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whites. Even with the obvious progress, however, the realitywas that prejudice could not be legislated away. Blacks stillfaced lower wages than whites, higher crime rates in theirneighborhoods, and unspoken but palpable racial

discrimination. Young blacks in particular saw the civilrights movement as too mainstream to generate real socialchange. What they wanted was something that wouldaccelerate the process and give blacks the same opportunitiesas whites, not just socially but also economically andpolitically. Perhaps more important, they felt that the civilrights movement was based more on white perceptions ofcivil rights than black perceptions.

Not all blacks had been equally impressed with the civilrights movement. MALCOLM X and the NATION OFISLAM, for example, felt that racial self-determination wasa critical and neglected element of true equality. By the mid-1960s, dissatisfaction with the pace of change was growingamong blacks. The term "black power" had been aroundsince the 1950s, but it was STOKELY CARMICHAEL,head of the STUDENT NONVIOLENT

COORDINATING COMMITTEE (SNCC), whopopularized the term in 1966.

Carmichael led a push to transform SNCC from a multiracialcommunity activist organization into an all-black socialchange organization. Late in 1966, two young men, HUEYNEWTON and BOBBY SEALE, formed the BLACKPANTHER PARTY FOR SELF-DEFENSE (BPP),initially as a group to track incidents of police violence.Within a short time groups such as SNCC and BPP gainedmomentum, and by the late 1960s the Black Powermovement had made a definite mark on American cultureand society.
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The Black Power movement instilled a sense of racial prideand self-esteem in blacks. Blacks were told that it was up tothem to improve their lives. Black Power advocatesencouraged blacks to form or join all-black political parties

that could provide a formidable power base and offer afoundation for real socioeconomic progress. For years, themovement's leaders said, blacks had been trying to aspire towhite ideals of what they should be. Now it was time forblacks to set their own agenda, putting their needs andaspirations first. An early step, in fact, was the replacementof the word "Negro" (a word associated with the years ofSLAVERY) with "black."

The movement generated a number of positivedevelopments. Probably the most noteworthy of these was itsinfluence on black culture. For the first time, blacks in theUnited States were encouraged to acknowledge their Africanheritage. COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES establishedblack studies programs and black studies departments.Blacks who had grown up believing that they were descendedfrom a backwards people now found out that African culture

was as rich and diverse as any other, and they wereencouraged to take pride in that heritage. The Black Artsmovement, seen by some as connected to the Black Powermovement flourished in the 1960s and 1970s. Young blackpoets, authors, and visual artists found their voices andshared those voices with others. Unlike earlier black artsmovements such as the Harlem Renaissance, the newmovement primarily sought out a black audience.

The same spirit of racial unity and pride that made the BlackPower movement so dynamic also made it problematicandto some, dangerous. Many whites, and a number of blacks,saw the movement as a black separatist organization bent onsegregating blacks and whites and undoing the importantwork of the civil rights movement. There is no question that
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Black Power advocates had valid and pressing concerns.Blacks were still victims of racism, whether they were beingcharged a higher rate for a mortgage, getting paid less than awhite coworker doing the same work, or facing violence at

the hands of white racists. But the solutions that some BlackPower leaders advocated seemed only to create newproblems. Some, for example, suggested that blacks receiveparamilitary training and carry guns to protect themselves.Though these individuals insisted this device was solely ameans ofSELF-DEFENSE and not a call to violence, it wasstill unnerving to think of armed civilians walking thestreets.

Also, because the Black Power movement was never aformally organized movement, it had no central leadership,which meant that different organizations with divergentagendas often could not agree on the best course of action.The more radical groups accused the more mainstreamgroups of capitulating to whites, and the more mainstreamaccused the more radical of becoming too ready to useviolence. By the 1970s, most of the formal organizations that

had come into prominence with the Black Power movement,such as the SNCC and the Black Panthers, had all butdisappeared.

The Black Power movement did not succeed in getting blacksto break away from white society and create a separatesociety. Nor did it help end discrimination or racism. It did,however, help provide some of the elements that wereultimately necessary for blacks and whites to gain a fullerunderstanding of each other.

FURTHER READINGS
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Carmichael, Stokely, and Charles V. Hamilton. 1967.BlackPower: The Politics of Liberation in America. New York:Vintage Books.

Cross, Theorore. 1984. The Black Power Imperative. NewYork: Faulkner.

Van Deburg, William, L. 1992.New Day in Babylon: TheBlack Power Movement and American Culture. Chicago:Univ. of Chicago Press.

