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The American Negro's ImpactAuthor(s): Robert S. Browne and John Henrik ClarkeSource: Africa Today, Vol. 14, No. 1, Africa in American Politics (1967), pp. 16-18Published by: Indiana University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4184741 .Accessed: 10/04/2011 21:38

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grouping. Furthermore, it represents an attempt tomute the long-standing intenal differences be-tween the Lovestone and Reuther aproaches to in-ternational trade union activities. The success ofthis attempt can be attributed at least in part, tothe change in tactics dictated by the particularcharacter of the African situation. Though rem-nants of the Lovestone strategy persist in theAALC, there are indications that Brown is seekingdifferent ways of operation on the African con-tinent. Part of the difficulty in assessing AALC isdue to Brown's inordinate concern with secrecy:very few public details have ever emerged abouthis operations anywhere and Africa is no excep-tion. There is, however, reason to believe that thephase of AALC's program oriented to constructinglocal institutions concerned with transmittingtechnical skills is a useful one, especially consider-ing the delicate situation of Africa's trade unions.On the other hand, there remain several as-

pects of the AALC approach which could serve tolimit its efectiveness in spreading and strengthen-ing unionism more broadly on the continent. Manyof the concepts of free trade unionism which areutilized as criteria to evaluate continuing assist-ance are totally unrealistic; for swift economicdevelopment in fact requires more collaborationbetween unions and government than Americanlabor leaders would like to countenance. More-over, gearing projects to unions with unimpeach-able anti-Communist records serves to attenuatethe potential impact of such projects; for anyexternal approach to Africa, if it is to be success-ful, must minimize political expediency. Equippedwith a number of specialists and with IrvingBrown's broad range of contacts on the continent,the AALC possesses significant opportunities todevelop successful programs if its perceptions ofreality are not veiled by archaic ideological posi-tions.

T h e American N e g r o ' s I m p a c tBy Robert S. Browne and John Henrik ClarkeRobert Browne is a member of the EconomicsDept.Fairleigh-DickensonUniversity. John Clarke is As-sociate Editor of Freedomways.

With something in excess of 10% of its popu-lation having its ancestral roots in Africa, is itpossible for America to formulate and executeits African policy without some regard for thewishes of this sizeable black minority of her citi-zens? Despite the fact that ties between the dis-placed African community resident in Americaand its motherland have never been entirelysevered, until recent years these ties have forthe most part been scanty, unorganized, primarilysentimental and cultural rather than economic orpolitical, and have in any case involved only aminute fraction of either the displaced or thehomeland population. Indeed, the gradual decayin lines of communication between the two groupsafter the slave trade was ended, and perhaps evenmore so after the subjection of most of Africa toEuropean colonial domination, led to virtual isola-tion of the two groups from one another. Withencouragement by the mores of the dominant cul-ture, an ever-widening gap in understanding andsympathy gradually developed between Africansand American blacks. During the past decade,however, this gap has begun to close itself.EARLY EXCEPTIONSThere were rare exceptions to the pattern ofmutual isolation, of course, and the renownedAmerican Negro scholar, Dr. W. E. B. Dubois,comes to mind as the foremost exponent of theimportance of the retention and expansion ofcommunications between black Americans and Af-ricans, as well as amongst the fractionated Afri-

cans themselves. Indeed, to his concept of Pan-Africanism is due much of the impetus for theAfrican independence movements which ultimate-ly erased the colonial system from much of Africa.The back-to-Africa philosophy of Marcus Garvey,which attracted wide support among AmericanNegroes in the mid-twenties, probably representsthe zenith of American Negro interest in Africaprior to the present decade. In the latter 30'sPaul Robeson and his wife, through their Africantravels, writings, and tireless educa.tional efforts,succeeded in bringing to a limited number ofmiddle class Negroes an awareness that Africawas inhabited by dignified and intelligent humanbeings, many of whom were looking toward theirblack brothers in America for aid in breakingthem free from colonial subjection. Robeson'sCouncil on African Affairs was, at that time, thelone U.S. voice being raised on behalf of the poli-tical and economic integrity of the black Africans.There was, however, little of substance that theblack American could offer to his African counter-part, for the Negro in America was himself stillvirtually without power, organization, or economicresources.Although the American Negro made no signi-ficant contribution in an organized way towardthe winning of independence for the African na-tions, he did provide the movement with consider-able spiritual support. Kwame Nkrumah, a leadingarchitect of African independence and himself aproduct of a Negro college in America, madereference to the role of the American Negro in aspeech to the All-African People's Conference in1958. He said: "Many of them have made no smallcontribution to the cause of African freedom . . .Long before many of us were even conscious ofour own degradation, these men fought for Afri-

