The Backbone of the Famineis Broken—But

A New Famine is On

Europe is on the brink of bankruptcyRussia is on the road to recoveryThe Franc and the Mark are dancing

the mad dance of disintegrationThe Ruble is steadily forging upwardWith a little help Russia can fully re-

construct herselfUpon a reconstructed Russia depends

the condition of the world marketUpon the condition of the world mar-

ket depends the condition of the far-mers and workers here in America

In Soviet Russia there exists:

A great hunger for Cultural Education

A great hunger for Scientific Education

A great hunger for Efficient FarmingMethods

and an urgent need fo r :

Apparatus

Raw Material

Tools

Tractors

RECOGNITIONof Russia MEANS RECONSTRUCTION

of Russia

S I G N

Here or Here

Friends of Soviet Russia32 S. Wabash Ave., Chicago, 111.

I Friends of Soviet Russia, 32 S. Wabash Ave., Chicago, 111.

I enclose $ to be applied to the General As a true friend of the Workers' and Peasants' republic 1Tractor Fund with which to purchase tractors for Russia next i hereby enclose $ , to signify my willingnessSpring. I to continue to help Soviet Russia in whatever form the need

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CITY- — _ _ PROFESSION _ ILab. H. ,

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November, 1923

RUSSIAN UNION MAN TO AMERICAN MILITANT:"THAT is THE WEAPON You NEED!"

With Russia's great-est daily paper in theirhands, the unions ofRussia are d o u b l yarmed.

American mili t a n t smust take up theweapon of a dailypress against the en-emy without andtraitors within. •

As never before thefrenzied bureaucratsare attacking the leftwing — the fightingprogressives.

THE DAILY WORKERwill defend the mili-tants — will slash toribbons the propagan-da of Gompers andLewis.

THE DAILY WORKERwill fight for Amal-gamation, An Inde-pendent Labor Party,Recognition of SovietRussia, A Workersand Farmers Govern-ment.

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Vol. II. NOVEMBER, 1923 No. 9

Labor's Chamber of CommerceBy Wm. F. Dunne

IF the convention of the American Federationof Labor was a workingclass gathering theresult of its deliberations at Portland could

arouse nothing but black despair on the part ofthe left-wing elements in the American labormovement. It was not a convention of workers,however, but a gathering of professional laborleaders whose interest in the labor movement isexactly the same as the heads of any other well-paying business.

For weeks before the convention it was evidentthat the red menace of Communism was to bemade the issue at the Portland meet. The seriesof articles sponsored by the officials of theUnited Mine Workers containing an invitationto the employers to join hands with the laborleaders in stamping out radicalism sounded thekey-note of the convention and outlined the policyof the Gompers machine.

The Portland convention spent its time in hunt-ing heretics and in unseating the writer, who ac-knowledged without equivocation his disbelief inthe divine character of the officialdom of theAmerican labor movement. This proceeding tookup almost a whole day of the convention and wasthe feature of its sessions.

It was no spontaneous outburst of indignationon the part of the delegates, but a carefully pre-pared climax to an official scheme which had forits object the defeat of all resolutions dealing withamalgamation, a labor party, and the recognitionof Soviet Russia. I was unseated on the secondMonday of the convention but as early as thepreceding Tuesday the reporters of the capitalistpress had been told by the A. F. of L. publicityagents that I would be unseated; the informationwas not given, however, to the correspondent ofthe Federated Press.

Two days before the proceedings against mewere started John J. O'Leary, personal press

.agent for Gompers and "labor expert" of theNew York World, in a special article in the Port-land Oregonian predicted my unseating.

Never at any convention of the Federation hasthere been such close co-operation between thecapitalist press and the officialdom of the A. F.

of L. Unlimited space was at the disposal of thereactionaries, and in not a single instance did aword of criticism of A. F. of L. officials or poli-cies creep into the four employer-owned Portlandsheets. The convention responded to this, andfrom beginning to end everything of a working-class character was carefully eliminated from theproceedings. So strong was this complex thattwo workingmen, who were one day watchingGompers get into his limousine after adjourn-ment, were seized, searched, and man handled bythe police lieutenant in plain clothes who drove hiscar; they were suspicious characters, you under-stand, because they did not fit into the picture.

There can be no doubt that the machine wasfrightened at the resolutions for amalgamation,the labor party, and recognition of Russia, thatcropped up from unexpected places. The con-vention of the Molders' Union, whose president,Joseph Valentine, is a member of the ExecutiveCouncil of the A. F. of L., had endorsed thelabor party and Russian recognition just as theA. F. of L. went into session. Something like13 big International Unions had expressed them-selves in favor of one or all of the three proposi-tions at conventions, to say nothing of the StateFederations and city central bodies who had takensimilar action. The situation was full of dyna-mite for an officialdom which is trying to provethat it loves the wage-system more ardently thanthe employers themselves.

The high-salaried businessmen who speak forLabor did not give one moments considerationto the idea that fighting against progress is thejob of employers. They hold the same views asdo the capitalists who employ the dues-payingworkers in the unions, and acted accordingly asone knew they would do. Employers are moreinclined to deal with organizations that have theviewpoint of the masters, so every effort wasmade to convince the employers that Labor hatesanyone who advances the idea that the presentsystem is not all it should be,and that labor or-ganizations can never achieve power by cateringto the employers' love of the capitalist system.

This was the strategy of the convention—to 'outdo chambers of commerce, commercial clubs,

T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

advertising associations, Rotary and Kiwanisclubs, and the bar association, in denunciationof anything that could be interpreted as un-American, and into this category were placedrecognition of Soviet Russia, amalgamation, andthe labor party.

Bureaucrats Squirm Under CriticismTo attain this objective the full strength of

the Gompers machine was mobilized. The firstdays of the session were taken up with religiousand patriotic speeches in which radicals wereflayed. Frank Hodges, whose name will be men-tioned with a curse by the British workers formany a long day to come in connection with BlackFriday, warned the convention against the "bor-ers from within"; Mayor Baker, elected by theKlan, and various ministers and relief workers,all sounded the same note; the local press playedup every such denunciation, and the not too cour-ageous delegates were duly impressed.

Thus the stage was all set by Monday, Oct. 8,In the report of the educational committee theFederated Press was scored as an agency* for thedissemination of Communist propaganda. Mat-thew Woll, heir apparent to the throne, speakingfor the committee recommendation, urged theconvention to unseat me. Bill Green, secretaryof the United Mine Workers, was recognized andopened the case for the prosecution without anymotion being made, the report of the educationalcommittee on the Federated Press being forgot-ten in the excitement. The evidence of the in-quisitors consisted of articles, headlines, and edi-torials in one issue of the Butte Bulletin in whichcharges of bribery made by Lewis and Farring-ton against each other were published. In aneditorial I had referred to Lewis in connectionwith his Herrin publicity as trying "to turn mem-bers of his union over to the hangman after theyhad been acquitted by a jury," and while theseexcerpts were being read I heard more than onegrunt of approval from the delegates in my vi-cinity, nor were there any expressions of dis-approval -or anger such as the reactionaries ex-pected; on the contrary, the convention was ex-tremely ssilent and attentive.

Green ended his indictment by stating that aprecedent for the proceedings could be found inthe scriptures as Lucifer had been expelled fromHeaven. I could not keep from laughing as Ithought of the tremendous wing-surface thatwould be required for some of these Poland-China-swine-built labor leaders to play the partof angels. Green,also read letters seized by theDepartment of Justice raid on the office of FredMerrick in Pittsburgh, which showed that I wasin that district during the 1922 strike of the coalminers. Phillip Murray, vice-president of the

U. M. W. A., made the motion for my expulsionafter Green had finished his exhortation, and itwas only then that it was remembered that thereport of the educational committee had not yetbeen put before the convention. That matter washurriedly, disposed of and real business resumed.

Murray denounced me as a Communist and abitter opponent of the officialdom of the UnitedMine Workers and of the A. F. of L. Green hadread extracts from a speech I made at an openmeeting the night before, in which I referred tothe officialdom as "fat boys" and had stated that"I did not know it would be necessary to throwanyone out to prove their respectability," andfurther that "these people were more conservativethan the employers." These statements were sup-posed to prove that I was not a good trade union-ist and should be cast into outer darkness. .

Dunne Lashes the "Fat Boys"I secured the floor and spoke for about 40 min-

utes. I think in justice to myself it is fair to saythat never before at an A. F. of L. conventionhave the bureaucrats of the labor movement heardthe truth about themselves worded in so clear amanner. I mentioned the fact that Labor is onlyabout one-seventh organized in the United States,'and yet," I said, "you strut around as thoughyou had capitalism by the throat." I told themthat I had heard much boasting of the revocationof charters but nothing about the spread of or-ganization. I told them that the scriptural prece-dent discovered by Green "gave the proceedingsa religious atmosphere that was quite in keepingwith the heresy-hunting proclivities of the A. F.of Li officials." I mentioned the fear for theirgood jobs that was expressed in their hostility-toamalgamation and the labor party, and told themthat I did not consider them workers; that theywere as far removed from the struggles of therank and file as were the employers they soughtto placate. I told them that it was not the firsttime I had faced a white-collared mob bent uponmy destruction and that I had no intention ofdefending anything I had said or done; in a cap-italist court I would defend myself but not be-fore the lackeys of the capitalist class; any state-ment I might make would be. for the purpose ofmaking my position clear and not to apologizefor it.

Adjournment was had before the discussionwas finished and upon convening in the afternoonthere occurred what was, to me, the most pitifulspectacle of the whole convention. Fred Mooney,.of West Virginia, one of the U. M. W. A. dele-gates, was forced by the Lewis machine to sup-port Murray's motion and attack me. He wasplaced in the position of doing the bidding of. themachine or of being deprived of all financial as-

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D

sistance in his coming trial growing out of themarch of the miners three years ago. He basedhis attack upon my speech and said that, only forthat, he would have opposed the motion; he statedthat I was being framed in Michigan just as hewas in West Virginia, but that I had no pkce inthe convention because of my beliefs; he becamehysterical and incoherent many times during hisspeech, his voice rising to a scream in which nowords could be discerned. I felt genuinely sorryfor him, but he is only another fighter in the ranksof labor that is ruined to serve the ambitions ofcowardly and) dishonest officialdom.

Tracy, of the Brick and Clay Workers, tookumbrage at my blue shirt, and used most of histime in denouncing Foster. Greenstein, of theJewelry Workers, resurrected the exploded can-ard about my alleged Ku Klux Elian affiliationbut I was given no opportunity to reply. I trustthat Greenstein has been repaid for his servicesand is now in good standing with the Gompersmachine after having been out of the A. F. of L.for two years.

The vote was overwhelmingly in favor of un-seating me, but it was not unanimous althoughevery effort was made to have it so. The fewwho braved the machine will undoubtedly sufferfor their temerity. Among,them were Sillinskyand Soderberg of the Tailors' International, Ed.Launer of the Paper and Sulphite Workers, Ohlsof the Wisconsin Federation of Labor, Burns ofthe Tacoma Central Labor Council, Duncan ofSeattle, and Stevens of Minneapolis.

Progressive Measures Strangled

Following my unseating the work of railroad-ing amalgamation, the-labor party, and recogni-tion of Soviet Russia began. The amalgamationresolutions were lumped together, the report ofthe committee denounced them as communistic,no discussion was permitted, and no roll-call ob-tained.

The labor party resolutions met almost thesame fate, although a number of delegates sup-ported them; they, too, were denounced as un-American and against the interests of the labormovement, but a roll-call was secured neverthe-less, and a surprising sentiment in their behalfwas disclosed in spite of the intimidation of themachine. One vote out of every 13 was cast forthe labor party.

Recognition of Russia also commanded supportthat surprised the administration after the anti-red offensive was supposed. to have terrorizedevery delegate. Gompers and Woll were the onlyones who took the floor against the resolution.

Hays of the Typographical, Healy of the Sta-tionary Engineers, Smart of the Switchmen, andJohnston of the Machinists, all spoke for it.

It can be said, I think, that the offensive againstthe left wing reached its height in Portland. An-other period of industrial depression is justaround the corner and 'the A. F. of L. now hasless than 3,000,000 members; the militants havebrought their program on the convention floor andit was necessary to expel one of them to preventthe machine from being challenged on all fronts.Nothing was done that could possibly strengthenLabor, except perhaps to endorse the Workers'Educational Bureau and that is now safely underthe patronage of the bureaucracy. Trying timesare ahead of American Labor and in throttlingproposals advocated by the militants the A. F. ofL. dynasty has done the one thing necessary toconvince the intelligent trade unionists that theonly hope for American Labor lies in the programof the Trade Union Educational League and inthe rallying of the rank and file of the unions,around that program for a merciless fight againstany and all officials who oppose it.

B - fl A "A =

THE-LABOR HESALD IN JAPAN

Cover of a Tokio labor paper, showing how wide-spreadhas grown the influence of the T. U. E. L.. Designtaken from the January 1923, issue of the LABOR HERALD.

T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

The Decatur BattleBy Wm. Z. Foster

THE convention of the Illinois State Federa-tion of Labor, held in Decatur, Sept. 10-16,was one of the sharpest and bitterest clashes

that have yet taken place between revolutionariesand reactionaries in the American labor mpve-ment. The latter won heavily. They were wellprepared for the fight. For months previous tothe convention they had been drumming up theirforces, with the result that when the gatheringassembled it was by far the largest conventionever held by any State Federation. Almost 700delegates were in attendance, of whom at least300 were paid officials. The Milk Wagon Driversof Chicago, for example, sent 43 delegates, theirfull quota, at $25.00 per day per man. Thewhole delegation of Chicago teamsters numbered120, who voted as a unit against every progressiveproposition. The reactionaries were determinedto beat .the revolutionaries at all costs.

The Labor Party Fight

The first big battle and the decisive one for thewhole convention occurred on a resolution callingupon the American Federation of Labor to changeits constitution so as to permit the organizationof a labor party. This resolution, with smallchanges, had been earlier submitted to the Chi-cago Federation of Labor and passed unanimouslyby it at the instance of left wing delegates andthen-sent on to the Illinois Federation of Labor.The resolution committee recommended non-con-currence and the fight was on. Various reaction-aries put forth the usual twaddle which passesfor argument with them. Then John H. Walker,long known as an advocate of independent work-ing class political action and formerly NationalChairman of the Farmer Labor Party, shockedthe convention by arguing in principle "against thelabor party. He urged that all parties and groupsin the United States vigorously apply the Gomperspolicy of rewarding friends and punishing enem-ies. He declared that it was by this method thatthe British Labor Party had been built and thatby it also the labor party would come in thiscountry. After him, I got the floor and spoke.Then the crash came. For three days the con-vention had been under the utmost tension ex-pecting the great battle against the "reds." Thenewspapers were full of stories about it and muchexcitement prevailed. The speaker following me,Oscar Nelson, Vice-President of the ChicagoFederation of Labor and a confirmed reactionary,released this tension and gave the keynote to thewhole convention. A powerful speaker, he stirred

up a wild anti-red hysteria. He made a bitterattack upon me and everything "red" and sweptthe convention with him. All the bitterness andhatred of the reactionaries for revolutionary ideasburst forth during his talk. A wave of terrorismspread through the convention. The merits of theresolution were lost sight of. The issue was Com-munism versus Capitalism. Denying me the rightto reply to Nelson's slanderous statements, thestampeded convention was rushed to a vote onthe labor party proposition, which was lost by avote announced to be 456 against 65.