CROSS-REFERENCES

Black Panther Party; Carmichael, Stokely; Civil Rights Acts;Malcolm X; Nation of Islam; NAACP; Southern ChristianLeadership Conference;Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Read more: Black Power Movement - Blacks, Rights, Whites,Civil, White, and Racialhttp://law.jrank.org/pages/4776/Black-Power-

Movement.html#ixzz17OkpT4A7

BLACK PANTHER PARTY

No group better dramatized the anger that fueled the 1960s

BLACK POWER MOVEMENT than the Black PantherParty for Self-Defense (BPP). For five tumultuous years, thePanthers brought a fierce cry for justice and equality to thestreets of the largest U.S. cities. Its members flashed acrossTV screens in black berets and leather coats, shotguns andlaw books in hand, confronting the police or storming the
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California Legislature. Political demands issued from theparty's newspaper; loudspeakers boomed at rallies for jailedPanther leaders. Behind the scenes, the FEDERALBUREAU OF INVESTIGATION (FBI) spent millions of

dollars in a secret counterintelligence program aimed atdestroying the group. By the time a 1976 congressionalreport revealed the extent of the FBI's efforts, it was too late.Shoot-outs with police officers, conflicts with other groups,murder, prison sentences, and internal dissent haddestroyed the Black Panthers. The details surrounding the1969 shooting deaths of two party leaders by Chicago policeremain unclear. The other party leaders split in 1972 and one

of them, BOBBY SEALE, ran for mayor of Oakland in 1973,losing in a runoff. By 1975, the last of the group, a splinterfaction under ELDRIDGE CLEAVER, had disappeared.

Before the advent of the Panthers, the mid-1960s sawgradual progress in the struggle for CIVIL RIGHTS. Thisprogress was too slow for many Blacks. Traditional civilrights groups such as Martin Luther King Jr's SOUTHERNCHRISTIAN LEADERSHIP CONFERENCE (SCLC)

were focusing their efforts on ending SEGREGATION inthe South, but conditions in urban areas were reaching aboiling point. Younger activists increasingly turned awayfrom these older groups and toward leaders such asSTOKELY CARMICHAEL, whose STUDENTNONVIOLENT COORDINATING COMMITTEE(SNCC) demanded not merelyINTEGRATION buteconomic and social liberation for Blacks. Black power was

Carmichael's message, and in Mississippi, he had organizedan all-black political party that took as its symbol a snarlingblack panther. The ethos of black power spread quickly tourban areas in the North, East, and West, where integrationalone had not soothed the problems of racism, poverty, andviolence.
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Police violence against Blacks was a common complaint inimpoverished Oakland, California. By 1966, two young menhad had enough. One was HUEY P. NEWTON, age 23, afirst-year law student. With his friend Bobby Seale, age 30,

Newton founded the BPP, with the intent of monitoringpolice officers when they made arrests. This bold tacticalready being employed in Minneapolis by the nascent

AMERICAN INDIAN MOVEMENT (AIM)was entirelylegal. Also legal under California state law was the practice ofcarrying a loaded weapon, as long as it was visible. But legalor not, the sight of Newton and Seale bearing shotguns asthey rushed to the scene of an arrest had enormous shock

value. To police officers and citizens alike, this represented ahuge change from the previously nonviolent demonstrationsof civil rights activists. Although they did not use the gunsand maintained the legally required eight to ten feet fromofficers, the Panthers inspired fear. They also quickly wonrespect from neighbors who saw them as standing up to thepredominantly white police force. The law books they carriedand from which they read criminal suspects their rightsappeared to many in the community to give the Panthers a

kind of legitimacy.

Attracting new members through their high visibility, thePanthers sprang to national attention in 1967. Antagonismtoward the party by law enforcement officials had promptedCalifornia lawmakers to consider GUN CONTROL. In May1967, legislators met in Sacramento, the state capital, todiscuss a bill that would criminalize the carrying of loaded

weapons within city limits. To Seale and Newton, chairmanand minister of defense of the BPP, respectively, theproposed law was unjust. Governor RONALD REAGANwas on the lawn of the state legislature as 30 armed BlackPanthers arrived and entered
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On May 2, 1967, armed members of the Black Panther Partyenter the California state capital to protest a bill restrictingthe carrying of arms in public.AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS

the building. TV cameras followed the group's progress tothe legislative chambers, where they were stopped by policeofficers, Seale shouting, "Is this the way the racistgovernment works[you] won't let a man exercise hisconstitutional rights?" He then read a prepared statement:

The Black Panther Party calls upon American people ingeneral and black people in particular to take full note of the

racist California legislature which is now consideringlegislation aimed at keeping the black people disarmed andpowerless, at the very same time that racist police agenciesthroughout the country are intensifying the terror, brutality,murder and repression of black people.

The Panthers kept their guns, left the building, and weresubsequently disarmed by the police.

