the decision to migrate: migratory aspirations of colombian students (abridged)

7/30/2019 The Decision to Migrate: Migratory Aspirations of Colombian Students (abridged)

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The Decision to Migrate: Migratory Aspirations and Perspectives of Colombian University Students1

Alison Mckellar (2006)

ABSTRACT

International migration has had, and will continue to have, serious consequences for the economy and the social

and cultural structure of both origin and destination countries. By understanding peoples’ reasons for migrating, better

predictions can be made about current and future migration flows, and both origin and destination countries can more

effectively plan and adjust for the resulting consequences. This study examines the migratory aspirations of Colombian

university students and the factors that contribute to their decision to stay in Colombia or migrate elsewhere. The research

was conducted in seven universities in Bogotá, Colombia and the analysis is based on survey data from 371 students and

follow-up interviews. The study emphasizes a multi-causal approach to migration theory, focusing less on macro-level

indicators about Colombia than past research, and instead, emphasizing the dynamic nature of the decision to migrate. An

increasingly globalized, and technologically integrated world has caused changes in the way people move within and

between countries, outdating much of the current theory on international migration. The lack of relevant literature is

especially apparent in the area of the migration of university students and degree-holders, and thus, this study is anattempt to address this deficiency by examining the economic, cultural, political, and value-related factors associated with

highly-educated, prospective migrants and non-migrants.

INTRODUCTION

Few studies exist that focus directly on Colombian emigration, but available data suggest that approximately

70% of Colombian emigrants have at least some university education (Gaviria 2004:13). Although research is

inconclusive as to the long term consequences of skilled labor emigration, both economists and sociologists agree that the

phenomenon has both long and short term effects that can be very serious (Kugler 2005, Lowell and Findlay 2001).

Colombia is no exception, and Alejandro Gaviria’s (2004) study of Colombian migration to the United States reports that

Colombia may have lost 2% of its university educated population, and up to 4% of its population with Masters or

Doctorate level degrees (p. 14). While recognizing the importance of migration flows for both destination countries and

countries of origin, this paper does not address the effects of migration, but rather the process by which university

students decide whether to pursue a professional life in Colombia or to prepare to migrate abroad. The focus of the paper

is thus on potential migrants, and the factors that influence the development of their migratory projects,2 emphasizing the

1 This summary is based on the thesis paper “The Decision to Migrate: Migratory Aspirations and Perspectives of

Colombian University Students”. The complete work is available from Stetson University, DeLand, FL. 2

E. Reyneri (2001) explains migratory projects as a “conceptual categories used to represent the different meanings people give to their action of emigrating…. This is of interest if one wants to grasp immigrants’ motivation to their

actions, in order to better understand their behaviours, expectations and inclinations. These types are analytical, so that

more than one project could co-exist in the same person, thus exerting a contradictory influence on his/her motivations”(p. 18).



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roles played by major macro-level social, economic, and political factors affecting Colombia, as well as the subjective

meanings that migration has for different students and groups of students. This study focuses on Colombian students,

enrolled full-time at public and private universities in the capital city of Bogotá, and the factors that influence their

aspirations, perceptions, and decisions to stay in Colombia upon graduation, or to migrate abroad to live, work, or

continue studying.

Indicators such as violence and economic instability often serve as good explanations for why people are

compelled to migrate, yet fail to explain how and why different individuals and groups, when placed under nearly

identical macro-level conditions, react differently and make different decisions about migration. This study is an effort to

add to migration research by incorporating social capital theory, network theory, and cultural factors to the discussion of

the question: Why do university-educated Colombians desire to leave or remain in Colombia?

REVIEW OF RELEVANT MIGRATION THEORY AND LITERATURE

In the past, most migration research has focused on analysis of the causes and effects of international migration

in countries of origin and destination, and has been limited almost exclusively to post-migration studies and analysis

(Davenport 2005; Todaro 1969). Often, researchers have focused on the migration of unskilled labor from developing to

developed countries. However, more recently, researchers have begun to emphasize educated and professional migrants

and the unique case they represent (Ferro 2006; Gaviria 2004; Portes 1998).

Carling (2002:13) proposes that the aspiration to migrate can be analyzed on two levels. On the macro-level, we

are interested in why a large number of people wish to leave their country, be it permanently or temporarily. This

discussion must include, not only factors such as economic and political instability, but also the more subtle influences of

migratory networks, and the migration culture (Massey et al. 1998). The micro-level analysis focuses on the question of

who wants to stay and who wants to leave. This can be affected by a wide range of variables such as social support

systems, profession, socio-economic status, and others. There is a tendency to conceptualize skilled migrants in terms of

their capacity to move beyond the limits of economic capital, and economists and sociologists alike often propose that

globalization and modernity have given human capital, talent, and education, the capacity to break down the barriers of

mobility previously determined by socio-economic status (Borjas 1989). Massey et al. (1998) however, in their summary

of international migration theory and studies, conclude that we still “have little or no direct evidence on the financial

resources possessed and or transported by emigrants when they leave to work abroad" (p. 263). Much of what we know



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about international migration is based on assumptions and outdated theory that may not adequately reflect, explain, or

predict the behavior and attitudes of people in the 21st century.

Social capital theory: Bourdieu and Wacquaint (1992:92) first identified social capital as the sum of social and physical resources

available to an individual due to formal and informal networks and relationships with people, institutions, and other

groups. Researchers who apply social capital theory to international migration emphasize that social ties facilitate

migration, not by influencing the attitudes of potential migrants, but by reducing the risks of migration and increasing

access to financial capital (Durand 1994; Massey et al. 1987; Massey and Goldring 1988). Thus, potential migrants who

have strong ties to past migrants are expected to be more likely to migrate than those who do have few or weak

connections to past migrants.