The Amalgamation Fight

Encouraged by their success with the laborparty issue, the reactionaries determined to finishthe "reds" forthwith. They reported next onthe amalgamation resolution, not to concur. Thisprovoked the bitterest fight of the convention.This measure was the one above all that the re-actionaries were determined to defeat. They hadmade elaborate preparations. First, there was thegreat gathering together of delegates to jam theconvention. Then, a letter was got from Mr.Gompers in which the latter, in diplomatic lang-uage, practically told the State Federation to keepits hands off such broad issues as amalgamationas they were outside its jurisdiction, a hint whichthe committee followed in recommending non-concurrence. Besides, Mr. Gompers sent theCrown Prince, Matthew Woll, to attack amalga-mation in person at the convention. In addition,'the flambouyant series of six articles issued bythe Mine Workers' Union had been timed to ap-pear just at this strategic convention and all thereactionary officials had copies of them. But themost effective of all their weapons was an anti-amalgamation statement issued by John Fitzpat-rick and Edward Nockels of the Chicago Federa-tion of Labor. Reactionaries all through the labormovement have greeted this statement with greatjoy, and well they may for it is no less than arepudiation of amalgamation by these two menwho were supposed to be its champions. Thestatement was carefully timed to do all possibledamage to the amalgamation fight. It appearedin the current issue of the official organ of theIllinois Federation of Labor and was distributedto the delegates at the very instant that the reso-lutions committee was reporting on the amalga-mation proposition. By their early support ofamalgamation Fitzpatrick and Nockels helped thecause greatly. But that sin is now off their heads.Their recent statement was a dagger in the back

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D

of amalgamation and it did more to injure thatmovement at Decatur than any other weapon ofthe reactionaries.

In their fight against amalgamation the reac-tionaries used the same general method, to stirup "red" hysteria. The merits of the propositionwere lost sight of altogether. Matthew Wollmade a bitter attack against me. I replied witha lengthy speech, which was well-received by thedelegation. Then Victor Olander, Secretary ofthe State Federation, made a two hours' speech.By the clock he devoted a full hour and a half toa personal attack' on me. The rest was slobber.Olander is a. cunning politician and *he utilizedhis wits to the utmost in assailing me. Characterassasination was his method. He built up themost elaborate frame-work of falsehoods aboutmy activities that it has ever been my doubtfulpleasure to listen to. I let him go ahead unin-terrupted. The night before John H. Walkerhad promised me, with much emotion, that herealized I was up against a hard fight and that he,as Chairman, would give me ample opportunity toreply to my detractors. So, foolishly, I believedhe would keep his word and give me a chance toreply to Olander. But when the latter finishedhis mass of lies and I demanded my undoubtedright to answer them, Walker denied me thatright and he took the floor himself. It was agood illustration of his sense of honor and fair-ness. Walker spoke for half an hour, combattingamalgamation in principle. As he talked tearsstreamed down his face and his voice was broken.Though what he was crying about few couldfigure out, except it was that in this conventionthe pressure from the Gompers machine hadforced him publicly to repudiate practically everyprinciple he had ever stood for. When Walkerfinished at least forty delegates rose to speak, butright in their teeth the debate was cut off and theamalgamation resolution rushed to a vote. It lostby 313 to 80. Great resentment was expressedby many delegates at these shameless steam-rollertactics.

Soviet Russia — American LegionIn several previous conventions the Illinois

Federation of Labor endorsed the recognition ofSoviet Russia. But this ultra reactionary con-vention repudiated it. Victorious, the old guardoverwhelmed this proposal along with all theother hated "red" measures. And worse yet,many progressive delegates in the convention,firm believers in Soviet Russia but disgruntledat the fiasco made by their Farmer-Labor Partyat the famous July conference and eager to getrevenge, were weak enough to vote with the re-actionaries. Not only did the convention voteagainst recognizing Russia, but it also took a

direct slap at that country by amending a resolu-tion demanding the release of political prisonersin this country to the effect that those in Russiashould be released also.

Part of the program of the A. F. of L. is to goalong in alliance with the strike-breaking Ameri-can Legion. John H. Walker, President of theIllinois Federation of Labor showed himself morethan willing to co-operate in this anti-progressivework. In his annual report he devoted 12 closelyprinted pages to lauding the work of the Legion.He wound up by saying:

I therefore recommend that this convention go onrecord as recommending that our members who areeligible to membership in this organization, join it andwhere, in communities that have sufficient numbers tobe able to maintain such a post, that they apply forcharters for trade union posts.

To grease the skids for this reactionary pro-position the Commander of the Illinois branch ofthe American Legion was invited to speak. Assoon as he had finished a delegate hopped up andmoved that the work of the Legion be endorsed.This created a furor. Instantly a dozen delegatestook the floor in opposition. Among them was aminer who declared that in his town at that veryminute the American Legion was breaking a strike.Seeing the opposition, Walker asked that thewhole matter be held in abeyance until the con-vention came to consider his report later on.This was done. But when in due time the com-mittee reported about the Legion it ducked theissue by first praising the Legion and then advo-cating that trade union ex-soldiers join someex-service men's organization. Denouncing thisevasion as hypocritical, a delegate moved anamendment to carry a straight endorsement of theLegion. This was tabled and the motion carriedas proposed by the committee. Walker, the so-called progressive, was badly compromised in thisaffair. Not even the ultra reactionary conventionwould go as far as he in setting up an organicalliance with the anti-Labor American Legion.

State Political ActionThe question of independent working class

political action in Illinois came up under twoheads. The first was in the form of a resolutiondemanding that the Illinois Federation organizea state labor party under its jurisdiction. Thishad the backing of the Federated Farmer-LaborParty. It was beaten by the usual vote. Thenext was a recommendation by Walker that theJoint Legislative Board (the typical Gompersmachine for lobbying and rewarding politicalfriends) be continued and financed afresh. LillianHerstein opened a vigorous battle against this.She was one of the very few members of theFarmer-Labor Party at the convention who stoodby the principles of progress and did not allow

8 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

herself to be driven into the camp of the reac-tionaries. She nearly wrecked Walker's project.When the viva voce vote was taken the volumeof "noes" was so heavy that even the reactionaryChairman, who would have been glad to call thething carried if he had dared, had to announcehimself in doubt as to the result. He called fora rising vote. When this was taken a remarkableillustration was given of the state of mental ter-rorism prevailing in the convention. Only 83delegates actually ventured to stand up to becounted, although at least 300 must have voted"no" in the vocal vote.

A Few of the Lessons

In many respects the convention was a wonder-ful gathering. For one thing it was a strikingillustration of the great fear in which the reac-tionaries hold the Trade Union EducationalLeague, which means the vital policies that ourorganization advocates. The tremendous prepara-tions they made to fill up the convention, and thefrantic efforts they made to terrorize the dele-gates by strirring up "red" hysteria were eloquentproofs of that. Matthew Woll tipped off thehand of the reactionaries when he referred to thearticle recently appearing in the LABOR HERALD,entitled "Gompers Faces Triple Revolt" and point-ing the mass character of the present movementfor amalgamation, the labor party, and recognitionof Soviet Russia. He admitted the validity ofour claims that these are the three measures mostthreatening to Gompersism by demanding an over-whelming defeat of them at the convention. Thedirect and terrific opposition of the reactionarieswas a tremendous tribute to the power and influ-ence of the Trade Union Educational League.

Another striking and instructive feature of theconvention was the attitude of the so-called pro-gressive elements, mostly affiliated with or sym-pathetic to the Farmer-Labor Party. They weresore because, due to their own stupidity, theirparty was wrecked-at the July conference. Hencethey were determined to get even with the hated"reds" whom they blame for their discomfiture.So they plumped right into the arms of Gompers.They would not vote for amalgamation, the laborparty, or recognition of Russia (though they be-lieve in all three) simply because the "reds" pro-posed the resolutions or identified themselveswith them. What a silly attitude, what an ostrichpolicy. Such pseudo progressives do not realize thepatent fact that these great measures correspondto the most urgent needs of the working classand that the latter must adopt them whether theyare proposed by respectables or not. Do the pro-gressives believe that because of their frowns thedespised radicals will abandon the advocacy of

these vital measures? If so they are in for a rudeawakening. The only effect of their defectionwill be to practically give the revolutionaries amonopoly on these great and burning issues, itwill merely strengthen our grip inevitably amongthe rank and file. Our progressive friends mayrecover as quickly as they please from their pres-ent acute attack of respectability, which expressesitself by a shameful surrender to Gompers.Whether they like it or not the revolutionaryminority, in the future as in the past, will befound in every trade union convention identifyingthemselves with and fighting valiantly for amal-gamation, the labor party, and recognition ofSoviet Russia. At the present time the only ele-ment in the United State that is making a realfight for these measures is exactly this revolution-ary minority. And it will continue to be so. Theprogressives will eventually be compelled to goalong with that fight. By trotting back to Gom-pers and allowing themselves to be made tools ofby his reactionary machine, as they did at De-catur, they are not only rendering themselvesridiculous but are also betraying the most sacredinterests of the working class.

Many reactionaries believe that they decisivelybeaf*the League militants at Decatur. This isnonsense. The Decatur convention was only oneround in a long fight that must go on until thelabor movement is revolutionized. The workersin Illinois, particularly the 100,000 coal miners,are largely tinged with radicalism. They will notaccept the verdict of Decatur. They will girdtheir loins for a fresh struggle next year againstthe reactionaries. Although the Decatur con-vention was an historic one, that next year inPeoria will be even more epoch-making. Themilitants will assemble there in larger numbersand more determined than ever to put the Illinoislabor movement upon a constructive and progres-sive basis.

A most vital task in forwarding theT. U. E. L. program is to establish theLeague finances. This is easily donethrough the sale of Sustaining Fund Cer-tificates to members and sympathisers.Every group secretary and League cor-respondent can assist mightily, in thiswork by making the Sustaining Fund aregular order of business. Certificatesthat have been sent out should be sold.N-ew supplies can be obtained upon re-quest. The League depends upon everymember to do his part.

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D

Molders9 Union for ProgressBy D. B.

THE 26th Convention of the InternationalMolders' Union, held in Cleveland the lastweeks of September and the first week in

October, marked a distinct break of this old or-ganization with its conservative past, and set itsfeet on the road of progress. Feeling the de-termined character of the delegates present, theold officials yielded after a fight and, by allowingthe measures presented by the revolutionists topass, they managed to stave off an upheaval thatwould have lost them their jobs. Practically theentire program of the T. U. E. L. was endorsedby the actions of the Convention, including amal-gamation, the Labor Party, organize the unorgan-ized, recognition of Soviet Russia, and othermeasures relating to the Molders.

Amalgamation was attacked viciously by thereactionaries early in the Convention. They in-troduced a resolution against amalgamation, butit was voted down unanimously. So the officials,afraid to report out the amalgamation resolutionpresented from St. Louis, brought in one of theirown which put the Convention "on record asfavoring a more progressive movement towardsamalgamation of all metal trades," and providingthat other metal trades should equalize their dueswith the Molders. The militants pointed out theunderhanded attempt to sabotage amalgamationby making "provisos" but the reactionaries, byyielding to the principle of amalgamation whichwas thus unanimously adopted, succeeded in get-ting their resolution passed.

Fifty-six years ago the Molders stood for theLabor Party idea; since that time until the Cleve-land Convention they have been solid against it.The resolution for a national Labor Party wasdiscussed for a whole day, with the officialdomfighting it viciously. On a Toll-call vote it wascarried by a vote of 185 against 158, a majorityof 27 for the Labor Party. This was a bitter pillfor Frey, chief spokesman for Gompers in theConvention. A resolution for "organizing the un-organized" was carried without opposition; theold guard seemed to feel that if they could keepthe offices they could interpret the resolution tosuit themselves. They will find, however, thatresolutions of this kind which are being adoptedall through the labor movement, will force theminto action before long.

Recognition of Soviet Russia was adopted bya strong vote, over the bitter opposition of JohnP. Frey. Again the old guard saw defeat staring

Roberts

them in the face, and bowed to the inevitable,trying to save their faces with an amendment.But the Convention had clearly registered itsopinion on this vital matter. A resolution againstFascism was adopted unanimously.

Support of the Mooney-Billings Defense wasvoted unanimously. Tom Mooney had been electedas a delegate to this Convention by his Local,San Francisco, by a vote of 555 out of a total601. The Convention, reversing the former re-actionary stand of the Union, voted Mooney fullconfidence and $1,000 donation to the Mooney"Defense. Then, to put their final seal of ap-proval upon Mooney, they elected him their dele-gate to the A. F. of L. Convention. It was agreat demonstration of solidarity and revolution-ary spirit, and will be a help in the fight forMooney's release from San Quentin Prison.

The climax to the struggle between reaction-aries and the militants fighting for the programof the Trade Union Educational League, camein a proposal from the officials to amend the con-stitution so that they could bring charges againstany member and try him before the executiveboard. The purpose was to obtain the power tothrow out the militants, as the Ladies' GarmentWorkers' officials are attempting to do. But theConvention would have nothing of this disruptivedesign. They turned the proposition down, andby an overwhelming majority adopted the prop-osition made by Delegate Blome, of St. Louis,placing the power of discipline over individualmembers entirely in the hands of the local unions.The rank and file must vigilantly defend this vic-tory, and immediately stop any disruptive movesfrom the officials now that the Convention isover.

The tremendous progress of the past yearamong the rank and file, brought about by themilitants and revolutionists working in harmonywith the T. U. E. L., was thus registered in agreat victory in the Molders' Convention. Butthis is only a beginning. If it is not to be lostagain, and the Union fall once more into a sloughof reaction, the militants must now work harderthan ever. So long as the reactionaries controlthe administrative machinery of the Union, justso long is there a constant menace to all pro-gressive policies. Now is the time to preparefor the next Convention, where the Molders canbe brought into the very forefront of the fightfor trade union progress.

IO T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

Revolutionary Unionism in GermanyBy Fritz Heckert

SYSTEMATIC work towards revolutionizingthe German trade union movement is of re-cent growth. Before the war, a little was

done in this direction, but it was planless. Onlyat the end of the year 1919 did we come to fullyappreciate the importance of the trade unions inthe revolutionary movement. The way to go atthe task was only slowly worked out. For a longtime there was much doubt whether the attemptto conquer the trade unions for revolutionaryprinciples and tactics was not an effort to ac-complish the impossible. But finally, through the

'many defeats of the German workers, caused bythe betrayal of the reformist trade union leaders,we came to understand that the unions had to beconquered if the victory of the revolution was tobe achieved. But still it was a long while beforea uniform conception developed as to how thiscould be done. Even now, some mistakes aremade and hinder systematic progress. .And so itis in all countries, so it is in all groups whichacknowledge the Red International of Labor Un-ions. At the session of the Enlarged Executiveof the R. I. L. U. in June of this year, the prin-ciple of winning the trade unions was stronglyendorsed, the experiences of many countries, par-ticularly Germany, being cited in support of it.

Election to Metal Workers' ConventionThe Metal Workers' Union is the largest labor

organization in the world, with 1,600,000 mem-bers. Including almost one-fourth of all mem-bers in the German Federation of Trade Unionsand comprising a very intelligent body of work-ers, it is a most important factor for the Germanrevolution. No wonder that the reformists useevery effort to hold this union fast and do allpossible to defeat the revolutionists, who also re-alize the importance of the union and do all theycan to win it for their cause. In September, theConvention of the Metal Workers took place.This gathering decided not only the policy of theMetal Workers for two years, but also, to a greatextent, that of other organizations. If the revo-lutionary opposition could carry the Metal Work-ers' Union, that meant a turning point in thewhole German labor movement. This opinionprevailed in the elections. Both sides, the revo-lutionary minority and the bureaucratic machine,made the utmost efforts to elect delegates.