No sooner had the demonstration ended than the nationalmedia denounced the Panthers as antiwhite radicals. Formany white U.S. citizens, the Panthers symbolized terror.The party denied being antiwhite, but a new political focusnow superseded its original goal ofSELF-DEFENSE. In aten-point program, the Panthers called for full employment,better housing and education, and juries composed ofBlacks. It denounced the war in Vietnam and the military

draft. Some of its demands went further. Point 3 said thegroup wanted an end to the robbing of the black communityby the whites. Another point called for the release of all Blackmen from prison. The group's major political objective wasself-determination. It demanded United Nationssupervisedelections in the black community, which it dubbed the black
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colony, for blacks only, so that "black colonials" coulddetermine their own national destiny.

To advance its cause, the party published theBlack Panther

newspaper. Its articles, cartoons, and imagery reflected ahardening stance. The police were caricatured as pigsintroducing a term of condemnation that would enter thenational vernacularand a recurring image was that of aBlack Panther holding a gun to the head of a pig in a policeuniform. However extreme such rhetoric may sound today, itgalvanized young Blacks coming of age in the Vietnam era.BPP chapters sprang up nationwide, and by 1968 as many asfive thousand members worked from BPP offices in 25 majorU.S. cities. Prominent activists, including Stokely Carmichaeland Eldridge Cleaver, joined the party. Cleaver had achievednational prominence for his 1967 essay collectionSoul onIce. As the BPP's minister of information, he had a voice thatstruck exactly the tone the Panthers wanted, a blend ofdetermination, outrage, and threat. "These racist Gestapopigs," Cleaver told reporters,"have to stop brutalizing ourcommunity or we are going to take up arms and we are going

to drive them out."

On another front, the Panthers proceeded with charitableservices to Black communities, called Serve the Peopleprograms. They organized health clinics and schools.Holding food drives, they rounded up groceries anddistributed them for free. Morning breakfast programs forBlack children served food and spirituals, as kids sang "BlackIs Beautiful." White liberals supported the Panthers, writingsupportive articles in intellectual journals such as theNewYork Review of Books; writing books that showedadmiration for their style, like Norman Mailer's The WhiteNegro; and inviting them to fashionable fund-raisingparties, as did composer and conductor Leonard Bernstein.


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But this support was far from unanimous; the authorThomas C. Wolfe coined the phrase radical chic to satirize it.

The successes achieved by the Panthers in Oakland and

beyond were soon overshadowed by violence as tenseconfrontations between the police and Panther memberserupted in gunfire. In October 1967, after a gun battle leftone officer wounded and another dead, Newton wasarrested. "Free Huey!" became a cry at protests across theUnited States while Newton remained in jail. From his cell,he told national TV audiences that the plight of Blacks wassimilar to that of the Vietnamese. "The police occupy ourcommunity," he said, "as a foreign troop occupies territory."Convicted of murder, he remained in prison until August1970. An appeals court later threw out the conviction.

The violence continued, as the police began raiding BPPoffices. In 1968, a confrontation in West Oakland left threeofficers and two Panther members wounded. A 17-year-oldPanther was killed. Seale announced on television that blackpeople should organize so that they could retaliate against

racist police brutality and attacks.

In 1969, Seale too was in court. The police had arrested himat an antiwar demonstration outside the 1968 DemocraticNational Convention in Chicago. He was charged withrioting. During the trial of Seale and other demonstratorsdubbed the Chicago Eightfederal district

Eldridge Cleaver, the Black Panther Party's (BPP) minister

of information, outside of BPP headquarters in Oakland inSeptember 1968 after two of the city's police officers firedshots into the building.AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS


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court judge Julius J. Hoffman ordered the vociferous Sealehandcuffed to a chair and gagged, a move that inspired suchpublic revulsion that a mistrial was declared.

However, in 1970, Seale and several other Panthers wereback in court, in New Haven, Connecticut. The charge wasthe 1969 alleged murder of suspected Panther policeinformant Alex Rackley. Seale and fellow Panther EricaHuggins were ultimately acquitted, but two other Panthers,including Warren Kimbro (who plea-bargained), weresentenced to prison. Seale's controversial trial inspired a"May Day" riot at Yale University in New Haven, promptingthe federal government to send in 2,500 NATIONALGUARD members after a substantial amount of mercury (abomb-making ingredient) was taken from a Yale chemistrylab and several rifles were discovered missing.