Palloni et al. (2001) use data from the Mexican Migration Project from 39 Mexican communities to test the

network effect of past family migration on the probability of out-migration by examining the migratory behavior of

sibling pairs. They conclude that "having an older sibling who has been to the United States triples the likelihood of

migrating to the United States and that this differential in the odds of movement persists when controls for human capital,

common conditions, and unobserved heterogeneity are introduced" (p. 1295). These controls are necessary in order to

assure that the behavior is not due to other shared attributes such as education and social status that generally present

similar pathways and barriers to migration. Although the measurements of income and occupation were vague, the study

offers strong support for the role of social capital as a predictor of migration. However, it is unclear if these findings are

the result of the particularities of Mexican migration to the United States, or if they can be extended to cases of highly

skilled migration where the destination and origin countries do not share a border. Social capital theory emphasizes the

way network ties facilitate the ability to migrate, making little reference to the way migratory aspirations and desires are

affected by networks. There is also limited mention in the literature of the possibility of migrants leaving their homeland,

not because of the social capital already available to them through a network, but rather as a strategic means of acquiring

social capital . For example, Reichart (1982) found that, for some, migration may be a right of passage into adult life.

Some researchers explain such behavior in terms of the "culture of migration" that evolves over a long period of

sustained movement of people, changing the perceptions and values surrounding migration (Massey et al. 1998:42).

Barak Kalir's (2005) study of the migration of non-Jewish Ecuadorians to Israel questions the explanatory power

of migratory networks and emphasizes that abrupt and hasty decisions to migrate are often made with very little



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information or kinship ties to the destination. He points to a migratory "disposition" which is characterized not simply by

calculated rationality, but also by "bodily feelings, emotions, and desires" (p. 188). One possible cause of a new and

growing awareness of the option of migrating, and a socialized wiliness toward it, is the constant interaction with, and

evidence of, migration-associated wealth. Kalir (2005) found that these new cultural elements with which potential

migrants are confronted can generate jealousy, "agitation, frustration, and even rage" (p. 188), partially explaining the

seemingly impulsive migratory decisions of Ecuadorians.

New migration theories:

Traditionally, most international migration studies have focused on migration research through data collected in the

post -migration period (Palloni et al. 2001; Gaviria 2004; Schmeidl 1997; Davenport 2003; Banco de la República 2005;

Kalir 2005). This methodological tendency not only leaves out the decision-making process and perspectives of those that

choose not to migrate (or are unable to do so), but also fails to capture the uncertain, evolving, and reflexive process of the

decision to stay or leave. Two notable exceptions (Carling 2002; Ferro 2006) have focused explicitly on the pre-migration

period, emphasizing new facets of the interconnectivity of aspiration, desire, mobility, and immobility, and broadening the

concepts of personal motivation, emotion, and self-identity (Corcoran 2002; Kalir 2005) in migration theory.

Aspiration and ability:

The aspiration/ability model proposed by J. Carling (2002) challenges the view that we are living in an

increasingly mobile world, and emphasizes that poverty, migration control policies, geography, and other risks that impede

mobility are not accounted for in mainstream migration theory, and that aspiration and ability to migrate must be

considered separately (p. 9). Neoclassical economic theories about wage differentials between countries offer strong

explanations of large scale migration and desire to migrate, however Carling (2002:8) challenges with the question, "how

do we account for the migration of some and the non-migration of others in a single framework". He suggests that the

concept of involuntary immobility may be just as significant. By measuring aspiration and ability to migrate separately, he

found that Cape Verdeans often desire to migrate but are unable to do so. This model represents a departure from the

dichotomy often drawn in migration literature between voluntary and forced migration, pointing out that even in refugee

movements where thousands are "forced" to leave, those left behind may still be involuntarily immobile due to political or

economic barriers.



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The possibility of a satisfied immobility among the highly skilled:

Building on Carling's (2002) concepts of aspiration and ability, Anna Ferro's (2006) research of the migratory

projects of knowledge workers in Romania, used in-depth, qualitative interviews of 27 return migrants and potential

migrants. All of the interviewees had either already migrated or said they had been considering migration, although not all

necessarily expressed a desire to do so (p. 181). She identified four main categories that incorporated both aspiration and

ability3, and added the possibility a new the existence of satisfied immobility among highly skilled workers who sometimes

determined, after careful consideration, that it was in their best interest not to migrate. However, true cases of involuntary

immobility, like those in Carling's (2001) study, were not found.

Having reviewed the literature, I believe the study I have conducted is unique, both in methodology and subject

matter. It focuses on undergraduate students, residing in Bogotá, Colombia, from varying socio-economic and academic

backgrounds, and the way in which migration or non-migration factors into their post-graduation plans. It combines

extensive quantitative, as well as qualitative analysis and incorporates an analysis of economic security, political stability,

physical safety, mobility, immobility, aspirations, and self-actualization. While traditional migration theory offers many

important insights and explanations, especially for understanding and thinking about past migration from Colombia, there

are many aspects of modern international migration that are not adequately accounted for, nor even addressed, in most

mainstream migration literature. My research borrows heavily from the concepts put for by Ferro (2006) and Carling

(2001), echoing their call for micro-level analyses of the pre-migratory period, and also adding new concepts that I believe

can guide and inform subsequent research.

