the influence of the french revolution on legal and judicial...
TRANSCRIPT
THE INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON
LEGAL AND JUDICIAL REFORM
Jack Lawson Oates
B.A., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1949 LL.B., U n i v e r s i t y o f B r i t i s h Columbia, 1971
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF
THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
MASTER OF ARTS
i n t h e Department
o f
H i s t o r y
@ Jack Lawson Oates 1980
SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY
February 1980
A l l r i g h t s reserved. T h i s t h e s i s may n o t be reproduced i n whole o r i n p a r t , by photocopy
+ o r o t h e r means, w i t h o u t permiss ion o f t h e au thor .
APPROVAL
Name : Jack Lawson Oates
Degree: Master o f A r t s
T i t l e o f Thesis: The In f l uence o f t he French Revo lu t ion on Legal and J u d i c i a l Reform
Examining Committee:
Chairperson: R. Koepke
C.R. Day Sen i o r Supervi sor
- - - r r , - -
J. Hutchinson
- . - C . Hamil ton 1 '
/,
4 c i r i a Ex te rna l Examiner Professor Department o f P o l i t i c a l science+ Simon Fraser U n i v e r s i t y
Date Approved: A - b , , T $3 2
P A R T I A L COPYRICHT LICEhSE
I h e r e b y g r a n t t o Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y t h e r i g h t t o lend
my t h e s i s o r d i s s e r t a t i o n ( t h e t i t l e o f which i s shown be low) t o u s e r s
of t h e Simon F r a s e r U n i v e r s i t y L i b r a r y , and t o make p a r t i a l o r s i n g l e
c o p i e s o n l y f o r s u c h u s e r s o r i n r e s p o n s e t o a r e q u e s t from t h e l i b r a r y
o f a n y o t h e r u n i v e r s i t y , o r o t h e r e d u c a t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n , on its own
b e h a l f o r f o r one of i t s u s e r s . I f u r t h e r a g r e e t h a t p e r m i s s i o n f o r
m u l t i p l e copy ing of t h i s t h e s i s f o r s c h o l a r l y pu rposes may be g r a n t e d
b y me o r t h e Dean of Graduate S t u d i e s . It i s u n d e r s t o o d t h a t copy ing
o r p u b l i c a t i o n of t h i s t h e s i s f o r f i n a n c i a l g a i n s h a l l n o t be a l l o w e d
w i t h o u t my w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n .
T i t l e o f T h e s i s / ~ i s s e r t a t i o n :
The In f luence o f the French Revolut ion on Legal and J u d i c i a l
Reform
Author : V
( s i g n a t u r e )
Jack Lawson Oates
(name )
February 6, 1980
( d a t e )
ABSTRACT
THE INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON LEGAL AND JUDICIAL REFORM
The main impact o f the evolution on France and Europe may we1 1
have been p o l i t i c a l , a d m i n i s t r a t i v e and lega l r a t h e r than s o c i a l and
economic. There have been a m u l t i t u d e o f p o l i t i c a l h i s t o r i e s o f the
French Revolut ion, bu t few on the important quest ion o f l ega l reform.
The purpose o f t h i s work i s t o p rov ide a synthes is of t he pr imary
and secondary sources, i n French and i n Engl i sh , on a sub jec t which
has received 1 i t t l e a t t e n t i o n .
The thes i s i s designed t o analyze the process through which the
i dea ls o f t he Revolut ionary pe r iod were t r a n s l a t e d i n t o important l ega l
and j u d i c i a l reforms. However as these reforms came about as a r e s u l t
o f cont inuous demands f o r change, t h e i r s i g n i f i c a n c e cannot be accura te ly
evaluated w i thou t reference t o the s i t u a t i o n which preva i l e d p r i o r t o
the Revolut ion. Accordingly, the f i r s t p a r t o f t h i s thes i s describes
those aspects o f the j u d i c i a l system o f the o l d regime which provoked the
most vehement c r i t i c i s m . Th is invo lves an examinat ion o f the defects i n
the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e , t he confusion r e s u l t i n g
o f l e g i s l a t i v e un i fo rm i t y , and the b r u t a l i t y and inequa
c r i m i n a l law and procedure.
