the depiction of concept of death in art of african society

8/6/2019 The Depiction of Concept of Death in Art of African Society

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FREE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN

FACULTY OF HISTORY

DEPARTEMENT OF AFRICAN ART

Student of Bachelor Program

Ilze Krisane

PAPER

THE DEPICTION OF CONCEPT OF DEATH IN ART OF AFRICAN

SOCIETY

Fr. Prof. Dr. Tobias Wendel

BERLIN

2011

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Contents

Contents ......................................................................................................................... 2

INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................... 3

THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF DEATH ................................................................................. 4

THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF AFTERLIFE ........................................................................... 5

THE CULT OF ANCESTORS ............................................................................................. 6

BURIAL AND MOURNING CUSTOMS ................................................................................ 7

FUNERAL RITE ............................................................................................................. 7

ORNAMENTS IN CLOTHES AND SYMBOLS IN THEM ......................................................8

RITUAL OBJECTS .......................................................................................................... 9

MASKS ...................................................................................................................... 9

TERRACOTTA STATUETTES ..................................................................................... 10

FIGURINES OF WOOD ............................................................................................. 11

RELIQUARY HEADS AND FIGURES ........................................................................... 12

METAL ALTARS ...................................................................................................... 12

INDIVIDUAL AND COMMUNITY ................................................................................... 14

MODERNISATION OF OLD TRADITIONS ........................................................................ 15

CONCLUSION ................................................................................................................ 17

BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................. 18

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INTRODUCTION

In African religion, the life comprises passages from one level of development to the next

one. Child is born and by that he is introduced to the world of living. At his adolescence he goesthrow different kinds of tests and gets introduced in the world of adults, etc. At individuals way

through the life, he has been accompanied by the society and he goes from one group to the other

within the society where he is born in.

At the birth child is a part of his parents family. By becoming adult he builds his own family,

still staying the member of his parents family. And at the moment of the death, person did not

vanish. He just goes through transformation that leads to the next life the afterlife. At the same

time, person gets into a new group in the group of ancestors, still staying one of his own family

members.

Death is just one of the passage rituals, but it is the same way important as for deceased, as

for the whole society.

The Aim of the paper is to compare religious traditions of burial and mourning with depiction

of death in art and its functional meaning within African society.

Objectives:

To find out the attitude of African people towards death and its concept in the realm of

life and afterlife;

To find out the importance of ancestor cult in African society and its influence on art;

To look at ritual objects and its symbols as combination of function and art which

results in esthetic and links the society;

To look at experiments of modernization of old traditions as means of creating new

functional art and future traditions.

Although there are a set of similarities in believes and legends of African cultures, we have to

remember that any suggestion that there is a unity of African indigenous religions must belimited to considering common themes in systems that are often quite different. There are wide

divergences between religions, which sometimes develop in isolation from each other. Each

common phenomenon belongs to a complete whole, which is itself from a unique cultural,

historical, and religious context.1 Therefore the author of this paper is concentrating only on

common elements in African traditional religions and draws attention only on some of examples.

1 Religion of the World: A Comprehensive encyclopedia of beliefs and practices. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M.

Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 1289

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THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF DEATH

Death as any realm of the everyday life has its own legend in African religion. It has different

statements according to the place and time, but the main elements stay the same.

The legend says that at some point in the past people and the Supreme Being or the Maker

lived together. But this paradise did not last, and after some time God withdrew from people. This

withdrawal is not usually attributed to human sin or offence, but to some mistake (..). Myths go on

to explain how people lost their immortality, again through an unfortunate accident. The most

common myth in Africa concerns the animal messenger (often the chameleon) who was sent to

people with news of immortality or resurrection. But the messenger dawdled on the way, forgot his

message or garbled it, stuttered in delivering it, or had his parcel of new skins stolen by the snake

(which explains why snakes can have new skins every year). But the most common version of the

myth is that the first messenger was overtaken by a second one (often the lizard) whose message

was that people would die. The result is irreconcilable separation between humanity and the

creator.2 As the result, the animals mentioned in the myths of the lost of immortality are often

depicted on ritual objects or cloches connected with burial rites.