RESEARCH DESIGN

A survey was administered to 371 university students, enrolled in three public and four private universities in

Bogotá, Colombia. The private universities; La Universidad de los Andes, La Universidad Javeriana, La Universidad del

Bosque, and La Universidad del Rosario, were chosen based on their size, reputation, students’ socioeconomic profiles,

and religious and non-religious affiliations. The public universities; La Universidad Distrital, La Universidad Nacional, and

La Universidad Pedagógica, were chosen because they are the three most prominent and best know public universities in

3 Questions of space prevent an in depth discussion of the four categories. Briefly, migrants with a committed migration

aspiration expressed a strong desire to leave Romania and had taken clear steps toward meeting this goal (p. 184); adisheartened aspiration and aborted mobility was associated with migrants whose ideal situation of migrating was deemed

impossible or those migrants who were forced to return home early (p. 185); those migrants who wished for short-termexperiences abroad were categorized as having an unexpected and desired aspiration (p.186); and those migrants with

committed plans to return to Romania or those that decided not to leave at all were characterized as expressing a satisfied immobility (p. 188).



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the city. Because different professions face different employment opportunities upon graduation, and different academic

foci among students is likely to signify different attitudes and perspectives about migration and non-migration, students

were surveyed in a wide range of academic departments, including Health Sciences, Engineering, Economics,

Art/Music/Humanities, Social Sciences, Natural Sciences, Education Sciences, and Business Administration.

The eight page survey was composed of fifty-nine questions, including one open-ended free response question

that called for a more extended explanation of the students’ migratory plans and aspirations upon graduating from college,

and the general reasons for remaining in Colombia or migrating elsewhere.

Consistent with other Carling’s (2001) study, I also found that the expectation of return was a central part of most

migratory aspirations. Many respondents used this space to reiterate that their migration desire was only temporary, that

they fully intended to return to Colombia, and that their migration experience would help them to do this. This was often

coupled with recognition of the problems that exist in Colombia, as well as a hopeful analysis of the possibility for change.

Rachel, an engineering student in her ninth semester expresses a common sentiment of opportunity existing amongst

adversity in Colombia:

I would be interested in studying or working in another country, but only temporarily, and returning to my country,not only because of a strong social responsibility that I feel, but also because I believe that in a place with certain

problems, there can exist many possibilities and opportunities.

Her use of my country, rather than simply saying Colombia clearly indicates a strong identity as a Colombian. The role of

subjective meaning and personal attitudes in the formation of migratory desires is made very apparent by the contrast in

language and outlook used between respondents who share seemingly similar profiles. Diana, another engineering student

in her ninth semester, has this to say:

I would like to live and work in England or Japan. The reasons why I want to leave Colombia are the lack of job

opportunities, the social inequality, the violence, which is a direct result of the current conditions, and the completeinexistence of politicians who are improving the situation, but instead make the future of Colombia look very grim.

Both respondents are female engineering students in their ninth semester of education at the same public university in

Bogota, Colombia, both selected stratum 2 as the socio-economic category corresponding to their place of residence, and

both have family members currently living in North America.

FINDINGS

Consistent with the Carling (2001) study of migration from Cape Verde, this study includes a micro and macro-

level analysis of migratory aspirations. At the macro-level, we are interested in the factors that cause large numbers of

Colombians to desire to leave the country, whether that desire be temporary or permanent. However, a strictly macro-level



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analysis is incapable of explaining the reasons for which some Colombians migrate, while others do not. The micro-level

analysis examines individuals and attempts to identify the characteristics of those individuals that explain their different

attitudes and behavior.

Table 1. shows survey data of respondents’ perceptions of economic threat, violence, and the armed conflict. In all cases,

worried students outnumbered unworried or less worried students. Further, what is perhaps more significant, is that

respondents indicated they were more worried about both their own future economic stability and the future economic

stability of their families than they were about the present situation. With respect to the armed conflict, 59.4% felt their life

was being negatively affected currently, while 68.3% predicted that their life was likely to be negatively affected in the

future.

Yes, very much so/

Yes, somewhat

Very little/

Not at all

I am worried about my current economic security. 63.6% 36.5%

I am worried about my future economic security. 76.8% 23.1%

I am worried about my family’s current economic security. 64.2% 35.7%

I am worried about my family’s future economic security. 70.6% 29.5%

I am worried about my personal safety in Colombia. 44.0% 56.0%

I believe my quality of life is being negatively affected by the armed conflict in Colombia. 59.4% 41.6%

My quality of life is likely to be negatively affected in the future by the armed conflict in Colombia. 68.3% 31.7%

High rates of unemployment and high levels of political violence are macro-level indicators that help explain the

emigration environment , defined by Carling (2002:13) as the “social, economic and political context which is largely

common to all members of the community.” Yet these figures provide only a backdrop and a vague point of reference from

which to begin an analysis of migratory desires and plans.

Desire to migrate:

Desire to migrate was divided into desire to migrate temporarily and desire to migrate permanently. The

expectation of returning was an important factor in the formation of migratory aspirations and projects for most students

and the vast majority indicated that a temporary migratory experience was considered desirable.