At present writing the full results of the elec-tion are not yet in. Of 402 mandates, however,the Communists have won 145 while the reform-ists got 247. The Communists have not cap-tured the majority, but a greater number of votes

were cast for their candidates than for the 247of the reformists. This is made clear by theelection method. There is no proportional elec-tion. In several ways the intrenched majorityhave the best of it. In many places the reform-ists, despite small majorities, captured the wholedelegation. The election showed, however, thatin those centers where the Communists were vic-torious they had heavy majorities over the re-formists. In Berlin the Communist ticket got54,000 votes as against 22,000 for the reformists.In Aue, 4,700 revolutionaries against 1,200 re-formists. In Essen, the same condition prevailed.On the other hand, the reformists in Chemnitzgot 10 delegates with only 8,500 against 7.900,in Dresden 12 delegates with 10,300 against 7.500,and in Leipzig 9 delegates with 8,200 against7,600. The general result shows that the Com-munists cast a majority of votes and received aminority of delegates.

The reformists tried to make this into a bigvictory for Amsterdam over Moscow. But thecapitalists see quite clearly the tremendous growthof revolutionary influence and say "that the dayis not far off when the German Metal Workers'Union will fall into the hands of the Commun-ists." An important feature was that whereasin previous elections only a small section of theworkers took part in the elections, this time anextra-ordinarily large figure was reached. Form-erly, if 10% of the members participated in theelection it was considered a good average. Butnow, 40%, 50%, 60%, and even 70% partici-pated. In many places the elections took on thecharacter of parliamentary elections, big meet-ings being held and every effort made to bringout the voters.

The election would have had a much more fa-vorable outcome for the Communists had thelatter had a better organization, as compared tothe established machine of the reformists. Withequal conditions prevailing in this respect, thereformists would have suffered an overwhelmingdefeat. Another disadvantage was that in manycenters numbers of metal workers are no longermembers of the union, because they have organ-ized in separate unions, believing they can thusfight better for the revolution.

Although the reformists have the majority, stillthey will have no opportunity to push throughtheir reactionary policies. No longer can theychange the Union laws in their favor, since theylack the necessary two-thirds of the delegates.They will be compelled to make concessions to

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D ii

the opposition. The election law, which this timeworked out to the disadvantage of the revolution-ary members, will, the next time, reduce the in-fluence of the reformists to nothing, because itwill turn the preponderance of the revolutionaryvotes overwhelmingly against the reformists. Theproportional election system, which we have longfought for and which brings democracy into theunion, the reformists can no longer oppose, butmust champion unless they are to be defeatedaltogether.

Election to Textile Workers' ConventionIf the bourgeoisie were disturbed at the elec-

tion in the Metal Workers' Union, they were hor-rified by that among the Textile Workers. Theyexpected that the Metal Workers' would show aradical result, but they considered these workersan exception. But now there is the result of theTextile Workers' Convention election. And Stin-nes' organ, the Deutsche All'gemeine Zeitung,says, "The Textile Workers' Union has been con-quered by the Communists with a crushing major-ity." Then follow alarm cries.- That paper be-lieves that all will be lost unless repressive meas-ures are taken against the Communists at once.The faith in reformism as a dam against the rev-olutionary flood has collapsed.

We have not as yet definite results about theentire election. The Textile Workers' election ismore overwhelming than in the Metal Workers'Union. Moreover, in that organization we hada much weaker revolutionary apparatus and werenot in position to carry on so great and wide-spread an election propaganda as among the Me-tal Workers. Which makes the result all the moresurprising. In this union, as in the Metal Work-e;rs, great numbers took part in the election. Thereformist leaders realized early that the votes ofthe workers would be unfavorable to the officialsof the organization. Therefore, they got mostof their candidates out of the shops in order tocreate a better situation for themselves. But thishelped them in only a few cases. Wherever theCommunists nominated candidates they wereelected by overwhelming majorities. There areplaces in which the revolutionary majority wasfive times or more as great as the reformist mi-nority. Especially crushing were the defeats fora number of union officials, which, in many places,often received 5% or less of the total number ofvotes cast. The weakness of the revolutionaryfractions in a number of textile centers made itimpossible for these to nominate candidates or tocarry on propaganda. Only this fact will give theadministration of the Textile Union the possi-bility of still being able to control a small major-ity, but not the possibility to use this majority to

the continuation of their contemptible anti-Com-munist campaign.

The Factory CouncilsDo the elections in the Metal and Textile Un-

ions merely indicate that the revolutionists havesucceeded in these organizations because of ex-ceptional conditions? We answer a vigorous"No." This is proved by a third example, thefactory councils as leaders in the general strikemovement.

Several times the factory councils in Germanyhave tried to organize the will of the workers fora common struggle and against the will of thetrade union bureaucracy. Until now all these ef-forts have failed. Always the bureaucrats havesought to choke the factory councils and to stoptheir movement. According to them, the factorycouncils were only tools in the hands of the Com-munists wherewith to throw the workers into mis-ery. Unfortunately, the bureaucracy, in this re-spect, were almost completely successful, includ-ing the last time in the Fall of 1922, to sabotagethe factory council movement, and to condemnthe factory council congress as a wild attempt toorganize a Communist putsch. The bureaucracyfollowed up these attacks by having the employersdiscipline the workers, especially the revolutionarymilitants. It appeared as if the trade union bu-reaucrats would succeed permanently in isolatingthe revolutionary advance guard from the work-ing masses.

But the great strike movement, which began onFriday, August 10th, ended with a complete bank-ruptcy of the reformist tactic. Then the Amster-dam bureaucrats saw their following desert themwholesale. They tried to find one consolation,that the Communists could not get control of themasses. They said, "We know that we no longerhave the masses in hand. We know that thismovement has escaped our control. But we alsoknow that you Communists have been shoved onone side just as we have been and that Syndical-istic and Kappistic elements have become theleaders of the masses in this wild and senselessmovement. But before one week has passed, wewill, see that you" Communists are not only settledbut also that the movement ends in a blind alley.Then our hour will come, then the masses willrealize that we were right and that you Com-munists, once again in a most difficult hour, havecriminally betrayed the working people." Uponour demands that the reformist leaders shouldplace themselves at the head of the movement forthe overthrow of the Cuno government and theaccomplishment of an existence minimum for theworking class, instead of deserting the workersas they were, they answered only with insultingattacks.

12 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

In spite of the monster difficulties which weencountered, we did not become discouraged inthe least by the attitude of the reformists. De-terminedly we set ourselves at the head of themovement, giving it voice and expression. Inone gigantic meeting of 12,000 factory councilsof greater Berlin, of which at last one-half wereSocial-Democrats, the spontaneous movement wasorganized and placed under the control of a cen-tral strike committee. The bureaucracy were sooverwhelmed by the growth of the movement andby the submission of the fighting masses of work-ers to the direction of this central strike commit-tee, that they abandoned the effort to save theCuno government. They sought to save whatthey could. Cuno fell, and with him the Min-ister of Transport, General Groener, the manwho in the great January strike of 1918 called thestriking workers "dog food," and whom not eventhe storm waves of the revolution could drivefrom his office. The economic demands of theworkers were no longer repudiated with con-tempt, but great concessions were made. Thisfirst success of the mass movement made it pos-

, sible once again for the bureaucracy to pull themost backward elements of the workers awayfrom the fighting front. Seeing the danger, andin order to preserve the unity of the workersfor future struggles, and to make it impossiblefor the reformist bureaucracy to bring about fur-ther division in the ranks of the workers, thecentral strike committee called off the strike. Inthis respect must be noted the great confidencewhich the revolutionary functionaries of the Ger-

man proletariat have won in the struggle underthe leadership of the Communist Party.

Again 13,000 factory councils gathered. Rag-ing with anger, they condemned the new treasonof the trade union bureacracy. But they endorsedunanimously the proposals of the strike commit-tee. Only a few votes were cast against its dis-solution. In earlier movements, each time thebetrayed workers answered by tearing up theirtrade union books and by deserting their organ-izations, because the deceived workers, after suchstruggles, lent willing ears to the promises of dualorganizations, which finally got the blame for thedestroyed trade unions. In this movement, noth-ing of the kind took place. The preachers of dualunions were this time simply silenced and theslogan of the strike commission, to save the tradeunions from the hands of the reformist bureauc-racy and to strengthen them for better strugglesagainst the employing class, was adopted withoutopposition.

Already in many parts of the country, in whichthe workers carried on the fight, the news comesthat a big increase in the trade union membershiphas taken place. In this, however, the reformistbureaucracy finds no pleasure, for out of millionsof throats comes the cry, "Clean the trades unionsof all treasonable functionaries." The Germanworkers are determined to win their trade unionsfor the revolutionary struggle. And they willprove that the way which the Red Internationalof Labor Unions recommends to its followers isnot only possible but leads quicker to the endsought than the boldest dared believe.

Join the "Daily Worker Boosters"r HE proposed publication of THE

DAILY WORKER in Chicago, pledged' to fight for the program of the Trade

Union Educational League, was greeted bya resolution at the Second General Confer-ence, Sept. 1-2, which pledged our "undi-vided support of the Daily Worker Cam-paign Committee in its efforts to raise a$100,000. fund to establish THE DAILYWORKER/''

It is now the task of all members andsympathisers of the League to put this reso-lution into effect. This can best be donethrough the following methods.

(1) Each member of the League shouldsubscribe to at least one share of stock.

(2) Each local general group and indus-

trial group of the League should send dele-gates to the City Committee in each centerwhich has charge of the campaign.

(3) League delegates to DAILY WORKERcity committees should assist in forming atrade union sub-committee, the duty ofwhich shall be to make a survey, of the tradeunions in their locality, to organize an in-tensive campaign to sell stock to all sympa-thizers, and to prepare a general campaignto sell stock to the unions themselves.

We issue this statement in the. full confi-dence that every member of the League willwork with line-easing energy and determina-tion to make the DAILY WORKER campaigna complete success and, especially to developthe full support of friendly trade unions.

NATIONAL COMMITTEE

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D

Reactionaries Smashing Ladies Garment WorkersBy Earl R. Browder

CYNICALLY and cold-bloodedly, the reac-tionary officialdom of the International La-dies' Garment Workers' Union have en-

gaged in a campaign of expulsions, disfranchise-ments, and czaristic dictatorship, which threatensthe very life of that great organization. Underthe direct leadership of Abe Cahan, of the JewishDaily Forward, and in close co-operation withGompers, this conspiracy has reached its heightin the expulsion of 11 old-time members of theChicago unions, the forcible removal of 19 out of25 officers of Local 22, New York, expulsionsand suspensions in Boston, Philadelphia, Cleve-land, and other places, the use of thugs and gun-men, the breaking up of local union meetings,denial of the right to talk, to read, to think, andeven to work. Along with this has gone the mostvicious newspaper campaign of lies, slander, in-timidation, and intellectual prostitution that hasever been witnessed in the American labor move-ment.

Beginning the ExpulsionsThe reactionaries felt around in New York

and Philadelphia to find the most favorable placeto start their expulsions. But the workers inthose cities were on their guard, owing to pre-vious attacks by the right-wing elements. SoMayer Perlstein, vice-president, was sent to Chi-cago to begin the war. There he found the Un-ions running along in comparative harmony, or-ganizational work being carried on, and the left-wing militants taking a most active part in jthework of the union, devoting their efforts outsideof shop-hours to the union without pay. Perl-stein is on record himself to this effect. He isalso on record that he came to Chicago for thespecific purpose of starting expulsions of thesesatne workers. He called an organization cam-paign, and the left-wing elements immediatelytook him at his word and intensified the cam-paign to bring the unorganized into the union.But this manoeuvre of Perlstein's was only ameans of putting the workers off their guard.

In the midst of the organization campaign,elections occurred. The left-wing advocates ofamalgamation and the labor party, were electedin a majority of the offices, all of them membersof years' standing and trusted .in the work of theunion. Perlstein immediately began his disrup-tion. He brought charges against I. L. David-son and Alex Kanevsky, and had a trial com-mittee appointed. In the proceedings that fol-lowed, Perlstein violated every safeguard thrownup for protection of the membership by the Laws

of the Union. In spite of his threats and viola-tions of the law, the Committee returned a verdictin favor of the left-wing militants by a-vote of 5to 1. But by disfranchising 16 out of 35":mem-bers of the Joint Board, Perlstein succeeded,through coercion and corruption, in getting 11of the remaining 19 to overthrow the decision ofthe trial committee. Then he expelled the mem-bers by executive order. Immediately after heexpelled 9 more, including Dora Lipshutz, I. Lit-vinsky, J. Terry, J. Goldman, Jennie Schwartz,Clara Gabin, Sam Cohen, Nathan Bosen, andHymen Fogel, all of them without trial or evenpretence of trial.

This opening gun in the war against progresswas quickly followed by a general letter from theInternational Executive Board, signed by Sigmanand Baroff, president and secretary, calling uponall locals to expel members of the Trade UnionEducational League. But everywhere the rank andfile refused to follow the reactionaries. In not asingle instance did any local union take action-against the left-wingers—and a logical thing thatis, because in the local unions the left wing isrespected and trusted. So the bureaucracy swunginto action again. In New York they arbitrarilyremoved Rose Wolkowitz from the Joint Board.In Boston, Cleveland, and Philadelphia, theyrushed about cooking up charges to place againstthe advocates of amalgamation. The whole unionwas thrown into a turmoil of protest.

Carmen's Hall ShootingThe expelled members in Chicago appealed to

their local unions to enter protest against Perl-stein's strong-arm methods. His answer was theappointment of a "Committee of Ten" to preventall discussion of his czarist rule. His agentsbroke up the local union meetings to prevent mo-tions of protest from being adopted. As a finalrecourse to bring their case before the member-ship, the expelled members called a mass meetingin Ashland Auditorium, also known as Carmen'sHall.

The meeting in Carmen's Hall was an historicone. Those in charge had not expected morethan 400 or 500 members, about the number ofregular attendants at local meetings. Instead ofthat, and in spite of an exceedingly stormy night,fully half the membership of Chicago appeared,and the committee had to hastily arrange to openthe great Auditorium to.accommodate the crowd.The officials had their "Committee of Ten" onhand, together with a collection of Chicago's

T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

notorious gunmen. These endeavored to breakup the meeting by interruptions and disturbances,and'kept matters in a turmoil of noise and con-fusion for over an hour, until the manager of thehall threatened to call the police if they were notquiet. The meeting proceeded under difficulties,with great demonstrations from the 2,000 peoplepresent.

Late in the evening Wm. Z. "Foster was calledupon to speak, inasmuch as the reactionaries hadpublicly connected his name with the expulsions.Foster had just named Abe Cahan as the "manbehind" the expulsions, when a door at the sideof the hall was thrown open and three shots werefired at the platform in rapid succession. Thegunmen instantly fled. The committee and Fos-ter upon the platform, and the floor committee,by presence of mind and quick action, averted astampede which would surely have resulted in theloss of many lives. It was a criminal act beyondthe expectations of anyone. It betrayed the des-peration with which the reactionaries had deter-mined to go any length to crush the left-wing.

But if Sigman, Perlstein & Co. expected to in-timidate the amalgamationists by their rough-stuff, they were sorely disappointed. Great massmeetings of protests were held in every needle

trades center. The one in New York City, heldin Rutgers Square, Sept. 8, was attended by 10,-000 workers. The reactionaries had overplayedtheir hand, and the rank and file were united intoa great demonstration against the Fascist-like tac-tics and against the expulsions. The officialdomwas immediately placed on the defensive. Theydisavowed the shooting. They got Ed. Nockelsof the Chicago Federation, who was sore over theformation of the Federated Farmer-Labor Party,to say the shots were blanks, although Nockelsnever made an investigation and refused an offerto present him with the evidence in the case. Then,when they could not stick to that story in theface of statements from the Chicago police, theysaid that Foster had arranged for the shots tobe fired at himself for publicity purposes.