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can national and racial equality. Long may thelinks between African and peoples of African de-scent continue to hold us together in fraternity."POST WORLD WAR II

From the Negro press, which was particularlyvocal in this regard, and from the growing num-bers of African-American Negro contacts whichdeveloped with the influx of larger numbers ofAfrican students in the U.S. following World WarII, an awareness of Africa's political and socialevolvement became a part of the active conscious-ness of an expanding segment of the black intelli-gentsia. As the parallels between the restrictivemeasures imposed upon Africans in their home-lands and the legal and extra-legal discriminationpracticed against Negroes here in the U.S. be-came better understood, the feeling spread thatthe two struggles were inextricably tied together,and during the mid-fifties the Negro's indifferencetoward the African began rather swiftly to trans-form itself into sympathetic concern. With thecoming into independence of much of black Africacommencing in 1957, this concern became mixedwith admiration as a procession of black, eloquentstatesmen began to be received at the United Na-tions and the White House with full diplomatichonors. For the middle-class Negro it becamefasionable to boast of some identification withAfrica and such attitudes were institutionalizedthrough groups such as the American Society forAfrican Culture, an artistic and literary associa-tion of black intellectuals which devotes itself tothe exchanging of ideas and artistic endeavorsbetween continental and New World Africans.The growing pressures on post-war Americato afford her Negro citizens a greater measure ofparticipation and visibility in the nation's affairshad led to the unofficial designation of the Lib-erian ministership (later raised to the rank ofAmbassador) as a "Negro" position, and as earlyas the later Truman era it had become ratherstandard policy to include a Negro in the U.S.'annual delegation to the United Nations. Quitenaturally, these black delegates had unfailinglybeen representatives of the Negro upper class andwere wedded in varying degrees to the adminis-tration in power. Despite this, however, these blackdiplomats had, on more than one occasion, resistedAmerica's timid policy with respect to Africanfreedom, though they found themselves in theuncomfortable position of being asked to serveas spokesmen for U.S. policy positions which weremere apologias for the colonial powers and whichwere contrary to the best interests of all blackpeople. Thus, criticism and counsel by Negroleadership with regard to U.S. policy in Africa didhave a hearing in Washington but it is unclearto what extent it had an impact because the nameof Africa was not being heard in the Negro'sincreasingly strident demand for redress of griev-ances.GROWING MILITANCY

Black American grass-roots idenltificationwithAfrican problems burst upon the international

scene during the first Congo crisis when a groupof black nationalists created a disturbance in thegalleries of the United Nations in protest againstalleged UN connivence in the murder of PatriceLumumba. This unprecedented public demonstra-tion of American Negro concern with the Africanpolitical scene symbolized the entry of a newfactor in Washington's political calculations vis-a-vis Africa and revealed that the treatment ofAfrica was indeed being carefully observed bysome elements in the black community, elementswhich were prepared to speak their minds un-hampered by middle class inhibitions and hypo-crisy. The principal effect which the UN demon-stration had was probably felt, not in Washington,but rather in the black ghettos, where the mysti-que of Africa was slowly beginning to take a hold,in alliance with the developing black nationalismand self-pride which the civil rights movementhad aroused.This identification with African political af-fairs amongst the black masses perhaps reacheda zenith with the visit to Africa of Malcolm Xand his effort to enlist the suport fo the Organiza-tion of African Unity for the Negro's efforts toachieve justice in America. Malcolm's untimelyassassination abruptly ended this efort and no onehas yet attempted to revive it. In 1964 a team ofthe younger, more activist civil rights workers,mainly from the Student Non-Violent Coordinat-ing Committee (SNCC) and the Mississippi Free'dom.Democratic Party, made a good-will trip toAfrica to demonstrate their interest in that con-tinent and their belief that the two peoples havemuch in common; several other prominent youngactivists in the civil rights movement have subse-quently paid Africa a visit. Thus far these visitshave not produced spectacular organizational re-sults but they have served to further the all-important quest for clarification of the Afro-American's identity and the role for which hemust prepare himself. Africa continues to be amajor focus of attention amongst the brain trustof the more militant civil rights groups and thistie is likely to expand as time goes by.The old line civil rights organizations, on theother hand, have demonstrated only nominal in-terest in Africa. Probably the major civil rightsleader to make an extensive tour through Africain recent times was James Farmer, former direc-tor of CORE.However, there was little follow-upto his trip nor has Farmer emerged as a vocalspokesman on African questions.AMERICAN NEGRO LEADERSHIPCONFERENCEIN AFRICA

The most notable modern effort which hasbeen made to organize American Negroes intosome sort of action group in behalf of Africaninterests is that of the American Negro LeadershipConference on Africa, a loose confederation oforganizations having colmpletelyor strongly Negromemberships. The Conference is under the titularleadership of several prominent civil rights lead-ers: Roy Wilkins of the NAACP, Whitney Youngof the Urban League, Dr. Martin Luther King,DECEMBER 1966 17

