the characters of phil parties and the criteria of real political parties

The Character of Philippine Political Parties and Characters of Real Political Parties in Democratic Philippines; Lorelyn T. Dumaug, CDP National Secretary General

Centrist Democratic Party of the Philippines (CDP)

Unit 3, 2nd F MILLE Building, 335-337 Gil Puyat Ave. (formerly Buendia) cor. Dominga St., Pasay City

Landline/Fax: (+632) 799-4924/ 385 2269 Mobile Numbers: 09276567528(Globe) ; 09287498674(Smart)

Website:www.cdp.com.ph; Email address:[email protected]

THE CHARACTER OF THE PHILIPPINE POLITICAL PARTY SYSTEM AND THE CRITERIA

FOR TRULY DEMOCRATIC POLITCAL PARTIES

By: Ms. Lorelyn T. Dumaug, National Secretary General, Cagayan de Oro City, March 1, 2013

Friends, ladies and gentlemen, in behalf of our CDP Vice-President for Mindanao and at the same

time our Regional Chairperson of Northern Mindanao and chairman in district 1 of Cagayan de Oro City,

Jordan Antolin, welcome to my beloved City of Golden Friendship, Cagayan de Oro City.

By now I know you already understand the purpose of this training which is aimed to deepen our

understanding especially to the selected few who are new members of CDP particularly to our CDP Official

and Guest candidates.

To begin with,1 I am showing to you the National Political Fruit of the country, the very popular

balimbing or in English they call it as the „star fruit‟ (different from our star apple also) and which scientific

name is Auerrhoa Carambola. Pardon me for bringing this sweet and sour, fruit into the forays Philippine

politics, the dirty politics. Maybe for purposes of describing the state of Philippine politics and the switching

of alliances among our political leaders, we associate the same with the very innocent fruit. Balimbing,

means many faces, hypocrite, plastic, no stand, etc. And guess what, its scientific name sounds familiar

also, Auerrhoa Carambola. Among us Cebuano speaking Bisayans, karambola to us means melee, etc.

Let us examine the current alliances of our national leaders for the upcoming May 13, 2013

elections. I am giving as example here the Team PNOY of the Liberal Party with their number 1 campaign

manager, no less than the President of the Republic himself, President NoyNoy Aquino. Somewhat like a

continuation of the 2010 elections, they are bringing with them a campaign message saying, “Mga tunay na

tuwid, sa daang matuwid.”

1 http://www.slideshare.net/CentristDemocrats/character-of-phil-political-parties-and-criteria-of-real-political-

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But who will forget the May 2010 Presidential elections, the Liberal Party, with PNoy as the

standard nearer, brought with them a campaign message of Daang Matuwid and to the Daang Baluktut of

C5 multi-billion controversy involving Manny Villar of the Nationalista Party. Today, the wife of the Daang

Baluktot, former Congressman Cynthia Villar of the Nationalista Party, is running under the Team PNoy‟s

Mga Tunay na tuwid.

And who will forget also that it was the same Manny Villar who challenged PNoy in 2010 to take a

psychiatric test alleging the mental incapacity of the latter. It turned out later that the basis of the challenge,

a medical report from Ateneo University was a fake. It‟s not impossible in Philippine Politics that the Daang

Baluktot accusing PNoy for mental illness are now campaigning under the same ticket.

Another interesting story in 2010 involving Manny Villar, Loren Legarda (his VP in 2010), Allan

Peter Cayetano and 2010 Presidential Candidate Jamby Madrigal who popularized the word “Political

Prostitution” when the Senate Blue Ribbon Committee headed by Cayetano cleared Villar of any crime

involving the multi-billion C5 road extension project. Madrigal was the one filed cases against Villar for

corruption. Today, it is not impossible that the Political Prostitutes are now running under the same ticket of

the Liberal Party under Team PNoy.

And2 if we will just turn back time maybe around 13 years ago, right after EDSA II, the toppling of

ex-convict Estrada, and that was in May 2001 midterm elections. GMA then was campaigning for the 13-0

of the team People Power Coalition with a message of Vot For D Chammps. This is the acronym of the

senators running under this coalition.

Most of the Senators running with and supporting GMA in 2001 are now running with the Team

PNoy. Their number 1 campaigner is fighting tooth and nail for the ultimate conviction of GMA for the

various crimes of plunder and corruption pending before Philippine Court.