In Justice, official organ of the I. L. G. W. U.administration, appeared a 3,000 word editorialon Sept. 7, by S. Yanovsky, editor, making thischarge, and asking Foster a list of questions. Thefirst and chief question was a charge that Fosterhad given the L L. G. W. U. a testimonial for$65,000 donation to the Steel Strike in 1919 whenbut $60,000 had been given, indicating that Fos-ter's accounts had been irregular. The truth ofthe matter was, that the donation had been made

Great protest mass meeting of International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union members, RutgersSquare, New York City, Sept. 8, addressed by Wm. Z. Foster

November, 1923- T H E L A B O R H E R A L D

through the A. F. of L. and Foster, as secretary-treasurer of the Strike Committee, in making outthe testimonial, in 1920, had been forced to writeto Baroff, of the I. L. G. W. U., asking him theamount of their donation, to which Baroff hadreplied that is was $65,000. These facts werewell known to the I. L. G. W. U. officials, andthe error on their part in 1920 had never beencorrected by them in spite of Foster's requests.Now they thought they could use it to cast doubtupon Foster.

Luckily, Foster is a foresighted person, and hehad taken care to preserve Baroff's original letter,especially as the "error" had been of a nature noteasily explained. A photograph of the letter waspublished in the Freiheit and the Worker, to-gether with Foster's complete answer to Yanov-sky challenging the officials to (1) partici-pate in a committee to investigate the shooting,(2) acknowledge the truth about the $65,000testimonial, and (3) accept a mutual investiga-tion of the financial accounts of the organiza-tions.

Yanovsky ConfessesFour weeks later, Oct. 5, Justice carried a "per-

sonal statement" from Yanovsky about the chal-lenge. The first point is ignored entirely—theywant to forget the shooting. On the second, hemakes a cringing confession, forced by the re-production of the letter from Baroff, that "I ad-mit that on this point I was under an entirelywrong impression," and pleading that he had de-pended upon ex-President Schlesinger's word inthe matter. On'the third point, he says, "evenif he had not placed that condition (a mutual in-vestigation) we would have now declined to lookinto his books." It is a complete confession ofbad faith and gross dishonesty in the entire at-tack, and the membership of the I. L. G. W. U.has understood it as such.

In the meantime, notwithstanding the growingstorm of resentment in the membership and theirown public discredit, the bureaucrats continue thewar against the militant rank and file. The localunions have stood solid against the wrecking tac-tics, and refused to approve them. Meeting aftermeeting has been broken up by the officials toprevent the passage of motions of protest. InLocal 22, New York, the president Sigman, him-self attending to obtain approval for his course,the membership voted him down overwhelmingly.In Philadelphia the dressmakers voted 3 to 1to repudiate his demands. In Cleveland the JointBoard laid his communication on the table.

But with arbitrary ruling, disregarding all con-stitutional limitations- on their power, the admin-istration continues to lay charges against mem-bers, deprive them of office, rule them off the

union floor, place fines of $25 to $100 againstthem, and terrorize them in every conceivableway. In Local 18 of Chicago, J, Gerber was fined$50 by ruling of Perlstein for signing a petitionfor reinstatement of the expelled, and M. Krein-dell was fined $25 for handing out a circular.Both were deprived of the floor and privilege ofholding office for 2 years. This is but a sampleof a thousand happenings of a similar nature,unexampled in their audacity and cynicism, oc-curring throughout the I. L. G. W. U. In Local22, New York, 19 out of 25 members of the JointBoard recently elected, have been removed byexecutive order.

Out-Czaring the CzarProbably the most outrageous proceeding of

all, however, has been the suppression of the rightto petition the General Executive Board. Eventhe Czar of Russia allowed his miserable serfs topetition for redress of greivances. But not soSigman, Perlstein & Co. When friends of theexpelled members in Chicago, denied all demo-cratic procedure in the unions, began to circulatepetitions for their re-instatement, the first moveto stop it was the publication in the Forward, re-actionary Jewish daily, a "warning" that agentsof the manufacturers were endeavoring to pro-cure an injunction by getting signatures from theshops and that no one should sign anything as itwould probably be for that purpose but disguisedas a petition for the expelled members. NextPerlstein published an advertisement over hisname, ordering all shop-chairmen to prevent thecirculation of petitions, leaflets, etc., and sale oftickets or solicitation of subscriptions for theFreiheit, and to stop from work any one violat-ing the order. He also prohibited all membersfrom reading, talking, or in any way acting inregard to the expulsions, on pain of dismissalfrom the shops. • He backed this order up byplacing, fines against some members who dis-obeyed the instructions.

From the local unions the fight is now beingcarried into the shops. The union officials de-clare that they are going to push through theirarbitrary policy even if it is necessary to smashthe union in so doing. All shop meetings are nowbroken up if the officials are questioned in anyway or called to account on their wild issuanceof "orders" and "rulings." Threats are freelystrewn about that soon will begin wholesale dis-charges from employment unless the orders areobeyed unquestioningly. An open alliance withthe employers is in preparation for the purposeof carrying out this disgraceful program.

On Oct. 2, the G. E. B. removed 19 membersof the executive board of Local 22, New York.

i6 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

Those removed were Bessie-Berlin, Jennie Davis,Mrs. Giterman, Lena Klein, Jos Weisberg, D.Marasov, Ida Padger, Mile Rosen, Sam Warens,Rose Wolkowitz, Sam Weiner, Aaron Steinberg,Bella Ratford, Harry Osofsky, Sarah Derner, andSonia Scheikin. One of the six who were notexpelled, Sonia Blum, immediately resigned, re-fusing to serve on the board which was appointedby the G. E. B., which was not elected and didnot have the confidence of the membership.

The 19 expelled executive board members calleda meeting of the rank and file in Webster Hall.The membership responded en masse and filledevery available space in the large hall. The meet-ing was a great demonstration against the reac-tionaries, and unanimously adopted a resolutionprotesting against the expulsions and calling forthe reinstatement of the expelled executive boardmembers.

Two members have been driven from their jobsby the officials. Harry Brevin in New York wasthrown out by a business agent, because he tookup a collection for the Freiheit. J. Gerber inChicago was forced out of the shop because he

signed a petition for the reinstatement of theexpelled.

In this crisis in the I. L. G. W. U., the honestworkers are joining hands together in a greatmovement under the slogan, "For the Unity ofthe International Ladies' Garment Workers Un-ion." Against expulsions and disruption, and fordefeat of the union-wrecking officialdom, there isarising a powerful movement of the rank and file.Soon no man or woman will be able to be electedto any position of trust in the I. L. G. W. U.until he or she has repudiated the policy of ex-pulsions and disfranchisements. The union-wreckers will be swept into oblivion by the right-eous wrath and overwhelming votes of an out-raged rank and file. The officers of the I. L. G.W. U. will be brought down from their high seatsof Czarist rulership, and will either be madeagain the servants of the garment workers andnot their masters, or will be sent to join theiraristocratic prototypes who once arrogantly ruledover the workers of Europe as Sigman, Perlstein,Baroff & Co. now seek to rule over the I. L. G.W. U.

Lewis "Settles"By Thomas Myerscough

WHEN the Tri-District Convention, com-prising Districts 1, 7, and 9, was re-con-vened at Scranton, September 17th, to pass

upon the negotiations that had been carried onwith the mine operators, and the agreement reach-ed through the mediation of Governor Pinchot,the United Mine Workers of America was facedwith another betrayal. In spite of the smoke-screens thrown out by Lewis and his cohorts, inspite of their efforts to sugarcoat the bitter pill,and in spite of their success in befuddling theminds of a majority of the delegates at Scranton,still the big facts of the settlement stand -out sothat every miner is beginning to see that, insteadof a victory, they were handed a settlement whichmeant defeat.

The terms of the settlement are clear only onthe major points decided against the miners. Itis definitely decided that the anthracite miners donot establish the check-off. There is no doubtthat the demand for $2. per day flat increase forday workers was lost. It is glaringly apparentthat the splitting up of the forces of the hard andsoft coal miners, through the signing of contractsfor different periods, has been again continued.Lewis told the Scranton Convention that this wasthe best agreement ever obtained in that field.Under the influence of his representations it was

approved, but hardly were the men back in themines before local strikes began against the ap-plication of the "best" agreement. The settle-ment did not even gain for the miners thosethings that it promised them; Lewis had fooledthe men.

Lewis told the miners that the Union has been"recognized through collective bargaining," al-though the check-off had been lost. What thatrecognition means, a recognition for the purposeof getting the men back to work but giving themnothing in return, is seen in the inability of theUnion to enforce a uniform application of thesettlement. Each company is giving its own in-terpretation to the contract and the result is chaos.

In the matter of the wage increase, again Lewiscompromised for less than the demands and themen get less than the settlement promised them.Instead of $2. per day flat increase for day men,the settlement calls for 10% "or 2Sc to 50c perday. In the application of this increase it is re-ported that some of the companies are, first, re-ducing the former wage for 12 hours by one-third, to pro rate for the new 8 hour schedule,and then adding the 10% only to that reducedwage, so that some of the day men have actuallyhad their earnings reduced- This is the greatwage "victory," which Lewis put over on theanthracite miners.

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D 17

The 8-hour day was supposed to have been won.But in many instances reports show that the 8-hour day is being applied on the split-shift basis,four hours work, four hours lay-off, and thenfour hours work again, forcing the miner toactually spend the same 12-hours as he formerlydid. The "best" settlement was so unclear onthis point that strikes are still reported in theendeavors of the local unions to get what they"won."

The 1922 strike found the hard and soft coalminers standing together for the first time, astheir contracts had expired together. It was thesolidarity brought about by this situation thatenabled the U. M. W. A. to wage such a magnifi-cent battle and force a truce upon the mine opera-tors. But the settlements which were made then,under the direction of John L. Lewis, allowedthis solidarity to be broken up by overlapping thetime of the contracts for the anthracite and bi-tuminous fields. This defeat for the solidarity ofthe miners was continued in this- newest "best"settlement made by John L. Lewis.

One oi the crying evils in the anthracite fieldshas been the irregular conditions and wage scales.There has never been a serious effort at equaliza-tion of conditions in this branch of the industry,and the consequences have been very detrimentalto the miners. The new settlement does nothingto remedy this. There is such irregularity thatpractically every company has its own scale ofwages. In the district from Pittston to Schick-shinny, for example, particularly in the mines ofthe Pennsylvania Coal Co., the men are gettingabout $2. per ton besides having check-weighmenon the tipple to guarantee honest weights; but inthe other sections the scale runs from $1.90 to$2.25 for 3-ton cars.

This lack of equalization is most demoralizing.Rinaldo Capellini, president of District 1, knowsthis problem well, and he should have been thevery last man in the world to agree to a settle-ment which did not even tackle this problem.Capellini spoke out strongly against this evil,during the period when the Lewis administration'was calling him a "disgruntled, deposed organ-izer.." He surely could not have forgotten itduring the negotiations with the operators inwhich he took part. And while many anthraciteminers believe that the compromises made at theirexpense were delayed by opposition from Capel-lini, and that he went along with Lewis underprotest, yet on this question of the equalization ofconditions they see that nothing whatever wasdone. Capellini was compromised by going withLewis, and by abandoning ''this issue he doublycompromised himself.

There was not the slightest reason for theUnited Mine Workers of America to thus givein to the coal operators on these most vital issues.The anthracite miners could have won all theirdemands if their leadership had been determined.John L. Lewis has admitted this himself. Hebrazenly stated, when invited by Governor Pin-chot to supplement the latter's announcement ofthe settlement, that he had sacrificed the demandsof the coal miners in order to gain the good willof the mythical "public."

The anthracite settlement is in line with thesettled policy of the Lewis administration, whichis to form a united front with the employers andwith the capitalist Government against the rankand file of the United Mine Workers of America.Because the progressive forces within the Unionare fighting against this policy of betrayal, theLewis administration is engaged in war againstthe Progressive International Committee. Itfights the progressives for the same reason thatit abandoned the anthracite miners' justified andreasonable demands—for the reason that it hasentered into a definite and open alliance with theemploying class and against the working class.

A united front of the "labor leaders" with theemployers and Government, against the rank andfile of labor and to destroy the effectiveness ofthe labor unions, that is what has now come intoexistence openly and boldly. That is the meaningof the persecution of Alex Howat, of the betrayalof the Coke Region and Somerset County miners,of the overlapping contracts for anthracite andbituminous fields, of the alliance between Lewisand Farrington, of the suspension of Dist. 26, ofthe "Red Scare" series of articles by Searles, andof the thousand and one other outrages perpe-trated by Lewis and his henchmen, and whichnow finds expression in the anthracite settlement.

The progressive miners must fight against thisunholy alliance of union officialdom with CivicFederation, capitalist press, "open shop" forces,and capitalist Government. We must stir everwider ranks of the U. M. W. A. to revolt againstthis miserable coalition. We must elect men fromthe rank and file to overthrow this oligarchy, basedupon the "pay roll" vote, and install an adminis-tration at the head of our Union that will fight,fearlessly and continuously, for the improved con-ditions demanded by the members of the U. M.W. A., for the nationalization of the mines, forthe Labor Party, and for the power of the work-ing class against all the predatory interests of thecapitalist mine owners and exploiters.

i8 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

The British Unions at PlymouthBy Harry Pollitt

THE 55th British Trades Union Congressopened at Plymouth on September 3rd. Ithad to reveal a decrease in membership as

compared with the Southport Congress, last year,of 759,380; the 702 delegates representing 4,369,-268 organized workers. The congress was thepoorest that has been held for many years. Theleft-wing group numbered 13 delegates and, al-though very small, accomplished much good workon the floor of the Congress and inside the meet-ings of the various delegations. The machineryof the Congress militates against any length oftime being given to debates on the important res-olutions, as the agenda is full of routine mattersthat automatically recur every year and take upmost of the time. In spite of all these limitingfactors, some progress could be noted.

The General CouncilWhat should have been the chief question be-

fore the Congress was a resolution, in the nameof the Building Trades Workers, giving the Gen-eral Council of the Trades Congress increasedpowers, so that a measure of unity might beachieved in disputes, and also that the Councilshould have powers to impose a levy on affiliatedunions in the event of a serious struggle.

This is the first need of the British TradeUnion Movement, the need of a General Staffto co-ordinate and direct the activity of the wholemovement. George Hicks, of the Building TradesWorkers, and J. Walker, of the Iron and Steelconfederation, moved and seconded the resolu-tion.

Opposition to the measure came chiefly fromthe Miners. The basis of their objection is ajealousy of the autonomy of their Union, andthey have opposed such resolutions particularlysince the failure of the other unions to help theMiners on Black Friday.

Mr. Clynes, M. P., President of the GeneralWorkers' Union, also opposed the resolution, asdid many other leaders who represent the con-servative sections of the trade unions. It was,however, encouraging to note that a verysubstantial vote was recorded in its favor. Al-though the resolution was defeated, the issue hasnow come to. stay, and with a vigorous campaignduring the next year, a majority may be securedat the next Congress on this vital issue. Thevotes cast on the proposition were: In favor,1,225,000; against, 2,847,000. This is the firstvote on the issue, and shows clearly the tendencyrapidly developing toward making the General

Council a body with powers for some kind ofaction, limited as that may be.

Back to the UnionsDuring the past year a "back to the unions"

campaign was conducted. Much money was spentaKd all available speakers engaged in the cam-paign to make it a success. It is generally ad-mitted, however, that little was accomplished.Ellen Wilkinson, representing the DistributiveWorkers' Union and a prominent Communist,showed very clearly that the failure was due,not to lack of money or energy, but to the ab-sence of a definite program which offered some-thing concrete for which the workers should re-join the unions, some opportunity to, at least,struggle for better conditions. Others pointedout various difficulties, particularly the conflictingunions, competing for members in the same fieldof industry, a condition which is baffling to theworkers. Sometimes as many as four or fiveunions compete for members in the same shops,like, as Mr. Bevin described it, "rotten insurancecompanies."