f rom the absence
1 i t y o f t he
The de f i c ienc ies o f the e x i s t i n g l ega l and j u d i c i a l system gave
r i s e t o many demands f o r reform before 1789, e s p e c i a l l y dur ing t h e
l a s t decades o f the e igh teenth century. Therefore, t he thes i s concerns
i t s e l f w i t h t h e p a r t p layed by those i n d i v i d u a l s whose e f f o r t s l a r g e l y
i n s p i r e d the reforms cu lminat ing i n the Revolut ionary assemblies. The
ideas p u b l i c i z e d by these reformers a l s o in f luenced t h e royal government,
and a d iscuss ion fo l l ows concerning the l i m i t e d achievements r e a l i z e d by
the cou r t i n t h e area o f l ega l and j u d i c i a l reform.
The thes i s then examines the i nco rpo ra t i on o f the Revolut ionary
i dea ls i n t o o rgan ic laws, and the several attempts made t o u n i f y the
c i v i l laws by means o f c o d i f i c a t i o n
Th is i n t u r n leads t o an ana lys i s o
upon i t o f t he Revolut ionary t r a d i t
her i tage.
The ex ten t o f t he reforms invo
dur ing the years 1789 t o 1799.
the Code ~ a ~ o l ;on and t h e i n f l uence
on which formed p a r t o f i t s immediate
v i n g c r i m i n a l law and procedure a re
then exp lored w i t h speci a1 reference t o the var ious safeguards int roduced
on beha l f o f those accused o f crimes. Although t h e attempts t o c o d i f y
c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n dur ing the Revolut ionary pe r iod were inconc lus ive , the
var ious assemblies d i d success fu l l y complete the c o d i f i c a t i o n o f penal
law and procedure. However as these codes were superseded by those
compi l e d under t h e Consulate and F i r s t Empi re, the l a t t e r are examined
t o determine whether the essen t ia l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were d iscarded o r
preserved.
The last part of this thesis concerns the reorganization of t
judicial system which radically altered the method of recruitment of
the magistracy. This reorganization was based upon the principles of
the separation of powers and exemplified the determination of the
Revolutionaries to free the executive from judicial control.
Although Napoleon imposed upon the Codes a characteristically
authoritarian stamp, many of the basic reforms of the Revolutionary
period survived: the uniformity of the law, equality before the law,
the legality of crimes and punishments, trial by jury, and humanized
penalties.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
APPROVAL PAGE ............................................... ABSTRACT ....................................................
........................................... TABLE OF CONTENTS
................................................ INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER I
THE SITUATION UNDER THE OLD REGIME ........................ The A d m i n i s t r a t i o n of J u s t i c e .......................... The Lack o f L e g i s l a t i v e U n i t y .......................... The S t a t e o f C r im ina l Law and Procedure ................
CHAPTER I I
THE MOVEMENT FOR REFORM PRIOR TO THE REVOLUTION ........... The I n f l u e n c e o f t he Phi losophes ....................... Crown and Parlements ...................................
CHAPTER I l l
...................... THE REVOLUTION AND CIVIL LEGISLATION
Ascendant P r i n c i p l e s ................................... .......................... C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t he C i v i l Law
The Work o f t h e Revo lu t i ona ry Assembl ies ............ Le Code Napoleon ....................................
Page
CHAPTER IV
THE REVOLUTION AND CRIMINAL LEGISLATION .................... 60
................ The Work o f the Revolutionary Assemblies 60
Le Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e o f 1808; and l e .................................... Code penal o f 1810 72
CHAPTER V
THE REVOLUTION AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION ................. 85
................................................... CONCLUS l ON 98
L I S T O F REFERENCES ........................................ 104
BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................. 125
INTRODUCTION
I n t h i s paper
e Revo lu t i ona r
11 analyze the process through which the i dea ls
i o d were t rans la ted i n t o important l e g a l and
j u d i c i a l reforms. As these reforms came about as a r e s u l t o f continuous
demands f o r change, i t i s necessary t o examine the s i t u a t i o n which
p r e v a i l e d p r i o r t o the Revolut ion i n order t o access accura te ly t h e i r
s i g n i f i c a n c e . Thus I begin w i t h a d e s c r i p t i o n o f those aspects o f the
system e x i s t i n g under the o l d regime which provoked the most vehement
c r i t i c i s m . Th is invo lves a d iscussion concerning the defects i n the
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e , t h e lack o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y , and the c r u e l t y
and i n e q u a l i t y o f the c r im ina l law and procedure.