Although African people have used to the death and its everywhere appearing signs; the

death itself is considered to be unnatural in the sense that man was originally intended to inherit

immortality here. He has come to regard death as the inevitable debt which every man must pay. He

prefers to call it a home call which every mortal must answer.3 Therefore the death is not

considered to be a threat, but just the end of the life cycle on this side of existence which will be

continued on the other side.

Although death is acknowledged as having come into the world and remained there ever

since, it is unnatural and preventable on the personal level because it is always caused by an other

agent. If that agent did not cause it, then the individual would not die. 4 This agent could be a

disease or the result of the witchcraft. This kind of philosophy is closely tied with the understanding

of the living-power. Life and existence or being itself is inextricably tied up with power. To live is

to have power, to be sick or to die is to have less of it.5Therefore the lost of the power by any type

of agents can be deadly and to cause the lost of the power (as witchcraft) may become a punishable

crime.

But the complexity of the concept of the death does not end at this point. There is a concept in

African religions that each person has two souls. After death, one of the souls goes and resides

permanently with the Maker, while the other one reincarnates.6 This idea involves the

understanding of the model of the afterlife and the function of the ancestral cult.

2 Religion of the World. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 12913 Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 384 Mbiti, J.S. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann. 1969. p. 1565 Religion of the World. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 12926 Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 188

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THE AFRICAN CONCEPT OF AFTERLIFE

There are different concepts of the afterlife and the passage of soul after the death whatinvolve the general concept of the main Deity in the religion. People attitude towards him and

relationships among them depicted in myths can help in translation of the concept of afterlife.

The Supreme Being is a being with personal attributes (although not human) and isolated

from other spirit beings. Often the Supreme Being is also the first ancestor and essentially the same

name or root word is used for God as for ancestors.(..) In some cases the name for God is a locativerelated to the place where the spirits live. Usually the Supreme Being is believed to live in the sky

or heaven (in most African languages there is no differentiation between these two words), but

some peoples situate him under the earth, where the spirits live.7 The living place of the Supreme

Being is a popular topic of legends while it is closely connected with the understanding of the place

where the souls of deceased find their final rest.

One of the legends heralds that after burial rites soul goes in front of the Supreme Being (the

Maker) and retraces all its deeds on the earth. If the life was properly passed than the soul goes to

Heaven which is in the sky. It is considered to be the replica of the life on the earth, but without

bad elements as illness and hardships, hunger and pain.

But if the life person was bad or had done a lot of things that were disturbing the life of the

society, the soul goes to the other type of Heaven. Potsherd heaven is a symbol of separation

not only from ones spirit-relatives. This also means that the wicked is cut off from intercourse withthe living members of the family as well.8This is considered to be the worst punishment for the

soul.

But not all of African traditional religions have the belief in Heaven or Hell. Some people

have the concept of changing the world of living to the world of dead where the next world is in

fact geographically here, being separated from this only by virtue of being invisible to human

beings.9 In such way the world of deceased is closer and the good relationships with them plays

more vital role.

7 Religion of the World. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 12908 Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 419 Mbiti, J.S. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann. 1969. p. 159

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THE CULT OF ANCESTORS

The ancestor is a departed spirit who stands in peculiarly close relation to the tribe or thefamily: the life of the latter has been derived from him, and because he is still in existence he is still

in a sense one with it; his favor or disfavor has therefore a sharply focused relation to it and is more

urgently to be sought or avoided. In addition to this is all that might be brought to the relationship

by the sense of social solidarity and of kinship-ties, as well as by natural affection and filial piety. 10

But it is a general false statement that ancestors are divinized. Ancestral spirits are not

worshipped. Swazi address them in much the same way as they speak to the living. 11 Although

ancestors receive special attention, for example, they are remembered and feed; they are not

compared with Deity or divinities. They are the part of family and the attitude towards them is the

same as to elder members of society.