The Panthers affected the highest circles of federal lawenforcement. J. EDGAR HOOVER, director of the FBI,considered them a black nationalist hate group. InNovember 1968, he ordered FBI field agents to begin

destabilizing the group by exploiting dissension within itsranks. This end was to be achieved through the FBI'sCounterintelligence Program (COINTELPRO), asurveillance and misinformation program widely used in thelate 1960s against civil rights, black power, and variousleftist groups. The FBI infiltrated the Panther membershipwith informants, wiretapped telephones, mailed fake lettersto leaders, and spread innuendo both inside and outside theparty. Documentation of the counterintelligence campaignwould emerge in a report issued in 1976 by the U.S. SenateSelect Committee to Study Government Operations, titledThe FBI's Covert Program to Destroy the Black PantherParty. The report revealed that the FBI had gone to greatlengths, some of them illegal, to pit the Panthers againstthemselves and other groups.
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The destabilization worked. The FBI managed to exacerbatea bloody feud between the Panthers and another California-based group, United Slaves (US). It poured resources intomaking leaders suspicious of each other, notably aggravating

a rift between Newton and Cleaver. Perhaps its mostegregious involvement came during a 1969 operation againstFred Hampton, the Chicago-based chairman of the IllinoisBPP. In late 1967, the FBI launched a disinformationcampaign against the 19-year-old, and his file in the FBI'sRacial Matters Squad soon swelled to over four thousandpages. When Hampton fell under suspicion in the murder oftwo Chicago police officers, an FBI informant provided

authorities with a detailed floor plan of his apartment. OnDecember 4, 1969, police officers raided the apartment.Hampton and another Panther member were killed; fourothers were wounded. The Panthers alleged that the incidentwas an assassination.

Several official and private inquiries were conducted,including one led byROY WILKINS, executive director ofthe NAACP, and RAMSEY CLARK, former U.S. attorney

general. Lawsuits brought against the FBI by the victims'survivors dragged through the courts until 1983, when thefederal government agreed to pay them a $1.85 millionsettlement. U.S. district court judge John F. Grady imposedsanctions on the FBI for having covered up facts in the case.For the Illinois Panther chapter, however, the raid in 1969had signaled the beginning of the end.

In disarray in 1972, the Panthers soon collapsed. Itsleadership feuded, police and FBI harassment took a heavytoll, and the black power movement had nearly expired.Charged with murder, Cleaver had fled to Cuba and Algeria,where he continued to urge Blacks on to revolution. Cleavermaintained his Black Panther faction in exile until 1975.
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Seale and Newton preferred nonviolent solutions. After thePanthers disbanded, Seale ran for mayor of Oakland in 1973,winning a third of the vote. He later became a public speakerand a community liaison on behalf of Temple University's

Black studies program. Newton earned a doctor's degreefrom the University of California, Santa Cruz, but his legalproblems continued. In March 1987, he was convicted forbeing a felon in possession of a firearmdespite theoverturning of his original murder convictionandsentenced to three years' imprisonment. In 1989, he wasagain in prison, serving time for a PAROLE violation forpossessing cocaine. He died in August 1989, after being shot

during a drug deal in the neighborhood where he began thePanthers.

Conversely, fellow Panther Kimbro was accepted into agraduate program at Harvard while still in prison, and wasreleased after serving little more than four years of hissentence. He became an assistant dean at a local universityand later served as director of Project More, a halfway houseand prison-alternative program in New Haven. He was

quoted in a 2000 issue of the Christian Science Monitoraswanting to be known as "a guy who made some mistakes,turned his life around, and learned to help other people."

The legacy of Newton and Seale's party is debatable. Itsalliance with international revolutionary leadersMao Tse-tung, Fidel Castro, and Ho Chi Minh, to name a fewcost itcredibility in the eyes of mainstream U.S. citizens. Anorganization devoted originally to the aim of self-defense forbeleaguered urban Blacks, it nose-dived into violence andterror. For this reason, the BPP is customarily dismissed asan extremist, self-destructive exponent of the black powermovement. But this transformation owed something to theharassment of the Panthers by law enforcement agencies. Inturn, the calculated federal and local campaigns against the
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Panthers initiated the group's most tangible effect on U.S.law: highlighting FBI counterintelligence against U.S.citizens was a noteworthy gain. In the years following thedeath of FBI director Hoover, pressure for reforms

dismantled the apparatus he single-handedly used againsthis political enemies.

Drawing attention to the issue of urban police brutality wasanother major Panther contribution, one that grew as aconcern in subsequent years. In addition, the group's focuson the questionable number of Black men fighting the U.S.war in Vietnam inspired black intellectuals to criticize therole of race in the U.S. military. Moreover, in the party'spassionate ten-point program were the seeds of ideas thateventually took root in the U.S. legal system: by the 1990s,juries increasingly reflected the racial composition of thecommunities in which defendants lived. As the history of theCIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT demonstrates, such changecame slowly, begrudgingly, and often at great personal costto the men and women who fought for it.