The d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t he e x i s t i n g l ega l and j u d i c i a l system gave r i s e
t o many demands f o r reform before 1789, e s p e c i a l l y dur ing the l a s t decades
o f the e igh teenth century. Accordingly, a d iscussion f o l lows concerning
the in f luence o f the philosophes whose e f f o r t s i n s p i r e d many o f t he
reforms which culminated i n the Revolut ionary assemblies. The ideas
p u b l i c i z e d by these reformers a l s o in f luenced the roya l government, and
reference i s made t o the 1 i m i t ed achievements rea l i zed by the monarchy
i n t h i s area.
I then descr ibe the i nco rpo ra t i on o f the Revolut ionary i dea ls i n t o
organ ic laws, and the several attempts made t o u n i f y the c i v i 1 laws by
means o f c o d i f i c a t i o n dur ing the years 1789 t o 1799. Th is i n t u r n leads
P
t o an ana lys i s o f the Code ~ a p o l g o n and the i n f 1 uence upon i t o f t he
Revolut ionary t r a d i t i o n which formed p a r t o f i t s inmediate he r i t age .
The reforms i n v o l v i n g c r im ina l law and procedure a re then explored
w i t h spec ia l reference t o the var ious safeguards int roduced on beha l f
o f those accused o f crimes. Although the attempts t o c o d i f y c i v i l
l e g i s l a t i o n dur ing the Revolut ionary p e r i o d were inconclus ive, the
var ious assemblies successfu l ly completed the c o d i f i c a t i o n o f penal law
and procedure. However as these codes were superseded by those compiled
under t h e Consulate and F i r s t Empire, t he l a t t e r a r e examined t o determine
whether t h e e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were d iscarded o r preserved.
The l a s t p a r t o f the paper deals w i t h the reorgan iza t ion o f the
j u d i c i a l system which r a d i c a l l y a l t e r e d the method o f recru i tment o f the
magist racy. Th is reorgan iza t ion was based upon the p r i n c i p l e o f t h e
separa t ion o f powers and exempl i f ied the determinat ion o f t he Revolut ionar ies
t o f ree the execut ive from j u d i c i a l c o n t r o l .
Although t h e Napoleonic Codes were marked by some a u t h o r i t a r i a n
ideas, they incorporated many o f the bas ic reforms o f the Revolut ionary
per iod , thus ensur ing t h e i r s u r v i v a l : e q u a l i t y be fore the law, the
l e g a l i t y o f crimes and punishments, t r i a l by j u r y , and humanized
penal t i e s .
CHAPTER I
THE SITUATION UNDER THE OLD REGIME
The Admin is t ra t i on o f J u s t i c e
According t o a b s o l u t i s t theory, t he k i n g was the source o f a l l
j u s t i c e i n France. Although he had delegated i t s a d m i n i s t r a t i o n t o
o f f i c i a l s i n the many royal cour ts throughout the country, he had never
a l i e n a t e d h i s r i g h t s i n mat ters o f j u s t i c e . However, because o f t he
procedure o f buying and s e l l i n g p u b l i c o f f i c e s under the o l d regime,
v e n a l i t y and inhe r i t ance o f j u d i c i a l o f f i c e s had become i n p r a c t i c e the
two p r i n c i p a l f a c t o r s which determined the recru i tment o f the magistracy
o f t he sovereign courts . ' Vena l i t y was the main defec t i n the admin i s t ra t i on
o f j u s t i c e and gave r i s e t o most o f t he abuses: t h e numerous cou r t s o f
c o n f l i c t i n g competence; the m u l t i p l i c i t y o f appeal procedures w i t h the
a t tendant excessive costs; and the bestowing o f g i f t s (&ices) upon judges
by l i t i g a n t s t o expedi te the a r b i t r a r y and d i l a t o r y processes o f the law.
