt,spicesandglasstrinkets.”AtonevillagehecelebratedtheProphet’sBirthday(12Rabi’I754or17April1353) in the company of the local commander, whose generosity the Rihlapraises so effusively that the tacit negative comparison toMansa Sulayman isnot lost on the reader. The officer not only entertained his visitorwarmly buteven gave him a slave boy as a gift. The lad accompanied Ibn Battuta backacrosstheSaharaandremainedwithhimforsomeyears.

Continuingdownriver,thetravelerspentaboutamonthinGao(Kawkaw),a

thrivingcommercialcityattheeasternextremityofMali’spoliticalorbit.Then,having by this time crossed a large part of the empire fromwest to east andvisited most of the towns with important Muslim populations, he decided tomake for home. Gao paralleledWalata and Timbuktu as a terminus of trans-Saharan trade,butwith relativelymore important routeconnections to IfriqiyaandEgypt.IbnBattutafound“abigcaravan”departingfromGaoforGhadamès(Ghadamis), amajor stop in the northern desert about 450miles due south ofTunis. He had no plans to go to Ghadamès, but it made sense for him toaccompanytheconvoyasfareastastheoasisofTakedda(Azelik),whichlaytothesouthwestoftheSaharanhighlandregioncalledAir.25Fromtherehecouldexpect to interceptacaravanenroute toSijilmasa from thecentralSudan (theregioncorrespondingtothenorthernpartofmodernNigeria).

His journey to Takedda was disagreeable. In Gao he purchased a ridingcamel,aswellasashe-cameltocarryhisprovisions.Buttheswelteringdesertsummerwas approaching, and after only one stage on the trail the she-camelcollapsed. Other travelers among the company agreed to help transport IbnBattuta’s belongings, but further on he fell sick, this time “because of theextremeheatandasurplusofbile.”StumblingontoTakedda,hefoundahousein which to recuperate as well as a welcoming community of residentMoroccans.

LikeTaghaza,Takeddawasagrimspotinthedesertimportantforitsmine,inthis casecopper.UnlikeTaghaza, the townwasalsoa junctionof trade routesandconsequentlyaplaceofsomeslighturbanity.IbnBattutareports:

ThepeopleofTakeddahavenooccupationbuttrade.TheytraveleachyeartoEgyptandimportsomeofeverythingwhichisthereinthewayoffineclothandotherthings.Itspeoplearecomfortableandwelloffandareproudofthenumberofmaleandfemaleslaveswhichtheyhave.

Recoveringfromhisillness,hethoughtofbuying“aneducatedslavegirl”forhimself. The effort brought nothing but trouble, not least for the unfortunateyoungwomeninvolved.First,theqadiofthetowngotoneoftheothernotablestosellthetraveleragirlofhisownforaquantityofgold.Thenthemandecidedhe had made a mistake and asked to buy her back. Ibn Battuta agreed onconditionthatareplacementbefound.AnotherMoroccaninthecaravan,amannamed’Ali’Aghyul,hadawomanhewasreadytosell.ButIbnBattutaandthisfellowhadalreadyhadapersonalrow.OnthejourneytoTakedda,’Ali’Aghyulhadnotonly refused tohelp carry the load from IbnBattuta’sdeadcamelbut

even denied a drink ofwater to his countryman’s slave boy.Nevertheless IbnBattutawentthroughwiththedeal,thisgirl“beingbetterthanthefirstone.”Butthen

this Moroccan regretted having sold the slave and wished to revoke thebargain.Heimportunedmetodoso,butIdeclinedtodoanythingbutrewardhimforhisevilacts.Healmostwentmadanddiedofgrief.ButIlethimoffafterwards.

Some time following this shabby incident, a slave messenger arrived in acaravanfromSijilmasacarryinganorder fromSultanAbu’Inan that the faqihshould return immediately to Fez. Ibn Battuta offers no explanation why thesultanshouldhavekeptsuchclosetrackofhismovementssouthoftheSahara.ItseemslikelythatAbu’Inanwasanxioustohaveareportfromhimonpoliticaland commercial conditions inMali, matters so important to the health of theMarinidstate.26

Ibn Battuta left Takadda on 11 September 1353 (11 Sha’ban 754) in thecompanyof a large caravan transporting600black female slaves toMorocco.TheseunfortunateshadprobablystartedoutfromthesavannalandssoutheastofTakedda, regions which, in the absence of gold deposits, engaged moreextensivelyinslavecommercethandidMali.27OncearrivedinSijilmasaorFez,thewomenwouldbesoldintoserviceasdomestics,concubines,orservantsoftheroyalcourt.

The caravan trekked northward through 18 days of “wilderness withouthabitation” toapointnorthofAir (possiblyAssiouor InAzaoua,28where therouteleadingtoGhadamèsforkedofffromtheroadtoSijilmasa.FromtheretheconvoyskirtedthewesternsideoftheAhaggar(Hoggar,orHukkar)Mountainsof the central desert. Here they passed through the territory of veiled Berbernomads who, Ibn Battuta informs us, were “good for nothing . . . Weencounteredoneoftheirchiefmenwhoheldupthecaravanuntilhewaspaidanimpostofclothandotherthings.”

Nowveeringgraduallytothenorthwest,thecompanyeventuallyreachedthegreatnorthSaharanoasiscomplexofTuwat(Touat).IbnBattutamentionsonlyonestoppingplaceinthisregion(Buda),thentellsussimplythattheycontinuedontoSijilmasa.Hestayedtherenomorethanabouttwoweeks,thencontinuedonover theHighAtlas in the deadofwinter. “I have seendifficult roads andmuchsnowinBukhara,Samarkand,Khurasanand the landof theTurks,but Ineversawaroadmoredifficultthanthat.”Somewherealongthatfrigidhighway

hehaltedtocelebratetheFeastofSacrifice,6January1354.

Then I departed and reached the capital Fez, capital of our Lord theCommanderoftheFaithful,mayGodsupporthim,andkissedhisnoblehand,anddeemedmyselffortunatetoseehisblessedface.Iremainedintheshelterofhisbeneficenceaftermylongtravels,mayGod...thankhimforthegreatbenefitswhichhebestowedonmeandhisamplebenignity.

IndeedAbu’Inancouldaffordtobeamplybenign,forhisreignhadjustaboutreached its high pointwhen IbnBattuta returned to the capital.Moroccowasgenerallyatpeace,andthesultanwasevenplanningforthedaywhenhewouldbesthisfatheratconqueringIfriqiyaandunifyingNorthAfricaonceandforall.If theBlackDeath had temporarily deflated Fez’s productiveness in craft andindustry, thecitywasstill thecenterof the intellectualuniversewestofCairo.Among the stars of saintliness and eruditiongathered there, IbnBattutamightexpecttoshineforamomentortwoonthestrengthofthestorieshehadtotell.

Notes

1.AbuZayd’Abdal-RahmanIbnKhaldun,Kitabal-’lbar,inL&H,pp.333–34.2.IbnFadlAllahal-Umari,Masalikal-absarfimamalikal-amsar,inL&H,pp.269–70.3.Al-Umari,L&H,pp.270–71.4. Andrew M. Watson, “Back to Gold and Silver,” Economic History Review 20 (1967): 30–31;

NehemiaLevtzion,AncientGhanaandMali(London,1973),pp.131–33.5.Al-Umari,L&H,p.261.6.TheRihla is the only existing eye-witness testimony on theMali empire and therefore a precious

historicalsource.7. The commentaries are divided on the question of IB’s purpose in going to the Sudan. The issue

hingesonthetranslationofthephrasebi-rasmal-safarintheArabictext.Oneversionhasit:“ItookleaveofourMaster (mayGodupholdhim). Idepartedwithorders toaccomplisha journey to the landof theSudan.”R.Maunyetal.,Textesetdocuments relatifsà l’histoirede l’Afrique:extraits tirésdesvoyagesd’Ibn Battuta (Dakar, 1966), p. 35. Levtzion and Hopkins (L&H, p. 414), however, believe that thistranslation“seemstoreadtoomuchintothetext.”Theyprefer“andsetoffwiththepurposeoftravelingtothelandoftheSudan.”BothD&S(vol.4,p.376)andH&K(p.22)givesimilarmeaningtotheirtranslationofthephrase.Levtzion(GhanaandMali,p.216)statesthatIBwas“onaprivatevisit totheSudan”butthatAbu’Inanknewofhismovements.WhenIBwasatTakaddainthesouthernSahara,thesultansentamessengertellinghimtoreturntoFez.IagreewithLevtzion.IfIBwereonanofficialmissiontoMali,wemight expect him to make a good deal of it in theRihla or at least refer to it in connection with hisappearanceattheMalicourt.

8.Al-Umari,L&H,p.275.9.Abu’AbdAllahal-Idrisi,Nuzhatal-mushtaqfiikhtiraqal-afaq,L&H.p.118.10.LeoAfricanus,TheHistoryandDescriptionofAfrica,trans.RobertPory,ed.RobertBrown,3vols.

(NewYork,1896),vol.3,pp.800–01.Modernspellingmine.

11.Maunyetal.(TextesetDocuments,p.38)identifyIB’sTasarahlawithBiral-Ksaib.12.Maunyetal.,Textesetdocuments,p.37.13. RaymondMauny, Tableau géographique de l’Ouest Africain au Moyen Âge d’après les sources

écrites,latraditionetl’archéologie(Amsterdam,1967),p.485.14.H&K,p.70n.15. J.O.Hunwick identifiesZaghariwith theSokolo region andKarsakhuwith a point on theNiger

southofthere.“TheMid-FourteenthcenturycapitalofMali,”JournalofAfricanHistory14(1973):199–200.OtherhypothesesonthisstretchofIB’sitineraryareofferedbyClaudeMeillassoux,“L’itinéraired’IbnBattuta deWalata àMalli,” Journal of AfricanHistory 13 (1972): 389–95; andMauny et al., Textes etdocuments,pp.46–47.16. Textual, linguistic, and archaeological evidence have all been marshalled to find the fourteenth

century capital ofMali. Recent discussions,which also review the earlier literature on the problem, areWladyslawFilipowiak,Études archéologiques sur la capitale médiévale duMali, trans. Zofia Slawskaj(Szczecin,1979);Hunwick,“Mid-FourteenthCenturyCapital,”pp.195–206;andMeillassoux,“L’itinéraired’IbnBattuta,’pp.389–95.HunwickhypothesizesthatIBdidnotvisitNianibutaplacenorthoftheNiger,pointingoutthatthetravelernevermentionscrossingtheriver.17.Al-Umari,L&H,p.263.18.IbnKhaldun,L&H,p.335.19.Al-Umari,L&H,pp.262–63.20.H&K,p.72n.21.Hunwick,“Mid-FourteenthCenturyCapital,”p.203.22.EliasN.Saad,SocialHistoryofTimbuktu: theRoleofMuslimScholarsandNotables,1400–1900

(Cambridge,England,1983),pp.11,27.23.Levtzion,Ghana andMali, p. 201;Mauny,Tableau géographique, pp. 114–15; and Saad, Social

HistoryofTimbuktu,pp.36–37.24.Maunyetal.,Textesetdocuments,p.71.25. Mauny (Tableau geógraphique, pp. 139–40) identifies IB’s Takadda with Azelik. Most other

commentatorsagree.26.JeanDevissepresumesthatIBwasonamissionforAbu’Inanandspeculatesthatthesultanwanted

up-to-date intelligence out of fear that the gold trade was being increasingly diverted towards Egypt.“Routes de commerce et échanges en Afrique Occidentale en relation avec la Méditerranée,” Revued’HistoireÉconomiqueetSociale50(1972):373.27.Levtzion,GhanaandMali,pp.174–76.28.Maunyetal.(Textesetdocuments,p.79)identifyIB’swateringplacewithoneortheotherofthese

points.L&H(p.418n)aredoubtfulbutoffernoalternative.

14TheRihla

Ihave indeed—praisebe toGod—attainedmydesire in thisworld,whichwastotravelthroughtheearth,andIhaveattainedinthisrespectwhatnootherpersonhasattainedtomyknowledge.1

IbnBattuta

We know only in a very general way what happened to Ibn Battuta after hereturnedtoFezin1354.SultanAbu’InancertainlylistenedtohisreportonMaliandnodoubtwantedtohearabouthistravelingcareer,thepoliticalhighlightsinparticular.AftertheinterviewIbnBattutamighthaveexpectedtoslipquietlyoutofpublicnotice,perhapstoseekajudicialappointmentelsewhereinMorocco.Yetthekingwassufficientlyimpressedbythisgenialandsharp-wittedfaqihthatheorderedhimtostay inFezfor the timebeingandprepareanarrativeofhisexperiencesforthepleasureoftheroyalcourt.

SinceIbnBattutawasnobelle-lettrist,IbnJuzayy,theyoungsecretaryhehadmet briefly inGranada three years earlier,was commissioned by the sultan toshape the Tangierian’s story into a proper oeuvre conforming to the literarystandardsofarihla:anaccountoftravelscenteringuponajourney(orjourneys)toMecca.IbnJuzayyhadfallenoutoffavorwithhisformeremployerYusufIofGranadaandlefthisservicetoacceptapostinFeznotlongbeforeIbnBattuta’sreturn there fromMali. He already had a reputation for his poetry, his prosewritingsinphilology,history,andlaw,andhisfinecalligraphicstyle.2Heseemstohavecometohisassignmentwithenthusiasmandmaywellhavedevelopedawarmfriendshipwiththejourneyer.

The twoof themprobablymet together regularly for about twoyears fromshortly after Ibn Battuta’s arrival in Fez until December 1355, when theredactionof thenarrativewas finishedunder the florid formal title, “AGift tothe Observers Concerning the Curiosities of the Cities and the MarvelsEncounteredinTravels.”Theworksessionslikelytookplaceindifferentplaces:

intheolderman’shouseortheyounger’s,inthegardensorhallsofFezJdid,intheshadyarcadesofmosques.IbnJuzayyadmitsthatwhathewrotewasonlyanabridgment of all that his collaborator told him or hadwritten out for him innotes. There is no direct evidence that Ibn Battuta ever read the completedmanuscriptorcheckeditforerrors.Mistakesinthephoneticspellingofvariousforeignwordssuggestthathedidnot.3IbnJuzayymayhavecontinuedtoreviseandrefinethebookafterhisinterviewswiththetravelerwerecompleted.Inanycase, the connection between the two men ended in 1356 or 1357 when IbnJuzayy,notyet37yearsold,diedofcausesunknown.4

InhisbriefintroductiontotheRihla,IbnJuzayyexplainspreciselywhatthesultanhadorderedIbnBattutatodo:

heshoulddictateanaccountofthecitieswhichhehadseeninhistravel,andoftheinterestingeventswhichhadclungtohismemory,andthatheshouldspeak of those whom he had met of the rulers of countries, of theirdistinguished men of learning, and of their pious saints. Accordingly, hedictateduponthesesubjectsanarrativewhichgaveentertainmenttothemindanddelighttotheearsandeyes.