Probably yes/

Definitely yes

Probably no/

Definitely noI would like to leave and live in another country and return eventually to live and work in Colombia. 91.9% 8.1%

I would like to migrate to another country and remain there for the rest of my life. 27.5% 72.5%

However, when asked about permanent migration, responses changed drastically. This points to the variation in meaning

that migration has for different students, and the complexity of measuring migratory aspirations and behavior. There are a

number of studies that focus on rates of return to country of origin, and these researchers often stress the tendency of the



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desire for temporary migration experiences abroad to become permanent as migrants establish themselves in their

destination country and acquire social and work related networks (Finn 2003). The phenomenon is well known in

Colombia and newspapers and magazines often refer to the, “Colombians who say they’ll return but never do” ( El Tiempo

2003). Studies that focus only on actual migration as it can be measured demographically miss the complexities in the

aspirations beneath the behavior. Although in many cases, both temporary and permanent aspirations will manifest

themselves in identical ways in terms of demographic realities, there is a real and important difference between an

individual who desires to leave his country permanently and one who desires to leave and expects to return. Even if these

aspirations often prove to be identical in their consequences, there are sharp contrasts between the motivations, attitudes,

and individual characteristics that determine them.

Table 2. Permanent Desire to Migrate

Coefficientsa

.004

.013 .805

-.073 .156

.203 .000

.109 .029

-.319 .000

.321 .000

.039 .446

Variables(Constant)

ECONSTAB

estratos 1 and 2

combined

I have the necessary

resources to migrate if I

chose to do so

I am worried about my

personal safety in

Colombia

I feel a committment, as a

Colombian, to stay in this

country and contribute to

its development

I believe I could obtain a

higher quality/level of life,

with my professional

abilities, by migrating to

another country.

armcon

Model1

Beta

Standardized

Coefficients

Sig.

Dependent Variable: I would like to migrate to another

country and stay there for the rest of my life

a.

Model Summary

.593 .352 .339 .681Model1

R R Square

Adjusted

R Square

Std. Error of

the Estimate Multiple regression analysis indicates that the most important determinants of a desire to migrate permanently were

feelings of social responsibility as a Colombian to contribute to the development of the country, the belief that one could

attain a higher quality of life by migrating to another country, perception of having the necessary resources to migrate,

and a concern for personal safety. Neither social stratum, negative effects of the armed conflict, economic instability, nor

family and friendship ties to past and present migrants proved to be statistically significant when controlled for other

variables. These findings lend considerable support to the argument that desire to migrate is not a simple expression of any

objective reality in Colombia, but rather the subjective meanings and attitudes that individuals derive from their own

experiences and specific contexts. The strongest predictor of desire to migrate permanently, when controlled for other



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variables, was the belief that one could obtain a higher standard of living, with his/her professional abilities, by migrating

to another country. Not all students agreed that their quality of life could be improved by migrating. Even those who felt

they had a low probability of finding a well-paying job in Colombia, and worried about their personal safety or economic

security, did not always feel that migrating elsewhere would improve their situation. Further, social stratum was not highly

correlated with the belief that migration could lead to higher standards of living. One would expect poor, highly educated

students to be acutely aware of their human capital value in the global market, but poor students were no more likely than

wealthy students to think migration would lead to higher standards of living. For example, Jeremy expresses a common

sentiment among many university students:

I have no interest in leaving Colombia, and especially not to work in Europe or the United States. Here, I am valued

for who I am and for my education. In other countries, I would be a second-class citizen who just provides a service because there are not good opportunities for latinos.

Students studying in public universities were significantly more likely to mention that they felt latino immigrants were

discriminated against in other countries. Jeremy's response defies most theory of highly educated migration which views

education as the great equalizer, removing barriers to the free flow of human capital. Even though Carling (2002) makes a

significant and important contribution to migration theory with the aspiration/ability model, he too insists on the

skilled/unskilled framework of global mobility. He refers to "the hierarchies of globalisation in which unskilled young

people of Cape Verde find themselves in the lower strata. They are a far cry from the skilled migrant executives who travel

the world as if it were borderless" (p. 38). Jeremy is highly educated, and the very fact that he is studying in a public

university in Colombia indicates that he is also among the brightest and highest-scoring students in the country. However,

his non-aspiration, or rather his complete rejection of the migration option, is in fact a result of his investments in human

capital. Not only is he convinced his education will not be valued in Europe or the United States, he is certain that he

would be overtly discriminated against because he is Colombian. Patrick is also studying education sciences in the same

university as Jeremy, yet his attitudes and perceptions, or at least the areas he chooses to focus on, are very different. He

writes:

One of my main reasons for wanting to leave Colombia is because, in my opinion, the President has sold out. He is not

doing anything to reduce the levels of poverty and unemployment and the only people that will benefit from the newreforms are the wealthy people because he's given in completely to the multinational and oil companies, and now the

free trade agreement is going to include fruits and vegetables. In this country, educators are not respected and have verylow status. There are other countries where education is given the status it deserves and the profession is much better

paid.

The contrasting desires and motivations of Jeremy and Patrick illustrate the way subjective experience and attitudes can

exist independently of more tangible characteristics such as socioeconomic stratum and political or economic instability.



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Both students live in the same overall "emigration environment" of Bogotá, Colombia. They even study the same subject

area, in the same university, and agree that Colombia is characterized by unacceptable levels of unemployment and

political instability. However, for Jeremy, migration would mean losing his investment in human capital and the guarantee

of fewer opportunities and discrimination. It is by remaining in Colombia that he can best meet his needs to contribute,

participate, and belong. For Patrick on the other hand, his education is of no use in Colombia because those that have

political and economic power in the country, value neither education nor educators. Patrick, like Jeremy, is motivated by a

need for self-actualization, but he reaches the opposite conclusion, and his vague reference to "other countries" illustrates

that the actual destination country is of secondary importance. He will go to any country that values his investment in

human capital, and his role as an educator.