The proper meaning of the ancestral cults derives from the belief of Africans that death does

not write finish to life that the family or community life of this earth has only become extended

into the life beyond in consequence of the death of the ancestors. Thus the cults are a means of

communion and communication between those who are living on earth and those who have gone to

live in the spirit world of the ancestors.12 They have the same powers and the same obligations, as

when they were alive to support family in hard times and to help society when it is needed.

Ancestral spirits can be worshiped under three categories: as apotheosized heroes, as

collective spirits of the departed members of the clan, as departed members of the immediatepatriarchal family. The apotheosized heroes represent the spirits of a few members of the clan who

by virtues of their extraordinary exploits and power have been elevated to the status of divinities.

The second form of ancestral worship is to ensure that those ancestors who, due to the time element,

can no longer be identified with particular families are not forgotten altogether. They are worshiped

as the spirits of the departed members of the ethnic group. The third category is connected with the

spirits of the departed members of the family unit. They are remembered as individuals as long as it

possible among their kin of the same lineage.13

Although ancestors are primarily for the preservation of the family, they are also a threat and

are therefore to be feared. No one can ever be sure what they are going to do or not do next. In

practice there is an intimate personal relationship between the living and the departed14 starting

from the burial rituals and continuing with the everyday actions in maintaining good relation among

the ancestors and their kin.

10 Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 17911 Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 18212 Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 18613 Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 35-3714 Religion of the World. Ed.: Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002. p. 1295

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BURIAL AND MOURNING CUSTOMS

FUNERAL RITE

Funeral rites as the death rites also aimed at separation, transition and reincorporation. 15

Person has to go through all the phases of passage to become an ancestor and enter the afterlife.

Africans believe that when a man dies his body is immediately left by his spirit which hovers

around the house in anticipation of the funeral rites which will enable it to proceed to the spirit

world.16 If the burial rituals are not conveyed or are not done property the soul cannot become an

ancestor and may become stock in this world as a wandering ghost what can later cause problems to

the living relatives of the deceased themselves.

Soon after death, the family gathers and then invites relatives to arrange for the interment,

which is the first step in the funeral rites. The corpse is washed, shaved of all hair, the fingernails

clipped and the corpse dressed up, after which it is laid in state.17 It should be done as fast as

possible according to the climatic conditions. The hair and nails are supposed to contain the living

power of the deceased and later are used in the last phase of the burials.

The corpse may be buried within the house, in the courtyard or in a publical cemetery. At

interment various objects are put in the graves (like tools and food, and money). These are meant

for the use of the deceased on his journey to the world beyond, and so that he should not appear

before ancestors empty-handed.18

Second phase of the rituals should begin a few days after interment. It last from seven to forty

days. It involves several sacrifices, dancing and feasting. But as it is a very expensive even, the cost

is divided among the members of the family.19

At the conclusion of the rites, a special ceremony is held to elevate the spirit of the deceased

into the ancestral shrine. This assumes that by virtue of the correct funeral rites the deceased has

been incorporated into the community of the earlier departed members of the family. (..) For the

elevation ritual the fingernails, parts of the hair from the head and part of the sponge used are now

molded in a white clay or chalk to be kept on the family ancestral shrine.20 This is done toartificially make the point of the communication the place where the ancestor can be remembered

and feed and where the family can speak with their dead member.

15 Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 6316 Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 6317 Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 6318

Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 6319 Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 6320Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 64

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ORNAMENTS IN CLOTHES AND SYMBOLS IN THEM

The goal of life is to become an ancestor after death. This is why every person should receive

a correct funeral, supported by numerous religious actions and burial objects.

When a person dies he is immediately prepared to leave this world and enter the society of

ancestors. As any mistake can cause the possibility of leaving the family member outside the

membership of the ancestors; all the rituals are done in great piety and caution, doing everything by

the traditions of wisdom of the ages. Not even a single detail is left without attention.