This is a concise statement of the general subject matter of Ibn Battuta’sinterviewswith Ibn Juzayy, althoughhe rangedoveralmost everyconceivableaspectoffourteenth-centurylifefromcuisine,botany,andmarriagepracticestodynastichistoryandthepriceofchickens.AshespokeorfedIbnJuzayynotes,hewove his descriptive observations haphazardly into the account of his ownexperience. IbnJuzayy,moreover, interjected rhetoricaloddsandends into themanuscripthereandthere,includingabitofverse.Butgenerallyhestayedtrueto the structure of Ibn Battuta’s verbal recounting. Consequently, theautobiography, the personal adventure, remains at the heart of the book,revealing the traveler’s gregarious, high-spirited, pushy, impetuous, pious,ingratiatingpersonalitythroughtheaccountofthelifehelived.TheplanoftheRihla was very different from the organization of that other famous travelnarrativeofthemedievalage,theBookofMarcoPolo.TheVenetian’sworkisdivided into two parts, the first a brief summary of his traveling career, thesecond,whichmakesupmostoftheaccount,asystematic,didacticpresentationofinformationaboutChinaandotherlandseastofEurope.Allinall,thebookremains, in vivid contrast to the Rihla, “a treatise of empirical geography,”revealingalmostnothingaboutMarco’spersonality.5

There isnodoubt,on theotherhand, that in tellingsomuchabouthimself,

Ibn Battuta aimed to project a definite persona: the pious, erudite, Malikigentleman,thoughonewithaSufi’ssensitivityandreverence.ItseemsequallyclearthatashetoldIbnJuzayyhisstory,hetended,asperhapsmostofuswouldinhisplace, toexaggeratehis competenceasamanof learningandhis socialstatus among the kings and princes who entertained him, as well as theimportanceofthejudicialpositionsheheld.Perhapswecandiscerninthethreadof puffery that runs through the Rihla a discomforting self-awareness of thelimitsofhiseducationandcommitment to therigorousacademic life.There isnoevidencethatheeverspentmuchtimeinseriousstudyonceheleftTangierattheageof21.TothelearnedjurisconsultsandqadisofthegreatcitiesofIslam,who toiled years on end reading andmemorizing the important texts of theirlegalschool,IbnBattuta’sdeficiencieswouldhavebeenplaintosee.IbnJuzayyintroduceshimwithgustoas“thelearneddoctoroflaw.”Butanotherscholar,acelebratedAndalusianjudgenamedAbul’Barakatal-Balafiqi,hadalsometthetravelerinGranadaanddulysizedhimup.Hisobservation,reportedinthebriefarticle on Ibn Battuta in Ibn al-Khatib’s fourteenth-century compilation ofnotable biographies, was that the man may have traveled widely but hepossessedonly“amodestshareof thesciences.”6Orasanother translatorputsthe passage, “He had not too much of what it takes.”7 He could never havelandedahighjudicialpostinacitylikeCairoorDamascus(exceptperhapsinthe aftermath of the Black Death, when a large part of the civilian elite wasdead).ButhedidthriveoutontheperipheriesofIslamwhereMuslimprinces,badlyneedingexpertsintheshari’aandtheprestigethatcamewithenforcingit,were less particular about honoring and employing individuals with only “amodestshareofthesciences.”Inthatsense,IbnBattutabelongstoalargeclassof lettered but not accomplished men who, for want of serious careerpossibilities in the central cities, gravitated out to the expanding Islamicfrontiers,where aMuslimname, a reasonable education, and a large ambitioncouldseeamantoarespectablejob,eventorichesandpower.8

IfIbnBattutaneverbecameamasterofhislegalprofession,henonethelesspossessedanextraordinarymemoryof theplaceshehadvisitedand the thingshehadseen.Itseemshighlyunlikely thatwhenhegotdowntoworkwithIbnJuzayyhehadextensivetravelnotesorjournalsathand.HenevermentionsintheRihla that he took notes,with the single exception of a remark that sometombinscriptionshejotteddowninBukharawereoneoftheitemshelostinthepirateattackoffthecoastofIndia.9Ifhehadothernoteswithhimatthattime(1345),theywouldalsohavebeenlost.Inanycase,areadingoftheRihladoesnotsuggest thathehadafoggiermemoryofpeople,places,andeventsfor the

periodofhiscareerantedating1345thanforthetimeafter.Ontheotherhand,heappearstohavewrittenoutaroughversionofhislifeandobservations,perhapsafterhereturnedtoFez,sinceneartheendoftheRihlaIbnJuzayyreferstothework as his own “abridgment” of the “writing” or “notations” (taqyid) of thetraveler.10FromtimetotimeinthenarrativeIbnBattutaadmitscandidlythathesimplycannot remember thenameof aparticularpersonor town.Buthe alsomisrememberednumerous facts.Hegets names anddateswrongoccasionally,he reports certain contemporary or historical events inaccurately, hemixes upnowandagaintheorderofhisitinerary.Yettoocloseattentiontohiserrorscandistract from the astonishing accuracy of the Rihla on the whole, as both ahistoricaldocumentandarecordofexperience.

ToconcludethatIbnBattutadidnotrelyonnotesduringhisinterviewswithIbn Juzayy isnot to say that the twoof themhadno“research”aidsat all. InMuslimhistoricalandgeographicalwritingofthatage,authorscommonlydrewupon the works of earlier authorities to flesh out their essays, sometimesexplicitly crediting such authorities and sometimes not. Islamic literary theoryregardedwhatwewouldcallplagiarismwithawidelatitudeoftolerance.Itwasnotconsideredimpropertoquotefromorparaphraseotherwriterswithoutcitingthem, even where the ideas or information such writers contributed might bepartiallyorwhollydisguised.11IbnJuzayymayhavehadasubstantiallibraryofgeographicalandtravelliteratureofhisown.Inanycase,Fezhadbecomesuchan important centerof learning that the librariesof its leading intellectuals, aswell as that of theKarawiyinmosque,whichwas founded about 1350,wouldhaveprovidedthetwomenwithawealthofsourcematerialiftheyneededit.12

It isperfectlyplain that IbnJuzayycopiedoutrightnumerous longpassagesfromtheRihlaofIbnJubayr,thetwelfth-centuryAndalusiantravelerwhowrotethemostelegantofthemedievalMuslimtravelbooks.ThesepassagespertaintoIbnBattuta’sdescriptionsofDamascus,Mecca,Medina,andsomeotherplacesin theMiddleEast. It seems likely thatwhere IbnBattutacouldnot rememberverywellcertainplaceshevisited,orwhereIbnJubayr’sdescriptionwas,fromaliterary point of view, as good as anything Ibn Juzayy could produce, thendeferencemight bemade to this learned predecessor.13Modern scholars havesuggested, and in some cases proven, that Ibn Juzayy paraphrased from otherearliergeographicalbooksaswell.14

InhisintroductiontotheRihla,IbnJuzayydeclaresthathisintentionwastowritedownthestoryjustasIbnBattutatoldit:

Ihaverenderedthesenseofthenarrative. . . inlanguagewhichadequately

expressesthepurposeshehadinmindandsetsforthclearlytheendswhichhe had in view. Frequently I have reported hiswords in his own phrasing,withoutomittingeitherrootorbranch.

Yet Ibn Juzayy had been commissioned not simply to transcribemechanicallyIbn Battuta’s reminiscences but to undertake appropriate “pruning andpolishing” of his associate’s verbatim reports so as to produce a coherent,gracefulworkofliteratureinthehightraditionoftherihlagenre.Intheinterestsof literary symmetry and taste, therefore, the raw record of the traveler’sexperiencehadtobereshapedtosomeextent.Foronething,theitineraryovertheentire29yearswasexceedinglycomplicated.IbnBattutavisitedanumberofcitiesorregionstwoormoretimes,andhisroutescrisscrossed,backtracked,andoverlapped. Consequently, Ibn Juzayy found it desirable to group thedescriptionsofcertainplaceswithinthecontextofIbnBattuta’sfirstvisitthere—andtodoitwithoutmuchheedtotheprecisedetailsofhismovements.Theresultisamoresmoothlyflowingnarrativebutavexatioussnarlofproblemsforany modern scholar trying to figure out exactly where Ibn Battuta went andwhen.15

EvenmoretroublesomeforthehistorianisIbnBattuta’srecountingofvisitstoatleastafewplacesthatinfactheprobablyneversaw.IbnJuzayymeanttheRihlatobeatthebroadestlevelasurveyoftheMuslimworldofthefourteenthcentury.IbnBattutahadnotgoneabsolutelyeverywherein thatworld.YetIbnJuzayyprobablythoughtthatforthesakeofliteraryintegrityalmosteveryplacein Eurasia and Africa having an important Muslim population should bementionedwithin the frameworkof the traveler’s first-personexperience,eventhough in a few cases that experience might not be genuine. Ibn Battutadescribes,albeitratherlamelyandself-consciously,atripuptheVolgaRivertovisit the Muslim community of Bulghar, a trip he almost certainly did notmake.16Moderncommentatorshavealsocastdoubtson theauthenticityofhisjourneys to China and Byzantium, as well as to parts of Khurasan, Yemen,Anatolia, and East Africa, though scholarly opinion is very much divided onthesequestions.17Evenifsmallpartsof theRihlaarefabricated,wecanneverknow for sure how to parcel out the blame. It is conceivable that Ibn Juzayyaddedcertainpassageswithout IbnBattutaevenknowing thathedid.Norcanwediscountthemeddlingsoflatercopyists.

If the authenticity of theRihla has generally stood up well under modernscrutiny, Ibn Battuta was by no means let off easily in his own time. By anextraordinarypieceofhistoricalcoincidence,’Abdal-RahmanibnKhaldun,the

Tunisian historian and philosopher who came to tower over the Muslimintellectualworld in the latermedieval age, arrived inFez in 1354 to join thecircle of scholars around Sultan Abu ’Inan. Ibn Khaldun had been a younggovernment officer in TuniswhenAbu l’Hasan’s army occupied that city.Hewas impressed by the erudition of theMoroccan scholars in the sultan’s suiteand,having lostbothhisparents in theBlackDeath,decided to leavehometopursue advanced studies in Fez. There is no evidence that he ever made IbnBattuta’s acquaintance. But in TheMuqaddimah, his great work of historicalsociology completed in 1377, he makes a brief and utterly incidental remarkabout a certain “shaykh from Tangier” who turned up in Fez after travelingwidelyin theMuslimworld.“Heusedto tellaboutexperienceshehadhadonhistravels,”IbnKhaldunreports,“andabouttheremarkablethingshehadseenin the different realms.He spokemostly about the ruler of India.He reportedthingsabouthimthathislistenersconsideredstrange.”IbnKhaldunthenrepeatssome of IbnBattuta’s stories aboutMuhammadTughluq: his provisioning thefamine-stricken people of Delhi out of his own income and his practice ofhavinggoldcoinsshowereduponhissubjectsfromthebacksofelephants.IbnKhaldunalsonotesthatIbnBattutaheldajudgeshipinthesultanate.Butthenhegoes on to remark darkly that the Tangierian “told other similar stories, andpeopleinthedynasty(inofficialpositions)whisperedtoeachotherthathemustbealiar.”18

Abul’Barakatal-Balafiqi,theAndalusianscholarwhohadmetIbnBattutainGranadaandwaslatertoexpressalowopinionofhisscholarship,alsoresidedin Fez about this time and knew Ibn Khaldun.19 According to Ibn al-Khatib,authorof the fourteenth-centurybiographicalnoticeon IbnBattuta, al-Balafiqisaidthatpeopleconsideredthetraveler“purelyandsimplyaliar.”20Whysuchskepticismamongthe intelligentsiaofFez?Perhaps itwasareflectionof theircasualcontemptforIbnBattuta’spedestrianerudition.OritmightsimplyhavebeentheincredulousparochialismofFarWesternMuslimswhohadthemselvesnevertraveledveryfarfromhome.

IndeedIbnKhalduncontinuesinTheMuqaddimah:

Oneday Imet theSultan’s famousvizier,Faris ibnWadrar. I talked tohimaboutthismatterandintimatedtohimthatIdidnotbelievethatman’sstories,becausepeopleinthedynastywereingeneralinclinedtoconsiderhimaliar.Whereupon the vizier Faris said to me: “Be careful not to reject suchinformationabouttheconditionofdynasties,becauseyouhavenotseensuchthingsyourself.”21

Moreover Muhammad ibn Marzuk, a famous scholar of Tlemcen who wasoccupyingagovernmentpostinFezwhentheRihlawasbeingcomposed,alsoexpressed an opinion on Ibn Battuta, which found its way into Ibn Hajar’sfifteenth-century biographical notice. According to Ibn Hajar, Ibn Marzukclearedthetravelerofal-Balafiqi’schargeoflyingandevendeclared,“Iknowofnopersonwhohasjourneyedthroughsomanylandsas[hedid]onhistravels,andhewaswithalgenerousandwelldoing.”22

IfIbnBattutastirredupcourtlygossipforafewmonthswithhisexotictales,he seems to have attracted no more attention in Fez after his work with IbnJuzayywascompleted.Allthatweknowofhislaterlifeisthat,accordingtoIbnHajar’s brief sketch, heheld “theoffice ofqadi in some townor other.”23 Heprobably lived in themodestly comfortable style of a provincial official, and,since he was not yet 50 years old when he ended his travels, he very likelymarried again and sired more children, little half brothers and sisters of theoffspringgrowingupallacrosstheEasternHemisphere.

AsfortheRihla,verylittleisknownofitshistoryfromthefourteenthtothenineteenth century. In contrast to Marco Polo’s book, which was widelycirculatedandacclaimedinEuropeinthelaterMiddleAges,theRihlaappearsto have had a very modest impact on theMuslim world until modern times.ThereisnoevidenceofitsbeingwidelyquotedorusedasasourceinMuslimhistoricalorgeographicalworkswrittenafter1355.Tobesure,copiesofeitherthe entirework or abridgments of it circulated among educated households inMoroccoandtheotherNorthAfricancountries.TheRihlawasalsoknownintheWesternSudanintheseventeenthcenturyandinEgyptintheeighteenth,atleastin the formof abridgments. Itmayalsohave turnedup in libraries inMuslimregionseastoftheNile.24Onlyinthemidnineteenthcentury,halfamillenniumafteritwaswritten,didthenarrativebegintoreceivetheinternationalattentionit so profoundly deserved. The credit for that achievement, ironically enough,fell to scholars of Christian Europe, the one populous region of Eurasia IbnBattutahadneverbotheredtovisitinhistravels.

If the great journeyer attained no literary glory in his own time, heneverthelesshadgoodreasontoreviewhislongcareerwithsatisfaction.Hehadseenandbornewitnesstothebestthatthefourteenthcenturyhadtooffer,threedecadesofrelativeprosperityandpoliticalcalmintheAfro-Eurasianworld.Thesecond half of the century was to be drastically different. It was in BarbaraTuchman’s phrase the “calamitous” half of the century, a time of socialdisturbance and economic regression that seemed to afflict almost the entirehemisphere.25Thetroublesoftheagewerealmostcertainlyassociatedwiththe

greatpandemic,notonlytheBlackDeathitselfbut themultiplerecurrencesofpestilence that followeddecade after decadeon into the fifteenth century.TheBlack Death killed untold millions, but the repeated outbreaks of plagueprevented agrarianpopulations inEurope and theMiddleEast, andperhaps inIndiaandChinaaswell,fromrecoveringtopre-plaguelevels.

Theresultwaschronicallydepressedproductivity,aconditionthatgrievouslyaffectedmanykingdomsofthehemispherejustaboutthetimeIbnBattutaendedhistravels.Withtheexceptionofafewregionswhererealpoliticalvigorwasinevidence (the rising Ottoman Empire,Ming China after 1368, Vijayanagar insouthern India), almosteverystatehehadvisitedeitherdisappeared (theYuandynasty in China, the Ilkhanids in Persia), rapidly deteriorated (the DelhiSultanate, Byzantium), or experienced dynastic strife, rebellion, or socialupheaval(theKhanatesofKipchakandChagatay,theMamlukSultanate,Mali,Granada). Latin Europe, which he had not visited, experienced equally sorrytimes,withitsdeepeconomicrecession,HundredYearsWar,PapalSchism,andsuccessionofpeasantuprisings.