The original Black Panther Party for Self-Defense is not to beconfused with an entity that emerged in the late 1990s,calling itself the New Black Panther Party for Self-Defenseand adopting the original STALKING panther logo. Thenewer group allegedly violated a 1997 Texas state court orderprohibiting them from "referring to themselves by anyname containing the words Panther, Black Panthers, orBlack Panther Party." In 2003, lawyers representing some ofthe original Panthers, e.g., The Black Panther Party, Inc.(which brought the Texas action) and the Huey P. NewtonFoundation, contemplated filing a federal TRADEMARKinfringement suit after an August 2002 cease and desistletter apparently went unheeded.

CROSS-REFERENCES
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Black Power Movement; Civil Rights Movement;VietnamWar.

Read more: Black Panther Party - Further Readings -Panthers, Police, Fbi, Seale, and Africanhttp://law.jrank.org/pages/4775/Black-Panther-Party.html#ixzz17Omjn0kR

Malcolm X.

Malcolm X was a NATION OF ISLAM minister and a blacknationalist leader in the United States during the 1950s and1960s. Since his assassination in 1965, his status as apolitical figure has grown considerably, and he has nowbecome an internationally recognized political and culturalicon. The changes in Malcolm X's personal beliefs can befollowed somewhat by the changes in his name, fromMalcolm Little when he was a young man to Malcolm X

when he was a member of the Nation of Islam to El-HajjMalik El-Shabazz-Al-Sabann after he returned to the UnitedStates from a spiritual pilgrimage to Mecca in 1964. He was award of the state, a shoe shine boy in Boston, a street hustlerand pimp in New York, and a convicted felon at the age of20. After embracing Islam in prison and directing hisgrassroots leadership and speaking skills to recruit membersto the Nation of Islam, he ultimately became an influential

black nationalist during the CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTof the 1960s.

The fifth child in a family of eight children, Malcolm wasborn May 19, 1925, in Omaha, Nebraska. His father, EarlLittle, was a Baptist minister and a local organizer for theUniversal Negro Improvement Association, a black
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nationalist organization founded by Marcus M. Garvey in theearly twentieth century. His mother, Louise Little, was ofWest Indian heritage. Malcom's father was killed undersuspicious circumstances in 1931 and his mother had a

breakdown in 1937.

After his father's death and his mother's commitment to amental hospital, Malcolm was

Malcolm X.AP/WIDE WORLD PHOTOS

first placed with family friends, but the stateWELFARE

agency ultimately situated him in a juvenile home in Mason,Michigan, where he did well. Malcolm was an excellentstudent in junior high school, earning high grades as well aspraise from his teachers. Despite his obvious talent, hisstatus as an Black in the 1930s prompted his English teacherto discourage Malcolm from pursuing a professional career.The teacher instead encouraged him to work with his hands,perhaps as a carpenter.

In 1941, shortly after finishing eighth grade, Malcolm movedto Roxbury, a predominantly Black neighborhood in Boston.From 1941 to 1943, he lived in Roxbury with his half-sisterELLA LEE LITTLE-COLLINS. He worked at several jobs,including one as the shoe shine boy at the Roseland StateBallroom. He became what he later described as a Roxburyhipster, wearing outrageous zoot suits and dancing at localballrooms.

Malcolm moved to Harlem in 1943, at the age of 18. Here, heearned the nickname Detroit Red, because of his Michiganbackground and the reddish hue to his skin and hair. In hisearly Harlem experience, Malcolm was a hustler, dopedealer, gambler, pimp, and numbers runner for mobsters.
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Together, they had six children, including twins who wereborn after Malcolm's assassination.

During his early years with the Nation of Islam, Malcolm's

primary role was as spokesman for Elijah Muhammad. Hewas a highly effective grassroots activist and successfullyrecruited thousands of urban blacks to join the organization.In 1959 a television program entitled The Hate That HateProducedresulted in a focused public scrutiny of the Nationof Islam and its followers, who became known to many U.S.citizens as Black Muslims. Increasingly, Malcolm was seen asthe national spokesman for the Black Muslims, and he wasoften sought out for his opinion on public issues. In vitriolicpublic speeches on behalf of the Nation of Islam, hedescribed whites in the United States as devils and called forBlacks to reject any attempt to integrate them into a whiteracist society. As a Nation of Islam minister, he denouncedJews and criticized the more cautious mainstream CIVILRIGHTS leaders as traitors who had been brainwashed by awhite society. He further challenged the so-calledintegrationist principles of recognized civil rights leaders

such as MARTIN LUTHER KING JR.