In the debate that followed the basic weaknessof the British labor movement was exposed. Oneunion leader after another launched into bitterattacks upon the rival unions. It was a displayof personalities and disunity not soon to be for-gotten. Nor will it be lost on the rank and file,who are disgusted with this sort of thing, andare demanding that it shall cease. The left-winggroups are exposing this destructive sectionalismand jealousy of the "leaders," and the public dis-play at the Congress will assist greatly to de-velop a well-organized opposition within the un-ions based upon a common program to overcomethe disease.

The future of the Daily Herald was a problemoccupying much time of the Congress. The Gen-eral Council had recommended that, owing tolack of finances, publication be discontinued onSeptember 30th. Many big unions supported theproposal on the grounds of their depleted treas-uries. A large number of delegates wanted tosave the Herald, yet were anxious to see the pres-ent editorial control changed, and its policiesbrought into accord with the crying needs of theworkers. They did not succeed, however, inbringing the discussion down to questions ofpolicy. The Congress finally decided to assumeresponsibility for continuing publication of theHerald to the end c?f the present year, with theprovision that a special Congress shall be called

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D

in December if the financial situation is againacute.

The question of the 6-hour workday was raisedin a resolution from the National Union of Rail-waymen. It was moved by C. T. Cramp, secre-tary of that organization, who, by the way, willbe the fraternal delegate to the next A. F. of L.Convention. It was supported by Mr. Swales ofthe Engineers (metal workers). Opposition wasvoiced by Textile Union delegates, who arguedthat the 6-hour day would increase cost of pro-duction and result in unemployment. This re-actionary argument was received very coldly, andthe Congress endorsed the demand for the 6-hourday.

International QuestionsThree resolutions on foreign policy were adopt-

ed, first on the Italo-Grecian crisis, second onthe Ruhr situation, and third on the recognitionof Soviet Russia. The Ruhr resolution appealedto the French and Belgian workers to bring press-ure against their Governments to reverse theirpolicy. On the recognition of Soviet Russia,Robert Williams in seconding the resolution, re-minded the Congress that it could not expect toforce the British Government to recognize theSoviets while the British Labor Unions declineto recognize the Russian labor movement—a veryeffective point that scored heavily in the Con-gress.

The outstanding feature of the Congress wasa speech by Edo Fimmen, Secretary of the Am-sterdam International. Fimmen is not a Com-munist; indeed, in speaking of the division ofthe working class in Europe, he -failed to showthat in every case the Communists have strivenfor the united front, which has been explicitlyrefused by the reformists. Nevertheless, he toldthe Congress the plain facts of the Europeansituation, and his simple, inescapable statementof the revolutionary issue facing Europe createda tremendous impression. Fimmen, for his hon-esty, is likely to be hounded out of his post ofSecretary for the Amsterdam International. Inhis speech he declared: "This may be the lastCongress I -shall attend in my present capacity."

"I am sorry I cannot bring you good tidings,"said Fimmen. "I might, in addressing Congresson behalf of the international Labor movement,use some pleasant phrases, convey fraternal greet-ings from the Continent, extend best wishes forthe future development of the British Labormovement, thank you for your kind reception,and then sit down.

"But you do not want me to do that. Youprefer to hear the truth in preference to pleasantphrases. Therefore I declare, as the official rep-

resentative of the I. F. T. U., that everywherethings are very bad.

"The workers of the world were hounded intothe late war by all sorts of attractive slogans.They know now that they have been swindledand betrayed. The war has produced only onewinner: the capitalists of all countries, and oneloser: the proletarians of all countries, includingthose who thought they were victorious. Theworkers have been murdering each other for theprofit and benefit of the capitalist class of theirown and other countries.

"What was won or received by the workersimmediately after the war, has now been lost.Working and living conditions are worse thanbefore the war. The 8-hour day is going toblazes. In several countries it is already lost;in others the workers are still fighting for itsmaintenance with no great hope of success. Hoursof labor can only be maintained internationally.Apart from that, reaction is growing strongereverywhere, aiming at the smashing of all inde-pendent labor movements. This state of affairsfinds a weakened labor movement in all coun-tries. Unemployment is heavy everywhere, thefunds of the unions are gone, the membership isconstantly decreasing.

"In the Balkan States, Greece, Roumania, Bel-gium, Yugo-Slavia, the workers are severelypersecuted. All real trade unionism is impos-sible. The prisons are full of workers.

"In Hungary the same condition exists. Thetrade unions are only allowed to meet by policepermission and under police control.

"In Italy immediately after the war there were2,500,000 trade unionists wishing affiliation toMoscow because Amsterdam was too yellow. Theunions have been split, and since the reign of theFascisti workers have been murdered, trade un-ion buildings burned down, and now things areso bad the leaders of the Italian trade unionmovement have been trying to come to an under-standing with Mussolini to defend their very ex-istence.

"In France after the war there were 2,000,000trade unionists. The movement split over a quar-rel between Left and Right. Both sides nownumber only 700,000. They are not even form-ing a united front to fight the capitalists, butare fighting each other, and by doing so allowingPoincare and his 'National Bloc' to continue theircriminal policy resulting in the slavery of boththe French and German working class.

"In Germany the state of affairs is appalling.There we have 12,000,000 organized workers,representing the strongest trade union force inthe world (so far as numbers are concerned). Theposition is infinitely worse than it was last year

20 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

when I appealed to the British Trades UnionCongress to stand by their German comrades.The German workers are on the border of sheerstarvation, and their exploitation by the capital-ists is keener than it has ever been before.

"I was in Germany during the recent generalstrike and met workers from all quarters. I knowtheir spirit and realize their sufferings. Oneweek's wages for skilled workers, working 48hours per week, was in many cases only enoughto buy the equivalent of 3 pounds of margarine.The position of the German workers is infinitelyworse than that of the Russian workers,

"This situation must lead to a new revolutionas the workers are being driven into it by thepersecution and provocation from the reaction-ares and monarchists, and by their appalling mis-ery.

"The situation is most dangerous. Only a mir-acle can prevent Germany from going through an-other revolution. The people have been starvedduring four years of war, and starved even moreduring five years of peace. They are at the limitof endurance. I do not know in what way theRuhr question will be settled, but it is certainthat when it is settled there will no longer beany semblance of unity between the Germanworkers and the capitalists. The capitalists willtake out of the workers what is still left tothem. Then will come the stabilization of themark, and Germany will be stricken with un-employment more severe than the unemploymentin this country. A starving working class seeingits women and children dying for want of food,will take it, and when the German working classis driven to revolt, the employing class, which isstill armed, will turn their weapons against theworkers.

"I appealed to the British workers last yearto stand by the German workers in their need,and again repeat my appeal in the most emphaticway. Revolution must come. So stand by theGerman workers.

"Do not ask whether the methods will bi: democratic or not, as the conditions will not permita consideration of democracy. The exploitingclass has never cared a farthing for democracy,as may be seen in Italy and Hungary. They stillpossess arms, rifles, machine guns, etc., and theywill show the German workers the meaning ofnational unity by asking for help from France,Britain, Turkey, and Poland, to assist them incrushing the German workers' movement. Thebloodshed will be terrible then, and at that timethe international must stand by the German work-

ers, and I hope that the British workers will dotheir duty.

"One thing more. This may be the last Con-gress I shall attend in my present capacity. Iwant to say with all the earnestness of my heart:British workers, keep together; Right and Leftwings, keep together; as this is the only possi-bility of fighting capitalism nationally and inter-nationally.

"Take care that the fear of Red dictatorshipwill not compel you to accept White, Yellow, orBlack dictatorship/'

This frank and honest speech by Fimmen waseasily the most important event in the Congress.What effect it will have still remains to be seen.Certainly it will help the left-wing to arouse theunions to the seriousness of the international sit-uation. In sharp contrast were the speeches ofthe two American fraternal delegates, P. S.Shaunessy and A. J. Chlopek, who droned outthe same speeches that A. F. of L. fraternal dele-gates have made for years and which meannothing. The Congress will some day give ahearty welcome to the A. F. of L. delegate if amiracle should happen, and he should present areal picture of the American movement.

In practical achievements the British TradesUnion Congress was poor indeed . No great for-ward steps were taken. Meeting at a time ofdepression and facing a winter that will surelywitness increased unemployment and further at-tacks upon the unions, it did nothing to unify itsforces and revamp its policies. The leaders hadno policy to meet the situation, and most of themeven refused to see the problems. But progressis registered in the strengthening of the left-winginside the unions, in the sentiment, growingstronger and stronger, for a real effort to tacklethe pressing problems of the movement, in thedesire for new policies and programs, in the as-piration for international solidarity symptomizedin Fimmen's speech. Soon we may expect apowerful challenge to the old bankrupt leadershipfrom the growing left-wing opposition in theBritish trade union movement.

RUSSIA NEEDS SKILLEDWORKERS FOR KUSBAS

The Chicago Group Kusbas, which isorganizing workers to fill this need,meets the 1st and 3rd Sundays of eachmonth, 3 P. M., at Labor Lyceum, 2733'Hirsch Blvd., Chicago.

All workers interested in this projectare welcome. For information writeKusbas, 166 W. Washington St., Chicago.

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D 21

Two-Score Victories for the Left WingBy J. W. Johnstone

WHILE the Gompers machine was massingall its forces to carry the Portland and De-catur conventions, stories of which are told

in full in this issue, the program of amalgamation,recognition of Soviet Russia, organize the unor-ganized, and the Labor Party, was extending itssweep through the rest of the trade union move-ment. The great victory for progress in theHolders, also related elsewhere in detail, was onlyone gathering among a score where our vitalmeasures were endorsed. We can only brieflysummarize the victories of the past 60 days.

Amalgamation was adopted in three State Fed-eration Conventions, New Hampshire, Utah, andWest Virginia. The Holders, meeting in Cleve-land, adopted the principle of amalgamation forthe metal trades. The Bakers Convention in LosAngeles adopted an amalgamation resolution forthe food trades. The Brewery workers, meetingin Philadelphia, reaffirmed their adhesion to in-dustrial unionism which they have achieved inthe brewing industry, and adopted measures look-ing towards unifying the food industry generally.The Kewanee (111.) Trades and Labor Counciladopted amalgamation, showing the movement ofthe local and central bodies against the actionsof the State Federation in Decatur. The UnitedTextile Workers and the American Federation ofTextile Operatives have started negotiations forthe actual amalgamation of the A. F. o,f L. bodywith the latter group of independent unions.Amalgamation is still driving ahead with the rankand file of American labor and is fast recordingits sentiment officially.

Recognition of Soviet Russia is another vitalmeasure backed by the left-wing elements. Thisalso has scored notable victories. The Utah andMichigan State Federations added their voices tothe growing demand. The American Federationof Teachers, meeting in Convention in Chicago,a most conservative body, adopted the proposition.The International Brotherhood of ElectricalWorkers, another conservative union, joined inby the adoption of a resolution at their conventionin Hontreal. The Amalgamated Shoe Workers,meeting in Boston, went on record for SovietRussia. That old-time American trade union,the Iron Holders, also fell into line. Gompersmay continue to hold the official votes in theA. F. of L. convention but the foundation of hisreactionary policy against Russia is thus rapidlybeing undermined.

The call for a great campaign to bring the un-organized workers into the ranks of the unions

has had a great response. This is such a cryingand fundamental need that even the reactionarieshave to respond, although they continue to fightfor the- antiquated methods that have brought thelabor movement close to disaster. But the mili-tants are making the question of organization aburning one, that will force the unions into realand concerted action. Left-wing resolutions wereadopted in the past two months by the Utah,California, Ohio, and New Hampshire State Fed-erations of Labor; by the Amalgamated ShoeWorkers; by the Cigarmakers International Un-ion, by the Holders, and by the Brewery Workers.Other resolutions inspired by the militants' cam-paign but without the left-wing wording wentthrough almost every other gathering of Labor.The demand for organization of the unorganized,pushed by the T. U. E. L. and the militants gen-erally, is rapidly awakening the labor movementon this issue.

Progress for the Labor Party has been evengreater than on the other issues. With the back-ing of the State Federations and Labor generally,Farmer-Labor parties are being formed in Utah,West Virginia, North Dakota, and Montana. InMinnesota a great conference has just been heldat which was formed the Farmer-Labor Federa-tion, with the full support of the labor movement,the object of which is to organize into a realparty the existing mass-movement in that statewhich has hitherto been organized into "non-par-tisan leagues" although it has elected two UnitedStates senators under the F.-L.P. banner. TheMontana movement has called a great convention,to be held just as this goes to press. In Califor-nia a conference for the organization of a Farmer-Labor Party was organized at the convention ofthe California State Federation of Labor atStockton. The entire Canadian labor movementwas put on record for the Labor Party of Canadaby a resolution adopted at the Canadian TradesCongress, held in Vancouver. The city centralbodies of Portland, and Detroit, have gone onrecord for the Labor Party by overwhelmingmajorities. In New York, Buffalo, Los Angeles,Toledo and in numerous smaller places, localparties are in the field or are being organized.The Shoe Workers, the Holders, and the Bakers,all large unions with a membership that covers thecountry, have joined the Labor Party movement.

The Labor Party movement registered heavilyin the Portland convention of the A. F. of L., in

22 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

spite of the complete control which Gompers hadover the official actions of that body. Resolutionswere introduced by the Minnesota Federation ofLabor; the Amalgamated Association of Iron,Steel, and Tin Workers; the Chicago Federationof Labor; and the Pennsylvania Federation ofLabor. The reactionaries, in spite of their iron-clad control, were fearful of the question, andmassed their heavy artillery against it. MatthewWoll read to the convention a long telegram, sentto J. H. Walker by Victor Qlander of the IllinoisFederation of Labor, declaring that the ChicagoFederation had repudiated its previous stand forthe Labor -Party. But the machine was veryweak in floor • men to fight against the LaborPartyi It had to rely on such men as Nelson,of Kansas City, a man who but a few years agolost his financial records and left town when anauditing committee was appointed to examine hisbooks. Walker, of the Illinois Federation, andformerly national chairman of the Farmer-LaborParty, publicly recanted his belief in independentpolitical action in a desperate effort to bolster upthe administration. The measures were defendedby Max Hayes of the International TypographicalUnion; by the delegate of the Minnesota Federa-

tion of Labor; and in an apologetic manner byMcVey of Chicago. Hayes made a strong talkthat registered a deep impression. Evidentlyfearing the continuance of the discussion, themachine rushed through a motion to close debate.The high-handed methods of Gompers in defeat-ing this measure brought protests from such con-servatives as Mahon, of the Street Railway Men'sUnion, Mike Tighe, of the Iron, Steel, and TinWorkers, and Connors of the Switchmen. EvenPortland, where the Labor Party was defeatedby a vote of 25,066 against 1,895, was anothersign of the inevitable establishment of a greatpolitical party of the workers in the near future.

With these two-score victories for amalgama-tion, recognition of Soviet Russia, organize theunorganized, and the Labor Party, staring himin the face, Gompers and his henchmen can hardlyfeel that they have won their war against progressby crushing it down in Portland and Decatur.No, these are depressing facts for the bureau-crats who desire to keep the trade unions 40 yearsbehind the times; and to the same degree theyshould encourage every^ militant rank and fileunionist to work with renewed energy and enthus-iasm for the regeneration of the American tradeunion movement.

The New T. U. E. L. LeafletsIs the Trade Union Educational League a Dual Union?

A COMPLETE and smashing proof that the dual-union charge, brought by the• fakers against the T. U. E. L., is without the slightest foundation. This leaflet

nails the fakers hard and fast; they cannot answer it. It explains the functionsof a union, analyses dual unionism, and shows how the T. U. E. L., a purely edu-cational institution, is a vital necessity to the progress of the trade unions and oneof the greatest sources of strength and unity to the labor movement.

$1. per hundred, $7.50 per thousand.