In his own homeland he lived out his last years amid the violent, anarchicdisintegration of the Marinid state. Sultan Abu ’Inan invaded Ifriqiya andoccupiedTunis in the fall of 1357, but hewas forced towithdrawwithin twomonths.Thefollowingyearhefellsickandwasfinallystrangledbyarebelliousvizier.NoMarinid king succeeded in restoring order and unity to the countryduringthenextcentury.

Perhaps safe in his remote judgeship from the turmoil of those times, theaging globetrotter could look back over a quarter century whose strongkingdoms,thrivinghemispherictrade,andcosmopolitancitieshadgivenhimsomany opportunities for adventure and fortune. And despite the spreadingdarknessofthelatercentury,hisconfidenceinthecontinuingtriumphofIslamwas doubtless undiminished. He would not have been specially impressed toknow that, as the fifteenth century approached,Muslimmerchants, preachers,soldiers, and peripatetic scholars like himself still carried on the work ofimplanting Islam and its treasury of values and institutions in SoutheastAsia,East andWest Africa, India, and Southeastern Europe. Even as the bellicosePortuguesepreparedtheirattackonCeutaandtheageofEuropeanpowerbegan,Islamasbothalivingfaithandamodelofcivilizedlifecontinuedtospreadintonewregionsoftheearth.

IbnBattutadiedin1368or1369(700A.H.).26Wherehisgravelies,nooneknowsforsure.ThetouristguidesofTangierarepleasedtotakeforeignvisitorsto see amodest tomb that allegedlyhouses themortal remainsof the traveler.

Butthesitehasnoinscriptionanditsgenuinenessisopentoquestion.27AmorevitalmemorialtohimistheIbnBattouta,thebigferryboatthatshuttlespeopleandtheirautomobilesacrosstheStraitofGibraltar.Fromthekasbahighabovethe city, you can see it steam out of the harbor, carrying young MoroccanscholarstotheirlawschoolsinParisandBordeaux.

Notes

1.Gb,vol.2,p.282.2.“IbnDjuzayy,”EI2,vol.3,p.756;D&S,vol.1,p.xxi.3.H.A.R.Gibb,IbnBattuta:TravelsinAsiaandAfrica(London,1929),p.12.4.“IbnDjuzayy,”EI2.vol.3,p.756.5. LeonardoOlschki,Marco Polo’s Asia: An Introduction to his Description of theWorld Called Il

Milione(BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1960)p.12.6.This isGibb’s translation(Gb,vol.1,p. ix)of thepassageas itappears inIbnHajaral-Ascalani’s

fifteenth-century biographical dictionaryAl-Durar al-Kamina. TheArabic text and French translation ofIbnal-Khatib’snotice,uponwhichIbnHajar’sispartiallybased,isfoundinE.Levi-Provençal,“LeVoyaged’IbnBattutadansleroyaumedeGrenade(1350)”inMélangesoffertsàWilliamMarçais(Paris,1950),pp.213,223.Ibnal-KhatibquotesAbul’BarakatassayinghemetIBinGranadainthegardenofAbul’Kasimibn Asim. IB confirms this meeting (D&S, vol. 4, p. 371). On Abu l-Barakat al-Balafiqi, see SoledadGibert,“Abu-l-Barakatal-Balafiqi,Qadi,HistoriadoryPoeta,”Al-Andalus28(1963):p.381–424.

7.H&K,p.5.8.OnthemigrationofMuslimliteratecadrestothefringeareasofIslam,seeMarshallG.S.Hodgson,

TheVentureofIslam,3vols.(Chicago,1974),vol.2,pp.539–42.9.D&S,vol.3,p.28.10.D&S,vol.4,p.449.MajorcommentatorsaredividedonthequestionofIB’snotes.Gibb,Hrbek,and

Défrémery and Sanguinetti believe he did not use travel noteswhen heworkedwith Ibn Juzayy.Gibb,TravelsinAsiaandAfrica,p.12;Hr,pp.413–14;D&S,vol.1,p.ix.MahdiHusainthinkshedid.MH,p.xviin.11.SeeJohnWansbrough,“AfricaandtheArabGeographers”inD.Dalby(ed.),LanguageandHistory

inAfrica(London,1970),pp.89–101.12.On the founding of theKarawiyin library, J. Berque, “Ville et université: aperçu sur l’histoire de

l’écoledeFès,”RevueHistoriquedeDroitFrançaisetÉtranger(1949):72.Onthepracticeoflearnedmenmaking their libraries available to other scholars, GeorgeMakdisi,The Rise of Colleges: Institutions ofLearninginIslamandtheWest(Edinburgh,1981),pp.24–27.13.J.N.Mattock,“IbnBattuta’sUseofIbnJubayr’sRihla”inR.Peters(ed.),ProceedingsoftheNinth

Congress of the Union Européene des Arabisants et Islamisants (Leiden, 1981), pp. 209–18; and “TheTravelWritingsofIbnJubairandIbnBatuta,”GlasgowOrientalSocietyTransactions21(1965–66):35–46.14. On the Rihla’s possible debts to al-Bakri, Ibn Fadlan, al-’Umari, and other Muslim authors see

Herman F. Janssens, Ibn Batouta, “Le Voyageur de l’Islam” (Brussels, 1948), pp. 108–09; StephenJanicsek, “Ibn Battuta’s Journey to Bulghar: Is it a Fabrication?” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society(October1929):794;Mattock,“IbnBattuta’sUseofIbnJubayr’sRihla,”pp.210,217;L&H,pp.280–81.15.SeeparticularlyChapter3,note26.16.SeeChapter8,note12.

17.Seevariousfootnotespertainingtothechronologyanditineraryoftripstotheseareas.18.IbnKhaldun,TheMuqaddimah,trans,anded.FranzRosenthal,3vols.(Princeton,N.J.,1958),vol.1,

pp.369–70.19.IbnKhaldun,TheMuqaddimah,vol.1,p.xlii.20.Ibnal-Khatib,quotedinLevi-Provençal,“LeVoyaged’IbnBattuta,”p.213.21.IbnKhaldun,TheMuqaddimah,vol.1,pp.370–71.22.IbnHajaral-‘Asqalani,Al-Duraral-KaminafiA’yanal-Mi’aal-Thamina,4vols.(Hyderabad,1929–

31),3:480–81.Gb,vol.1,pp.ix–x.OnIbnMarzuksee“IbnMarzuk,”EI2,vol.3,pp.865–68.23.Gb,vol.1,p.x.24.’Abdal-Rahmanibn’AbdAllahal-Sa’di,Tarikhes-Soudan,trans.O.Houdas(Paris,1964),pp.15–

16;D&S,vol.1,pp.xiii–xvi.H.T.NorrishaspointedoutabiographicalentryonIBinaworkwrittenin1799–1800 by a scholar fromWalata in Mauritania. Review of Ross E. Dunn, The Adventures of IbnBattuta, in The Maghrib Review 12, nos. 3–4 (1987), pp. 116–17. Tim Mackintosh-Smith (personalcommunication)informsmethattheMoroccanScholarAbdelhadial-TazimakesacaseforIB’sworkbeingknownintheMiddleEastfromtheendofthesixteenthcentury.Al-Tazi’sArabiceditionoftheRihlahasbeenunavailabletomeintheUnitedStates.RihlatIbnBattuta,5vols.(Rabat:RoyalMoroccanAcademy,1997).25.BarbaraW.Tuchman,ADistantMirror:TheCalamitousFourteenthCentury(NewYork,1978).26.IbnHajar’sbiographyquotedinGb,vol.1,pp.ix–x.27. According to Tim Mackintosh-Smith, Abdelhadi Tazi reports that the text of a letter by the

fourteenth-century scholar Ibn al-Khatib indicates that IB served in his later years as a judge in theMoroccan region of Tamasna, whose principal city was Anfa. Therefore, IB may be buried there.Unfortunately,medievalAnfaliesunderneathmodernCasablanca!TimMackintosh-Smith,TravelswithaTangerine:AJourneyintheFootnotesofIbnBattutah(London,2001),pp.34–35.

Glossary

Akhi Memberorleaderofanurbanmen’sassociation,orfityan.

’alim (pl.’ulama)

ApersonlearnedintheIslamicsciences

amir Amilitarycommanderorruler.

baraka Qualityofdivinegrace

faqih AspecialistinIslamiclaw;ajurist.

fiqh Jurisprudence,thescienceofIslamiclaw.

fityan UrbanassociationofmendevotedtoMuslimreligiousandsocialideals.

ghazi AfighterindefenseofIslam.

hadith Traditions of the words or actions of the ProphetMuhammad;oneofthemajorsourcesofIslamiclaw.

hajj ThepilgrimagetoMecca.

harim Therestrictedwomen’squartersofahouseorpalace.

’Idal-Adha FeastoftheSacrificecelebratedonthe10thofDhul-Hijja;partoftheritesoftheMuslimpilgrimage.

’Idal-Fitr Feast of Breaking of the Fast celebrated on the 1st ofShawwaltomarktheendofRamadan,theMuslimmonthoffasting.

ihram The state of ritual purity associated with the rites of thepilgrimage inMecca; the simple white garments worn bymalesduringthepilgrimage.

ijaza Certificateauthenticatingtheholder’smasteryofanIslamic

text;conveystherighttoteachthetexttoothers.

imam Leaderofprayerinmosques;forShi’aMuslimsthedivinelyordainedruleroftheMuslimcommunity.

jihad WarindefenseofIslam.

Ka’ba Thesacred,cube-shapedbuildinginMecca.

khan Amercantilewarehouse or hostel formerchants and othertravelers;alsoinTurkishandMongolusageachieforruler.

madhhab AschooloflawinSunniIslam.ThefourmajorschoolsaretheHanafi,theHanbali,theMaliki,andtheShafi’i.

madrasa AschoolorcollegeteachingtheIslamicsciences,especiallylaw.

Maghrib The lands of North Africa, corresponding to modernMorocco,Algeria,andTunisia.

Maliki Oneofthefourmadhhabs,orschoolsof law;predominantinNorthAfrica.

mamluk Amilitaryslave;amemberoftheTurkish-speakingcavalryelitethatruledEgyptandSyriaundertheMamlukdynasty.

qadi AMuslimjudge.

Ramadan Theninthmonthofthelunaryear,whichMuslimsdevotetofastingduringdaylighthours.

rihla Travel; a type of Islamic literature concernedwith travels,particularlyforstudyandpilgrimage.

shari’a Islamiclaw.

sharif AdescendantoftheProphetMuhammad.

shaykh Atitleofrespect,asforatribalchief,learnedman,orleaderofaSufibrotherhood.

Shi’a(Shi’ism) Muslims who take the view that the Caliph ’Ali and hisdescendants are the rightful rulers of the Muslimcommunity. The Shi’ia are divided into several minoritysectswithin Islam.An adherent of one of these sects is a

Shi’i.

Sufism Islamicmysticism.ASufiisaMuslimmysticandusuallyamemberofareligiousorder.

Sunni Themajority sect in Islamwhosemembers follow one ofthefourmajormadhhabs,orschoolsoflaw.SunniMuslimsaredifferentiatedfromfollowersofShi’iIslam.

tawaf The ritual of walking around the Ka’ba in Mecca seventimes.

’ulama (sing.’alim)

PersonslearnedintheIslamicsciences.

zawiya ASufireligiouscenterorhospice.IneasternIslam,khanqa

Bibliography

WorksonIbnBattutaandHisRihla

Thislistexcludesanumberofgeneralworksonthehistoryofgeographyor travel thatcontainsummarydescriptions of Ibn Battuta’s career. It also excludes partial translations of the Rihla that subsequentlyappearedaspartoflargerpublishedworks.

Abdur Rahim. “Six Hundred Years After — in the Footsteps of Ibn Battuta in Andalusia.” PeshawarUniversityReview51(1973):1–21.

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——“InSearchofIbnBattuta.”AsianAffairs8(1977):263–77.Bhatnagar,R.“MadhyadeshintheRehlaofIbnBattuta.”SaugarUniversityJournal4(1955–56):97–109.Bousquet,G.H.“IbnBattutaetlesinstitutionsmusulmanes.”StudiaIslamica24(1966):81–106.Carim,Fuad.MacoPoloveIbnBatuta.Istanbul.1966.Chelhod, Joesph. “Ibn Battuta, Ethnologue.” Revue de l’Occident Musulman et de la Méditerranée 25

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1975.De,Harinath(trans.),andGhosh,P.N.(ed.).IbnBatutah’sAccountofBengal.Calcutta,1978.Défrémery, C., and Sanguinetti, B. R. (trans. and eds.).Voyages d’Ibn Battuta. 4 vols. Paris, 1853–58;

reprintedn.,editedbyVincentMonteil.Paris,1979.Dulaurier,Edouard. “Descriptionde l’archipel d’Asie, par IbnBathoutha.”JournalAsiatique, 4th ser., 9

(1874):93–134,218–59.Fanjul, Serafin. “Elementos folkloricos en la Rihla de Ibn Battuta.” Revista del Instituto Egipico deEstudiosIslamicosenMadrid21(1981–82):153–79.

——andArbós,Federico(trans.andeds.).IbnBattutaatravésdelIslam.Madrid,1981.Ferrand,Gabriel.Relationsdevoyagesettextesgéographiquesarabes,persans,etturksrelatifàl’Extrême-OrientduVIIIauXVIIIsiècles.2vols.Paris,1913–14.Seevol.2,pp.426–58.

Freeman-Grenville,G.S.P.“IbnBatuta’sVisittoEastAfrica,1332A.D.:ATranslation.”UgandaJournal19(1955):1–6.

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lamemoiredeLévi-Provençal.2vols.Paris.1962.vol.1,pp.125–33.——TheTravelsofIbnBattutaA.D.1325–1354.TranslatedwithRevisionsandNotesfromtheArabicTextEditedbyC.DéfrémeryandB.R.Sanguinetti.3vols.CambridgefortheHakluytSociety,1958,1961,1971.

Gies,FrancesCarney.“ToTraveltheEarth.”AramcoWorldMagazine(January–February1978):18–27.Haig,M.R.“IbnuBatutainSindh.”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety19(1887):393–412.Hamdun,Said,andKing,Noel(trans.andeds.).IbnBattutainBlackAfrica.London.1975.Hasan,Mehdi.“TheRihlaofIbnBattuta.”ProceedingsoftheSecondIndianHistoricalCongress2(1938):

278–85.Hrbek,Ivan.“TheChronologyofIbnBattuta’sTravels.”ArchivOrientalni30(1962):409–86.Husain, Agha Mahdi. “Dates and Precis of Ibn Battuta’s Travels with Observations.” Sind UniversityResearchJournal,ArtsSeries:HumanitiesandSocialSciences7(1968):95–108.

——“IbnBattutaandHisRehlainNewLight.”SindUniversityResearchJournal,ArtsSeries:HumanitiesandSocialSciences6(1967):25–32.

——“IbnBattuta,HisLifeandWork.”Indo-Iranica7(1954):6–13.——“ManuscriptsofIbnBattuta’sRehlainParisandIbnJuzayy.”JournalandProceedingsoftheAsiaticSocietyofBengal20(1954):49–53.

——(trans.anded.).TheRehlaofIbnBattuta.Baroda,India,1976.—— “Studies in the Tuhfatunnuzzar of Ibn Battuta and Ibn Juzayy.” Journal of the Asiatic Society ofBangladesh23(1978):18–49.