2 Powerpoint Presentation: http://www.slideshare.net/CentristDemocrats/character-of-phil-political-parties-and-

criteria-of-real-political-parties






Now going back to the innocent balimbing, let us reflect on what‟s new with Philippine politics.

Many faces, turncoats, etc.

Let us turn the pages of our political history maybe right after EDSA, just to examine Philippine

Political System particularly our political party system. Most of us, I believe, are aware of this comedy of

Philippine Politics but, as members of CDP, we must take serious study on this one and how this kind of

politics sustained our nation‟s ills.

First, we will start from the administration of Cory Aquino from 1986 to 1992. Immediately upon

the ratification of the 1987 Philippine Constitution, Corazon Cojuangco Aquino allowed her brother Jose

“Peping” Cojuangco Jr. to recruit Marcos‟s Kilusang Bagong Lipunan and other pro-Marcos traditional

politicians into the de-facto ruling party of PDP-Laban. The appointment of officers-in-charge in all local

governments to rid them of Marcos loyalists should have been an effective vehicle for reform but instead,

the displaced elites before Martial Law were restored, and the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP)

emerged as a conglomeration of restored Marcos and anti-Marcos elites in electoral contests. Thus,

Marcos‟s people formally forged a political alliance with Cory Aquino‟s Lakas ng Bayan and PDP Laban. In

the 1987 congressional and local elections, the LDP dominated Congress and the local governments up to

the end of Cory Aquino‟s term. It was amazing how the LDP core composed of anti-Marcos opposition

could so easily now align with pro-Marcos, ex-KBL stalwarts under the LDP. The LDP during the Cory

years was led by Speaker Ramon Mitra.

As for the Senate in 1987 when the 8th Congress convened, only two opposition candidates made

it to the Senate: Senators Juan Ponce Enrile and Joseph Estrada. Estrada was later to defect to the

administration coalition (of Cory Aquino), leaving the Senate with a one-man minority in the person of

Enrile. Particularly in the Senate where there are only 24 senators, defections or turncoatism could easily






tilt the balance of power and alter its leadership. Thus, from the 8th to the 13th Congress, the Senate

leadership changed hands no less than 12 times because of Senate “coups” triggered by party defections

or realignments.

When3 Ramos first tried his stake as presidential candidate, he had hoped to be nominated under

the LDP but lost the nomination to Mitra. So failing in this, Ramos formed the Lakas-NUCD

(National Union of Christian Democrats) and even got the endorsement of outgoing president Cory Aquino.

In 1992, the LDP lost the presidency but dominated the congressional (Senate and House

majorities) and local elections. Lakas, however, quickly became the majority party at the House of

Representatives just a few months after its convening. This was largely due to the defections from LDP,

which ironically became the minority and opposition in the House together with the Nationalist People‟s

Coalition (NPC). NPC was Eduardo “Danding” Cojuangco Jr.‟s party in his unsuccessful presidential bid in

1992. The LDP, however, retained the majority seats in the Senate under LDP President and Senate

President Edgardo J. Angara.

When Joseph Estrada formed his own party, the Laban ng Makabayang Masang Pilipino (LAMMP)

to run for president in 1998, the LDP and the NPC joined him. Under the Estrada presidency, Lakas in turn

became the minority party when a large group of Lakas members led by Manuel Villar defected and joined

the LAMMP-LDP-PMP-NPC coalition in the House of Representatives. Villar would later on become

Speaker with LAMMP‟s crucial support. LAMMP was the ruling party coalition under Estrada and it

dominated both the House and Senate.

3 http://www.slideshare.net/CentristDemocrats/character-of-phil-political-parties-and-criteria-of-real-political-

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After Estrada‟s removal from office in 2001, Lakas--in which Arroyo was a nominal member--again

became the ruling party in coalition with the NPC which readily abandoned Estrada. LDP, in turn, became

the minority party.

What are the causes of turncoatism and defections to other parties? From 1986 up to today, we all

here the words Conglomeration, Defections, Coalitions, Abandoned, and this coming May 13, 2013 we will

have Team PNoy and UNA.