Social responsibility and the desire to migrate:

For Colombian university students, migratory aspirations and attitudes were often distinctly ethical or moral in

nature. Just as important as the belief that a higher standard of living could be attained by migrating, was a feeling of

personal commitment and sense of responsibility as a Colombian. Those who expressed overt non-aspirations frequently

mentioned a personal and social responsibility to contribute something to the social, economic, and political development

of Colombia. Further, this sentiment was often accompanied by harsh judgments of those who do choose to leave.

Statements such as "I feel obligated to give back something to the country that has given me all the opportunities I have" or

"leaving your country in difficult times is like running out of a burning building and expecting that those left inside will put

it out" point to something very different from the concept of non-aspiration or satisfied immobility discussed by Ferro

(2006). They do not reflect immobility but rather a rejection of mobility as a value. This concept of rejected mobility is

likely a product of Colombia's particular migration culture that is moving into its second generation of emigrants. Without

a history of high levels of emigration, there is arguably little possibility of a rejected mobility existing with the particular

vigor it does among these Colombian university students. In order for one to be voluntarily immobile within a context

characterized not only by strong migratory desires, but also high levels of involuntary immobility, he must arguably have

had the opportunity to reflect on the migratory decisions of others and consider a wide range of opinions and perspectives

concerning the implications of migration on Colombia. The reflexive nature of past and present migration flows, migratory

decision-making, and scholarly analyses is made apparent by Magda, who writes:

We're really going to be in trouble here in Colombia if everyone who succeeds in getting an education leaves. Colombiastands a good chance of suffering from the brain drain like other Latin American countries.



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University students are perhaps the most likely of all potential migrants to engage in this type of reflexive analysis, due to

the inherently academic and critical environment of a university. Because social responsibility as a Colombian is strongly

connected to the idea of patriotism and national identity, individuals who desire to migrate permanently have often rejected

either the idea of personal responsibility as a Colombian to participate constructively in Colombia, or they have rejected

the assumption that the country can or will change for the better. In Ana's words:

Colombia has many good people, many resources, and many possibilities, but unfortunately, paramilitaries, guerrilla,

corrupt politicians, and narco-traffickers have had, and will continue to have more money, more power, and stronger weapons.

Social responsibility and the temporary migration desire:

The importance of distinguishing between temporary and permanent migration desires is further highlighted by the

way social responsibility works as a determinant of the desire to migrate when combined with an expectation of return.

Under these conditions, social responsibility as a Colombian is actually positively correlated with a desire to migrate

temporarily. Because virtually everyone expressed some desire to migrate temporarily, it was difficult to determine

distinguishing characteristics within the survey data. However, responses from interviews and the open-ended survey

question indicate three main themes in the motivation for temporary migration experiences. One engineering student at La

Universidad de los Andes writes:

My plan would be to leave Colombia for a short time, perhaps to get my masters or gain some work experience, but thenreturn to establish my life in Colombia. My motives would be to become familiar with other cultures and places, visitsome tourist areas, and acquire new experiences to grow at a personal level.

Another student from the Universidad Pedagogica explains that “although I plan to live my life in Colombia, I think it is

very important to receive some education abroad, maybe the United States or Canada.” The theme of broadening horizons

and growing personally through short migration experiences was not specifically addressed in the survey, but was

mentioned with considerable frequency by students, both in the open-ended survey question response and in interviews.

The second theme, while connected, has a distinct element of temporary migration experiences as a means of

acquiring experiences and knowledge that can be applied in Colombia to improve the overall social, political, and

economic situation. One student writes:

My ideal situation would be to live and work for a short time either in Venezuela or Cuba because in thesecountries, special education is given the attention it deserves, and return to Colombia to contribute its development

and progress. I would also like to live for a little while in Africa working with education programs. It would take

major extenuating circumstances for me to remain indefinitely outside of my country.

Once again, this Colombian identity is coupled with an unmistakable sense of social responsibility. In many cases, the

sentiment is even characterized by distinct language, such as reference to Colombia as my country. This student is also not



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alone in defying common perceptions of migration from developing countries always being directed toward developed

countries like Europe and the United States. All three destinations mentioned by this student are developing nations, the

only criterion for selection being the intrinsic educational value they offer.

Finally, respondents often mentioned that their temporary migration experiences were motivated by a desire to

increase their human capital. By spending a short time abroad, working for an international company, they would be better

positioned in the Colombian labor market upon return. A common theme in the survey free response question, and informal

interviews was the need to learn English. Students were convinced that getting a well-paying job absolutely depended on

their ability to speak English. Mariana, a medical student in her final semester at La Universidad Nacional explained that,

these days, more and more, you have to speak English. They’ve started this program called Bilingual Bogota and

supposedly everyone that goes through the school system has to be able to speak English at a basic level by the year 2010. I just can’t speak it though… I’m not good in English class and I’m too scared to try and speak. My only hope is

to go to the United States for a while and force myself and then come back here and try to find a job.

Mariana expresses a concern shared by many of the city’s students that represents a new type of migration desire that is a

direct result of government policies and initiatives.4

Public secondary schools and universities often do not offer high

quality English instruction, or do not emphasize its importance as much as the private universities. Many families, those

who can afford the cost, enroll their children in bilingual schools, where most of the classes are taught in English. Many of

the private universities in Bogota require that the students take English, and often change their academic calendar to match

that of the United States or Europe in order to facilitate exchange programs. Mariana tells me that only 1% of applicants

are accepted into the Medical program at La Universidad Nacional, and that it is by far the most highly selective

application process of any Colombian university because admission is based solely on academic ability and standardized

tests. However, the fact that Mariana does not speak English may be the deciding factor in whether or not she is offered a

job in Colombia.