IbnBattuta.RihlaIbnBatuta.Beirut,1964.——RihlaIbnBattuta.2vols.Cairo,1964.IbnHajaral-’Asqalani.Al-Duraral-KaminafiA’yanal-Mi’aal-Thamina.4vols.Hyderabad,1929–31.See

vol.3,pp.480–81forbiographicalnoticeonIbnBattuta.Izzeddin,Mehmed. “Ibn Battouta et la topographie byzantine.”Actes du VI Congrès Internationale desÉtudesByzantines.2vols.Paris,1951,vol.2,pp.191–96.

Janicsek, Stephen. “IbnBattuta’s Journey to Bulghar: Is it a Fabrication?” Journal of the Royal AsiaticSociety(October.1929):791–800.

Janssens,HermanF.IbnBatouta,“LeVoyageurdel’Islam.”Brussels,1948.Khan,AbdulMajed.“TheHistoricityof IbnBatutaRe.Sham-SuddinFiruzShah, theSo-CalledBalbani

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Lee,Samuel(trans.anded.).TheTravelsofIbnBatuta.London,1929.Leva,A.Enrico.“IbnBatutanell’AfricaNera.”Africa16:(1961):169–77.Lévi-Provençal, E. “Le voyage d’Ibn Battuta dans le royaume de Grenade (1350).”Mélanges offerts àWilliamMarçais.Paris,1950,pp.205–24.

Markwart, J. “Ein arabischer Bericht über die arktischen (uralischen) Länder aus dem 10 Jahrhundert.”UngaarischeJahrbücher4(1924):261–334.

Mattock,J.N.“IbnBattuta’sUseofIbnJubayr’sRihla.”InProceedingsoftheNinthCongressoftheUnionEuropéenedesArabisantsetIslamisants.EditedbyR.Peters.Leiden,1981,pp.209–18.

——“TheTravelWritingsofIbnJubairandIbnBatuta.”GlasgowOrientalSocietyTransactions21(1965–66):35–46.

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(1940–41):384–406.Seco deLucena, Luis. “De toponimia granadina: Sobre el vije de IbnBattuta al reino deGranada.”Al-Andalus16(1951):49–85.

Slane,M.G.(trans.).“VoyagedansleSoudan.”JournalAsiatique,4thser.,1(1843):181–246.Sobret, J. “Les Frontières chez Ibn Battuta.” In Actes du 8ème Congrès de l’Union Européenne desArabisantsetIslamisants.Aix-en-Provence,1978,pp.305–08.

Stewig, R. “Versuch einer Auswertung der Reisebeschreibung von Ibn Battuta (nach der englischenÜbersetzung von H. A. R. Gibb) zur Bedeutungs-differenzierung westanatolischer Siedlungen.”DerIslam47(1971):43–58.

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Yamamoto,T.“OnTawalisiasDescribedbyIbnBattuta.”MemoirsoftheResearchDepartmentoftheToyoBunko8(1936):93–133.

Yule,Henry.CathayandtheWayThither.4vols.London,1913–16.Seevol.4,pp.5–166.

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1938.Boyle,JohnAndrew.TheMongolWorldEmpire1206–1370.London,1977.Brice,WilliamC.(ed.).AnHistoricalAtlasofIslam.Leiden,1981.

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Caille,J.“LesMarseillaisàCeutaauXIIIesiècle.”InMélangesd’histoireetd’archéologiede l’occidentmusulman.Vol.2:HommageaGeorgesMarçais.Algiers,1957,pp.21–31.

Dufourcq,Charles-Emmanuel.“BerbèrieetIberiemédiévales:unproblèmederupture.”RevueHistorique92(1968):293–324.

——‘LaQuestiondeCeutaauXIIIesiècle.”Hespéris41(1955):67–127.——L’EspagnecatalaneetleMaghribauxXIIIeetXIVesiècles.Paris,1966.——“MéditerranéeetMaghrebduXIIIeauXVIesiècles.”Revued’histoireetduCivilizationduMaghreb

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Princeton,N.J.,1985.IbnAbiZar.Roudhel-Kartas:HistoiredessouverainsduMaghrebetannalesdelavilledeFez.Translated

byAugusteBeaumier.Paris,1860.Krueger,HilmarC. “GenoeseTradewithNorthwestAfrica in theTwelfthCentury.”Speculum8 (1933):

377–95.Lane,FredericC.Venice,aMaritimeRepublic.Baltimore,1973.

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22(1959):261–86.Dufourcq, Charles-Emannuel. “Les activités politiques et économiques des Catalans en Tunisie et en

Algerie orientale du 1262 à 1377.” Bulletin de la real academia de buenas letras de Barcelona 19(1947):1–96.

Epalza,Miguelde,andPetit,Ramon.Recueild’étudessurlesMoriscosandalousenTunisie.Madrid,1972.Idris,H.R.“Delarealitédelacatastrophehilalienne.”Annales,E.S.C.23(1968):390–96.Lacoste,Yves.IbnKhaldoun:naissancedel’histoirepassédutiers-monde.Paris,1966.Latham, Derek. “Towards a Study of Andalusian Immigration and its Place in Tunisian History.” LescahiersdeTunisie5(1957):203–52.

Lawless,RichardI.,andBlake,GeraldH.Tlemcen:ContinuityandChangeinanAlgerianIslamicTown.London,1976.

Poncet,J.“Lemythedela‘catastrophe’hilalienne.”Annales,E.S.C.22(1967):1099–120.Soyous,A.E.LeCommercedesEuropéensàTunisdepuisleXIIesièclejusqu’àlafinduXVIesiècle.Paris,

1929.

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Chapter3:TheMamluks

Abu-Lughod,Janet.Cairo:1001YearsoftheCityVictorious.Princeton,N.J.,1971.Adams,WilliamY.Nubia:CorridortoAfrica.Princeton,N.J.,1977.’Ankawi,’Abdullah.“ThePilgrimagetoMeccainMamlukTimes.”ArabianStudies1(1974):146–70.Ayalon,David.“AspectsoftheMamlukPhenomenon.”DerIslam.PartI,53(1976):196–225;PartII,54

(1977):1–32.——“TheEuropean-AsiaticSteppe:AMajorReservoirofPowerfortheIslamicWorld.”Actsofthe25thCongressofOrientalists2:47–52.Moscow,1960.

——GunpowderandFirearmsintheMamlukKingdom.London,1956.——TheMuslimCityandtheMamlukMilitaryAristocracy.Jerusalem,1967.Clerget,Marcel.LaCaire:étudedegéographieurbaineetd’histoireéconomique.2vols.Cairo,1934.Cougat,J.“Lesroutesd’Aidhab.”Bulletindel’InstitutFrançaisd’ArchéologieOrientale8(1908):135–43.Creswell,K.A.C.TheMuslimArchitectureofEgypt,2vols.Oxford,1952,(1959).Darrag,Ahmad.L’ÉgyptesousleregnedeBarsbay,825–41/1422–38.Damascus,1961.Dodge,Bayard.Al-Azhar:AMillenniumofMuslimLearning.Washington,D.C.,1961.Dopp,P.H.“LeCairevuparlesvoyageursoccidentauxduMoyenÂge.”BulletindelaSociétéRoyaledeGéographied’Égypte23(1950):117–49.

Dussaud,Rene.TopographiehistoriquedelaSyrieantiqueetmédiévale.Paris,1927.Gaudefroy-Demombynes,Maurice.LeSyrieàl’époquedesMamelouks.Paris,1923.Gilbert,JoanE.“The’UlamaofMedievalDamascusandtheInternationalWorldofIslamicScholarship.”

Ph.D.dissertation,UniversityofCalifornia,Berkeley,1977.Grant,C.P.TheSyrianDesert:Caravans,TravelandExploration.London,1937.Hasan,YusufFadl.TheArabsandtheSudanfromtheSeventhtotheEarlySixteenthCenturies.Edinburgh,

1967.Hitti,PhilipK.HistoryofSyria.2ndedn.NewYork,1957.Humphreys,R.S.“TheEmergenceoftheMamlukArmy.”StudiaIslamica45(1977):46(1977):147–82.Jomier,Jacques.LeMahmaletlecaravaneégyptiennedespélérinsdelaMecque.Cairo,1953.Lane-Poole,Stanley.TheStoryofCairo.London,1902.Lapidus,I.M.MuslimCitiesintheLaterMiddleAges.Cambridge,Mass.,1967.LeStrange,Guy.PalestineundertheMoslems.Beirut,1965.Maqrizi,al-.HistoiredesSultansMamlouksdel’Égypte.TranslatedbyM.Quatremere.Paris,1937.Marmardji,A.S.TextesgéographiquesarabessurlaPalestine.Paris,1951.Muir,William.TheMamelukeorSlaveDynastyofEgypt,1260–1517.London,1896.Murray,G.W.“’Aidhab.”TheGeographicalJournal68(1926):235–40.Paul,A.AHistoryoftheBejaTribesoftheSudan.Cambridge,England,1954.Petry,CarlF.TheCivilianEliteofCairointheLaterMiddleAges.Princeton,N.J.,1981.

Popper,William.EgyptandSyriaundertheCircassianSultans,1382–1486.Berkeley,1955and1957.Raymond, André, “La population du Caire de Maqrizi à laDescription de l’Égypt.” Bulletin d’ÉtudesOrientales28(1975):201–15.

Rogers, J. M. “Evidence for Mamluk–Mongol Relations, 1260–1360.” In Colloque international surl’histoireduCaire.1969,pp.385–403.

Sauvaget,Jean.“Esquissed’unehistoiredelavilledeDamas.”RevuedesÉtudesIslamiques4(1934):421–80.

——Laposteauxchevauxdansl’empiredesMamelouks.Paris,1941.Semeonis,Symon.TheJourneyofSymonSemeonisfromIrelandtotheHolyLand.Translatedandeditedby

MarioEsposito.Dublin,1960.Staffa,SusanJane.ConquestandFusion:TheSocialEvolutionofCairo,A.D.642–1850.Leiden,1977.Suchem, Ludolph von. Ludolph von Suchem’s Description of the Holy Land and of the Way Thither.

TranslatedbyAubreyStewart.London,1895.Trimingham,J.Spencer.IslamintheSudan.London,1965.Wiet,Gaston.Cairo:CityofArtandCommerce.Norman,Okla.,1964.——“LescommunicationsenÉgypteauMoyenÂge.”L’ÉgypteContemporaine24(1933):241–64.Ziadeh,NicloaA.DamascusundertheMamluks.Norman,Okla.,1964.——UrbanLifeinSyriaundertheEarlyMamluks.Beirut,1953.

Chapter4:Mecca

Amin,Mohamed.PilgrimagetoMecca.London,1978.Bey,Ali.TheTravelsofAliBey.2vols.Philadelphia,1816.Bidwell,RobinL.TravellersinArabia.NewYork,1976.Burckhardt,JohnLewis.TravelsinArabia.2vols.London,1829;reprintedn.,London,1968.Burton,RichardFrancis.PersonalNarrativeofaPilgrimagetoEl-MedinahandMeccah.2vols.Reprint

edn.,NewYork,1964.Frescobaldi, Gucci and Sigoli. Visit to the Holy Places of Egypt, Sinai, Palestine, and Syria in 1384.

TranslatedandeditedbyTheophilusBelloriniandEugeneHoade.Jerusalem,1948.Gaudefroy-Demombynes,M.LePélérinageàlaMekke.Paris,1923.Gaury,Geraldde.RulersofMecca.London,1951.Hogarth,D.C.Arabia.Oxford,1922.Hurgronje,C.Snouck.MeccaintheLatterPartoftheNineteenthCentury.TranslatedbyJ.H.Monahan.

Leiden,1931.Kamal,Ahmad.TheSacredJourney.London,1961.Long,DavidEdwin.TheHajjToday:ASurveyoftheContemporaryPilgrimagetoMekkah.Albany,New

York.Musil,Alois.ArabiaDeserta,aTopographicalItinerary.NewYork,1927.——TheNorthernHegaz.NewYork,1926.Rutter,Eldon.TheHolyCitiesofArabia.2vols.London,1928.Varthema,Ludovicodi.TheTravelsofLudovicodiVarthema.TranslatedbyJohnW.Jones.London,1863.

Chapter5:PersiaandIraq

Arberry,A.J.Shiraz.Norman,Okla.,1960.

Barthold,W.AnHistoricalGeographyofIran.TranslatedbySvatSoucekandeditedwithanintroductionbyC.E.Bosworth.Princeton,N.J.,1984.

Boyle,J.A.(ed.).CambridgeHistoryofIran.Vol.5:TheSaljuqandMongolPeriods.Cambridge,England,1968.

Browne,EdwardG.ALiteraryHistoryofPersia.4vols.Cambridge,England,1929–30.——AYearamongstthePersians.London,1893.Bulliet,RichardW.ThePatriciansofNishapur.Cambridge,Mass.,1972.Dawson,Christopher.TheMongolMissions.London,1955.Juvaini.TheHistoryoftheWorldConqueror.TranslatedbyJohnAndrewBoyle.2vols.Cambridge,Mass.,

1958.Lambton,A.K.S.IslamicSocietyinPersia.London,1954.——LandlordandPeasantinPersia.London,1953.LeStrange,Guy.BaghdadduringtheAbbasidCaliphate.Oxford,1924.——TheLandsof theEasternCaliphate.Cambridge,England,1905;2ndedn.,1930; reprintedn.,New

York,1966.——MesopotamiaandPersiaundertheMongolsintheFourteenthCenturyA.D.:Fromthe“Nuzhatal-Qulub”ofHamdAllahMustaufi.London,1903.

Lewis,Bernard. “TheMongols, theTurks and theMulsimPolity.”Transactions of the RoyalHistoricalSociety,5thser.(1968):49–68.

Minorsky,Vladimir.TheTurks,IranandtheCaucasusintheMiddleAges.London,1978.Morgan,D.O.“TheMongolArmiesinPersia.”DerIslam56(1979):81–96.Mustawfi,Hamd-Allah.TheGeographicalPart of the “Nuzhat al-Qulub.” Translated byG. Le Strange.

Leiden,1919.——Tarikh-i-Guzidah.TranslatedbyM.J.Gantin.Paris,1903.Rashidal-Din.TheSuccessorsofGenghisKhan.TranslatedbyJohnA.Boyle.NewYork,1971.Smith, JohnMasson. “MongolManpower andPersianPopulation.” Journal of theEconomic and SocialHistoryoftheOrient18(1975):271–99.

Spuler,B.DieMongoleninIran.2ndedn.Berlin,1955.Thesiger;Wilfred.TheMarshArabs.London,1964.Wiet,Gaston.Baghdad:MetropolisoftheAbbasidCaliphate.Norman,Okla.,1971.Wilber,DonaldN.TheArchitectureofIslamicIran:TheIlKhanidPeriod.Reprintedn.,Leiden,1980.

Chapter6:TheArabianSea

Allen,JamesdeVere.“SwahiliCultureandtheNatureofEastCoastSettlement.”InternationalJournalofAfricanHistoricalStudies14(1981):306–34.

Ashtor,E.“TheKarimiMerchants.”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety(1956):45–56.Aubin,J.“LesPrincesd’OrmuzduXIIIeauXVesiècle.”JournalAsiatique241(1953):77–138.Chelhod,J.“Introductionàl’histoiresocialeeturbainedeZabid.”Arabica25(1978):48–88.Chittick,Neville.Kilwa:AnIslamicTradingCityontheEastAfricanCoast.2vols.Nairobi,1974.——“ShiraziColonizationofEastAfrica.”JournalofAfricanHistory6(1965):275–94.Faroughy,Abbas.TheBahreinIslands,750–1951.NewYork,1951.Fischel,WalterJ.“TheSpiceTradeinMamlukEgypt.”JournaloftheEconomicandSocialHistoryoftheOrient1(1958):157–74.