The United FrontOR the first time the fundamental problem of how to obtain solidarity of theworking class, industrially and politically, in the struggle against capitalism,

has been stated so briefly and yet so clearly that every worker can understand,without the slightest difficulty, the fundamental program of the T. U. E. L- Amal-gamation and the Labor Party are shown to be measures growing out of the mostvital and pressing every-day needs of the workers. This will be a most popularleaflet $1. per hundred, $7.50 per thousand.Every militant should order a quantity for distribution in his local union. Leaguegroups should order thousands for. systematic distribution.

'PHE LABOR HERALD for October, containing the documents of the SecondGeneral Conference, T. U. E. L., will be for another year a handbook of in-

formation absolutely necessary to guide the work of the militants. This is not anordinary magazine, it is a standard text-book. A few hundred extra copies havebeen printed, and every group of militants should keep a supply on hand especiallyfor new members. The price is the same as regular bundle orders of THE LABORHERALD.

afct.

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D ,23

Who's Who in Prison? Antone KarachunBy Carl Brannin

IN McNeil Island federal penitentiary in thebeautiful Puget Sound region there isa lone political prisoner among the "narco-

tics," ex-bankers, boot-leggers and other unfor-tunates who populate that institution.

When President Harding issued his provisionalpardons he had no thought of this young rebel,for according to the records he is serving hissentence of 20 years for the military offense ofdesertion.

And yet when one knows the story, it is plainthat here is another victim of the law whichmakes opposition to injustice a crime, and cruci-fies alive those who have the ability to thinkstraight and the courage to act as they think.

Antone Karachun came to this country in 1914to avoid being drafted into the Czar's army. Heworked in the coal fields, in the packing housesand in various industries open to husky youngimmigrants. Americanization d la the profiteersof the war times was the program and Antone had.a full course. The year 1919 found him a mem-ber of the United States army in Vladivostock.

He says: "Economic forces and the degener-ate, perverted • machine of the present order ofthings makes automatons of the people. Theseare the things that produced my 'voluntary en-listment.' These two invisible factors are likea spider continually weaving its web to catch init the human flies that are driven by hunger tofall into its clutches without knowing the conse-quences that await them. I did not understandthese invisible factors so well in 1917 as I donow. If I. did, I am sure the story of my lifewould be a different one today."

The announced purpose of the Siberian expe-dition was to "protect American property" butKarachun soon saw that this was simply camou-flage. The real mission was to give aid and as-sistance to the counter revolution and oppose theBolsheviki.

This was too much and Karachun deserted.He knew that there had been no declaration ofwar between the two countries and besides hissympathies were all with the Soviets. For elevenmonths he "stuck around" without being appre-hended. Finally he was arrested and taken to thePhilippine Islands in heavy leg irons for trial,without even a chance to tell his sick wife andmonth old baby good bye. The court martialrendered a verdict of guilty and prescribed thedeath penalty on the charge of high treason anddesertion. Later the reviewing authorities "mod-ified"the sentence to 20 years at hard labor.

- In a recent letter Karachun says: "There werehundreds of soldiers in the S. E, F. who weretried for desertion and convicted, but not one ofthem was given a 20 yeai4 sentence. The severestsentence that was imposed on any other soldierat that time for desertion, excluding myself, wasten years at Alcatraz and everyone of them haslong ago been either restored to duty or pardoned.In fact, upon my arrival at Alcatraz in January1921 I did not find a single prisoner of the de-serters of the S. E. F. except one Russian whowas doing five years.—Of cours'e, it should beremembered that in America one can get forgive-ness for anything so long as he has money anddoes not blaspheme against the holy trinity ofher 'democracy.'"

An effort, was made by Charles Recht and RoseWeiss to secure Karachun's release through theWar Department and, failing there, on writ of.habeas corpus in the Federal court of the Dis-trict of Columbia. This last was also denied. Asimilar plea entered by George Vanderveer inthe Federal courts of the State of Washingtonwas lost only a few weeks ago. Now the Su-preme Court of the United States is the onlychance left.. "in May I had a brief visit with this fine spir-ited young Bolshevik. I remember how his clean-cut Slavic features lit up as he strode erect intothe visiting room. I stepped forward to clasphis hand as on other such occasions but the guardinterfered. During the half hour stay this offi-cer sat closely between us, not as before at thehead of the conversation table. It was not per-mitted to leave fruit or other eatables.

To a person free to come and go, even in thetreadmill of a job, three years is a short span,but to a fresh keen boy behind prison bars it isa long, long time. And yet there is little com-plaint and the spirit is strong and uncompromis-ing. The thought is chiefly for the success ofSoviet Russia and the workers' movements every-where. At times, though, the effect of the terrificstrain shows itself.

From a recent letter: "Things go on in thesame old way and life drags on and on and on.I do not read now as much as I did a year ago,although I am still a great lover of reading. Butto tell you the truth, sometimes after reading sev-eral pages of a book I catch myself not knowingwhat I have read. It seems to me that the 'chalkline' not only makes one a physical walking auto-maton but at times paralyzes one's mental capaci-ties."

T H E L A B O R H-E R A L D November, 1923

The Strike: Its Past and FutureBy Jay Fox

am, as you know, in full sympathy with Or-ganized Labor; but between you and me,strikers have no right to prevent other work-

ers taking the jobs wanted by them."The above quotation is from a letter I re-'

ceived recently from a lawyer friend. Uponreading it I was a bit riled and felt like battingmy friend on the bean. Distance preventing theuse of the bat I was compelled to resort to thehighbrow stuff. With the bat I could have com-pleted my answer in exactly two seconds. Thiscivilized method is much more laborious and prob-ably not so convincing. This may be the reasoncivilization is so long in taking hold of the peo-ple. Anyway, here is my reply:

I quite agree with you that a striker has nolegal right to keep a scab away from his job".Under none of your calfskin covers is it written

^.that a working man has any such right. Nobunch of lawyers in their capacity as a law-making'body have ever defiled the sacred recordsof their doings with the vile inscription of aworking man's right. A working man has noright to do anything except to submit to every-thing. You lawyers have seen to that.

Ages ago you legislated away from us everyright that nature gave us. You trimmed usproper. And when! you had stripped us of everyhuman right you took these rights and dividedup with the rest of the gang that helped you putover the trick. There were kings and lords andmerchants, judges, generals and numerous otherparasites, all shared in the loot of Labor's libertyand have lived, lavishly, on Labor's back eversince. So, when you say we have no legal rightto defend our jobs I can well agree with you. Iknow enough about the law for that. I havehad it beaten into my bones a few times. Andthere is nothing that will awaken the dull brainof a working stiff quicker than a wallop from awell handled hickory.

Do you know that it is not so long ago thatyou could have said with absolute truth, not onlythat we had no right to keep a scab away fromour struck jobs, but that we had no right togive the scab the opportunity to follow his chosenprofession. In other words: we had no right tostrike.

Strikers' Ears Cut OffSeventy-five years ago it was a greater crime

to strike a job than it is now to strike a scab.About a hundred years ago strikers were brandedwith hot irons and had their ears lopped off fordaring to assert their natural right to organize

and strike. In those days the striker was re-garded as the most dangerous of ruffians, a dead-ly enemy of society, and the interest of civiliza-tion demanded that he be ruthlessly dealt with.Things as they were had to be kept as they were.There was no need for change or further prog-ress. Everything was lovely for the "betterclawses," a'nd it was for them that civilizationexisted. Despite all the power of the possessingclasses to keep things as they are, somehowchange takes place in spite of them. The tor-ture and mutilation' of the workers ought to havekept them in their place. Still it seems they werenot wholly convinced by these civilized argu-ments, for we see them striking today by themillions and few there be who question theirright to strike. You would not prosecute themfor striking. Your grievance against them nowis that when on strike they do not always behaveaccording to your legal code of ethics. Now Iwant to ask you a question: What brought aboutthis change of front on the part of society ? Whyare strikers tolerated today? What is the an-swer of the law to this question?

I hear you say: "Why, simply this: Publicopinion has changed on the question of the rightto strike and as a result has ceased to demandthe prosecution of strikers." That will be theanswer of the law, and it is all very well in itsway; but it doesn't say much. It still leaves un-answered the question: why did the publicchange its opinion ? Nowhere in your law booksis it. written down why the change of front wasmade by society in the matter of strikes; but youwill see it written in red on the scroll of Laborhistory. There it is written plain how the work-ing class got the right to strike—they struckfor it.

Right Conquered, Despite TortureWhen the workers got enough horse sense to

realize that they had no rights as human beings,that you lawyers had legislated them all away,they thought they would establish a few rights,amongst them the right to strike. When theybecame conscious, of the fact that they werehumans and not beasts of burden they protested.Regardless of your law they struck. In spite ofyour public opinion, which was, as it is today,the opinion merely of the rich parasites, theyasserted their manhood. They knew they werefight, even though the law and public opinionand the lawyers and preachers and bosses saidthey were wrong, that it was a crime against high

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D

heaven to stop working without being orderedby the boss. " .

Knowing that they were right they went aheadand broke the law and defied public opinion untilfinally the ruling class had to give way andmodify its attitude towards the.workers throughfear of revolution. (The ruling class never doesanything out of the goodness of its heart for theslaves upon whose backs it rides.) By organizedopposition to the barbarism of the ruling class,by suffering the torture of the branding iron, thebutchery of the knife and in many instancesdeath upon the gallows, our forefathers haveconquered for us the right to organize andstrike; and far from us letting these dearlybought rights slip away from us, we are goingto use them as the stepping stone, to other rightsthat are still written down on your law books asterrible wrongs.

How the Workers ReasonThe striker that tries to persuade the scab to

keep away from the struck job must have anidea that somehow he has a claim on that job.The idea may be vague in outline, but it mustbe there, or why should he bother about pro-tecting the job? He may have merely the notionthat his claim is a permit to work at the will ofthe boss. But the strike having forced him intothe arena to fight for it he soon enlarges uponthat original idea. You have noticed how ideasgrow under pressure from the merest shimmer-ings into solid concrete facts. Given the faintestidea of a claim on the-job the striker will buildit up logically and carry it to its final analysis:"In order to live I must have food and shelter;without them I would die. The job is the meansthrough which I secure these necessities of life.Therefore the job is for me the most importantthing in the world, and it is now owned by an-other man. That is not right. For while thatother< man holds the means by which I live I amat his mercy, I am his slave. I thought I was afree man. Now I see I cannot 'be free until Iown my job.—Every man should own his job asa birthright.

"Individually I cannot own my job. I see thatwould be impossible. I will speak about this tomy fellow workers and bring it up in the union.The union could take over the whole shop andsecure all our jobs. But there are other unions

" in the shop. That is bad. There should be butone. We must amalgamate all these unions andhave one big industrial union that can take overthe control of the entire industry, thus securingeach and all .of us workers in the absolute pos-session of our jobs."

Will Strike to Own the JobThat's the way he dopes it out every time; and

the number of him that is pursuing that line ofreasoning is increasing so rapidly that consterna-tion and alarm are creeping into the camp ofthe present "owners" of the jobs. For while itis true that legally the worker has no claim onthe job once he leaves it, none the less heis rapidly coming to feel that morally he hasevery right to possess it outright. Moral valuesare superior to legal values every time and I cansee just where this whole matter is going toend up.

The reactionaries tell us that we have noright to strike, as was told the railroad menlately. Our answer is simply this: Wheredid you dig up that ante-deluvian stuff? Ourforefathers established for us the right to strike

. the job without legal sanction, and we are notgoing to defile their memory by letting thatdearly bought right slip away from us. On thecontrary, some fine morning we may take it intoour heads to go a step further and establish ourright to own the job.

BOOKS RECEIVEDV?m. Z. Foster—Fool or Faker?, by Gifford Ernest,

Chicago, 1923.

A PREACHER without a pulpit, an Americanlegionist, and an aspiring political "leader," Gifford

Ernest has now blossomed forth as an author. At leastit is his name that is carried upon the cover' of this

'collection of bad grammar, puerile assiniriities, and crudebuncombe. But Ernest, the self-appointed defender oftrade unionism against Foster and the Communists, didnot write the booklet. He only lent his name to coverthe real author, who is a renegade I. W. W. by thename bf Jack Leheney, erstwhile educational directorof the "wobblies," who was afraid to put his own nameon the concoction. Fools rush in where even Leheneyfears to tread, so Ernest takes the responsibility forLeheney's I. W. W.ism. Any club is good enough tohit the revolutionary trade unionists. Behind the authorand his sponsor, in the dimmer background faintlylimned against the aura of Christian saintliness, a keeneye can trace the faces of Victor Olander, Mayer Perl-stein, et at., bearers of the inspiration from Gompersand Burns.

The pamphlet is priced at loc, but no one need spendgood money for it, as the Gompersian officialdom arebuying it in quantities for free distribution. The ChicagoTribune or the Hearst papers may very probably beinduced to run it serially, except that they demand ahigher standard of bunk. The screed is copyrightedby Ernest, who thus has hopes of material reward inaddition to official recognition—things denied him whenhe was an aspiring occupant of a front pew in theTrade Union Educational League, drinking in revolu-tionary doctrine. Let us hope that the Jewish DailyForward, Mr. Ed. Nockels, and the Chicago Tribune,will not discover in this pamphlet another of Foster'sdevious schemes to obtain publicity, with Ernest as thevillian in the play, another under-cover agent of Mos-cow to advertise the radicals.

Earl R. Browder

26 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

West Canadian T. U. E. L, ConferenceBy Tim Buck

WHEN the Western Conference for the Can-adian section of the T. U. E. L. was firstproposed, many militants thought that the

confusion existing in this section for the pastfour years would make it impossible as yet toweld together the rebel elements. Yet despitethis and the hard times, with the emigration ofthousands of the best workers to the U. S., theConference was a great success. The gatheringconvened at Edmonton, in the Labor Temple, onSeptember 22-23, with 45 delegates present. Itrepresented the labor movement from Winnipegto Vancouver.

Difficult conditions did not dampen the spiritof these militants. They gave a direct rebuff tothe calamity howlers, and faced their tasks withthe idea of immediate accomplishments in theforward drive of the labor movement. Particu-larly was there a complete absence of nationalistor secession sentiment; these two diseases thatformerly afflicted the Canadian movement quiteseriously are now under control. The delegateshad a clear conception of the tasks ahead of therevolutionary unionists.

The main representation, according to indus-tries, was from the building, mining, and railroadworkers unions, these being the principal indus-tries in the West. Of particular importance arethe miners, and it was gratifying that 20 out ofthe 34 locals of Dist. 18 sent delegates to theConference. Discussion of the Progressive Min-ers' program was participated in with deep inter-est, and it was endorsed in every detail. Bitterexperience in Dist. 18, has brought the minersto a realization of the absolute necessity of aunified movement throughout the entire MineWorkers of America. Building trades, needletrades, railroad trades, and lumbering, were allwell represented, and programs of activity weredrawn up. They were discussed with thorough-

ness, the delegates displaying a real grasp of theirproblems.

Fraternal delegates were present from manyunions and central bodies. The Vancouver Coun-cil, unable to send delegates, wired their bestwishes for the success of the Conference. Var-ious other-telegrams of greetings came fromunions, councils, and International AmalgamationCommittees. A cable from Losovsky warned ofthe international reaction and urged the UnitedFront program.

Keen discussion arose over the question of theCanadian. Labor Party. This was participated inby the president of the Provincial Section of theC. L. P. The Conference adopted a whole-heart-ed endorsement of the Canadian Labor Party asthe means for mass participation of the Canadianlabor movement in the political struggles of theworkers. All militants were urged to work foraffiliation of their local unions.

As in the East of Canada before the Confer-ence there, the League in this section has beenmore sentiment than organization heretofore.The Conference in Edmonton completed the or-ganization of the Canadian Section on a domin-ion-wide scale. Sub-district committees will nowco-ordinate the work from coast to coast.