It is a big honor to enter the community of ancestors, therefore in many parts of Africa people

attach great importance to the cloth in which they will be buried. The Kuba of Zaire is famous with

their raffia textiles which are one of the great decorative art traditions of sub-Saharan Africa. These

cloths have been used as clothing and currency since the sixteenth century among various societies

in Central Africa.21

It is in general considered to be a great disgrace to being buried nude among the tribes of

Africa, but there is a strong belief among the Kuba that they will not be recognized by their

deceased relatives in the land of the dead unless they are wearing raffia textiles. 22As the death is

the culmination of the life, all the rituals considering burials are combining aesthetical appeal with

its functional meaning. Raffia symbolizes wealth, continuity and security for the community.

At Akan funerals in Ghana people wear mourning cloths known as adinkra which state

and confirm relationships among the living while also honoring the dead.23 These cloths are used

to make garments for the living family members and are used at the moment of farewell.

These cloths, which may be different shades of indigo blue, red, brown, yellow and white,

are stamped with adinkra symbols. These geometrically stamped patterns, created by a carved piece

of calabash and a locally produced black dye which dries to a glossy surface, express verbal arts and

proverbs.24 It also contains different symbols of Deity and divinities, as well different elements of

the life. Usually the death is not directly addressed. Only modern ornaments mention the presence

of the death, but also not too often.

The use of Adinkra cloth and symbols is intended to mark the link forged between the living

and the dead, the present and the future, the affairs of the now and the affairs of the hereafter.25

This cloth is used as the symbol of the never-ending connection among the members of the family

on either side of existence.

21 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 16722 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 16823

Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 16924 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 16925Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 170

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RITUAL OBJECTS

MASKS

It is considered that during the special rituals the spirits of the deceased can enter the body ofmasques through which the message cab be told to all community. Therefore masks are looked at

as interactive objects; and therefore they are used in most of societies of Africa as the means of

communication between the living and the ancestors. The mask is able to tie up the loose ends of

life and death and village and wilderness. Yet despite its ambiguity, its path always leads back to

unambiguity and the preservation of social knowledge.26 It helps society in the tensest moments to

find the reestablished harmony.

In the rituals of funerals they play great role. Soon after the death of Poro elder has been

announced by rifle shots, masqueraders known as yarajo appear in the village. The mask is made

of raffia fibers, feathers and other similar materials. The masquerader wears a one-piece, padded

cotton suit. (..) When the Poro drums are heard in the distance from the grove of the secret society,

only initiates (colobele) and close relatives are allowed to remain. Before long the village is almost

deserted, in anticipation of the arrival of the societys most important mask zoomorphic helmet

mask. The figure is known as and is regarded as the embodiment of the society. The mask

incorporates imagery of different animals. Its performance is referred to by the elders as the work

of Poro.27 Different masks with various functions are used in different moments of the ritual of

the passage; as well as one and the same mask in different rites can become multiform and

multifunction. But the most important duty of the masquerader is to go to the corpse and perform

the necessary rituals to separate a deceaseds life force from his lifeless body.

In central Senufoland (of Cote dIvoire) kporo masks have long horns, said to be those of

an antelope or buffalo. The raping jaws resemble those of a crocodile or hyena, and the long,

pointed ears could be those of a hyena also. Long tusks like those of a warthog curve backwards

from the upper jaw. The chameleon, gripped in the jaws of a hornbill, is associated with

communication between the visible and invisible worlds.28 The appearance of this mask combines

different legends and myths where most of them describe the genesis of death or understanding of

afterlife.

While the burial and the decompose of the deceaseds body means that the former physicalform can never be reused, the departing soul may want to return to the living in a new mask,

whether in the form of reincarnation through descendants or through an egungun mask made by

his or her children.29

The egunguns or masquerades are supposed to be materialized spirits of the dead. The

belief that the spirits of the communitys dead are incarnated in the masquerades is a source of

26 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 17627


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assurance to the worshippers that their prayers will be answered.30 This is regarded as one of the

meeting points where this life and afterlife intersects and the communication between the living and

the dead becomes possible.