Freeman-Grenville, G. S. P. The East African Coast: Select Documents from the First to the EarlierNineteenthCentury.Oxford,1962.

——TheMedievalHistoryoftheTanganyikaCoast.Oxford,1962.Garlake,PeterS.TheEarlyIslamicArchitectureoftheEastAfricanCoast.London,1966.Goitein, S. D. “FromAden to India: Specimens of the Correspondence of India Traders of the Twelfth

Century.”JournaloftheEconomicandSocialHistoryoftheOrient23(1980):43–66.——“FromtheMediterraneantoIndia:DocumentsontheTradetoIndia,SouthArabia,andEastAfrica

fromtheEleventhtotheTwelfthCenturies.”Speculum29(1954):181–97.——“LettersandDocumentsontheIndiaTradeinMedievalTimes.”IslamicCulture37(1963):188–205.——“NewLightontheBeginningsoftheKarimMerchants.”JournaloftheEconomicandSocialHistoryoftheOrient1(1958):175–84.

Guest,R.“ZufarintheMiddleAges.”IslamicCulture9(1935):402–10.Hornell,J.“ClassificationofArabSeaCraft.”Mariner’sMirror28(1942):11–40.Hourani,George.Arab Seafaring in the IndianOcean in Ancient and EarlyMedieval Times. Princeton,

N.J.,1951.Howarth,David.Dhows.London,1977.Huntingford,G.W.B,(trans.anded.).ThePeriplusoftheErythraeanSea.London,1980.IbnRusta.Kitabal-A’lakalNafisa.EditedbyJ.deGoeje.Leiden,1892.Kammerer,A.LaMerRouge.4vols.Cairo,1929–35.Khazrejiyy,al-.ThePearlStrings:AHistoryoftheResuliyyDynastyofYemen.5vols.TranslatedbyJ.W.

Redhouse.Leiden.1906–18.Kirk,William. “TheNEMonsoon and SomeAspects ofAfricanHistory.” Journal ofAfricanHistory 3

(1962):263–67.Kirkman,J.S.MonumentsandMenontheEastAfricanCoast.London,1964.Labib,S.“LesmarchandsKarimisenOrientetsurl’OceanIndien.”InSociétésetcompagniesdecommerceenOrientetdansl’OcéanIndien.Actesdu8èmecolloqueinternationald’histoiremaritime.Paris,1970,pp.209–14.

Lewcock,R.B.“IslamicTownsandBuildingsinEastAfrica.”StoriadellaCitta7(1978):49–53.——andSmith,G.R.“ThreeMedievalMosquesintheYemen.”OrientalArt20(1974):75–86,192–203.Lewis,Archibald.“MaritimeSkillsintheIndianOcean,1368–1500.”JournaloftheEconomicandSocialHistoryoftheOrient16(1973):238–64.

Martin, B. G. “Arab Migration to East Africa in Medieval Times.” International Journal of AfricanHistoricalStudies7(1974):367–90.

Moreland,W.H.“TheShipsoftheArabianSeaaboutA.D.1500.”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety1(1939):63–74,173–92.

PersianGulfPilot.11thedn.London,1967.Playfair,R.L.AHistoryofArabiaFelixorYemen.Bombay,1859;reprintedn.,London,1970.Pouwels,Randall.L.“TheMedievalFoundationsofEastAfricanIslam.”InternationalJournalofAfricanHistoricalStudies11(1978):201–22,393–409.

Prins, A. H. J. “The Persian Gulf Dhows: NewNotes on the Classification ofMid-Eastern Sea-Craft.”Persica6(1972–74):157–65.

Razik.HistoryoftheImamsandSeyyidsofOman.TranslatedbyGeorgeP.Badger.London,1871.RedSeaandGulfofAdenPilot.11thedn.London,1967.Rubinacci,Roberto. “The Ibadis.” InA. J.Arberry andC.F.Beckingham (eds.),Religion in theMiddleEast.2vols.Cambridge,England,1969.

Saad,Elias.“KilwaDynasticHistoriography.”HistoryinAfrica6(1979):177–207.Serjeant,R.B.“TheDhowsofAden.”GeographicalJournal14(1942):296–301.——“MaritimeCustomaryLawintheIndianOcean.”InSociétésetcompagniesdecommerceenOrientetdansl’OcéanIndien,Paris,1970,pp.195–207.

——“ThePortsofAdenandShihr(MedievalPeriod).”RecueilsdelaSociétéJeanBodin32(1974):207–24.

——ThePortugueseofftheSouthArabiaCoast.Oxford,1963.Teixeira,Pedro.Travels.TranslatedbyW.F.Sinclair.London,1902.Tibbetts,G.R.ArabNavigationintheIndianOceanbeforetheComingofthePortuguese.London,1971.Toussaint,Auguste.Histoiredel’OcéanIndien.Paris,1961.Trimingham,J.Spencer.IslaminEastAfrica.Oxford,1964.Tritton.A.S.TheRiseoftheImamsofSanaa.Madras,1925.Villiers,Alan.SonsofSinbad.London,1940.TheWestCoastofIndiaPilot.11thedn.London,1975.Wiet, Gaston. “Les marchands d’Épices sous les sultans mamelouks.”Cahiers d’Histoire Égyptienne 7

(1952):81–147.Wilkinson,J.C.“OmanandEastAfrica:NewLightonEarlyKilwanHistoryfromtheOmaniSources.”InternationalJournalofAfircanHistoricalStudies14(1981):272–305.

——“TheOriginsoftheOmaniState.”InTheArabianPeninsula:SocietyandPolitics.EditedbyDerekHopwood.London,1972,pp.67–88.

Williamson, Andrew. “Hurmuz and the Trade of the Gulf in the 14th and 15th Centuries A.D.” InProceedingsoftheSixthSeminarforArabianStudies.London,1973,pp.52–68.

Wilson,ArnoldT.ThePersianGulf:AnHistoricalSketchfromtheEarliestTimestotheBeginningoftheTwentiethCentury.Oxford,1928;reprintedn.,London,1954.

Chapter7:Anatolia

Aflaki.Manaqibal-’Arifin:lessaintsdesdervichestourneurs.2vols.TranslatedbyC.Huart.Paris,1918–22.

Akurgal,Ekrem(ed.).TheArtandArchitectureofTurkey.Oxford,1980.Beldiceanu-Steinherr,Irene.Recherchessur lesactesdesrègnesdesSultansOsman,OrkhanetMuradI.

Monachii,1967.Bergeret,J.“Konya.”Archéologia96(July,1976):30–37.Boase,T.S.R.(ed.).TheCilicianKingdomofArmenia.Edinburgh,1978.Brown,JohnP.TheDervishes,orOrientalSpiritualism.London,1868;reprintedn.,1927.Bryer,AnthonyA.M.TheEmpireofTrebizondandthePontos.London,1980.Byrne,E.H.GenoeseShippingintheTwelfthandThirteenthCenturies.Cambridge,Mass.,1930.Cahen,Claude.Pre-OttomanTurkey.London,1968.Cook,M.A.(ed.).AHistoryoftheOttomanEmpireto1730.Cambridge,England,1976.Gabriel,Albert.Unecapitaleturque,Brousse.2vols.Paris,1958.Hasluck,F.W.ChristianityandIslamundertheSultans.2vols.Oxford,1929.Inalcik,Halil.TheOttomanEmpire:TheClassicalAge,1300–1600.TranslatedbyNormanItzkowitzand

ColinImber.London,1973.Karpat,K.H.(ed.).TheOttomanStateanditsPlaceinWorldHistory.Leiden,1974.Koprulu,M.F.Lesoriginesdel’empireottoman.Paris,1935;reprintedn.,Philadelphia,1978.Lemerle,P.L’Emiratd’Aydin,Byzanceetl’Occident.Paris,1957.Lindner, Rudi Paul.Nomads and Ottomans inMedieval Anatolia. Indiana University Uralic and Altaic

Series,vol.144.Bloomington,Ind.,1983.Lloyd,Seton,andRice,D.S.Alanya(Ala’iyya).London,1958.

Murray’sHandbook:Constantinople,BrusaandtheTroad.London,1900.Murray’sHandbookforTravellersinAsiaMinor.EditedbyCharlesWilson.London,1895.Pitcher,DonaldEdgar(ed.).AnHistoricalGeographyoftheOttomanEmpire.Leiden,1972.Shaw,StanfordJ.HistoryoftheOttomanEmpireandModernTurkey.2vols.Vol.1:EmpireoftheGazis:TheRiseoftheOttomanEmpire,1280–1808.Cambridge,England,1977.

Vryonis,Speros,Jr.TheDeclineofMedievalHellenisminAsiaMinorandtheProcessofIslamizationfromtheElevenththroughtheFifteenthCentury.BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1971.

Wittek,P.DasFürstentumMentesche.Reprintedn.,Amsterdam,1967.——“LeSultanofRum.”Annuairedel’InstitutdePhilologieetd’HistoireOrientalesetSlaves6(1938):

361–90.——TheRiseoftheOttomanEmpire.London,1938.Zachariadou,ElizabethA.Trade andCrusade:VenetianCrete and theEmirates ofMenteshe andAydin

(1300–1415).Venice,1983.

Chapter8:TheSteppe

Balard,M. “Notes sur l’activité maritime des Génois de Caffa à la fin du XIIIe siècle.” In Sociétés etcompagniesdecommerceenOrientetdansl’OcéanIndien.Paris,1970,pp.375–86.

Barthold,W.HistoiredesTurcsd’AsieCentrale.Paris,1945.——TurkestandowntotheMongolInvasion.3rdedn.London,1968.Bosworth,CliffordEdward.TheMedievalHistoryofIran,AfghanistanandCentralAsia.London,1977.Bratianu,GheorgheIvan.LaMerNoiredesoriginesàlaconquêteottomane.Monachii,1969.——RecherchessurlecommercegénoisdanslaMerNoireauXIIIesiècle.Paris,1929.Chambers,James.TheDevil’sHorsemen:TheMongolInvasionofEurope.TranslatedbyGuyLeStrange.

London,1928.Clavijo,RuyGonzalesde.Clavijo:EmbassytoTamerlane,1403–06.London,1979.Dupree,Louis.Afghanistan.Princeton,N.J.,1980.Ebersolt,J.ConstantinoplebyzantineetlesvoyageursduLevant.Paris,1918.Fisher,Alan.TheCrimeanTatars.Stanford,1978.Gregkov,B.D.andIakubovskij,A.J.LaHorded’Or.TranslatedbyF.Thuret.Paris,1939.Hambly,Gavin.CentralAsia.London,1969.Humlum,J.Lagéographiedel’Afghanistan.Copenhagen,1959.Izzeddin,Mehmed.“QuelquesvoyageursmusulmansàConstantinopleauMoyenÂge.“Orient9 (1965):

75–106.Jackson,Peter.“TheDissolutionoftheMongolEmpire.”CentralAsiaticJournal22(1978):186–244.Krader,Lawrence.Peoples of Central Asia. 3rd edn. IndianaUniversity Publications: Uralic andAltaic

Series,vol.26.Bloomington,Ind.,1971.Loenertz, R. J. “Dix-huit lettres de Gregoire Acindyne, analysées et datées.” Orientalia ChristianaPeriodica23(1957):114–44.

Martin, Janet. “TheLand ofDarkness and theGoldenHorde: The Fur Trade under theMongols,XIII–XIVthCenturies.”CahiersduMondeRusseetSovietique19(1978):401–21.

Meeker, Michael E. “The Black Sea Turks: Some Aspects of their Ethnic and Cultural Background.”InternationalJournalofMiddleEastStudies2(1971):318–45.

Nemtseva,N.B.“TheOriginsandArchitecturalDevelopmentof theShah-iZinde.”TranslatedbyJ.M.Rogersand’AdilYasin.Iran15(1977):51–73.

Nicol,D.M.TheLastCenturiesofByzantium,1261–1453.London,1972.

Oliver,E.E.“TheChaghataiMughals.”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety20(1888):72–128.Ostrogorsky,George.HistoryoftheByzantineState.2ndedn.TranslatedbyJoanHussey.Oxford,1968.Pelliot,Paul.Notessurl’histoiredelaHorded’Or.Paris,1949.Poliak, A. N. “Le caractère colonial de l’état mamlouk dans ses rapports avec la Horde d’Or. “Revued’ÉtudesIslamiques9(1935):231–48.

Riasanovsky,A.AHistoryofRussia.3rdedn.Oxford,1977.Rockhill,WilliamWoodville(trans.anded.).TheJourneyofWilliamofRubrucktotheEasternPartsoftheWorld.London,1900.

Rogers, J.M. “Summary of SovietResearch on theKhanate of theGoldenHorde.”Unpublished paper,1980?.

Sinor,Denis.InnerAsiaAnditsContactswithMedievalEurope.London,1977.——Introductionàl’étudedel’EurasieCentrale.Wiesbaden,1963.Smith,J.M.,Jr.TheHistoryoftheSarbadarDynasty,1336–1381A.D.TheHague,1970.Spuler,B.DieGoldeneHorde.Leipzig,1943.Vernadsky,G.TheMongolsandRussia.NewHaven,Conn.,1953.Wilber,DonaldN.Afghanistan.2ndedn.NewHaven,Conn.,1962.

Chapter9:Delhi

Ahmad,Aziz.AnIntellectualHistoryofIslaminIndia.Edinburgh,1969.——“MongolPressureinanAlienLand.”CentralAsiaticJournal6(1961):182–93.——StudiesinIslamicCultureintheIndianEnvironment.Oxford,1964.——“TheSufiandtheSultaninPre-MughalMuslimIndia.”DerIslam38(1962):142–53.Ahmad,Maqbul.Indo-ArabRelations.Bombay,1969.Ashraf,K.M.LifeandConditionsofthePeopleofHindustan.2ndedn.,NewDelhi,1970.Ballhatchet,Kenneth,andHarrison,John.TheCityinSouthAsia.London,1980.Barani, Ziya al-Din.The Political Theory of the Delhi Sultanate. Translated and edited byMohammed

HabibandAfsarUmarSalimKhan.Allahabad,n.d.Basham,A.L.(ed.).ACulturalHistoryofIndia.Oxford,1975.Chand,Tara.InfluenceofIslamonIndianCulture.Allahabad,1936.Day,U.N.SomeAspectsofMedievalIndianHistory.NewDelhi,1971.Digby,Simon.“MuhammadbinTughluq’sLastYearsinKathiawarandhisInvasionsofThattha.”HamdardIslamicus2(1979):79–88.

——War-horseandElephantintheDelhiSultanate:AStudyofMilitarySupplies.Oxford,1971.Elliot,H.M.andDowson,John.TheHistoryofIndiaasToldbyitsOwnHistorians.31vols.Vol.3:TheMuhammadanPeriod.Allahabad,1952–59.

Habib, Irfan. “Economic History of the Delhi Sultanate, An Essay in Interpretation.” Indian HistoricalReview4(1978):287–303.

Habibullah,A.B.M.TheFoundationofMuslimRuleinIndia.2ndedn.,Allahabad,1961.Haig,Wolseley(ed.).TheCambridgeHistoryofIndia.Vol.3:TurksandAfghans.NewYork,1928;reprint

edn.,Delhi,1958.——“FiveQuestionsintheHistoryoftheTughluqDynastyofDilhi.”JournaloftheRoyalAsiatícSociety

(1922):319–72.Hardy,Peter.HistoriansofMedievalIndia.London,1960.Husain,MahdiAgha.LegouvernementdusultanatdeDelhi.Paris,1936.