Resources and desire to migrate:

Almost paradoxically, the desire to migrate permanently was found to be positively correlated to a perception of

having the sufficient resources to do so. As discussed previously, traditional, neoclassical, migration theory tends to

explain migration in terms of wage differences between developed and developing nations. This premise assumes that each

potential migrant is rational actor who actively weighs the costs and benefits of migration and chooses the option that

delivers the highest return on investments after taking into account the sacrifices and cost of the migration process. It also

4 The Project Bogota y Cundinamarca Bilingües en Diez Anos is an initiative seeks to make Bogota and the surrounding region more

competitive at a global level by developing high levels of English fluency in both the private and public sectors of the city through

educational and administrative initiatives.



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assumes that each migrant is fully informed on all potential costs and gains of migration, and, as Carling (2002) explains,

the model does not include the possibility of involuntary immobility.

Initially, I was surprised that few students referred to involuntary immobility in the section of the survey where

they were asked to elaborate, in their own words, on their migratory aspirations and plans. I expected that my findings

would reflect what Carling (2001) had found about the young, involuntarily immobile in Cape Verde. There were

numerous cases of students who said they had a strong desire to migrate at some point in the future whose socio-economic

profiles made them unlikely candidates for a visa. However, the improbability of them realizing their migratory aspirations

was my judgment, not theirs. Manuel, a soon to be graduate of La Universidad Javeriana, had this to say:

I have the firm intention of migrating; maybe just for a short time, or maybe for my whole life, I don't know, but I need to get out

of Colombia and experience something new. I know its difficult, but I believe that when someone really wants something and puts everything into achieving it, it is possible to do anything.

Manuel hoped to migrate to France or the United States and mentioned that the French Embassy has many opportunities

for Colombians, but he knew little about the process he would have to follow in order to obtain a visa. The ability of obtain

a tourist visa is often an important pathway to migration and an important predictor of actual migration (Carling 2002;

Massey 1998). Colombians with many contacts to past and present migrants know that just getting a tourist visa, though, is

almost impossible for the unmarried and unemployed unless they can prove strong ties to Colombia that guarantee their

return. Immigration officials require bank statements and letters from employers that indicate "socio-professional status" as

it is commonly referred to in the United States. Much attention has been given to the social network in the destination

country as a facilitator of migration (Palloni et al. 2001; Massey 1999), but for Colombians in the pre-migratory phase, it is

often the social network in Colombia that makes the difference. A friend of the family may write a letter, a bank prints off

a statement that indicates a higher balance, etc. Manuel had not yet begun the active process of preparing for migration. It

is possible that rather than his desire to migrate being influenced by the fact that he believes he has the necessary resources

to do so, as the model suggests, his strong desire to migrate may in fact be a determining factor in his belief that will be

able to do so.

Another explanation is that those who have the resources to migrate, and those who do not, truly exist in two very

different migration environments. Although it was perceived resources and not social stratum that proved statistically

significant in this model, it is still not possible to conclude that migratory projects are not influenced by socio-economic

strata. The socioeconomic stratum corresponding to a respondent's place of residence was highly correlated with the

perception of having the necessary resources to migrate. Further, no stronger association between two variables was found



14

than that between socioeconomic stratum and enrollment in a public or private university. Private education is expensive

and unrealistic for most poor students except for a very few who obtain scholarships. The public/private university

distinction was virtually never mentioned by students studying at private universities, but public university students

frequently referred to the "nature" of public education. One student even wrote, "I want to stay in Colombia and contribute

because that is the spirit of public education, and that is a value they instill in us here." There is not strong empirical

evidence to conclude that the public/private distinction is an independent determiner of the desire to migrate. It is however

highly correlated with social stratum, which is undoubtedly a significant predictor of whether one perceives having the

necessary resources to migrate.

Neoclassical models of migration that base their explanations in the rationality of economic supply and demand

curves assume that each "rational actor" conducts the same cost-benefit analysis with identical information available to

each potential migrant. As mentioned earlier, Gaviria (2004) found that the migrants who stood to gain the most by

migration to the United States, in economic terms, were those with the lowest socio-economic status in Colombia, who are

generally the unskilled workers. If the neoclassical argument holds true, those that most desire to migrate should be those

that would most benefit from migration. The finding that Colombian students are more likely to desire to migrate

permanently if they believe they have the resources to do so contradicts the neoclassical classical argument. What is more

likely, in some cases, is that a belief that migration is possible is almost a prerequisite for considering it seriously and

desiring to leave the country. In the words of Angela, an Education Sciences student at La Universidad Pedagógica:

Honestly, I have never really thought about leaving Colombia. I've heard of people leaving to work or study in other countries, and the idea is quite interesting to me. I would like to see Australia… or maybe Cuba.

Many students reacted this way to the survey. They sometimes answered the final question as though it were a game.

Angela's response did not reflect a true desire that she had considered and developed. She was simply reacting to a question

that asked her to reflect on something that clearly did not occupy a considerable her consciousness. The question, in a way,

invited her to pause for a moment and dream in purely hypothetical terms. Angela definitely has neither the social network

nor the material resources to allow her to migrate but she is not involuntarily immobile because there is no conscious desire

to migrate. How then can we categorize this highly educated Colombian who lives in an area characterized by not only by

high levels of actual migration but also the desire to migrate? Ferro (2006) refers to the satisfied immobility of Romanian

knowledge workers who actively consider migration but decide that the costs outweigh the gains. Angela's non-aspiration

is clearly different from the non-aspiration of an informed student who actively rejects the idea of migration. She may very

well be immobile but this is not problematic for Angela because migration doesn't even enter into the conscious range of



15

possibilities in her life trajectory. One explanation to account for these very different attitudes is that the migration

environment or migration culture varies greatly even among Colombian university students. Although university students

seem to belong to a cohesive category of potential migrates, they are no easier to classify into rigid groups as

forced/voluntary or skilled/unskilled migrants, suggesting the need for an even broader concept of migration environment.