To satisfy the needs of the ancestors, the look of masks has to meet the standards of the inner

rule which borders with the taboos of society. The masks do not portray dead spirits nor do they

bear the names of human beings, because to close similarity to the live persons body is avoided.

Although the masks vary in style and generally are voluminous and tent-like, they have their

own standards of esthetic. They are composed of layers upon layers of multicolored cloths, which

cascade to the ground sometimes from a wooden headpiece. The cloth is normally cut in long

stripes so that when the performer whirls, it splays out, though still hiding the human body. Each

year new cloth may be added to the egungun by the owner. Older egungun therefore have hand-

woven and locally dyed stripes of dark blue and red cloth overlaid by brighter pieces of machine-

made cloth.31

Ancestors can not only enter the masks, but also use other funeral objects in communication

to give advices or make requests.

TERRACOTTA STATUETTES

It is believed among African tribes that figurines which depict people (even in its smallest

likeliness) can contain ancestral spirits. At the same time, this type of sculptures are a bit different

from traditional African statuettes, because they are made of clay and because they depict onlyhead, not the whole body.

The terracotta head or mma (created by the Akan) has a characteristic horizontal slit in

each eye, with a complex wedge-shaped hairstyle and colorful painted lines on the cheeks and

forehead. These figures were considered as portrait of the dead in that indentifying features such as

jewelry, scars, hats, beards, etc. were reproduced. The figures were probably richly dressed in real

cloth for implantation in the village of mma a forbidden area near the town.32 In these

terracotta heads or other forms of clay pottery where inserted the mixture of specific white clay or

chalk with hairs and nails of the deceased (described in previous chapter) and this kind of object all

together was considered to be the altar of the ancestor and could be used in rituals of

communication with other world.

For European cultures this kind of communication could seen absurd, because pots and

pottery in general are symbol of womans womb, but for African people it is one of the evidence for

lifes never-ending spun.

30 Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985. p. 3631 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 18132 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 172

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FIGURINES OF WOOD

Wooden sculptures may be used as shrine to nest the power of the departing soul for the good

of the living. The altar sculpture is often stylized since the form of the soul is unknown and only

resembles a human being in its senses of perception. The head is often emphasized (in Yoruba

society) because it is recognized as the essence of human personality, the seat of the soul and the

controller of an individuals destiny.33

In legends of creation the parallels are drawn between real body of blood and bones and

wooden effigy and at the same time they explain people fragile way of existence. Human beings

are regarded as a type of sculpture animated by the breath of the Supreme Being, Olodumare, who

delegated Obatala to mould their physical body. When the vital breath or soul withdraws, death

results and the body eventually decomposes into clay its original substance. However, the

dematerialized soul finds new life in the next life and in reincarnation. Reincarnation can take the

form of the rebirth of a dead ancestor in the same family or when the soul of a type of spirit child orabiku borrows the body of a woman.34In such way all the society of a particular geographical

area is linked in time and space and this kind of links cannot be interrupted by the death.

Yoruba equalize of the human body with sculpture. The reincarnated ancestor and the abiku

are held to be no more than temporal masks, the handiwork of Obatala, that will perish at death. It is

also believed that humanly created sculpture can localize and embody the human soul. Therefore

naturalistic representations of a person were feared.35 In such way the work of an artist or a carver

can be compared with the work of the Maker, but the fear of too naturalistic look of the effigy can

be explained by the piety.

The twin statuettes known as ere ibeji are the best example of Yoruba sculpture

representing the living dead. They are viewed ambivalently as they are considered capable of

bringing riches to their parents and misfortune to those who do not honor them. They are viewed as

both one and two, and as both deity and animal.36The similarity of the twins strikes with awe,

because they are two individuals and at the same time replicas of each other.