——TughluqDynasty.Calcutta,1963.Ikram,SheikhMohamad.MuslimRuleinIndiaandPakistan.2ndedn.,Lahore,1966.ImperialGazetteerofIndia.26vols.Oxford,1907.Jackson,Peter. “TheMongols and theDelhiSultanate in theReignofMuhammadTughluq (1325–51).”CentralAsiaticJournal19(1975):118–57.

——“TheMongolsandIndia(1221–1351).”Ph.D.dissertation,CambridgeUniversity,1977.Khan,M.S.“AnUndiscoveredArabicSourceof theHistoryofSultanMuhammadbinTughlaq.”IslamicCulture53(1979):187–205.

Lal,K.S.HistoryoftheKhaljis,A.D.1290–1320.2ndedn.London,1967.Lambrick,H.T.Sind:AGeneralIntroduction.Hyderabad,1964.Lehmann,Fritz.“ArchitectureoftheEarlySultanatePeriodandtheNatureoftheMuslimStateinIndia.”Indica15(1978):13–31.

Little,D.P.“DidIbnTaymiyyaHaveaScrewLoose?”StudiaIslamica41(1975):39–111.Majumdar,R.C.(ed.).TheHistoryandCultureoftheIndianPeople.Vol.6:TheDelhiSultanate.Bombay,

1960.Mujeeb,Mohammad.TheIndianMuslims.Montreal,1967.——IslamicInfluenceonIndianSociety.Meerut,India,1972.Nizami,K.A.SomeAspectsofReligionandPoliticsinIndiaintheThirteenthCentury.Aligarh,1961.——StudiesinMedievalIndianHistoryandCulture.Allahabad,1966.Nath,R.HistoryofSultanateArchitecture,NewDelhi,1978.Rothermund,Dietmar(ed.).IslaminSouthernAsia.Wiesbaden,1975.Schimmel,Annemarie.IslaminIndiaandPakistan.Leiden,1982.Schwartzberg,J.E.AHistoricalAtlasofSouthAsia.Chicago,1978.Singh,Attar(ed.).Socio-CulturalImpactofIslamonIndia.Chandigarh,1976.Stow,A.M.“TheRoadbetweenDelhiandMultan.”JournalofthePunjabHistoricalSociety3(1914–15):

26–37.’Umari, Ibn Fadl Allah al-.A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under SultanMuhammad binTughluq.TranslatedandeditedbyIqtidarHusainSiddiqiandZaziMohammadAhmad.Aligarh,1971.

Chapter10:MalabarandtheMaldives

Barbosa, Duarte.The Book of Duarte Barbosa. 2 vols. Edited by Mansel Longworth Dames. London,1918–21.

Bell,H.C.P.MaldiveIslands.Colombo,1882.Carswell, J. “China and Islam in theMaldive Islands.”Transactionsof theOrientalCeramicSociety 41

(1975–77):121–97.——“MosquesandTombsintheMaldiveIslands.”ArtandArchaeologyResearchPapers9(1976):26–

30.Chaube,J.HistoryoftheGujaratKingdom.NewDelhi,1973.Cheriau,A.“TheGenesisofIslaminMalabar.”Indica6(1969):13–20.Derrett,J.,andDuncan,M.TheHoysalas:AMedievalIndianRoyalFamily.Oxford,1957.Eaton,R.M.SufisofBijapur,1300–1700:SocialRolesofSufisinMedivalIndia.Princeton,N.J.,1978.Forbes,A.,andFanzia,Ali.“Republicof100Islands.”GeographicalMagazine50(1978):264–68.KrishnaswanniAiyangar,S.SouthIndiaandherMuhammadanInvaders.London,1921.Maloney,Clarence.PeopleoftheMaldives.Madras,1980.

Misra,S.C.TheRiseofMuslimPowerinGujarat.NewYork,1963.Moreland,W.H.“TheShahbandarintheEasternSeas.”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety(1920):517–

33.Needham, Joseph. Science and Civilization in China. Multivol. Vol. 4, Part 3: Civil Engineering andNautics.Cambridge,1954–;thisvolume,1971.

Pyrard,François.TheVoyageofFrançoisPyrardofLaval totheEastIndies, theMaldives, theMoluccasandBrazil.TranslatedandeditedbyAlbertGray.2vols.London,n.d.Reprintedn.,NewYork,1963?.

Raychaudhuri, Tapan, and Habib, Irfan (eds.). The Cambridge Economic History of India. 2 vols.Cambridge,England,1982.

Sastri,NilakantaK.A.ForeignNoticesofSouthIndia.Madras,1939.——AHistoryofSouthIndia.3rdEdn.,Madras,1966.Sherwani,H.K.andJoshi,P.M.(eds.).HistoryofMedievalDeccan,1295–1724.2vols.Hyderabad,1973–

74.VenkataRamanayya,N.TheEarlyMuslimExpansioninSouthIndia.Madras,1942.

Chapter11:China

AbdurRahim,Muhammad.SocialandCulturalHistoryofBengal.Karachi,1963.Andaya,BarbaraWatsonandLeonardY.AHistoryofMalaysia.NewYork,1982.Bhattasali,N.K.CoinsandChronologyof theEarly IndependentSultansofBengal.WithTranslationof“Ibn-Batuta’sTravels inBengal” fromFrenchbyS.N.Bose.Cambridge,England,1922;reprintedn.,NewDelhi,1976.

Chang, Kuei-sheng. “The Maritime Scene in China at the Dawn of the Great European Discoveries.”JournaloftheAmericanOrientalSociety94(1974):347–57.

Coedes,G.TheIndianizedStatesofSoutheastAsia.TranslatedbySusanBrownCowing.EditedbyWalterF.Vella.Honolulu,1968.

Cordier,Henri.HistoiregénéraledelaChine.4vols.Paris,1920.Dardess,J.W.ConquerorsandConfucians:AspectsofPoliticalChange inLateYuanChina.NewYork,

1973.Elvin,Mark.ThePatternoftheChinesePast.Stanford,Calif.,1973.Filesi,Teobaido.ChinaandAfricaintheMiddleAges.TranslatedbyDavidL.Morisen.London,1972.Geiger,Wilhelm.CultureofCeyloninMediaevalTimes.Wiesbaden,1960.Gernet,Jacques.DailyLifeinChinaontheEveoftheMongolInvasion1250–1276.TranslatedbyH.M.

Wright.Stanford,Calif.,1970.Hall,D.G.E.AHistoryofSouth-EastAsia.4thedn.NewYork,1981.Hall,KennethR. “Trade and Statecraft in theWesternArchipelago at theDawn of theEuropeanAge.”JournaloftheMalaysianBranchoftheRoyalAsiaticSociety54,part1(1981):21–48.

——andWhitmore,JohnK.TheOriginsofSoutheastAsianStatecraft.AnnArbor,Mich.,1976.Hill,A.H.“TheComingofIslamtoNorthSumatra.”JournalofSoutheastAsianHistory4(1963):6–21.Hutterer,KarlL. (ed.).EconomicExchangeandSocial Interaction inSoutheastAsia.AnnArbor,Mich.,

1977.Jack-Hinton,Colin(ed.).PapersonEarlySouth-EastAsianHistory.Singapore,1964.Johns,A.H. “FromCoastal Settlement to Islamic School andCity: Islamization in Sumatra, theMalay

PeninsulaandJava.”HamdardIslamicus4(1981):3–28.——“IslaminSoutheastAsia:ReflectionsandNewDirections.”Indonesia19(1975):33–55.Karim,Abdul.SocialHistoryoftheMuslimsinBengal.Dacca,1959.

Langlois,JohnD.(ed.).ChinaunderMongolRule.Princeton,N.J.,1981.Lo,Jung-pang.“TheEmergenceofChinaasaSeaPowerduringtheLateSungandEarlyYuanPeriods.”FarEasternQuarterley14(1954–55):489–503.

——“MaritimeCommerceanditsRelationtotheSungNavy.”JournaloftheEconomicandSocialHistoryoftheOrient12(1969):57–101.

MaHuan.Ying-yaiSheng-lan:TheOver-allSurveyoftheOcean’sShores.TranslatedandeditedbyJ.V.G.Mills.London,1970.

Nichols,C.W.,andParanavitana,S.AConciseHistoryofCeylon.Colombo,1961.Pathmanathan,S.TheKingdomofJaffna.Colombo,1978.Raghavan,M.D.IndiainCeyloneseHistory,SocietyandCulture.2ndedn.Bombay,1969.Ray,H.C.,andParanavitana,S.HistoryofCeylon.Colombo,1959.Ricklefs,M.C.HistoryofIndonesia.Bloomington,Ind.,1981.Rossabi,Morris(ed.).ChinaamongEquals:TheMiddleKingdomanditsNeighbors,10th–14thCenturies.

BerkeleyandLosAngeles,1983.Sarkar,Jadunath(ed.).TheHistoryofBengal.2vols.Vol.2:MuslimPeriod1200–1757.Dacca,1948.Schurmann,HerbertFranz.EconomicStructureoftheYuanDynasty.Cambridge,Mass.,1956.Sirisena,W.M.SriLankaandSoutheastAsia:Political,ReligiousandCulturalRelationsfromA.D.1000to1500.Leiden,1978.

Smith,D.Howard.“Zaitun’sFiveCenturiesofSino-foreignTrade.”Journalof theRoyalAsiaticSociety,1958,parts3and4,pp.165–77.

Tibbetts,G.R.AStudyoftheArabicTextsContainingMaterialonSouth-EastAsia.Leiden,1979.Wheatley,P.TheGoldenKhersonese:StudiesintheHistoricalGeographyoftheMalayPeninsulabeforeA.D.1500KualaLumpur,1961.

Chapter12:Home

Arié,Rachel.L’EspagnemusulmaneautempsdesNasrides(1232–1492).Paris,1973.Ayalon,David.“ThePlagueanditsEffectsupontheMamlukArmy.”JournaloftheRoyalAsiaticSociety

(1946):67–73.Benchekroun,M.B.A.LavieintellectuellemarocainesouslesMerinidesetlesWattasides.Rabat,1974.Berque, Jacques. “Ville etuniversité: aperçu sur l’histoirede l’écoledeFes.”RevueHistorique deDroitFrançaisetÉtranger(1949):64–117.

Blachère, R. “Quelques détails sur la vie privée du sultanmerinide Abu l-’Hasan.” InMemorial HenriBasset.Paris,1928,pp.83–89.

Dols,MichaelW.TheBlackDeathintheMiddleEast.Princeton,N.J.,1977.Gibert,Soledad.“Abu-l-Barakatal-Balafiqi,Qadi,HistoriadoryPoeta.”Al-Andalus28(1963):381–424.Gottfried,RobertS.TheBlackDeath:NaturalandHumanDisasterinMedievalEurope.NewYork,1983.Grabar,Oleg.TheAlhambra.Cambridge,Mass.,1978.Irving,Washington.TheAlhambra.EditedbyF.H.Law,NewYork,1926.LaderoQuesada,MiguelAngel.Granada: historia de un país islamico (1232–1571). 2nd edn.Madrid,

1979.Latham,Derek.“TheLater’Azafids.”Revuedel’OccidentMusulmanetdelaMéditerranée15–16(1973):

109–25.—— “The Strategic Position andDefence of Ceuta in the LaterMuslim Period.” IslamicQuarterly 15

(1971):189–204.LeTourneau,Roger.FèsavantleProtectorat.Casablanca.1949.

——FezintheAgeoftheMarinides.Norman,Okla.,1961.Lévi-Provençal,E.Histoiredel’Espagnemusulman.Newedn.,3vols.Paris,1950.Lomax,DerekW.TheReconquestofSpain.London,1978.Mackay,Angus.SpainintheMiddleAges:FromFrontiertoEmpire,1000–1500.London,1977.McNeill,WilliamH.PlaguesandPeoples.GardenCity,N.Y.,1976.Prémare,A.L.de.MaghrebetAndalousieauXIVesiècle:notesdevoyaged’unAndalouauMaroc,1344–1345.Lyon,1981.

Sauvaget,Jean.Alep.Paris,1941.Shatzmiller,Maya. “Les premiersMerinides et le milieu religieux de Fès: l’introduction de médersas.”StudiaIslamica34(1976):109–18.

Terrasse,Charles.MédersasduMaroc.Paris,1927.Terrasse, H. “Le royaume nasride dans la vie de l’Espagne duMoyen Âge: indications et problèmes.”MélangesoffertsàMarcelBataillon.Bordeaux.1963,pp.253–60.

TorresBalbas,L.“Gibraltar:IlaveyguardadelreinodeEspaña.”Al-Andalus7(1942):168–216.Verlinden, Charles. “Le grande peste de 1348 en Espagne.”Revue Belge de Philologie et d’Histoire 17

(1938):103–46.Ziegler,Philip.TheBlackDeath.NewYork,1969.

Chapter13:Mali

Bovill,E.W.TheGoldenTradeoftheMoors.London,1968.Chapelle,F.dela.“Esquissed’unehistoireduSoudanOccidental.”Hespéris11(1930):35–95.Conrad,David,andFisher,Humphrey.“TheConquestthatNeverWas:GhanaandtheAlmoravids,1076.”HistoryinAfrica9(1982):21–59;10(1983):53–78.

Delafosse,Maurice.Haut-Senegal-Niger.3vols.Paris,1919;reprintedn.,1972.——“LeGanaetleMalietl’emplacementdeleurscapitales.”BulletinduComitéd’ÉtudesHistoriquesetScientifiquesdel’A.O.F.9(1924):479–542.

——“LesrelationsduMarocavecleSoudanàtraverslesâges.”Hespéris(1924):153–74.Devisse, J. “Routesde commerceet échanges enAfriqueOccidentale en relationavec laMéditerranée.”Revued’HistoireEconomiqueetSocial50(1972):357–97.

Filipowiak,Wladyslaw.“ContributionauxrecherchessurlacapitaleduroyaumedeMaliàl’époqueduhautMoyen-Âge.”ArchaeologiaPolona10(1968):217–32.

——Études archéologiques sur la capitalemédiévale duMali. Translated by Zofia Slawskaj. Szczecin,1979.

Hiskett,M.TheDevelopmentofIslaminWestAfrica,London,1982.Hopkins,A.G.AnEconomicHistoryofWestAfrica.NewYork,1973.Hunwick,J.O.“TheMid-FourteenthCenturyCapitalofMali.”JournalofAfricanHistory14(1973):195–

208.LeoAfricanus.TheHistory andDescription of Africa. Translated byRobert Pory and edited byRobert

Brown.3vols.NewYork,1896.Levtzion,Nehemia.AncientGhanaandMali.London,1973.——andHopkins,J.F.P.(trans.andeds.).CorpusofEarlyArabicSourcesforWestAfricanHistory.New

York,1981.Lewis,I.M.IslaminTropicalAfrica.2ndedn.Bloomington,Ind.,1980.Lhote, H. “Recherches sur Takedda, ville décrite par le voyageur arabe Ibn Battouta et située en Aïr.”Bulletindl’IFAN34(1972):429–70.

McIntosh,Roderick J. and SusanKeech. “The InlandNigerDelta before the Empire ofMali: EvidencefromJenne-Jeno.”JournalofAfricanHistory22(1981):1–22.

McIntosh, Susan Keech. “A Reconsideration of Wangara/Palolus, Island of Gold.” Journal of AfricanHistory22(1981):145–58.

Malowist. M. “Sur l’or du Soudan: quelques observations sur le commerce de l’or dans le SoudanOccidentalauMoyenÂge.”AnnalesE.S.C.25(1970):1630–36.