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Mrs. Dorothy Height of the National Council ofNegro Women, James Farmer, and A Philip Ran-dolph. The accomplishments of the LeadershipConference have ben pretty much limited to twonational conferences, in 1962 and 1964. The 1964conference, in particular, attracted considerableattention in Washington. Excellent papers werepresented dealing with the foremost African poli-tical problems in which the U.S. had a direct stake.Secretary of State Rusk addressed the conferenceand other high government officials, includingAdlai Stevenson, attended various sessions of theconference as spectators. The conference was heldat the height of one of the Congo crises and itsfinal resolutions and statement hardly constituteda resounding endorsement of U.S. policies in Af-rica. Indeed, it led the New York Times to editor-ialize that civil rights leaders, and presumablyNegroes generally, should confine themselves toexpressing opinions on domestic matters and leaveinternational affairs to the so-called experts.The final document of the conference reiter-ated the statement which had underlain the found-

ing spirit of the first conference:"The American Negro communityin the UnitedStates has a special responsibility to urge adynamic African policy upon our government.Although we have a serious civil rights problemwhich exhausts much of our energy we cannotseparate this, struggle at home fro,mthat abroad.If the United States cannot take vigorous actionto help win freedom in Africa, we cannot expectto maintainthe trust and friendship of the newlyindependent and soon-to-beindependent peoplesof Africa and Asia."Further,the American Negro communityhas aresponsibility in simple terms of historical con-tinuity. Since the turn of the century Negro lead-ers and scholars have expressed the concern ofNegro Americansfor the elimination of colonial-ism and its evils. While our conference will notinitiate a new interest on the part of Americ.anNegroies,it will launch a more aggressivedetermi-nation to make our influence felt on the policiesof our governmentin these critical areas of thevast continent."The political positions adopted by the Lead-ership Conference were essentially those whichindependent African nations had been urging forsome time. They include condemnation of

apartheid practices in South Africa, urging of thereturn of Southwest Africa to the indigenouspopulation, opposition to independence for South-ern Rhodesia under a minority government, termi-nation of U.S. assistance to and dependence onPortugal and positive efforts to achieve indepen-dence for Portugal's African colonies, and recom-mendations that the Congo problem be turnedover to the Organization for African Unity forresolution. An aid program was requested forAfrica of a magnitude comparable to that provid-ed to Europe after World War II, and revisionsin aid policies and in trade policies toward Africawere urged.Taken altogether, the conference resolutionsplotted out a dramatic new course for U.S. policyin Africa. Some of it was probably not practiable,at least in 1964; other portions, however, ifheeded would probably have avoided or minimiz-ed some of the conflict and instability whichcharacterizes much of Africa today. Unfortunately,there was no significant follow-through on theserecommendations beyond a proforma meetingwith President Kennedy, and the leadership Con-ference has continud to exist primarily as aphantom organization.IMPACT SLIGHT

The extent of the American Negro's directimpact on U.S. policy in Africa thus does not ap-pear to have been noticeable. Certainly it hasfallen far short of its potential, a fact which maybie most easily attributable to the recency of theNegro's emergence from total political and econo-mic ineffectiveness. The American dream, focus-ing on the melting pot ideal which for the Negrohas been interpreted as full integration into thewhite society, is a further obstacle to Negro-African identification. So long as the integrationideal remains dominant, though unachieved, theNegro's psyche is subjected to a dual and con-flicting loyalty. Even today, the search for iden-tity persists as the number one problem of theblack man in America. Clearly, however, to theextent that the Negro comes to believe that inte-gration will elude him in perpetuity in America,he is likely to broaden his identification with hisnational community. The outcome which such ashift in outlook might ultimately have on U.S.policy in Africa only the most foolhardy woulddare to predict.MARTYRSThey are lying there along the capturedroads, along the roads of disasterSlender poplars,statues of the sombre gods wrappedin long golden cloaksThe prisoners from Senegal lie like lengthened shadows across the soil of France.In vain they have cut down your laughter, and the darker flower of your fleshYou are the flower of the foremost beauty in stark absence of flowersBlack flower and solemn smile, diamondtime out of mind.You are the clay and the plasma ofthe world's virid springFresh you are of the first couple, the fertile belly, milt and spermYou are the sacred fecundity of the bright paradise gardensAnd the incoercible forest, victor over fire and thunder.The immense song of your blood will conquer machines and mortarsThe pulse of your speech, lies and sophistryNo hate your heart without hate, no guile your guileless heart.Black martyres 0 undying race, give me leave to say the words which will forgive.Leopold Sedar Senghor (Senegal)

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