Elijah Muhammad took a somewhat less rash approach andfavored a general nonengagement policy in place of moreconfrontational tactics. Malcolm's increasing popularityaswell as his caustic public remarksbegan to create tensionbetween him and Elijah Muhammad. Malcolm becamefrustrated at having to restrain his comments.

When President JOHN F. KENNEDYwas assassinated onNovember 22, 1963, Malcolm exclaimed that Kennedy "neverforesaw that the chickens would come home to roost sosoon." Malcolm later regretted his comment and explainedthat he meant that the government's involvement in andtolerance of violence against Blacks and others had created
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an atmosphere that contributed to the death of the president.Nevertheless, his comments and his increasing publicnotoriety prompted Elijah Muhammad to "silence" Malcolmand suspend him as a minister on December 1, 1963.

Members of the Nation of Islam were instructed not to speakto him.

However, by 1963, Malcolm had become disillusioned by theNation of Islam, particularly with rumors that ElijahMuhammad had been unfaithful to his wife and had fatheredseveral illegitimate children. On March 8, 1964while stillunder suspension from the Nation of IslamMalcolmformally announced his separation from the organization. Hesoon announced the creation of his own organization,Moslem Mosque, Incorporated (MMI), which would bebased in New York. MMI, Malcolm stated, would be a broad-based black nationalist organization intended to advance thespiritual, economic, and political interests of Blacks. OnMarch 26, Malcolm met for the first and only time withMartin Luther King, in Washington, D.C. King at the timewas scheduled to testify on the pending CIVIL RIGHTS

ACT OF 1964.

In April 1964, Malcolm made a spiritual pilgrimage toMecca, the holy site of Islam and the birthplace of theprophet Muhammad. He was profoundly moved by thepilgrimage, and said later that it was the start of a radicalalteration in his outlook about race relations.

"WE ARE NOT FIGHTING FOR INTEGRATION, NOR ARE

WE FIGHTING FOR SEPARATION. WE ARE FIGHTINGFOR RECOGNITION AS HUMAN BEINGS. WE AREFIGHTING FOR HUMAN RIGHTS."MALCOLM X
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Upon his return to the United States, Malcolm began to usethe name El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz Al-Sabann. He alsoexhibited a profound shift in political and social thinking.Whereas in the past he had advocated against cooperation

with other civil rights leaders and organizations, his newphilosophy was to work with existing organizations andindividuals, including whites, so long as they were sincere intheir efforts to secure basic civil rights and freedoms forBlacks. In June 1964, he founded the secular Organization ofAfro-American Unity (OAAU), which espoused a pan-Africanist approach to basic HUMAN RIGHTS,particularly the rights of Blacks. He traveled and spoke

extensively in Africa to gain support for his pan-Africanistviews. He pledged to bring the condition of Blacks before theGeneral Assembly of the UNITED NATIONS and thereby"internationalize" the civil rights movement in the UnitedStates. He further pledged to do whatever was necessary tobring the black struggle from the level of civil rights to thelevel of human rights. When he advocated for the right ofBlacks to use arms to defend themselves against violence, henot only laid the groundwork for a subsequent growth of the

BLACK POWER MOVEMENT, but also led many U.S.citizens to believe that he advocated violence. However, inhis autobiography, Malcolm said that he was not advocatingwanton violence but calling for the right of individuals to usearms in SELF-DEFENSE when the law failed to protectthem from violent assaults.

In 1965 Malcolm's increasing public criticism of Elijah

Muhammad and the Nation of Islam prompted anonymousthreats against his life. In his attempts to forge relationshipswith established civil rights organizations such as theSTUDENT NON-VIOLENT COORDINATINGCOMMITTEE, Malcolm was criticized severely in theNation of Islam's official publications. In a December 1964
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article inMuhammad Speaks the official newspaper of theNation of Islam Louis X (now known as Louis Farrakhan)said, "[S]uch a man as Malcolm is worthy of death, andwould have met with death if it had not been for

Muhammad's confidence in Allah for victory over theenemies."

On February 14, 1965, Malcolm's home in Queens, New Yorkwhich was still owned by the Nation of Islamwasfirebombed while he and his family were asleep. Malcolmattributed the bombing to Nation of Islam supporters but noone was ever charged with the crime. One week later, whenMalcolm stepped to the podium at the Audubon Ballroom inNew York to present a speech on behalf of the OAAU, he wasassassinated. The gunmen, later identified as former orcurrent members of the Nation of Islam, were convicted andsentenced to life imprisonment in April 1966.