The workers in Western Canada have had per-haps more confusion and trying experiences dur-ing the past four years than anywhere else inAmerica. These struggles and disappointmentshave weeded out all the weak ones, and the left-wing movement now rapidly developing is moreenthusiastic and convinced than ever. Its tasksare now clarified, and its program, in line withthe great movement sweeping the entire continent,is definite and well understood. The T. U. E. L.has unified the militants in Canada and withthem is going forward to the new day in theAmerican labor movement.

"The Fifth Year"

Vivid Nine Reel

MOTION PICTURE

Of Actual Conditions in

SOVIET RUSSIA

During 1922-1923

I

SOVIET RUSSIAON

SCREENNow Shown from Coast

to Coast

"The Fifth Year"Highly Praised by

NATIONAL BOARD OFREVIEW

All proceeds for education ofRussian children and other nec-

J cessary help to Soviet Russia.\, 1923

T H E L A B O R H E R A L D 27

The Growing Left-Wing PressA NEW section of the trade union press has

been developing in the past year whichpromises to become increasingly important.

It consists of papers devoted to the left-wingmovements in the various industries, taking upthe detailed problems of the various groups, andorganizing the militants around the papers. Thegeneral progressive and radical paper does notserve this purpose in any case and it is a signof approaching maturity of the American move-ment that it is at last getting a system of suchindustrial papers.

There are six of these militant publications nowbeing issued. The oldest one is The Industrialistdevoted to the printing industry. It has a historyof several years valuable work and has lately be-come the official organ of the International Com-mittee for Amalgamation in the Printing TradesUnions. It is a monthly with a subscription priceof 50c per year and may be reached by addressingE. L. Lee, 520 W. 163rd St., New York City.

The railroaders have their organ The RailroadAmalgamation Advocate. This has been in thefield for over a year, appearing twice a month,and has become a real force among the railroadtrade unionists. It is the official organ of theInternational Committee for Amalgamation in theRailroad Industry, Otto H. Wangerin, Secy., 411Dakota Bldg., St. Paul, Minn. The subscriptionprice is 50c per year.

The Progressive Miner, published by the Ex-ecutive Committee of the Progressive Interna-tional Committee of the U. M. W. of A., is oneof the livest and most influential papers of itskind. It is issued twice a month in seven langu-ages and deals with the burning issues in theMiners' Union, supporting the program of theProgressive International Committee. Its addressis 35 Miller St., Pittsburgh, Pa., and the sub-scription price is $1.00 per year.

The International Committee for Amalgamationin the Metal Industry has begun publication ofthe Metal Trades Amalgamation Bulletin. Thisis issued by John Werlik, Secy., 1432 So. KeelerAve., Chicago, and it is expected to establish itas a regular monthly publication in the immediatefuture. Metal trades groups everywhere shouldplace orders for bundles of this four page paper,and assist in immediately putting it on a paid cir-culation basis.

The Needle Trades Worker, organ of theNeedle Trades Section of the T. U. E. L., isbringing out its first number this month. Thispaper will support the entire left-wing pro-gram in all of the garment trades. It is of es-pecial importance at this time, when a war is be-

ing made against the militants in that industry.All needle trades workers should cooperate inextending its circulation. Its address is 208 E.12th St., New York City.

The latest comer into the field, is the Progres-sive Building Trades Worker, the first issue ofwhich appears Nov. 1st. It is issued by the Inter-national Committee for Amalgamation of theBuilding Trades, 156 W. Washington St., Chi-cago. It is devoted almost exclusively to the issueof amalgamation and the necessity of wiping outthe present divisions within the building tradesunions which have brought these organizations toa condition where the building industry is grad-ually being conquered by the "open-shop" forces.

The combined circulation of these |ix papersrepresents the most powerful force for progressin the trade union movement. It is the vital, liv-ing, and growing factor in the labor movement.Each one of these papers deserves the unlimitedsupport of every conscious worker in the re-spective industries.

STATEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, CIR-CULATION, ETC., REQUIREDBY THE ACT OF CONGRESS

OF AUGUST 24, 1912Of THE LABOR HERALD, published monthly at Chicago,

Illinois, for October 1st, 1923.State of Illinois,County of Cook,S3.

Before me, a notary public in and for the State and countyaforesaid, personally appeared Karl R. Browder, who, havingbeen duly sworn according to law, deposes and says that he isthe managing editor of THE LABOR HERALD, and that thefollowing is, to the best of his knowledge and belief, a true state'ment of the ownership, management (and if a daily paper, thecirculation), etc., of the aforesaid publication for the date shownin the above caption, required by the Act of August 24, 1912,embodied in section 443, Postal Laws and Regulations, printedon the reverse of this form, to wit:

1. That the names and addresses of the publisher, editor,managing editor, and business managers are:Publisher, The Trade Union Educational League, 106 No. La

Salle St., Chicago, 111.Editor, Wm. Z. Foster, 106 N, La Salle St., Chicago, 111.Managing Editor, Earl R. Browder, 106 N. La Salle St., Chicago.Business Manager, J. W. Johnstone, 106 N. La Salle Street,

Chicago, 111.2. That the owners are : The Trade Union Educational League,

a voluntary association, Wm. Z. Foster, Secy-Treas.; J. W.Johnstone, S. T. Hammersmark, Earl R. Browder, Ben Gitlow,M. Obermeier, and Tim Buck, National Committee.

3. That the known bondholders, mortgagees, and other securityholders owning or holding 1 per cent or more of total amount ofbonds, mortgages, or securities are: None.

4. That the two paragraphs next above, giving^ the names ofthe owners, stockholders, and security holders, if any, containnot only the list of stockholders and security holders as theyappear upon the books of the company but also, in cases wherethe stockholder or security holder appears upon the books ofthe company as trustee or in any other fiduciary relation, thename of the person or corporation for whom such trustee isacting, is given;-also.that the said two paragraphs contain state-ments embracing affiant's full knowledge and belief as to thecircumstances and conditions under which stockholders and secur-ity holders who do not appear upon the books of the companyas trustees, hold stock and securities in a capacity other thanthat of a bona fide owner; and this affiant has no reason to be-lieve that any other person, association, or corporation has anyinterest direct or indirect in the said stock, bonds, or othersecurities than as so stated by him.

5. That the average number of copies of each issue of thispublication sold or distributed, through the mails or otherwise,to paid subscribers during the six months preceding the dateshown above is (This information is required from daily publica-tions only.)

EARL R. BROWDER, Managing EditorSworn to and subscribed before me this 2nd day of October, 1923

IRA G. WOODEN, Notary Public.(SEAL) (My Commission expires May 25, 1925

28 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

THE LABOR HERALDA Militant, Constructive Monthly

Trade Union MagazineOfficial Organ of the

Trade Union Educational LeagueWM. Z. FOSTER, EDITOR

Subscription price,.$1.50 per year

Published at106 No. La Salle Street

CHICAGO, ILL.Member of The Federated Fresi

Make checks payable toThe Trade Union Educational League

THE NEEDLE TRADES ALLIANCE

THE mountain has labored and brought forth amouse. At last the much-heralded Needle Trades

Workers' Alliance has been launched. We did not be-lieve that the backers of this plan would have the crustto put across such an antedeluvian .project in the faceof the strong sentiment for amalgamation now existingin the clothing industry. But it seems that they have.

The worst of the thing is that the constitution asadopted is much worse than as originally proposed bythe Capmakers. The plan, weak enough in the begin-ning, has been still further emasculated. Notably isthis the case with the proposed annual conferences. Asdrafted originally, the conferences would have giventhe Internationals from five to twenty delegates apiece,besides allowing one delegate from each local branchof the Alliance. This would have let a few rank andfilers slip into the gathering. But in the plan adoptedall possibilities of rank and file representation are elim-inated. Each organization shall have but five delegates,which means five high officials. Under such circum-stances, it will be impossible to democratize the annualconferences.

In many other ways, including the abolition of theprovisions for amending the constitution and for levy-ing assessments upon the affiliated unions, the originalplan has been worsened. When the project was putforth by the Capmakers it represented a most inferiorplan of federation. Now it is impossible altogether.It is safe to say that the Needle Trades Workers Alli-ance has died aborning. It will not prove even an ef-fective bar against amalgamation, which is what itsproponents chiefly intended it to be. Clothing tradesmilitants will renew their efforts to consolidate all theunions into one.

CRINGING UNIONISM

THE more capitalists kick the trade unions about,the more abjectly cringing become the" union leaders.

At best our trade union leaders are capitalisticallyminded but today, under the pressure of the "openshop" drive which should bring out any fightingspirit they might have, they are crawling to thecapitalists to beg for mercy. Consider, for example,the so-called progressive, Johnston, president of theMachinists' Union. He is going about the countrypreaching co-operation with the capitalists, denounc-ing amalgamation and the Labor Party, and re-pudiating every progressive policy; According to himthe 16 railroad unions cannot be amalgamated in 100years, and the amalgamationists, are therefore disrupters.

He says the machinists' have been too radical; theymust become more conservative, like .the Brotherhoods,and concern themselves with their craft interests only.If we will be nice to the boss, and show him that theUnion can make him greater profits, then says Johnston,he will allow the organizers to go right into the shopsand sign up all the men into the LA. of M.

This kind of unionism, spineless and servile to theemployers, is leading the labor movement straight todestruction. It wins the workers nothing, not* eventemporarily. The employers have nothing but contemptfor it, and the more the leaders cringe the more thebosses will kick our organizations about. There is butone way to force concessions for the workers and thatis to establish a fighting power in the unions that theemployers must respect. The unions cannot fight ef-fectively until they get rid of this cringing leadership.

THE UNION-WRECKERS AT WORK

J OHN L. LEWIS and his crew of union wreckers arestill busy at work. One of their late exploits is the

expulsion of Thomas Myerscough, secretary of theProgressive International Committee of the miners, andthe revocation of the charter of his local lunion, No.1446 of Arden Mines, Pa. The instruments and methodsused in this disgraceful proceedings are characteristicof reactionary officialdom.

Among the several hundred members of Myerscough'slocal there could be found but two sufficiently degradedto serve as Lewis instruments. One of these, who pre-sented charges against Myerscough, is so ignorant thathis charges could not be read, and so crooked that theminers say that he took a Victrola donated to theMiners' Relief to be raffled, put it in his own home,and sold his own phonograph to a mine superintendentfor $25. The Local Union, on August 7th, voted un-animously, with the exception of the two stool-pigeons,their confidence in Myerscough.

Immediately the name of the stool-pigeon was usedby the District officials, acting no doubt under ordersfrom Lewis, to file an appeal to the District Board. OnSeptember 6th that body mailed Myerscough a com-munication informing him that the appeal has been sus-tained and he was expelled from membership.

In the meantime the same forces had been busy plot-ting to punish Myerscough's local union for standingby him. The mine owners where the members ofLocal 1446 are employed, refused to abide by the con-tract and locked the miners out. The District officialsimmediately declared that the local was engaged in anoutlaw strike, revoked the charter, and reorganizedthe Local. They held the reorganization meetings onthe property of the coal company, in spite of the factthat the miners' union owns its own hall there.

These are the tactics of destructionists, of those whowould rule or ruin. They are not approved by the rankand file of Labor. But if the designs o? these arrogantofficials are to be defeated, if the United Mine Workersand the other unions where similar tactics are beingemployed are to be saved by complete disruption at thehands of these wreckers, the membership must rise inprotest, demand the protection of the rights of everymember, and elect men to office who are pledged toprotect these rights. Freedom of thought and speechin the labor movement are seriously threatened. Everytrue union man will join in the battle to re-instate thesefundamental principles.

OPPOSE CANADIAN SECESSION

BRUTAL oppression has been visited upon the Can-adian miners in District 26, first by the British

Empire Steel Corporation and its governmental lackeys,

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D 29

and later by their own Union officials, John L. Lewisand his henchmen. The miners have been in revoltagainst their StSel Trust masters, a revolt that wouldhave been successful but for the intervention of Lewison the employers' side. Their present feelings are bitter,and justifiably so. Rarely has treachery been more boldor more dastardly. As a result, a danger has beenpresent in District 26, of resentment against Lewis &Co. being turned into a secession movement.

No friend of Labor solidarity will, however, urgesecession upon the Canadian miners. There is but oneway to fight against the boss-controlled Lewis machine,and that is to stay inside the U. M. W. A. and battleit out there. Running away from the fight -will not helpat all. Lewis could ask for nothing better than to haveall the conscious militants leave the Union. He is try-ing to drive them out—the secessionists are his allieswhether they know it or not. The duty of every revol-utionary and progressive miner today is to stay withinthe United Mine Workers of America. That Unionbelongs to the rank and file, and they must fight fortheir own Union.

This js the advice that is being given to the minersof Nova Scotia by the militants within their own ranksand throughout Canada. It is sound advice, and showsthat the Canadian trade union militants are developinga thoughtful, constructive leadership that promises wellfor future success. Continuous and relentless battleagainst those who would deliver the Unions to theemployers is the first necessity. To leave the Union isto desert the battle-line. Secession and splits are theweapons of the reactionaries. The militants will staywithin the U. M. W. A. at all costs.

GERMANY BEFORE THE REVOLUTION

WORKERS the world over wait with the greatestanxiety for news from Germany. And well they

may, for world-shaking events are impending there.The surrender in the Ruhr .converts Germany into avassal colony of French imperialism; and the wholeburden, if the German capitalists have their way, is tobe saddled upon the working people. The bourgeoisstatesmen, having made peace with Poincare, turn theirwhole attention now to one enemy: the workers. Theyhave but one policy: Make the workers .pay. Themiserable wages are being still further reduced, and theeight hour day is being abolished. Unemploymentspreads like a plague. Hunger and misery stalk abroad.Bread riots, answered by bayonet and machine gun, arebecoming the order of the day. In this multipliedplundering and oppression the Social-Democrats, asalways, are the ready tools of the masters.

The German working class is stirring mightily. Aprofound disillusionment has come over them. Whenthe Kaiser's monarchy was overthrown in 1918 theGerman bourgeoisie turned to the republic in order tofool the workers with "democratic" forms. But thedeception which shackled the workers in those dayswill not suffice now. Only by naked force can thesenew burdens be imposed upon them. German capital-ism now has to seek salvation in the monarchist army,the white generals and the fascist gangs. The last propis being knocked out from under the bourgeois republicof Germany, and all pretences of "democracy" are goingby the board. The capitalists and all their defenders,including the Social-Democratic politicians and tradeunion leaders, are driving with full speed toward awhite dictatorship. The, capitalist dictatorship or theworkers dictatorship—the white or the red—this is theone question soon to be settled in Germany.

The forces of reaction are well organized and wellarmed. It is quite possible that, with the help of the

Social Democratic Party, they will get the upper handfor the moment. But they will not hold it long; ofthis we can be- confident. The German proletariat offifteen millions cannot long be held down by the methodsemployed in Italy; it is numerically too powerful, andits position in industry and transport is too important.

The German workers have suffered and learned muchsince the days of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxem-bourg. A mighty communist party is rising. up fromthe seed sown by the old spartacists; and the workers,in ever-growing masses, are following it. The greatmass strike is being prepared to break the first attemptof the white guards to seize power by force. The "pro-letarian hundreds" are being organized and armed onevery side. The danger of the German revolution beingcrushed by .military force from the outside is counter-balanced by the warning of Soviet Russia that, "Swordsare not the exclusive possession of the capitalist coun-tries. They are also to be found in the hands of theproletarian State of Soviet Russia." These facts arethe guarantee of final victory. The German proletariatholds the fate of the world proletariat in its hands.This time it will not fail.

In this crisis it is the duty of trade unionists every-where to stand by the German workers' in their comingrevolution. Against the attempts • of the capitalist Gov-ernments to -assist the German exploiters against theworking class, the trade unions of every country, includ-ing America, must raise the demand: "Hands offWorkers' Germany!"