The e s s e n t i a l v ices o f t he system are conc ise ly enumerated by M. Marion:
"Trop de t r ibunaux, e t dans ces t r ibunaux t r o p d ' o f f i c i e r s , parce que l a
vente des o f f i c e s & t a i t une grande ressource . . . une j u s t i c e t r & s chhre,
trGs len te , t r g s p a r t i a l e , t r& access ib le l a s o l i c i t a t i o n , > l a
recommandation, \a l ' i n t r i g u e . " 2
The var ious cour ts were f requent ly i n c o n f l i c t over d isputed
j u r i s d i c t i o n s , and even the procureur-q&<ral, J o l y de F leury , complained
i n 1763 t h a t p l a i n t i f f s o f t e n had t o p lead t h e i r s u i t s f o r two o r th ree
years i n d i f f e r e n t cour ts i n o rde r t o a s c e r t a i n before which judge they
should have t h e m i s for tune t o appear. 3
The a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of j u s t i c e i n the s e i g n i o r i a l cour ts , as d i s t i n c t
from the sovereign courts , encompassed many of the def i c ienc ies a1 ready
described. I n a d d i t i o n , j u s t i c e was o f t e n dispensed by persons w i thou t
b e n e f i t o f l ega l t r a i n i n g . These feudal cou r t s were r e l i c s from medieval
times and exerc ised a l i m i t e d , and dec l i n ing , c r i m i n a l and c i v i l
4 j u r i s d i c t i o n . I n the l a s t decades o f t he o l d regime, t h e i r p r i n c i p a l
f u n c t i o n was t o decide d isputes concerning the c o l l e c t i o n and payment o f
s e i g n i o r i a l dues. As the judges (bai 1 1 i s ) were appointed by the seigneurs,
the j u s t i c e dispensed was f a r from i m p a r t i a l . The proceedings o f these
manorial cou r t s represented one o f t h e worst e v i l s of t he o l d j u d i c i a l
system. As R. V i 1 l e r s observes: "I 1 n ' e s t pas exag&r6 de d i r e que de
t e l s t r ibunaux i t a i e n t une des p l a i e s de l a j u s t i c e d ' a l o r s e t peut-&re
une des p l a i e s du rkgime. 1 5
Thus, i n t h e sphere o f the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e alone, the
proceedings o f t h e sovereign and s e i g n i o r i a l cou r t s i l l u s t r a t e d many
o f t h e weaknesses o f the p re - revo lu t i ona ry French lega l system. Th is
system, sus ta ined by s e l f - i n t e r e s t and p r i v i l e g e , was seemingly
impervious t o change. As summed up i n the words o f A r thu r Young, " the
a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e was p a r t i a l , venal, infamous ... upon the
quest ion of expect ing j u s t i c e t o be r e a l l y and f a i r l y administered,
everyone confessed there was no such t h i n g t o be looked for." 6
On the eve o f t he Revolut ion, many o f t h e cahiers demanded t h a t
the j u r i s d i c t i o n a l l i m i t s o f the t r i b u n a l s be l i m i t e d i n a c l e a r and
i n v a r i a b l e manner i n order t o avo id c o n f l i c t s o f competence between
t h e judges.7 Several c a l l e d f o r the abol i t i o n o f s e i g n i o r i a l cour ts
and f o r t h e establ ishment o f a s i n g l e a d m i n i s t r a t i v e t r i b u n a l throughout
the realm. S t i 1 1 o thers demanded suppress i o n o f venal i t y and proposed
t h a t judges be nominated by t h e k i n g - from l i s t s presented by l o c a l
assemblies - and hencefor th be p a i d by the State. 9
The cond i t i on o f the admin i s t ra t i on o f j u s t i c e i n the o l d regime
was such t h a t reforms e f f e c t e d by the Revolut ionary assemblies would
o n l y prove t o be far-reaching.