Of course no one will of course admit their true purpose. Instead, they all said, “I did this for the

sake of my country”

Or, there is the much-quoted but abused phrase from the late President Manuel L. Quezon: “My

loyalty to my party ends where my loyalty to my country begins.”

But is it not that we live in a democratic country? And that being in democratic country, according

to Robert Dahl, it presupposes that people got the chance for , , 1. Effective participation; 2. Equality in

Voting; 3. Gained enlightened understanding; 4. Exercising final control over the agenda and that 5; as

adults citizens we are included in it. 4

Politics in a democracy need to satisfy certain conditions, according to Hofmeister and Garbow (

Political Parties: Functions and Organization in Democracy):

1. Politics require ideas and values that set the goals and standards of political organization.

Freedom, justice and solidarity are such principles that can guide the political organization of

any society.

4 Dahl, Robert, On Democracy 2009.






2. Politics require social organizations that collect interests, aggregate and communicate them to

the political and governmental institutions. Political parties, but also business and workers

associations as well as other organizations of the civil society, are such organizations that

collect and aggregate social interests.

3. Politics require institutions that collect proposal for the organization of society, and then

represent, discuss, decide and implement them. Parliament and government- which normally

rely on political parties are the most important institutions of politics in a democratic state.

4. Politics require active citizens who take part in political discussions with ideas, demands and

expectations, and actively contribute to the functioning of political institutions.

In a democracy, most if not all citizens should be involved in political activities. However, a direct

democracy where every citizen is directly involved in political decisions is not possible within modern mass

societies. This is why a modern democracy needs institutions and organizations that represent the will and

the interests of the citizens as authentically as possible. 5

Let us examine the political parties in our country.

UP Professor and Regular Philippine Daily Inquirer columnist, Randy David, in an article, gave this characterization of Philippine political parties:

“Political parties in the Philippines are nothing more than the tools used by the elites in a

personalistic system of political contests. The elites themselves do not form stable or exclusive blocs or

factions. Their boundaries are provisional and porous at any point in time. They revolve around political

stars rather than around ideologies. They nurture networks of followers and supporters who are dependent

5 Political Parties: Functions and Organisation in Democratic Societies; Wilhelm Hofmeister and Karsten Grabow,

http://www.kas.de/wf/doc/kas_7671-1442-2-30.pdf?120920114742







on them for money, jobs, favors and political access, not party members loyal to party principles and alert

to any perceived betrayal of party causes.”

The Philippine elite, personified by the political clans from the various parts of the archipelago,

have honed the machineries of their political parties. There may be various political parties today, but most

of these parties are actually representing only one sector, the sector of the propertied sectors in Philippine

society. Here are some patterns and characteristics of political parties in the post-EDSA period:

1. There is continuity and stability of elite control over traditional political parties.

2. There is now an array of multi-parties on the national level, including a few in the regional and

provincial level, but they nevertheless represent the factions of the elite; thus, competition for

political power is kept among themselves.

3. Except for the party-list groups, on the national level there is a similarity of programs and political

principles among the elite-driven parties and the absence of ideological issues, looseness of party

affiliations and interchangeability of their members.

4. Political patronage and spoils, not policies or programs, are what determine the alignment or

realignment of the political parties of the elites together, thus resulting in the expected party-

switching and turncoatism that characterize Philippine politics today since the era before martial

law, during martial law and after the two EDSA revolts. The party alignments of the incumbent

13th Congress (2004-2007) reveal the ad-hoc nature of the “party system” as depicted in the House

of Representatives.

5. Clans as Primary Political Organizations. Political clans are the real political parties in Philippine

society which have weathered colonial powers and administrations. Today, the political clans and






their political dynasties are well-entrenched in power. “Democratic elections” have put them in the

national government, in Congress and in local governments.

These chronic weaknesses of the party system are the source of a variety of ills, according to scholars,

including an acute “democratic deficit”, a lack of political accountability, and disillusionment with democracy

among Filipino citizens. In short, the party system is one of the biggest obstacles to democratic stability and

good governance in the Philippines.

No doubt our country is one of the most corrupt countries in the world and the hardening poverty all

over the country. Recently, our country is ranked 105th in 2012 by Transparency International as one of the

most perceived corrupt countries in the world from among 176 countries. The country‟s dismal score of 34

is based on corruption perception index on a scale of 0 to 100, where 0 means highly corrupt and 100

means perceived to be clean.