Mauny,Raymond.Tableaugéographiquedel’OuestAfricainauMoyenÂged’aprèslessourcesécrites,latraditionetl’archéologie.Amsterdam,1967.

Monteil,Charles.LesEmpiresduMali.Paris.1968.Niani,D.T.Sundiata:AnEpicofOldMali.TranslatedbyG.D.Pickett,London,1965.Peres, Henri. “Relations entre le Tafilelt et le Soudan à travers le Sahara du XIIe au XIVe siècle.” InMélangedegéographieetd’orientalismeoffertsàE.-F.Gautier.Tours,1937,pp.410–14.

Saad, Elias N. Social History of Timbuktu: The Role of Muslim Scholars and Notables, 1400–1900.Cambridge,England,1983.

Sa’di.’Abdal-Rahmanibn’AbdAllahal-,Tarikhes-Soudan.TranslatedbyO.Houdas.Paris,1964.Terrasse,Henri.“NotesurlesruinesdeSijilmasa.”RevueAfricaine368–69(1936):581–89.Trimingham,J.Spencer.AHistoryofIslaminWestAfrica.Oxford,1962.Wansbrough,John.“AfricaandtheArabGeographers.”InLanguageandHistoryinAfrica.EditedbyD.

Dalby.London.1970,pp.89–101.Watson,AndrewM.“BacktoGoldandSilver.”EconomicHistoryReview,2ndser.,20(1967):1–34.Willis, JohnR. (ed.). Studies inWest African Islamic History. 3 vols.Vol. 1: The Cultivators of Islam.

London,1979.

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Benatti,L.“IbnBattutaeisuoiviaggi.”AfricaeMediterraneo14–15(1995):78–81.Bro,ThygeC.IbnBattuta:Enarabiskrejsendefradet14.århundrede,Oslo,2001.InDanish.Bullis,Douglas.“TheLongestHajj:TheJourneysof IbnBattuta.”SaudiAramcoWorld 51 (July/August

2000):2–39.Dunn,RossE.Gli straordinari viaggi di IbnBattuta: Lemille avventure delMarcoPolo arabo,Milan,

1993.Italianedition.——. “Ibn Battuta and Muslim Cosmopolitanism in the 14th c.” Hadeeth ad-Dar, Dar al-Athar al-

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——.PetualanganIbnuBattuta:SeorangMusafirMuslimAbadke-14,Jakarta,1995.Indonesianedition.

Durkee,Noura.TheAmazingAdventuresofIbnBattuta,Washington,D.C.,1995.Forchildren.ElMoudden,Abderrahmane. “TheAmbivalenceofRihla:Community Integration andSelf-Definition in

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Gibb,H.A.R.,ed.TheTravelsofIbnBattutaA.D.1325–1354,TranslatedwithNotesfromtheArabicTextEditedbyC.DefremeryandB.R. Sanguinetti. 5 vols.Vols. 1–3:CambridgeUniversityPress for theHakluyt Society, 1958, 1961, and 1971. Vol. 4: Translation Completed with Annotations by C.F.Beckingham. London: Hakluyt Society, 1994. Vol. 5: Index, A. D. H. Bivar, Compiler, Aldershot,England:AshgatePublishing,2001.

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Mazzoli-Guintard,C.“LeRoyaumedeGrenadeaumilieuduXIVesiècle:Quelquesdonnéessurlesformesdepeuplementàtraverslevoyaged’IbnBattûta.”VoyagesetvoyageursauMoyenAge:XXVIeCongrèsdelaS.H.M.E.S.(Limoges-Aubazine,mai1995),Paris,1996,pp.145–64.

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Rumford,James.TravelingMan:TheJourneyofIbnBattuta,1325–1354,Boston,2001.Forchildren.Tolmacheva,MarinaA. “IbnBattutaonWomen’sTravels in theDaral-Islam.” InBonnieFrederickand

Susan H. McLeod, eds.Women and the Journey: The Female Travel Experience, Pullman, Wash.:WashingtonStateUniversityPress,1993,p.119–40.

INDEX

TheindexthatappearedintheprintversionofthistitlewasintentionallyremovedfromtheeBook.Pleaseuse the search functiononyoureReadingdevice for termsof interest.Foryour reference, the terms thatappearintheprintindexarelistedbelowAbadanAbbasidCaliphate’Abdal-Wadidsultanateal-’Abdari,AbuMuhammadAboharAbrahamAbual-TayyibAbuBakr,AbuYahya,sultanAbuBakr,caliphAbuBakr,shaykhofMogadishuAbu’Inan,sultan

andAbul’HasanandIbnBattutacharacterofdeathof

Abul’BarakatAbul’Fath,Ruknal-DinAbul’Hasan,sultanAbul’MawahidHasanseeIbnSulayman,al-HasanAbuSa’id,IlkhanAbuSa’id,sultanAbuTashfin,sultanAbuYusufYa’qub,sultanAcreAdamandEveAdam’sBridgeAdam’sPeakAdenAden,GulfofAegeanSeaAfghanistan’Aghyul,‘Ali(traveler)AhaggarmountainsAhsanShah,Jalalal-Din,sultan’Ainal-Mulk,rebellionofAirAjlun

akhisseealsofityan

AkhmimAkkoseeAcreAkkridurseeEgridurAksaray’Alaal-Dinmosque’Alaal-DinMuhammadal-AndalusseeAndalusiaAlanya’AlayaseeAlanyaAlburzmountainsAleppoAlexandriaAlfonsoXI,kingAlgecirasAlgeriaAlgiersAlhamaAlhambraAligarhseeKoil’AliibnAbiTalib,caliph’alim

seealso’ulamaAlmohadsalmsgivingAlughu,khanAmasiyaseeAmasyaAmasyaamir

caravanleadermilitarycommander

amiral-hajjamirs,ofTurkishAnatoliaAmrohaAmuDaryaRiver’AnahAnatolia

societyandcultureseealsoTurksAndalusiaMuslimemigrantsfrom

AndarabRiverAndronicusII,emperorAndronicusIII,emperorAnnabaseeBunaAntalyaAqaba(town)Aqaba,gulfofArabia

seealsoMecca,Medina,YemenArabianSeaArabiclanguageArabnomads’Arafat,plainofAragonseeAragon-CataloniaAragon-Catalonia

AralSeaaridbelt,historicalimportanceofArmenia,ArmeniansAryaChakravarti(king)Arzal-RumseeErzurumArzanjanseeErzincanAshqelonAsiaMinorseeAnatoliaAsilahAsirAssiouAstrakhanAswanAsyutatabegAtlanticOcean

tradeonMoroccancoastofAwliya,Nizamal-DinAyasAyaSolukAybek,Qutbal-Din,sultan’Aydhab

commercialimportanceofAydin,amirateofAzakAzelikseeTakaddaAzerbaijanAzovseeAzakAzov,seaof

Babal-Mandeb,straitofBabylonBahmanisultanateBahrainBahriMamluksseeMamluksultanateal-Balafiqi,Abul’BarakatBalikesirBalkhBallishseeVelezMalagaBamakoBambukBandar-e-Ma’shurseeMachulBandarSalawatseeChilawbanditsandpirates

inStraitofGibraltarinIndiainMoroccoinSpain

Bantu-speakingpeopleBanuHanifaBanuHilal

seealsoArabnomadsBanuMarinseeMarinidsultanateBanuNabhanal-Baqi’BarahNagarbaraka

Barani,Ziaal-DinBarcelonaBasraBattalaseePuttalamBatu,khanBayalun,princessBaynal-QasraynBaytal-FaqihBeijingBeirutBeja(people)Beja(town)BengalBengal,BayofBerbers

andMariniddynastyandSufism

BerganmaBerke,khanBethlehemBibaBibliothèqueNationaleBichaqchi,AkhiBijayabiladal-sudanseeMali,SudanBiral–KsaibBirgiBishDaghBistamBlackDeath

andepidemicinIndiacausesandtreatmentinIfriqiyainSpainoriginsandspreadofsocialeffectsofseealsoplagueBlackSea

BoneseeBunaBooksellers,madrasaoftheBorneoBosphorusBougieseeBijayabubonicplagueseeBlackDeath,plagueBudaBuddhism,BuddhistsBukharaal-BukhariBulgaria,kingdomofBulgharBunaBurckhardt,John

BurdurBureBurgomadzharyseeMacharBurhanal-DinBurhanpurGapBurmaBursaBurton,Richardal-Bushrifamilyal-Bushri,MuhammadseeAl-BushrifamilyByzantineempire

andKhanateofKipchakandTurkishexpansiondeclineofseealsoAnatolia,TurksCagliari

CairoarchitectureofBlackDeathinmapspopulationofsocietyandeconomyseealsoMamluksultanateCalahora

CalicutCaliphate,HighseeAbbasidCaliphateCaliphs,mosqueoftheCambayCambay,GulfofcamelscanalduSahelCannanoreCantonCapeComorincaravans

ofhajjpilgrims:fromDamascusfromEgyptfromNorthAfricafromYemenofIraqorganizationof

trans-SaharancaravanseraisseekhansCariaCaspianSeaCastile,kingdomofCatalansCataloniaseeAragon-CataloniaCaucasusmountainsCeuta

intellectuallifeofmaps

politicalimportanceoftradeof

CeylonChagatay,khanateofChagatay,sonofGenghisKhanChampaCharikarChaulChelifRiverChilawChina,Chinese

envoystoIndiainPersiaseealsoYuandynastyChinggisKhanseealsoMongolsChishtibrotherhood

ChittagongChobanfamilyCholaempireChristianity,Christians

inAnatoliainCrimeainPersia

CiliciaCitidel,ofCairoCizreCollectionofHistoriescollegesseemadrasasConstantineConstantinopleCordovacosmopolitanism

definedinIslamicsocietyinIlkhanidPersia

cowrieshellsCrimeaCrusade,fourthCyprusCyrenaica

DaccadallalDarmanhurDamascus

ascenteroflearninggreatmosqueof

MamlukcapitalinSyriamapsMongolattackonsocietyandeconomytradeof

DamiettaDanuberiverDaral-Islam

definedMuslimallegianceto

Daulatabadcapitalofsultanatemap

DeccanDéfrémery,C.Delhi,sultanateof

andwestcoastofIndiagovernmentofinternationalrelationsoflavishspendinginmaporiginsofrebellionsagainstruleinBengal

Delhi(city)ascenterofMuslimculturearchitectureofcapitalofsultanatemaps

DenizliDeogirseeDaulatabadDharDhibatal-MahalseeMaldiveislandsdhikrDhofarseeZafardhowseeshipsDhul-HulaifaDinawarseeDondraDivehiDjerbaislandDnieperriverDoabDomeoftheRockDondraDonriverDugha,officialinMali

East African coast, society and economy of Eastern Hemisphere, as subject of history seeintercommunicatingzoneEasternMaghribseeIfriqiyaEcumene,Afro-Eurasianseeintercommunicatingzoneeducation,Islamic

curriculuminMoroccoinMeccamemorizationin

EgridirEgypt

ancientruinsofBlackDeathinseealsoCairo,MamluksultanateEgypt,upper

EphesusseeAyaSulukErzincanErzurumEthiopiaEuphratesriverEurope,BlackDeathin

Faid,mapFamagustafaqih,definedfarba(governor)FarsFatima,daughterofMuhammadFatimiddynastyFattanseePattanFeastoftheSacrificeFez

ascenteroflearningfoundingofmapsMarinidcapitalsocietyandeconomy

FezJdid(NewFez)fityanassociationsfiqh

seealsolegalschools,shari’afortydays,asconventionalfigureFrescobaldi(Italiantraveler)FuaMulakislandseealsoMaldiveislands

FuengirolaseeSuhaylFujianseeFukienprovincefunduqseekhanFustatfutuwwa

seealsofityanassociationsFuzhou

GabèsGabriel,angelGalataGalileeGallipoliGampolaGandharGaoGangesriver

Gaykhatu,khanGazaGeniiriverGenoa,GenoeseGhadamèsGhanaal-Ghari,Kamalal-Din’AbdallahGhassanaseeBaytal-FaqihGhazan,ilkhanghazis

seealsoTurksGhaznaGhaznaviddynastyGhiyathal-Din,sultanGhuriddynastyal-GhutaGibb,SirHamiltonGibraltar,straitof,historicalimportanceofGibraltar(city)GoaseeSandapurGolanHeightsgold,ofAfricanSudanGoldenHorde

seealsoKipchak,khanateofGoldenHornGoynukGranada,kingdomofseeNasridsultnateGranada(city)GrandCanalGrandKabyliemountainsGreatSwampGreeksseeByzantineempire;Christianity,Christians,inAnatolia;ConstantinoplegriotGuardafui,CapeseeRasAsirGuinea,republicofGujaratGumushaneGuptaempireGwalior

Hacho,Mounthadith,definedal-Hadrami,’AbdullahibnMuhammadvizierHafsidsultanateHagiaSophiaHajarmountainshajj

ritesofseealsocaravansalHajj(title)

hajjisHakluytSocietyHalebseeAleppoHalial-HallaniyahHamadanHamid,amirateofhammam

HanafilegalschoolseelegalschoolsHanbalilegalschoolseelegalschoolsHangzhouHaram,inMeccaal-Harawi,MuhammadHarunal-Rashid,caliphal-HasaHasan,sonof’Alial-Hasan,sultanal-Hasani,AbuMuhammad’Abdallahal-Hawih,PehlewanMuhammadHazarSutunseeThousandPillars,HalloftheHebronHeratHijaz,HijazmountainsHijazrailwayal-HillaHinawrseeHonavarHinduKushHindus

influenceonIslamicartinrevoltagainstsultanateonwestcoastofIndiaunderMuslimrule

HiwHodgson,MarshallHoggarmountainsseeAhaggarmountainsHolyLandseeJudaea,PalestineHolySepulchre,churchoftheHornsHonavarHoneinHoysalaskingdomHuseeHiwHuangHeal-Hufuf

seealsoal-HasaHukkarmountainsseeAhaggarmountainsHulegu,ilkhanHurmuz(city)HurmuzsultanateHurnasab,wifeofIbnBattutaHusayn,Qutbal-DinHusayn,sonof’AliHusuniKubwa

IbadisIberia,Iberianpeninsula

ChristianconquestofIbn’Asim,Abul’KasimIbnal-AthirIbnal-KhatibIbnal-Rifa’i,AhmadIbnBattouta(boat)IbnBattuta,Abu’AbdallahMuhammadacademicandlegalstudies

adminstrationoftomballegiancetoDaral-Islam

andMuhammadTughluqandplottoconquerMaldiveislandsandSufismappointedenvoytoChinaarrestedinDelhiattitudetowardJewsattitudetowardpeopleoftheSudanattitudetowardShi’acapturedbybanditscharacterandpersonalitychildrenofcomparedtoMarcoPoloConstantinoplejourneyearlylifeandeducationEastAfricajourneyexpendituresinIndiafamilyofillnessesofinAnatoliainArabiaandYemeninBengalinCeyloninChagataykhanateinChinaincomeandgiftsreceivedinDelhiinEgyptinIfriqiyainIraqandPersiainKipchakkhanateinMa’barsultanateinMaldiveislandsinMali(Sudan)inMeccainnorthernIndiainSoutheastAsiainSpaininSyriaandPalestineinwestcoastalIndiajourneyacrossNorthAfricajourneysacrossSaharadesertlanguagesoflaterlifeanddeathmarriagesmilestraveledreturntoMoroccoserviceasqadislavesandconcubinesof

summaryoflifeseealsoRihla

IbnHajarIbnJubayr

quotedIbnJuzayy,Abu’AbdallahMuhammadcollaborationwithIbnBattuta

scholarshipofIbnKhafif,Abu’AbdallahIbnKhaldun,’Abdal-RahmanIbnMajid,AhmadIbnMansur,’AliIbnMarzuk,MuhammadIbnMustafa,’Abdal-RahmanIbnSulayman,al-Hasan,sultanIbnTaymiyyaIbn’Ujayl,AhmadIbnWadrar,AbuZiyan,vizierIbnZiriIbrahim,ship’scaptainIbyar‘Idal-AdhaseeFeastoftheSacrifice‘Idal-FitrIdfuIdhajal-IdrisiIfriqiyaihram(garmentandstateofsanctity)ijaza(certificate)Ilkhan,definedIlkhans,khanateofthe