Malcolm left a complex political and social legacy. Althoughhe was primarily a black nationalist in perspective, hischanging philosophy and politics toward the end of his life

demonstrate the unfinished development of an influentialfigure. Although some people point to his identification withthe Nation of Islam and dismiss him as a racial extremist andanti-Semite, his later thinking reveals profound changes inhis perspective and a more universal understanding of theproblems of Blacks. In his eulogy of Malcolm, the U.S. actorOssie Davis said,

However we may have differed with himor with each other

about him and his value as a manlet his going from usserve only to bring us together, now. Consigning thesemortal remains to earth, the common mother of all, secure inthe knowledge that what we place in the ground is no morenow a manbut a seedwhich, after the winter of ourdiscontent, will come forth again to meet us.


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Read more: Malcolm X - Further Readings - Nation, Islam,Rights, African, Muhammad, and Black

http://law.jrank.org/pages/8397/Malcolm-X.html#ixzz17OnkIV00

Nation of Islam

The Nation of Islam (NOI) is a religious and politicalorganization whose origins are somewhat mysterious.

Wallace D. Fard, later known as Master Wallace FardMuhammad, established the NOI in Detroit during the1930s. Fard Muhammad, a traveling salesman who soldAfrican silks and advocated self-sufficiency andindependence for Blacks, taught Elijah Poole the history ofwhat Fard Muhammad called the Lost-Found Nation ofIslamdescendants of the tribe of Shabazz from the LostNation in Asia. Fard Muhammad taught Poole in part thatMr.Yacub, a black mad scientist, created what was called the

devil racethe white raceapproximately six thousand yearsago, and that the devil race would rule the world for the nextsix thousand years.

Elijah Poole was born in Sandersville, Georgia in 1897. Hisfather, who was a Baptist preacher, had been a slave. At theage of twenty-six, Poole moved to Detroit with his family. In1930 in Detroit, he met W. D. Fard, the founder of the Lost-

Found Nation of Islam. When Fard disappeared in 1934,Poolethen known as Elijah Muhammadmoved toChicago, where he organized his own following andestablished the headquarters of the Nation of Islam. ElijahMuhammad remained the spiritual and organizational leaderof the NOI from 1934 until his death in 1975. During that
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time, the NOI became recognized as a black nationalistreligious organization that advocated racial separatism andself-sufficiency for Blacks. Often called Black Muslims, theNOI's members are required to adhere to a strict moral and

disciplinary code. Men members typically wear suits andties, and women members are required to wear modestclothing, typically white gowns or saris. The NOI's teachingsforbid the eating of pork and the consumption of alcohol ortobacco.

In the early 1950s and 1960s, the NOI called for racialseparatism in the United States, and at times protestedagainst police brutality and filed suit against various policedepartments in response to alleged police brutality. It alsofrequently recruited members in large cities and prisons. In1947, Malcolm Littlewho later became Malcolm Xconverted to Islam and joined the NOI while incarcerated ina Massachusetts prison. As a national minister andspokesman for the NOI, MALCOLM X was a fiery speakerand proponent of the organization's concerns. However,during the early 1960s, ideological differences developed

between Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad, and in 1964,Malcolm X formally left the NOI.

Muhammad's death in 1975, his son Warith DeenMuhammad renounced black separatism and the origins ofBlack Muslims and established the World Community of Al-Islam in the West, later called the American Muslim Mission.NOI minister Louis X, who later became Louis Farrakhan,initially supported Warith Muhammad but soonreestablished the NOI. Other organizations and factions alsosplit off from the original NOI, including the more militantLost-Found Nation of Islam, which publishes the weeklynewspaperMuhammad Speaks. In the mid-1990s,Farrakhan's organization was generally known as the NOI.
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Like Malcolm X, Farrakhan is a fiery orator and skilledleader. Yet, he and the NOI have been criticized for anti-Semitic and antiwhite statements as well as conspiracytheories concerning Jewish American business leaders.

Khalid Muhammad, a former NOI spokesman, was especiallyknown for the excoriating statements and speeches he gaveat many U.S. colleges in the late 1980s and early 1990s.Although the NOI later expelled Khalid Muhammad, hisspeeches contributed to a continuing debate as to whetherso-called hate speech should be punished or regulated byU.S. universities.

During the early and mid-1990s, Farrakhan and the NOIappeared to be shifting their political focus away from blackseparatism and toward a more universalist or mainstreamapproach. The NOI also has begun to develop various majorbusiness ventures, including the operation of a restaurant ina poor neighbor-hood on Chicago's South Side. Its securityarmthe Fruit of Islamhas been involved in providingsecurity for housing projects in Baltimore, Chicago, andWashington, D.C., under contracts with public agencies such

as the Chicago Housing Authority. In October 1995, the NOIand Farrakhan were instrumental in organizing the MillionMan March, bringing together hundreds of thousands ofBlack men in Washington, D.C.