Basic understanding on the role of political party can be illustrated by this bridge. The one that

connects the people to the government is the political party. It is not directly the Non-Government

Organization or the Church for being the ones with role to connect the people towards holding political

power. It is the role of the political party in organizing the government from the people and in choosing

leaders to be elected to hold political power and make decisions for the country.

And in the case of our country, that link that connects the people to the government is weak. The

people failed to organize a government that they can truly say of their own, who represents them. CDP‟s

platform adhere to the belief that our party can help connect the people to the government, repair the

bridge through our political objectives of political reform through the institutionalization of the Philippine

Political Party System.






CDP is striving for the social transformation of the country. We have to reform our electoral

mechanism in order to increase the participation of the people in thematic decisions and in electing good

leaders for the country. To protect the inter-departmental check and balance, we also adhere in reducing

the enormous powers of the president and at the same time, to increase the independence of the Congress

and to make its members more responsible to their constituencies and to make the democratic processes

meaningful.

In order to achieve this there‟s a need to develop strong political parties with programmatic

orientation and strong membership base, a central role in the political process and reduce the focusing on

single personalities in the elections and the ongoing political processes. All of this needs fundamental

reforms of the Philippine democratic system which can be achieved only through a reform of the Philippine

Constitution.

Political Parties are the primary and the only vehicle in order to gain political power by engaging

themselves in political contests and elections. The members and their leadership are expected to adhere to

a set of principles and strategies written in a platform unique only to that party. This espousal of a vision of

governance defines the ideological identity of that party – and therefore, the electorate must be permitted a

patent choice – as to who must govern them – based on what the candidates and their respective parties

stand for.”

Political parties are the backbone of democracy in modern mass societies. They have to be the

continuous drivers of reforms in public opinion, legislative work and oversight of the public administration on

all levels and have to offer the population their respective different strategies to achieve these reforms.

Strong political parties are very important in democratic society and they are performing the

following specific functions: (1) Be the continuous link and instrument for communication between citizens

and political decision makers;(2) Provide political information and education to the citizens in order to






enable them to make informed choices, (3) Provide the mechanisms for a fair, democratic and reasonable

selection of candidates for the election into different public positions and (4) Exercise ongoing control in

local councils, in the congress and other internal activities about the way how elected leaders use their

power.

Therefore the promotion and setting up of a strong and sustainable political party with clear

programmatic profile and numerous, active members all over the country is another indispensable element

of a realistic centrist democratic policy.

The realization of the institutionalization of political parties in the Philippines can be best discussed

through the seven different dimensions of party institutionalization discussed in the book of Kristina

Weissenbach,6 on her book, Political Parties and Party Types-Conceptual Approaches of Political Parties

and these are :7

1. Level of organization

2. Internal-party democracy

3. Programme

4. Autonomy

5. Roots in society

6. Coherence

7. Regional and international integration.

7 Political Parties and Party Types -Conceptual Approaches to the Institutionalization of Political Parties in

Transitional States:The Case of the Philippines, Kristina Weissenbach, M.A.; http://www.kas.de/wf/doc/kas_21710-1522-1-30.pdf?110126062034







Table 3: Dimensions, criteria and indicators of party institutionalization Dimension of party Institutionalization Criteria Indicators

1. Organization There is an organizational apparatus which is constantly present at all administrative levels, down to the local level, and acts in the interests of the party. Indicators: -Membership strength. - Regular party congresses - Material and personnel resources - Nationwide organizational presence, activities beyond election campaigns - Power of formal party offices

2. Internal party democracy Ideally internal decision making processes move bottom-up – from

party basis to party leadership. The party represents democratic principles – decisions concerning personnel and policy matters are coordinated by party leadership with all official party bodies at all levels. Indicators - Regular party and membership congresses. - Bottom-up principle for all internal decision- making processes. - The internal decisions are transparent and based on the votes of official party bodies. - Party finances are transparent and regularly disclosed. - Informal politics are the exception.

3. Programme. The party provides unambiguous policy- and value positions, and avoids extreme ideological positions. The party acts coherently on programmatic and ideological positions.