Willingness to migrate:

On the surface, being willing to migrate may seem the same as desiring to migrate, but Angela's case reveals the

possibility of a person without an expressed and developed desire to migrate, may still be willing to migrate under certain

conditions. Carling (2002) concludes his discussion of the aspiration/ability model by mentioning that aspiration may not

always precede ability in cases where a person is suddenly offered an opportunity migrate such as an unexpected job offer

or family friend pulling strings in the embassy and granting a tourist visa. The person who had not necessarily desired to

migrate may still do so because "in a place like Cape Verde, where ability to migrate is so scarce and desirable, such a

person is likely to feel that they ought to seize the opportunity to emigrate" (p. 37).

Also, by simply asking some if he/she desires to migrate, we fail to capture the broad range of conditions that

many migrants place on their imagined migration experiences. Someone who wishes to migrate may have a very strong

desire, yet this desire might be one that will be satisfied only within a narrow range of possibilities. An aspiring migrant

may strongly desire to live and work the rest of his life in Germany as a high-paid corporate executive at a software

company, and no other situation will suffice. Conversely, others who wish to migrate may feel their desire would be

satisfied under a wide range of circumstances. Willingness to migrate was determined from the construction of an index of

scored responses to seven questions representing distinct hypothetical migration experiences.

Table 3. Willingness to Migrate

Coefficientsa

.000

.145 .010

-.086 .135

.056 .333

-.051 .332

-.188 .000

.373 .000

.087 .103

-.015 .762

.082 .108

.130 .009

(Constant)

ECONSTAB

estratos 1 and 2

combined

I have the necessary


chose to do so


personal safety inColombia




its development





another country.

armcon

Famnet

friennet

Semesters of university

education completed

Model1

Beta

Standardized

Coefficients

Sig.

Dependent Variable: willing7a.



16

Model Summary

.559 .312 .292 3.42643Model1

R R S uare

Adjusted

R S uare

Std. Error of

the Estimate Statistically significant predictors of willingness to migrate differed in important ways from those that influenced a

student’s desire to migrate. As expected, the belief that a higher standard of living could be reached by migrating to another

country was again the most important factor. However, a feeling of social responsibility as a Colombian, although again

negatively correlated to willingness, played less of a role than it had in the formation of an overt desire to migrate. The

most pronounced indication of the inherent difference between a person who is willing to migrate and one who desires to

migrate was that a perception of having the necessary resources to migrate lost its predictive power. These finding lend

support to the idea that those who do not see migration as a viable possibility are less likely to develop conscious

aspirations of leaving the country. Although by no means discrediting the Carling's (2002) aspiration/ability model, the

inclusion of willingness to migrate does add an additional dimension, which I believe is useful to understanding of the

complex web of aspiration, ability, migration and non-migration.

The inclusion of willingness is also useful because it avoids drawing a false dichotomy between those who desire

to migrate and those who do not. In Giddens' (1999) world characterized by globalization, high-modernity and the

consequences that come with new choices and abstract systems, the decision to migrate is highly contextual, and involves

multiple levels of analysis. Jason, an Engineering student at Los Andes, is an illustrative example of the way migration is

perceived and evaluated differently by different students. He writes: "I would go if I were guaranteed a secure, definite,

well-paying job… but that's the only way, not just to test my luck." Jason clearly indicates his own location on the

willingness scale, which he too views as a continuum of varying degrees of willingness, in which he distinguishes himself

from other, more willing migrants who would migrate under nearly any circumstance.

While the belief that a higher standard of living could be attained by migration accounting for the largest amount

of variance in a respondent's willingness to migrate, other factors that had not been significant predictors of the desire to

migrate did appear to influence willingness. The degree to which respondents were concerned about their current and

future economic situation, as well as that of their families was found to be associated with increased willingness to migrate,

as was the number of semesters of education completed. Thus, students who perceived higher levels of economic threat,

and were closer to graduating, although no more likely to express a concrete migratory aspiration, were in fact more

willing to migrate under a wider range of circumstances than other students.



17

Actions taken toward migration:

As discussed earlier, most migration involves planning, preparation, and concrete steps taken to achieve the goal

of migrating, and migratory projects are characterized by varying degrees of intention and commitment (Ferro 2006). In

this study I assigned each respondent a score based on the number of completed action steps such as having conducted job

searches abroad, filed for the appropriate documents, selected a destination country, or determined a departure date. A true

neoclassical model would predict steps taken toward migration to be influenced by the same factors found to determine

desire to migrate, but it was difficult to find logical patterns that explained variance in action steps taken.

Table 4. Actions taken toward migration

Coefficientsa

.325

.103 .077

-.047 .455

.229 .000

-.032 .559

-.062 .209

.293 .000

.135 .014

.039 .435

.121 .023

.040 .431

.151 .009

(Constant)

ECONSTAB

estratos 1 and 2

combinedI have the necessary


chose to do so


personal safety in

Colombia




its development





another country.

armcon

Famnet

friennet

Semesters of university

education completed

Total number of countries

traveled to other than

Colombia

Model1

Beta

Standardized

Coefficients

Sig.

Dependent Variable: Total number of yes answers to

steps taken toward migration

a.