ChineseinfluenceonconversiontoIslamdisintegrationofmapruleinAnatoliawarsof

imamprayerleadershi’aleader

InAzaouaInceMinare,madrasaIndia,westcoast,societyandtradeofseealsoBengal;Delhi,sultanateof;Ma’barsultanateIndianOceanIndo-MuslimsIndonesiaIndusriverintercommunicatingzone,definedIranseePersiaIrano-SemiticregionIraq

seealsoBaghdad;Ilkhans,khanateoftheIraqal-Ajami

IrtischriverIsaacIsfahanIslam

andBlackDeathbeginningsofegalitarianisminexpansionof:inAfrica

inAnatoliainChinaandSoutheastAsiainIndiainIndianOceanregioninKipchakkhanateinMaldiveislands

westernhistoricalviewofseealsoShi’ismIzehseeIdhajIzmir

IzmitIznik

Jabalal-MusaseeHacho,MountJabalSabirJacobJaffna,kingdomJahanpanahJainsJalalijalbaJamJamalal-DinMuhammad,sultanJamboliJandarids,amirateoftheJarun(Jirun)JavaJaxartesriverseeSyrDaryariverJaziraJaziratal-MaghribJaziratibn’UmarseeCizreJerusalemJibalJiblaseeJublaJiddajihadJosephJublaJudaeajudgeseeqadijunks,ChineseseeshipsJurfattanseeCannanorejuristsseefaqih;legalschools;scholars,MuslimJuvaini,

’AtaMalik

Ka’ba

KabaraKabisseeGabèsKabulKaffaKafur,sultanateofficialKainukseeGoynukKairouan,battleofkakam

seealsoshipsKakulaseeQaqulaKanaraKanaujKarakorumKaramanKarasi,amirateofKarawiyinmosqueKarbalaKarsakhuKashmirKastamonuKawkawseeGaoKawlamseeQuilonKaylukariKayseriKazarunKeitaclanKenyaKerchKermanKermanshahKhadija,queenal-KhalilseeHebronKhalil,MalikischolarKhalji,’Alaal-DinKhaljidynastyal-Khammar,’Azizkhan(caravansary)khanqa

seealsozawiyaKhansaseeHang-choukhatunKhawakpassKhidr,IndianscholarkhirqaKhubilaiKhanKhunjKhunjuPalseeKhunjKhurasankhutbaKhwajaJahanKhwarizmKhyberpassKil’aRayPithoraKilwaKinalosisland

seealsoMaldiveislandsKinbayaseeCambayKipchak,khanateofal-Kiswa(village)kiswa(Ka’bacovering)KoilKonkanKonyaKoreaKoseDagh,battleofKuang-chouseeCantonKubbatal-SkhraseeDomeoftheRockKufaKumariverKumishseeGumushaneKunakarKuriaMuriaislandsKuzeyAnadolouDaghlariseePonticmountainsLadhiqLadiqiyaseeLatakiaLahariLahoreLajazzoseeAyasLarLarandaseeKaramanLasNavasdeTolosa,battleofLatakialateensaillaw,Islamicseeshari’a,legalschoolsLawataLee,Samuellegalschools

HanafiHanbaliMaliki:inDamascus

inEgyptinIndiainMaldiveislandsinNorthAfrica

Shafi’iLeoAfricanusLevantinecoastLibyaLittleArmeniaLittleKabyliemountainsliwanLuristanLursLuxor

Ma’anMa’barsultanateManzikert,battleofal-MacharMachulMcNeill,WilliamMadagascarmadhhabseelegalschoolsmadrasas

architectureoforiginandspreadof

MaduraiMaghrib

kingdomsofpilgrimageandtraderoutesof

mahallaMaharashtraMahdalidynastymahmalMahtuliMajdal-DinMajorcael-Mahallael-Kubraal-MakhdumahJahanMalabarMalacca,straitofMalagaMalamirseeIdhajMalayaMalayalamMalaystatesMaldiveislands

geographyofgovernmentofmapsocietyandeconomy

MaleMali

armyandgovernmentceremoniesofmansaslocationofcapitalmapreligiouspoliciesofmansasriseofsexrelationsinseealsomansas

al-Malikal-ZahirAhmad,sultanMalikibn’AnasMalikilegalschoolseelegalschoolsMalinkeMalosmaduluatoll

seealsoMaldiveislandsmamluks,definedMamluksultanate

andYemengovernmentofinupperEgyptmaps

originandriseofoverlordshipinArabiaplaguemortalityofrulingclassrivalrieswithinsupervisionofhajj

MangaloreManisaManjururseeMangaloreMannar,gulfofmansas

seealsoMali;Musa,Mansa;Sulayman,Mansaal-MaqriziMarbellaMardinMari-JaataseeSunjaataMarinidsultanate

comparedtoMamluksMaristanMarmara,seaofMarrakechMarseilleal-MarwaMashhad’Aliseeal-NajafMasiraMasufaBerbersMawarannahrseeTransoxianaMawj-Darya,’Alial-DinMecca

seealsohajjMedinaMediterraneanSea

climatecomparedtoIndianOceantradeonMedjerdariverMeghnariverMehmed,amirMekongriverMenteshe,amirateofmerchants

European:inBlackSeainEasternMediterraneaninNorthAfricainPersia

Muslim:expansionofinAfricanSudaninBayofBengalandChinaSeasinChinainIndianOceanregion

Mercy,mountofMesopotamia

seealsoIlkhans,khanateoftheMichaelVIII,emperorMiddlePeriod,definedmigration,ofliterateMuslimsMilas

MilianaMinaMingdynastyMinyaMisrseeFustatMiussriverMogadishuMombasamoney

Indiangovernmentpolicyonpaper

MongolsandIslamicexpansionconquestsof

inAnatoliainPersiainRussiaandEasternEuropeinTransoxiana

raidsinIndiaruleinChinawarswithMamlukssee alsoChagatay, khanate of; Ilkhans, khanate of the;Kipchak, khanate of;Yuan dynastymonsoon

windsMorocco

seealsoMarinidsultanateMosulMozambiquechannelMreyyeMubarakShah,Fakhral-Din,sultanMudurnumuezzinMuhammadMuhammadV,kingmuhtasibmujawirMultanMuqaddimah,The

seealsoIbnKhaldunMusa,mansamusallaMuscatMuslimrulers,dutiesofMustansiriya,madrasaMustawfi,HamdAllahMuturniseeMudurnual-Muwaffaq,SufilodgeMuzaffariya,madrasaMuzaffariya,mosqueMuzdalifah

NablusNafuddesertal-Nafzawi,Abu’Abdallahal-NajafNakhshabNarmadariverNasiral-Din,sultanal-NasirMuhammadibnQala’unsultanNasridsultanateNazwaNejdplateauNestorianChristiansNewSarayNianiNicaeaseeIznikNicomediaseeIzmitNigerriverNile,BlueNiledeltaNileriver,tradeofNishapurNizamiya,madrasaNizwaseeNazwanomads

see also Arab nomads,Mongols, Turks North Africa seeMaghrib Nur al-Din ’Ali, MalikMujahid,sultanOdoricofPordenone

Ogedei,khanOldSaray

seealsoNewSarayOljeitu,ilkhanOmanOman,GulfofOranorduOrkhan,sultanortakhOsman,sultanOsmanlisseeOttomansOttomanstateOzbeg,khan

reignof

PalestinePalkstraitPalmyraPanjshirvalleyPattanPaxMongolicaPembaislandPergamomseeBerganmaPersia

effectsofMongolconqueston

seealsoIlkhans,khanateofthePersiangulfmapsPersianlanguagePersians

culturalinfluence:inAnatoliainIndia

inChinamigrationtoIndiaof

PharosislandPhrygiapilgrimageseecaravans,hajjpiratesseebanditsandpiratesPisaplague

seealsoBlackDeathPolo,MaffeoPolo,Marco

bookbycomparedtoIbnBattuta

Pompey’spillarPonticmountainsProvençalsPunjabPuttalamPyatigorskseeBishDaghPyrard,François

qadidefinedofcaravan

qadial-quadtal-QahirahseeCairoQaisQala’un,Sayfal-Din,sultanQalhatQandaharseeGandharQanjanfuQaqulaal-QatifQatyaQenaQinnawjseeKanaujal-QiramQiwamal-din,Khudhawand-ZadaQuanzhouQuilonqumizzQunduzQur’anqurquraQusQutbMinar

QutlughKhan

RabighRafidirafiqrajasRamadanRamhormozRamizseeRamhormozRasAbuShagaraRasal-HaddRasAsirRasDawa’irseeRasAbuShagaraRashidal-Din,FazlullahRasulidsultanate

seealsoYemenRatnapuraRaviriverreconquistaseeIberiaRedSeaRedSeaHillsRehendiKabadiKilegeseeKhadija,queenRifmountainsRifa’ibrotherhoodrihla(genreofliterature)defined

ofal-AbdariofIbnJubayr

Rihla,ofIbnBattutaauthenticityofchronologyanditineraryproblems:AnatoliaChina

ConstantinopleEgyptandSyriaIndiajourneytoBulgharjourneytoEastAfricajourneytoIndiaKhurasanYemen

composingofcontentsdescribeddescriptions:ofChina

ofDelhiofIndia

domesticandmaritalaffairsinhistoricalvalueofhistoryofmaritimetechnologyinnotesfororganizationoftranslationsofseealsoIbnBattuta,IbnJuzayyRioGuadiaro

RioSalado,battleof

RiyadhRockofZionRondaRosettabranch,oftheNileRubruck,WilliamofrukhkhRumi,Jalalal-DinRussia,MongolruleofRussianOrthodoxChurchRusticello,ofPisa

SabtaseeCeutasadaqaSa’dial-SafaSafiSahelal-Sahili,AbuIshaqSt.ThomasSakaryariverSaladinSalésalt,tradeinSamannudSamarkandsambuqSamudrasamumSan’aSandapur

rajaofmap

SankaraniriverseeSansarariverSanguinetti,B.R.Sansarariveral-Sara’seeNewSaray,OldSaraySarayseeNewSaray,OldSaraySaraychikSardiniaSargadwariSarjuriverSartiz,Imadal-MulkSarukhan,amirateofSatgaonseeChittagongSatpurarangesa’ysayyidsseesharifsscholars,Muslim

inAnatoliainDamascus

inDelhisultanateinEgyptinMeccainPersiainSudanmigrationsof

SégouSehwanSeljukidsseeSeljuks,ofAnatoliaSeljiks,Great

seealsoTurksSeljuks,ofAnatoliaSemeonis,SymonSenegalriverSerbia,kingdomofSevilleSfaxShafi’ilegalschoolseelegalschoolsShagaraShah,JalalShaliaseeShaliyatShaliyatshari’a

seealsolegalschools;scholars,MuslimSharifIbrahimsharifs

inEastAfricaofMeccaandMedinaShattal-’ArabshaykhShi’aseeShi’ismShihabal-DinShi’ismships

ChinesejunksofArabianSeaofMediterraneanofRedSeaseealsojalba,sambuq

ShirazShivashurbdarShushtarSicilianchannelSiddharthaGautama(Buddha)SierraBermejaSierradeMijasSierradeRondaSijilmasaSinaipeninsulaSinhaleseSind

SinjarSinopeSirafSiriSirteseeSurtSittZahidaSivasSlavedynastySmyrnaseeIzmirSocotraislandSofalaSoharSokoloSoldaiaseeSudakSolomon,templeofSomali,SomaliaSonargaonSoninkeSoumanriverSousseSouthChinaSeaSriLankaseeCeylonstates,educatedMuslims’viewofStavropolplateauSuakinSubedeiSuchem,LudolphvonsudakSudan

seealsoMaliSudkawanseeChittagongSuezCanalSuez,GulfofSufis,Sufism

growthofSuhaylSuhrawardiyabrotherhoodSulayman,mansaSulaymanmountainsSultanDaghlarimountainsSultaniyaSumatraseealsoSamudraSumbul,sultanateofficialSumrarevoltSunisaSunjataSunniIslamSunusaseeSunisaSurSurtSwahiliSylhetSyrDaryariver

SyriaseealsoDamascusTakedda

Tabrizal-Tabrizi,Jalalal-DinseeShahJalalal-Tabrizi,Sharifal-DinTabukTadmorseePalmyraTafilaltTaghazaTaghribirdiTa’izzTajorivertakshifTamattu’TamilsTanaseeAzakT’angempireTangierTanjaseeTangierTankiz,Saifal-DinTaptirivertaqyidTarifaTarmashirin,khanTasarahlaseeBiral-KsaibTashkentTatarsseeMongolsTaurusmountainstawafTawalisiTazaTekeTenasserimcoastTenèsThousandpillars,halloftheThraceTigris-EuphratesbasinTigrisriverTimbuktuTirmidhTlemcenToghonTemur,emperortombs,asreligiousinstitutionsTonkinTouatseeTuwattrade,Europeanseemerchantstrade,Muslim

seealsomerchants,shipsTransoxianatravel

ofEuropeansofMuslimsseealsoIbnBattuta;merchants;scholars,MuslimTrebizond

TripoliTripolitania

Tuchman,BarbaraTughluq,FiruzTughluq,Ghiyasal-DinTughluq,Muhammad

andChinaandMongolsandreligiousscholarsbrutalityofcharacterofconquestsofdeathofemploymentofforeignershuntingexpeditionsofpatronageofrebellionsagainstschemetomovecapitalunorthodoxpoliciesof

TughluqabadTughluqiddynastyTuluktemurTunisTurcomans

seealsoTurksTurkeyseeAnatoliaTurkmensseeTurcomansTurksconquests:ofAnatolia

ofIndiaTusTustarseeShustarTuwatal-Tuzari,al-Hajj‘Abdallah

UbullacanalUigurUjjainUkrainiansteppe‘ulama

seealsoscholars,Muslim‘Umar,caliph‘Umar,Jalalal-Din,sultanal-Umari,IbnFadlAllahummaUmm‘Ubaida‘umraUralriverUrganjseeUrgenchUrgenchUrmiya,lakeUstyurtplateau

ValenciaVegaVelezMalagaVenice,VenetiansVindhyahillsVivaldibrothersVolgariver

wagonsincentralAsiaWalatawaliWaqisaWasitWestAfrica

seealsoMali,SudanWesternGhatsmountainsWesternwallwomen,inMongolandTurkishsocietyseealsoIbnBattutaal-YamamaYambolseeJamboliYamunariverYangzeriverYaznikseeIznikYemen

seealsoRasulidsultanateYersiniapestisseealsoBlackDeath,plagueYuandynasty

yurtYusufibnIsma’il,Abul’Hajjaj(YusufI),sultanZabidZaccarhillsZafarZaghariZagrosmountainsZaitunZambeziriverzamorinZamzam,wellofZanj,landofal-Zanjani,Zahiral-DinZanzibarislandzawiyaZaydisZeilaZimbabweZubaydaal-Zubaydi,Abu’Abdallah