Twins are linked to abiku (born to die) spirits, who are believed to lure children from

their parents because they have a propensity toward dying. Twins receive special attention and food

from their mothers.37 As twins in general in African societies are well known for their intimate

relations with the death, they are feared and respected.

But such close relationships with the death can also create some inconvenience. To protect

such children from the premature death, wooden images of ere ibeji should be made. Sometimes

the ibeji figure is made after the death of one of the sibling in order to prevent the deceased twin

from harming the living.

33 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 17734 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 17635 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 17736 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 17837 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 178

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RELIQUARY HEADS AND FIGURES

There are also some sculptures that from the means of material could belong to the previous

division of wooden figurines, but from the means of the usage form completely different section of

ritual objects. These statuettes were made of wood or bark and in form of head or whole body. But

their name of reliquaries they earn, because of their function. In those statuettes is placed bones or

other parts of the deceased ancestor. The Fang people consider that the main quality inherent in the

statues is that of protective benevolence, together with an air of maturity and secret knowledge

appropriate to the ancestors.38

But not all parts of human body contain the same amount of the spiritual power. For example,

the Fang people of Cameroon and Gabon believe that an individuals vital force is situated in the

skull; hence they venerated the skulls of their most important ancestors. These included the

founders of lineages and successive lineages, clan or family heads and powerful women who were

famed for their supernatural abilities or exceptional procreativity.39

Not all ancestors have the sameamount of the power. Therefore it is important to have more intimate relationships with the most

honorable and powerful spirit. Usually the most powerful ancestors are the souls of those who were

the most influential people in the society during their life-time.

Usually the rituals, where the reliquary heads and statuettes are involved, creates a time and

a space where the contradiction between life and death is eliminated. The aim of the ritual is not just

to reanimate and regenerate the ancestors, but also to incite the initiates to transcend their material

bodies.40The ritual enables both sides to interfere in others world and still staying the represented

of his own environment.

Although attitude towards the ancestors is quite similar in all African tribes, attitude towards

ritual objects differ from one place to another. The Fang treat the figures as children. And their big

heads, wide staring disc eyes, and flexed small legs give the statue an infantile appearance. The

Fang frequently call them medicine children. This ambiguous combination of infantile and

mature qualities is not unique to the Fang. In other parts of Africa and beyond, little people, such

as pygmies, dwarfs and trolls, are believed to mediate between the material and spiritual worlds. 41

It could be explained by the fact that children are considered to be closer to the death than adults,

because their just have come into this world from the spirit world and because they are not so

resistant against different kinds of illnesses or other types of disasters. As well that this kind of

action could be interpreted as the belief in incarnation and that Fang people are expecting that their

ancestors will be reborn in the next generations of the society.

METAL ALTARS

38 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 18439 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 18340 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 18441 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 185

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Although the ritual objects described in previous chapters contain the power of some certain

ancestors or the group of spirits of the village, they are used only during special days and festivals

and are operated only by special people in the tribe - the initiated ones. On everyday bases the altars

- made of (usually) metal are used. The Mambila of Cameroon display their ancestor figures in

front of simple, painted screens which decorate the facades of small, elevated shrine houses. The

anthropomorphic figures, made of raffia-palm pith and wood, are suspended in a net in front of thepainted wooden screen. A male-female pair surrounded by the cosmic forces of the universe (sun,

moon and rainbow) is the main feature of the painting, surmounted by a triangle, representing the

village. This communicates to people that their community is the microcosm of the universe, and

that each individual acts as a link between the spiritual and material realms.42 In such altars not the

each individual ancestor is depicted, but the group of ancestors in general as one family.