UNION LEADERS AS STRIKEBREAKERS

MAJOR GEO. L. BERRY, head of the .PrintingPressmen's Union and American Legionist, has

become the hero of the Gompers family as well as ofthe employing class. After breaking the Pressmen'sstrike in New York City, he walked into the A. F. of L.Convention in Portland to receive the acclaim of a con-queror. There he gave expression to the philosophyof "unionism" that animated the developing aristocracyof strike-breaking officials, and his statement was ap-proved by Mr. Gompers. He said: "We stand for fourgreat. principles governing industry. These are theownership of property, an adequate return on invest-ments, an adequate sum allowed industry for the matterof deterioration, and that all workers, including manag-ers, get proper compensation for what they put into in-dustry."

Such a program as this, coupled with the deeds ofGompers, Berry, Lee, Lewis, and their kind, may wellbe hailed with delight by the capitalist press. It is noaccident that the Chicago Tribune, champion of the"open shop," is frankly delighted, and that the Journalof Commerce commendingly says, the acts were "suchas any body of patriotic citizens might adopt," meaning,of course, any body of business men. Its reactionaryand capitalistic nature is emphasized not only by thesubordination of the workers to the claims ofprofits, but even the demand for a "fair day's pay" ismade contingent upon the perpetuation of the fabuloussalaries of the "managers."

Who can be surprised that Berry, with such completeagreement with the capitalist philosophy, should brutallybreak the New York pressmen's strike by importingunion men from all over the country? The old strike-breaking agencies have powerful competition now; theworkers pay men like Berry for doing the dirty workof the capitalists. Why then should the capitalists payfor an inferior job such as the Burns detectives cansell them? .

T H E L A B O R H E R A L D

THE INTERNATIONALNovember, 1923

„,,„,., fWlNG to the fact that the October'GERMANY \J number of the LABOR HERALD was

devoted entirely to the proceedings ofthe and General Conference of the T. U. E. L. we wereunable to give an outline of the Great German generalstrike which resulted in the overthrow of the Cuno gov-ernment. We therefore print it this month. The originof the _struggle was to be found in the growing povertyand misery of the German working class and the totalinability of the master class or their lackeys, the Social-Democratic leaders, to relieve the widespread suffering.The crisis developed with the convocation of the Reich-stag on August 8th. Tremendous waves of unrest andprotest swept through the laboring masses. Berlin wasthe fountain head of the movement. The'Social Demo-crats, following their usual course of betrayal, lined upbehind the Government and tried to suppress the move-ment. This threw the leadership into the hands of theCommunists. The uprising was carried on through thefactory councils. A great convention of these councilswas held in Berlin, consisting of 12,000 delegates, onAugust nth. They declared a general strike for theentire country and formulated the following demands:

Immediate resignation of Cuno.Seizure of all foodstuffs to assure provisioning of the

people.Official recognition of the workers' control commis-

sions,Abrogation of the interdiction against the arming of

the workers.Fixation of minimum salaries in gold for all workers.Re-employment of all unemployment and war-wounded

at regular wages.Abolition of the state of siege.Amnesty for all political prisoners.Energetic .action for the creation of a workers' gov-

ernment.The strikers tied up the industries everywhere and

their leaders demanded that the Social-Democratic fac-tion in the Reichstag insist upon the resignation ofCuno. But the Socialists refused. The Vorwarts de-nounced the movement and the Communists who wereleading it. They joined hands 'with the Government,which suppressed the Rote Fahne. But the movementwas irresistible and finally, after two days of it theSocialists, fearing to lose entirely the leadership overthe masses, deserted Cuno and his government fell.This was a great victory for the workers. It was thefirst time the masses had overthrown a governmentsince the historic days of 1918. The influence of theCommunists with the workers has been enormously in-creased by the affair. With Cuno out, the strike wascalled off. Ebert, the erstwhile saddler, thereupon calledinto office another henchman of the dying capitalistsystem, Streseman, who is making a final effort to fore-stall the inevitable formation of a German workers'government. .

TTHE process of consolidation proceedsENGLAND 1 ' apace in the British labor move-

ment. It is taking the form of federa-tion and amalgamation. There are several new federa-tions in course of development. One of these is in theentertainment trades, the three unions of Actors, Music-ians, and Theatrical Employees, with a total member-ship of 40,000, having united their forces into the En-tertainments Federation. A federation, mostly for or-ganizing purposes, has -also been set up between the

National Union of Railwaymen and the Transport andGeneral Workers Union. Another scheme of federationhas been accepted by 58 votes against 43 by the UnitedFactory Workers and Textile Workers Association.Amalgamations are planned or actually under way inmany trades, including printing, insurance workers,bleachers and dyers, government employees, metal work-ers, and building trades workers. In the latter industrya resolution calling for one big union in the buildingtrades was adopted at the annual conference of theNational Federation of Building Trades Operatives inIlfracombe. As a result negotiations are now on footto consolidate the Amalgamated Society of WoodWorkers and the Amalgamated Union of BuildingTrades Workers. A ballot is now being taken on thequestion of amalgamating the Electrical Trades Unionwith the National Amalgamated Union of Enginemen,Firemen, Mechanics, Motormen, and Electrical Workers.

THE situation in France has "becometense in the revolutionary C. G. T. U.

regarding the question of international af-filiations. As things stand now the organization is af-filiated to the Red International of Labor Unions. Butthere is a strong minority movement against this at-tachment. This minority, though somewhat divided inopinion, is of strong Syndicalist tendency and is underthe control of the Berlin International.. Another pointin their program is opposition to the trade union com-mittees recently set up in the C. G. T. U. by the Com-munist Party. At a recent meeting of the C. G. T. U.Executive Committee these minority elements, by threat-,ening to split the labor movement if their demands werenot granted, pushed through a measure calling for ageneral convention of the C G. T. U. This will takeplace in mid-November. '

In preparation for this convention the divergent ele-ments are very active organizing their forces and pro-pagating their views. There are three main divisions.One group, headed by the Building Trades Federation,proposes that the C. G. T. U. stay out of all Interna-tionals until there can be called a general world con-vention to unite the three Internationals. Anothergroup favors staying within the R. I. L. U. providedthat its laws are enforced regarding the autonomy ofthe affiliated organizations. This is another way of ad-vocating withdrawal, because this group constantlycharges that the laws are not enforced. Finally thereis the majority opinion, advocated by Monmosseau,Semard, etc. calling for continued affiliation. The fol-lowing is an extract of a resolution to be presented bythem to the convention of Bourges:

The Congress of Bourges registers with greatsatisfaction the modifications made by the andMoscow Congress to the statutes and resolutions -of the Red International of Labor Unions, con-

' formably to the desires expressed by the GeneralCongress of the C. G. T. U. held in St. Etienne. •In recognizing the autonomy of the French tradeunion movement, in suppressing the clause pro-viding for organic liason, included in Article XIand in the resolutions voted at the first Congress ofthe R. I. L. U., the 2nd Moscow Congress has per-mitted the French labor movement to develop nor-mally and to realize the greatest possible workingclass unity, by giving it the opportunity to group • -within its ranks all tendencies of the labor move-ment.

November, 1923 T H E L A B O R H E R A L D

In view of the fact that the international revolu-tionary movement cannot develop its maximumstrength unless its relationships between its differentorganisms are based upon reciprocal loyalty, there-fore the Congress of Bourges approves unreservedlythe adhesion of the C. G. T. U. to the R. I. L. U.upon the conditions determined by the 2nd MoscowCongress, and it extends a vote of confidence tothe responsible militants (Jf the C. G. T. U. and theExecutive Bureau of the R. I. L. U. for the loyalapplication of the laws and resolutions of the In-ternational.

The coming convention at Bourges will be a criticalone in the history of the labor movement in France.The factional war is intense, so much so that an ex-plosion is possible. The dangerous elements are theminorities catering to the Berlin International. Theyare largely dominated by a secessionist spirit and, ifgiven half a chance, will divide the C. G. T. U. in two.In this destructive enterprise they are being guided andassisted by the Anarcho-Syndicalist theoreticians in Ber-lin, including Rocker, Kater, et al. The majority fac-tion are, however, well aware of the splitting tacticsof the Berliners and may be depended upon to do allpossible to outwit them and to maintain the unity ofthe already badly shattered labor movement.

AT the recent conference of the CentralCouncil of the General Confederation

of Labor held in Milan further steps weretaken to tie the Italian labor movement to the chariotof the dictator, Mussolini. The one taking the lead inthis march to the rear is D'Aragona, Secretary of theConfederation of Labor. D'Aragona was the man aboveall others who stayed the hand of the Italian workersfrom putting through the revolution in 1920 during thegreat metal workers' strike. This ruined the labormovement and opened the door for the entry of Fascism.D'Aragona is now preparing the way for open collabora-tion between the Confederation and Mussolini. Thiscan only be accomplished by Italian labor giving up allits revolutionary demands and ideals. While still deny-ing that he is a Fascist, D'Aragona is clearly working inharmony with Mussolini. He is working for "technical"collaboration with the Government, which he hopes willbe followed by a general collaboration. The. Milan con-ference marked an important step in this direction ofdemoralization.

THE chiefs of the Amsterdam Inter-national are badly shaken up over

the famous conference of the TransportWorkers in Berlin during May which decided in favorof co-operation with the revolutionary Russian laborunions and the setting up of a united front generallyagainst war and Fascism. They have sabotaged thedecisions of the Berlin conference and have so farblocked the creation of the proposed united front. Theyare busy quarrelling amongst themselves over the mat-ter. At a recent conference of the General Council ofthe International Transport Federation the battle gotso hot that Fimmen and others offered their resigna-tions. These were not accepted. Biddegary, the notor-iously reactionary French railroad leader, asserts thatFimmen practically confessed that he had made a mis-take in the Berlin conference, but Semard, the leaderof the revolutionary union of French railroad workers,quotes Fimmen as haying said the following in the de-bates :

I say this openly: Regardless of what may be thedecision arrived at, I shall continue my efforts to

realize the unity of the proletariat. I shall continueto work just as I have up till the present to rouse .the workers to make a real struggle against war,militarism and capitalism. I consider it to be myduty, wherever I may find myself, whether in theI. T. F. or outside of it, so long as I call myself arevolutionary Socialist and so long as I aim towork in the interests of the working class, to sacra-fice my strength and my life, if necessary, in thespirit and conviction that has animated me in recentmonths. For I am convinced that it is only by carry-ing on the class struggle inexorably that the labormovement will succeed in attaining the end that ithas set for itself. The International TransportFederation does not expect real results through theintervention of the League of Nations, because ofexperiences already had with it. Only the strengthof the working class and international solidarity canprevent the calamities of a new war.

IN the Kommunistische Gewerkschafter,published in Berlin, a German printer

makes an interesting comparison betweenpresent day standards of his trade in Russia and Ger1-many. The advantage is all on the side of the former.He states that while German printers now receive on anaverage only two-fifths of the pre-war real wage theRussian printers are now getting fully as much as theydid before the war and their wages are constantly goingup. He gives the following table, stated in gold rubles,to show the rising standards of the Russian workers:Pre-war wages 34-1 roublesSeptember, 1922 17. roublesJanuary, 1923 24.3 roublesFebruary, 1923 26.9 roublesMarch, 1923 28.1 roublesJune, 1923 34- roubles

To show the superior purchasing power of real Rus-sian wages, he presents the following table dealingwith characteristic articles: - -

ir-s Far ,._.must work in

Berlinrs. min.

4 154 15

.2 36

2 500 249 22

Article Price . ForMoscow BerlinRbls.

1 Egg - — 2.001 Kilo macaroni 46.251 Kilo rice _ 37.501 Good meal in

. ordinary restaurant 40.0010 Small cigarettes 6.001 Kilo butter 100.00

Mks.

5,000.52,00032,000

35.QOO5,00

115,000

Moshrs.221

104

whmt

cowm:5:2

40

251630

Are you helping to extend the circula-tion of THE LABOR HERALD ? If youbelieve in amalgamation, recognition ofSoviet Russia, organisation of the unor-ganised workers, and the labor party,there is no better means to establish theseburning issues. Subscriptions are easilysecured with a little systematic effort.Bundle orders sell readily in all unionmeetings. Can we expect your co-op-eration?

T H E L A B O R H E R A L D November, 1923

FASCISMHas conquered Italy, and threatens the working class of Germany and all Central

Europe. It is raising its head in America and, in its various forms, is boldly making a bidfor power through conspiracy and violence. It is insidiously weaving itself into the tradeunions of America. In order to combat this menace, Fascism must be understood. Thefirst complete explanation published in America is contained in the new pamphlet

Struggle of the Trade Unions AgainstFascism

. . . - . . . . . . By Andreas Nin

With an Introduction by Earl R. Browder . .

This pamphlet is necessary for every militant trade unionist who wants to • combatFascism, the'sinister conspiracy that attempts to divide the workers against one anotherand destroy their class organizations. At the same time it is easy to read and intenselyinteresting. A timely and fascinating booklet that will sell readily in every labor union andgathering of workers. . •

40 pages, heavy paper cover. . . . . . . r

Rates, single copies, 15c, per copy. -;.:/, < : ; , ' . - . . > •

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AMALGAMATIONBy Jay Fox

A new pamphlet that covers the field in a thoroughgoingfashion. Facts, figures, and argument, arrayed in unanswerablecombination, are at the same time handled with Fox's well-knownhumorous touch which makes his writing so easy and pleasant toread. A fundamental pamphlet, which every militant trade union-ist must have. This work will become one of the widest-read inthe labor movement. You should organize wide distribution ofit through the union ranks. Send in your order now for a bundle.

48 pages, paper cover.

; Rates, single copies, 15c per copy10 to 100 copies, lOc per copy

. Larger quantities, special prices on application.

The Trade Union Educational LeagueW. Z. Foster, Sec'y-Treas. 106 N. La Salle St., Chicago

The Menace of the Burns-Daugherty Red Raids Still ExistsWilliam Z. Foster Is Again to Be Brought to Trial!

The enemies of Labor are preparing to make a tremendous effortto convict Foster and to send.him to prison along with Ruthenbergand the thirty other victims of the Michigan Red raids.

We Must Stand and Fight AgainWe must shatter once and for all this Red Raid menace whichholds the constant threat of prison for all courageous labor leaders.

We must again provide Foster with a defense such as last year won thevictory and prevented his conviction.

Our Dollars and Our Militant Activity Will Do It!

Labor Defense CouncilFederation Bldg.

166 W. Washington St.

Chicago, 111.

Here is my wallop at the Burns-Daug-

herty Red-Raid menace. Enclosed please

find $ , for the Michigan Defense.

The Backbone of the Famineis Broken—But

A New Famine is On

Europe is on the brink of bankruptcyRussia is on the road to recoveryThe Franc and the Mark are dancing

the mad dance of disintegrationThe Ruble is steadily forging upwardWith a little help Russia can fully re-

construct herselfUpon a reconstructed Russia depends

the condition of the world marketUpon the condition of the world mar-

ket depends the condition of the far-mers and workers here in America

In Soviet Russia there exists:

A great hunger for Cultural Education

A great hunger for Scientific Education

A great hunger for Efficient FarmingMethods

and an urgent need fo r :

Apparatus

Raw Material

Tools

Tractors

RECOGNITIONof Russia MEANS RECONSTRUCTION

of Russia

S I G N

Here or Here

Friends of Soviet Russia32 S. Wabash Ave., Chicago, 111.

I Friends of Soviet Russia, 32 S. Wabash Ave., Chicago, 111.

I enclose $ to be applied to the General As a true friend of the Workers' and Peasants' republic 1Tractor Fund with which to purchase tractors for Russia next i hereby enclose $ , to signify my willingnessSpring. I to continue to help Soviet Russia in whatever form the need

may require.NAME

ADDRESS

CITY- — _ _ PROFESSION _ ILab. H. ,

1 NAME

I ADDRESS CITY.

PROFESSIONLab. H.

lal O*3an *f TKe Trade Union Education

99