4. Autonomy. Notwithstanding its societal roots, the party is relatively independent of individuals within and societal groups outside the party. Indicators: - Frequency of alternations in party leadership. - Decisional autonomy from particular individuals, groups or ethnicities. - Decisional autonomy from external actors and benefactors.

5. Roots in Society. The party has stable roots in society and is appreciated within it. Indicators: - Party age relative to the creation of a multi-party-system at state level. - Stability of electoral support. - Appreciation by population. - Links to organizations of civil society (youth- and women‟s leagues, trade unions).

6. Coherence .In spite of administrative differentiation the party acts as a unified organization in public. Indicators: -The party tolerates a certain level of intra-party dissidence and encourages freedom of opinion.






- Coherence of the party‟s parliamentary group - Tolerance vis-à-vis intra-party dissidence. - Relationship between powerful intra-party factions. - No dysfunctional factionalism.

7. Regional and international integration.8 Indicators: - The party joins regional and international party groups and organizations on the basis of common values. The party is accepted at the international level - Integration of the party in regional and international party groups and organizations. - Party becomes member of international party alliances (International Democrat Union (IDU); Socialist International (SI); Liberal International (LI); Global Greens (GG). - Membership of the youth league / women‟s league in international

In closing, it is important that being member of a party working for the institutionalization of our

political party system with the goal of improving our democratic institutions in order to improve the lives of

every Flipino, the current status of our party. CDP was accredited as a national political party last

September 12, 2012, barely three months ago, by virtue of Resolution Number SPP 12-053 of the 2nd

Division of the COMELE. As an accredited and duly registered national party, the COMELEC guarantees

our enjoyment of all rights and privileges under existing laws to participate in any political activity, elections

and such other democratic processes for the election of our candidates and when elected or in power, to

organize a legitimate government implementing programs grounded on our Centrist Democratic values and

political platforms.

The root of our political party is the long historical and political foundations of Christian Democracy

that shaped some of the nations in Europe and even the organization of the European Union. When you

say „centrist‟ it means literally not about the Rightist or of the leftwing extremism. The extreme right

basically believes on the absolute freedom of man from the government while the Leftist view is for a strong

state controlling the rights and freedom of man. We do not adhere to those because both extremities does

8 Political Parties and Party Types -Conceptual Approaches to the Institutionalization of Political Parties in

Transitional States:The Case of the Philippines, Kristina Weissenbach, M.A.; http://www.kas.de/wf/doc/kas_21710-1522-1-30.pdf?110126062034







not value humanity, does not promote the dignity of man and of his potentials as person of being, part of

the society.

In a centrist political philosophy or orientation, we believe on the essential values adhered to by the

Christian and Muslim faith which is valuing „humanity.‟ In the center of these values, we find the value of

„human dignity.‟

Human dignity is the core value of a centrist political program, the core value of the Centrist

Democratic Party of the Philippines. Political, economic and social order has to be designed and operated

in a way that the dignity of each human being is protected and promoted. As a member of CDP, you must

strictly adhere to the belief that our vision, mission, goals, objectives, programs, activities, aspirations and

even the entire life of our political party should be grounded at all times on this core value on human

dignity. The first test in our party is always on the question, “Will it promote human dignity?” This is your

first yardstick of being a true Centrist Democrat which is your foremost belief on the core value of human

dignity.

We still have a long way to go in transforming this nation. But one thing that is sure, CDP is doing it

right. For more than 100 years as an independent nation, CDP is the first and only political party in the

Philippines which is owned by all dues paying members and all important stakeholders are involved in the

major decision making of the party. From our mistakes in the distant past, drawing inspirations from our

national heroes and in reflecting on the question why we are born Filipino, why God have chosen the

Philippines as our country of birth, I hope that this be sufficient reasons that will give us enough passion

and enthusiasm to transform this nation. The only ideology, principle or value that is consistent with our

being a Filipino that will guide us in building a better and progressive Philippines is the core value of the

Centrist Democracy, which is human dignity.

I am a Centrist. I value the human dignity of mankind. I am a Nation-Builder and I am a Filipino.






And we say that we may not be able to reap the harvest of this noble and heroic act for my country

but I trust I am doing this for the generations next to mine and give them better lives as Filipinos living in a

democratic country.

Daghang Salamat ug maayong hapon sa tanan.

the characters of phil parties and the criteria of real political parties

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