The Lack o f L e g i s l a t i v e Un i t y
Under the o l d regime the complexi ty and d i v e r s i t y o f French law
was such t h a t no one was ab le t o know i t w i t h c e r t a i n t y . As a consequence,
many sought p r o t e c t i o n against t he a r b i t r a r y admin i s t ra t i on o f
j u s t i c e as p r a c t i c e d by the cou r t s by advancing the concept o f c o d i f i c a t i o n
o f t he laws o f t he realm. They be l i eved t h a t once t h i s was achieved
everyone would be aware o f h i s l e g a l r i g h t s and t h a t no d i s c r e t i o n would
*
be l e f t t o the judges i n app ly ing the law.
The d i v e r s i t y of laws under the did regime was based p a r t l y on
reg iona l t r a d i t i o n s . I n the south o f France, the governing system o f
law was known as " l e d r o i t e 'c r i t " which was founded upon the Roman
law o f J u s t i n i a n as modi f ied by custom and s t a t u t e . I t was charac ter ized
by i t s u n i f o r m i t y , i t s r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y , i t s comprehensiveness, and i t s
emphasis on paternal author i ty .10 I n the c e n t r a l and nor thern regions
o f France, w i t h the except ion o f Alsace, " l e d r o i t coutumier" p reva i led .
Th is customary law o f the North, l a r g e l y Germanic i n o r i g i n , comprised
d i f f e r e n t bodies o f law - procedure, p roper ty , and succession - and
d isplayed great d i v e r s i t y . ' ' However, t he d i s t i n c t i o n between "pays
de d r o i t k c r i t" and "pays de coutumes" had been modi f ied t o a considerable
degree by the compi la t ion o f customary law undertaken i n the f i f t e e n t h
and s i x t e e n t h centur ies .
These two bas ic systems o f law were complemented by the a d d i t i o n
of two o thers o f a general character . Feudal law, i n f l u e n t i a l i n t h e
n o r t h of France, in t roduced an element o f complexity i n t o the laws w i t h
regard t o the ownership and use o f land; canon law exercised a dominant
in f luence over personal s i t u a t i o n s , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n the matter o f
marriage.
I n the seventeenth century, when roya l l e g i s l a t i v e power under
Louis X I V had a t t a i n e d s u f f i c i e n t recogn i t i on t o have b ind ing force
throughout the kingdom, roya l ordinances began t o u n i f y c e r t a i n broad
areas o f t he law. As a r e s u l t o f Co lber t ls i n i t i a t i v e , several "Grandes
Ordonnances" were d ra f ted by a commission o f c o d i f i c a t i o n appointed by
the king.12 O f these enactments, t he most s i g n i f i c a n t one i n terms o f
t h i s study was the "Ordonnance Cr imine l le " o f 1670. I t s p rov i s ions
were t o govern c r i m i n a l law and procedure i n France u n t i l t he
Revo 1 u t i ona r y decade.
C o l b e r t ' s work o f c o d i f i c a t i o n was cont inued i n the e igh teenth
century under Louis XV by the e f f o r t s o f DtAguesseau. Th is capable
Chancel lor i n i t i a l l y contemplated u n i f y i n g t h e e n t i r e c i v i l law o f the
realm.13 Although h i s ambi t ion was n o t t o be achieved, th ree ordinances
were promulgated as a d i r e c t r e s u l t o f h i s labours: Ordonnance sur l e s
donat ions (1 731) ; Ordonnance su r l e s testaments ( 1 735) ; Ordonnance sur
l es s u b s t i t u t i o n s f idgicommissai res (1747).