Read more: Nation of Islam - Further Readings - Noi,Muhammad, Fard, Malcolm, Black, and Calledhttp://law.jrank.org/pages/8711/Nation-Islam.html#ixzz17OomULEw

Civil Rights Movement
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BLACK CODES. They segregated whites and blacks ineducation, housing, and the use of public and privatefacilities such as restaurants, trains, and rest rooms; theyalso denied blacks the right to vote, to move freely, and to

marry whites. Myriad other prejudicial and discriminatorypractices were committed as well, from routine denial of theright to a fair trial to outright murder byLYNCHING.These laws and practices were a reality of U.S. life well intothe twentieth century.

Organized efforts by Blacks to gain their civil rights beganwell before the official civil rights movement got under way.By 1909, blacks and whites together had formed the NationalAssociation for the Advancement of Colored People(NAACP), which became a leading ing organization in thecause of civil rights for Blacks. From its beginning, theNAACP and its attorneys challenged many discriminatorylaws in court, but it was not until afterWORLD WAR IIthat a widespread movement for civil rights gathered force.

The war itself contributed to the origins of the movement. When

Blacks who had fought for their country returned home, they moreopenly resisted being treated as second-class citizens. The

movement's first major legal victory came in 1954, when the

NAACP won BROWN V. BOARD OF EDUCATION OF

TOPEKA, KANSAS, 347 U.S. 483, 74 S. Ct. 686, 98 L. Ed. 873,

in which the Supreme Court struck down laws segregating white

and black children into different public elementary schools. With

Brown, it became apparent that Blacks had important allies in the

highest federal court and its chief justice, EARL WARREN.

Read more: Civil Rights Movement - The Birth Of The CivilRights Movement, Million Man March, Further Readings,Cross-referenceshttp://law.jrank.org/pages/5254/Civil-Rights-Movement.html#ixzz17OpKi4CB
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On December 1, 1955, ROSA PARKS was arrested inMontgomery, Alabama, for refusing to give up her seat on acity bus to a white man. News of Parks's arrest quicklyspread through the Black community. Parks had worked as asecretary for the local branch of the NATIONAL

ASSOCIATION FOR THE ADVANCEMENT OFCOLORED PEOPLE. Because she was a well-respected

and dignified figure in the community, her arrest was finallyenough to persuade Blacks that they could no longer tolerateracially discriminatory laws.

After exchanging phone calls, a group of Black women, theWomen's Political Council, decided to call for a boycott of thecity buses as a response to this outrage. This suggestion wasgreeted with enthusiasm by local Black leaders, including theinfluential black clergy.

On December 5, members of the Black community rallied atthe Holt Street Baptist Church in Montgomery and decidedto carry out the boycott. Their resolve was inspired by thewords of the Reverend MARTIN LUTHER KING JR.

"We are here this evening," King declared to the packedchurch, "to say to those who have mistreated us so long thatwe are tiredtired of being segregated and humiliated; tired

of being kicked about by the brutal feet of oppression." Hewent on to make a case for peace and nonviolence.Contrasting the methods of nonviolence that he envisionedfor a civil rights movement, to the methods of violence usedby the racist and terrorist KU KLUX KLAN, King declared,
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in our protest there will be no cross burnings. We will beguided by the highest principles of law and order. Ourmethod will be that of persuasion, not coercion. We will onlysay to the people, "Let conscience be your guide" [O]ur

actions must be guided by the deepest principles of ourChristian faith. Love must be our regulating ideal. Onceagain we must hear the words of Jesus echoing across thecenturies: "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you,and pray for them that despitefully use you."

With these words and these events, the long, difficultstruggle of the CIVIL RIGHTS movement began.

Another catalyzing event occurred on December 1, 1955,when ROSA PARKS, a Black woman, was arrested after sherefused to give up her seat to a white man on a Montgomery,Alabama, bus. The law required Blacks to sit in the back ofcity buses and to give up their seats to whites should thewhite section of the bus become full. The city's blackresidents, long tired of the indignities ofSEGREGATION,began a boycott of city buses. They recruited King, a 27-year-

old preacher, to head the Montgomery ImprovementAssociation, the group which organized the boycott. TheBlacks of Montgomery held out for nearly a year despiteviolenceincluding the bombing of King's homedirected atthem by angry whites. This violence was repugnant to manywhites and actually increased support for the civil rightsmovement among them. The boycott finally achieved its goalon November 13, 1956, when the Supreme Court, in Gayle v.

Read more: Civil Rights Movement - The Birth Of The CivilRights Movement - African, King, Boycott, American, City,and Montgomeryhttp://law.jrank.org/pages/5250/Civil-
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Rights-Movement-Birth-Civil-Rights-Movement.html#ixzz17OrENgsR
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the black power movement through the

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