In such altars not only the form, but also the material plays very vital role. Brass has a

complex symbolic meaning in Benin, because it never rusts or corrodes, it expresses the

permanence and continuity of kingship. It is described as red by the Edo, and held to be

threatening and capable of dispelling evil forces. A carved ivory tusk rests on each head. Theelephant is considered to be the most powerful of all animals. The use of the tusk as well as leopard

figures on the shrine represents the harnessing of the power of the wild forest by the rulers of the

settled land.43Different kinds of metals and their alloys supplement the symbolism and the

perception of the whole altar.

The various figurines atop the altar usually represent the deceased relative and the living.

There are also images and objects which refer to deities, and depict proverbs and praise songs. In

such way the altars serve as the visual props for legends and myths.

The lidded calabash is a recurrent motif, since it is a ceremonial vessel whereby one offersfood and water to the dead. It also symbolizes the two parts of the universe. 44 These altars are used

to sacrifice food and spices for ancestors and in such way the honor is devoted to them.

In these altars one can observe strong succession of the traditions, as well the incoming

influences of other religions. For example, christians do commission asen, as evidenced by the

ornate crosses which feature as motifs.45

42 Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999. p. 18643


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INDIVIDUAL AND COMMUNITY

As individual was part of society in his life, the same way he is a part of community after it.

The spirit of deceased can promote or intrude the life of the living. Therefore that fragile link

between two worlds has to be carefully tended; otherwise it can end with a disaster or bad luck.

Africans make a distinction between Deity, the divinities, and the ancestors: Deity and the

divinities are distinctly, out-and-out, of the super-sensible world, while the ancestors are of the

living persons kith and kin. The ancestors are regarded still as heads and parts of the families or

communities to which they belonged while they were living human beings. Death was only that the

family life of this earth has been extended into the after-life or super sensible world. 46The living

and the dead are still the members of one family and one society, they just do not share one and the

same space and time which in African philosophy is not strictly divided one from another.

Ancestors are not to be forgotten and therefore they are considered to be in the state of the

living-dead what means: a person is physically dead but alive in the memory of those who knew

him in his life as well as being alive in the world of the spirits. So long as the living-dead is thus

remembered, he is in the state of personal immortality. (..) When there is no longer anyone alive

who remembers them personally by name. Then the process of dying is completed. But the living-

dead do not vanish out of existence: they now enter into the state of collective immortality. 47

Although there are a set of different activities connected with the ancestors, if should be

remembered that the ancestors are not divinized or worshiped. All these actions are done to improve

relationships among the living and the dead and it is closely connected with a general belief that a

living father or a living mother, by virtue of his fatherhood or her motherhood, is endowed with the

power to bless or curse an offspring effectively. That is why every passage of life and every

undertaking by the offspring require parental blessing.48 And that is why deceased members of

family are feared of causing disasters, because of some kind of dissatisfaction or frustration.

But never the less, the whole community of the dead and the living is considered to be a big

family, which is inseparable in time and space. All the funeral customs are showing that even

physical death cannot separate family members. Death is seen as only a change of the state which is

not permanent, because there is a belief in incarnation and that symbolizes the eternal spun of life.

46 Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 18447 Mbiti, J.S. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann. 1969. p. 25-2648 Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973. p. 185

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MODERNISATION OF OLD TRADITIONS

The modernization of old traditions has its own term it is called New Functional Art. Theword functional does not bring any new concept in translation of rituals, because in African

society all objects are functional. That means that they are made with some kind of sense of

necessity. Even objects which Western societies consider being art or part of it, actually in African

community plays its vital role as used in some activities and interacting with society. Susan Vogel

explains that this art is functional in the same circumscribed way that traditional art is

functional: in this context the word refers to objects made for some concrete purpose to be used

as a coffin or worn as a mask. It also describes objects made for an event to which they are

essential.49

This New Functional art is put diametrically opposite to urban art which also is one of the

signs of modernity, but its goal is to create secular art an art just to-look-at. On contrary, New

Functional art is considered to be the process of making future traditions by combining religious

concepts and old traditions with new materials and technologies. That is mainly explained by the

fact that the artists or creators of such art often have neither much formal education nor a history of

apprenticeship as an artist; many were trained in trades such as carpentry and building, which gave

them skills they have elaborated into art.50 They have their inner understanding of ritual and

esthetic of art.