Model Summary

.505 .255 .232 2.010Model1

R R Square

Adjusted

R Square

Std. Error of

the Estimate Again, more important than any other factor, even when controlled for other variables, was the belief that a higher standard

of living could be achieved by migrating. The perception of having the necessary resources to migrate also returned as a

powerful predictor of completed actions. However, the feeling of social responsibility as a Colombian, a significant

predictor of decreased willingness and desire to migrate, had no effect on actual steps taken toward migration, perhaps

because of its positive correlation with desire to migrate temporarily.

Neither the number semesters of education completed, a concern for personal safety, the network of family

members living abroad, nor a concern for present and future, family or personal economic situations had a statistically

significant impact on the number of steps taken toward migration. However, previously unimportant variables, such as

current or expected negative impacts on quality of life due to the armed conflict, the network of friendship ties to past and



18

present migrants, and the number of countries visited, had moderate positive effects on actual preparation and completed

steps toward migration. The effect of countries previously visited should however be examined in greater detail. Although

the model did control for the other variables such a socioeconomic status, the relationship may still be spurious.

Colombians need a visa in order to travel to most countries. Even neighboring Venezuela requires that Colombians

entering by plane have a visa. The resources required for travel are similar to those needed in the initial stages of the

migration process. However, the effect of having previously left the country cannot necessarily be explained away as solely

a question of resources. Any experience outside Colombian borders probably impacts the perception of potential migrants

on a number of levels, and may serve as a catalyst that encourages students to take actual steps to satisfy their migration

desires. More qualitative research is needed that explores why previous international experience proved statistically

significant as a predictor of action steps toward migration, but did not appear connected to either the desire or willingness

of a student to migrate.

It is also difficult to be certain as to the role of the armed conflict and concrete actions toward migration. Students

who felt their lives were being negatively impacted by the armed conflict or were likely to be in the future did not have

stronger desires to migrate nor appeared more willing to do so. In this case, preparing to migrate not indicate a desire to do

so, but rather a risk-reducing strategy. In the words of one student:

Quite honestly, my hope is to stay and live my entire life in Colombia, because this is my home, but in the case that mylife were put in jeopardy as a result of the instability here, I would be prepared to leave Colombia and establish myself elsewhere.

Another notable difference in the factors that seemed to influence preparation to migrate was the significance of friendship

ties to past and present migrants. This was the first time the network factor, when controlled for socio-economic status, had

any significant effect on attitudes and behavior. Among Colombian university students it seems that friendship, rather than

family ties, are most important. The role that a network of friends with migration experience may be connected to the fact

that many students who expressed a desire to migrate, either temporarily or permanently, had no idea of what this process

required. Friends who have migrated may play important roles in the disseminating of information with respect to

migration.

SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

1. This study lends considerable support to the importance of studying the pre-migratory period, by showing that

macro-level, demographic studies of actual migration often underestimate the role that barriers played by barriers to

international mobility in shaping actual migratory flows. Survey data showed that nearly half of all respondents reported



19

either definitely no or probably no when asked if they would have the necessary resources to migrate if they wanted to do

so.

1. In general, the results of this study suggest that human capital sometimes has only limited ability to transcend

traditional barriers of global mobility. While participants in this study can all be classified as highly educated potential

migrants, they varied drastically in desire and willingness to migrate, as well as their perception of whether or not it they

possessed the resources necessary to do so.

2. The aspiration/ability model (Carling 2001) is a useful framework for understanding migration and non-migration.

However, aspiration to migrate may not exist as an independent feeling or characteristic but may be strongly influenced by

an individual’s perception, real or imaginary, of ability to migrate. The inclusion of a variable to measure willingness to

migrate may bring more clarity in cases where aspiration and ability are highly stratified.

3. Permanent and temporary migratory projects, although they may inevitably result in the same demographic effect,

are motivated by different attitudes and characteristics, and should be studied separately during the pre-migratory period.

4. There is strong evidence to indicate that a feeling of social responsibility as a Colombian is an important factor in

both desire and willingness to migrate. Those with strong feelings of social responsibility are more likely to desire migrate

short migration experiences that aim at acquiring human capital that can be reinvested in Colombia. Those who do not feel

a strong social responsibility are both more likely to desire to migrate permanently, or more willing to leave under a

broader range of circumstances.

5. Involuntary immobility (Carling 2001) is a useful tool for understanding migration and non-migration, however, it

may also be useful to look at not only the role of satisfied immobility, but also rejected mobility. This study indicates that

Colombian students often not only choose to remain immobile, independent of ability or inability to migrate, but also

frequently express an aggressive rejection of the migration culture, invoking patriotic sentiment and strongly criticizing

those who choose and/or desire to migrate.

6. Networks of past and present, family and friendship ties to migrants were not found to be significant predictors,

when controlled for socioeconomic status, of willingness or desire to migrate. There is weak empirical evidence to show

that friendship, but not family networks, have some positive effect on the number of actions taken toward migration.

7. There is empirical support to show that migratory projects are influenced by economic threat and political

instability and violence. However, results suggest that although these macro-level indicators are important, on the micro-

level, individuals differ significantly in the way they perceive these issues to be impacting their life.



20

8. It may be useful to broaden the concept of the migration environment to account for the distinct attitudes and

information available to Colombian students depending on their social context. One of the most important factors in the

development of migratory project was the perception of gains in quality of life and standard of living that could be attained

through migration, but students varied considerably with respect to whether or not they felt living and working in another

country would result in a net gain or loss.

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the decision to migrate: migratory aspirations of colombian students (abridged)

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