The main characteristic of New Functional art is that although it belongs to groups or

corporate entities rather than to individuals, it is not seen as ethnically rooted. Like traditional art, it

usually expresses a belief system which could be sometimes a sufficiently elaborate considering the

lack of unity in religious concepts as such. Yet because it seems to transcend ethnicity, uses new

media, and is frequently connected to the incoming faiths of Christianity and Islam, the owners of

New Functional art see it as progressive or modern, while they associate ethnically based traditional

art with the past. New Functional art reflects the mixed-ethnic setting in which it has generally

developed, but it often recapitulates traditional use contexts such as masquerading, healing cult,

shrine decoration, and funerals.51

One of the most famous that kind of artists is Kane Kwei (b. 1927), a Ga man living nearAccra in Ghana. He never went to school, but was apprenticed to a carpenter. In the mid 1970s he

was producing traditional linguists staffs and palanquins for chiefs. When his dying uncle asked

him for a special coffin, he made one in a shape of a boat, because his uncle was a fisherman. It

became a trend. Now he is world-famous, and he is the head of a large family workshop producing

coffins for local customers and for tourists.52

49 Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 9750 Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 9451 Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 9552 Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 98

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He developed two dozen popular models, which have not changed over the years. The

subjects insinuate to the lifetime trades of their dead costumer. Most popular are a boat, two

different fish, and a whale, for successful fishermen in the coastal area; a hen with chicks, for senior

women with large families; an onion and a cocoa pod, for owners of big farming establishments;

and a white 1970s-model Mercedes-Benz, designed for customers such as the owner of a large taxi

fleet or other rich businesspeople. More infrequent designs include an airplane and a modern villa.For traditional chiefs - a traditional stool, as well as an eagle, an elephant, and a leopard are made. 53

His pieces of art cannot be compared with modern art of West societies, because of two

reasons: he never went to school; therefore he could not gain the inspiration for his work at the

same way as it did European or North American artists. And because Kanes art is diametrically

opposed to Surrealism, it does not distance its viewer from the real world: it expresses familiarity,

connection, ownership.54

The other bright example of New Functional art is created by Sunday Jack Akpan (b.ca. 1940)

who lives in a semirural area of Nigeria, where he is famous for his striking life-size cement figures.

He is most skilled of many artists working in a similar vein in his region, making not only funerary

monuments but also art to look at sculptures for display in gardens and outside commercial

enterprises such as hotels and garages.55

These life-size figures are mounted on tombs and unveiled during the memorial celebrations

known as second burials. They are enormously expensive in local terms, but are paid for by many

members of the deceaseds extended family.56 This type of art is at the same time needed by its

religious function and at the same time has esthetical appearance.

This kind of art has found it own place in time and space. New Functional art serves a

multiethnic audience in Africa, where ethnicity can be read on every face and in every name but

where ethnicity connects to the past. In its eclectic use of heterogeneous materials, New Functional

art expresses both a break with the past and a freedom from the West. Its artists shun both the

traditional African media and unaltered imported things, proclaiming their participation in a new

African culture.57

53 Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 9854 Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 9955 Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 10156 Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 10157 Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991. p. 105

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Hackett, R. I. J. Art and Religion in Africa. New York: Cassell. 1999

2. Idowu, E.B. African Traditional Religion. Maryknoll: Orbis Books. 1973.

3. Imasogie, O. African Traditional Religion. Ibadau: University Press Limited. 1985.

4. Mbiti, J.S. African Religions and Philosophy. London: Heinemann. 1969.

5. Vogel, S. Africa Explores: 20th century African art. New York: The Center for African Art. 1991.

6. Religion of the World: A Comprehensive encyclopedia of beliefs and practices. Ed.:

Meltone, J.G., Baumann, M. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. 2002.

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the depiction of concept of death in art of african society

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