C o d i f i c a t i o n o f t he law on a broader sca le was no t achieved under
the monarchy p r i m a r i l y because o f s o c i a l and lega l i n e q u a l i t y and the
t r a d i t i o n o f l o c a l independence i n the provinces. Thus many members o f
the robe n o b i l i t y , and t o a l esse r ex ten t o f the sword, f e l t t h a t
c o d i f i c a t i o n encroached upon t h e i r j u d i c i a l prerogat ives. l4 The
achievement o f n a t i o n a l l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y would have meant t h a t t he
e x i s t i n g d i f f e rences i n laws and customs o f the d iverse regions o f France
had t o be subordinated t o a dominant c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y which i n t u r n was
animated by the d e s i r e f o r l e g i s l a t i v e un i fo rm i t y . Th is o b j e c t i v e could
on ly be obta ined i f the c e n t r a l a u t h o r i t y was a l so prepared t o remove the
e x i s t i n g l ega l d i s t i n c t i o n s between persons. Such was n o t the s t a t e
o f a f f a i r s i n France u n t i l t he p e r i o d o f the Revolut ion.
Many o f the cah iers expressed t h e des i re o f t he people f o r l e g i s l a t i v e
u n i f i c a t i o n - "une l o i unique pour t o u t l a royaume" - and f o r c o d i f i c a t i o n
o f the c i v i l and c r i m i n a l l a d 5 I n c a l l i n g f o r l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y , t he
cah ier submit ted by the T h i r d Es ta te of Pa r i s s u c c i n c t l y described the
unsa t i s fac to ry s i t u a t i o n which p r e v a i l e d under the o l d regime:
"Un assemblage informe de l o i s romaines e t de coutumes barbares, de rkg 1 emens e t d'ordonnances sans rappor t avec nos moeurs, comme sans un i t 6 de p r i n c i p e s , consu dans des temps d' ignorance e t de t roub le , pour des c i rconstances e t un o r d r e de choses q u i n ' e x i s t e n t p lus , ne peut former une l d g i s l a t i o n d igne d'une grande nat ion , e c l a i r d e de tou tes l e s lumihres que l e gdnie, l a ra ison e t 1 'exp&rience o n t r6pandues sur tous l es ob je ts . ,116
The Sta te o f Cr imina l Law and Procedure
During t h e l a t t e r p a r t o f t he e igh teenth century the most i n s i s t e n t
demands were d i rec ted , j u s t i f i a b l y , towards the reform o f c r i m i n a l law
and procedure. The code t h a t governed c r im ina l procedure u n t i 1 t h e
Revolut ion was t h e Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670, which was regarded by
the j u d i c i a r y as "un des p l u s beaux monuments de l a l g g i s l a t i o n " . 17
Although i t was model led c l o s e l y upon an ordinance o f 1539, the noteworthy
f a c t i s t h a t t h e c r i m i n a l law o f France had undergone no r a d i c a l change
s ince the t h i r t e e n t h century. 18
*
The procedures s e t o u t i n the Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 showed
l i t t l e regard f o r the i n t e r e s t s o f the accused: a person suspected o f
a crime cou ld be a r b i t r a r i l y imprisoned (imprisonment being, i n theory,'
19 a mere means of secur ing the execut ion o f t he sentence) ; witnesses
were i n t e r r o g a t e d s e c r e t l y and separate ly ; t he accused was quest ioned
p r i v a t e l y by t h e judge and s t r i c t l y p r o h i b i t e d from c o m u n i c a t i n g w i t h
anyone, i n c l u d i n g defence counsel . Unt i 1 the accused was confronted by
the witnesses aga ins t him, he o f t e n was ignorant o f t h e offense f o r
which he was charged. As A. Desjard ins remarks: " I 1 semblai t que
ceux qu i l ' a v a i e n t rkd igke eussent eu 1 ' i n t e n t i o n de rendre tou jou rs la
condamnation i n c h i t a b l e , t a n t i l s avaient rendu l a j u s t i f i c a t i o n
d i f f i c i 1 e . 1 ' ~ ~
Under the Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e the accused was not o n l y subjected
t o an a rcha ic and i n q u i s i t o r i a l t r i a l procedure bu t a l s o t o an equa l l y
a rcha ic and i r r a t i o n a l system o f ob ta in ing proof . As confession was
t rea ted as conc lus ive p roo f o f g u i l t , t o r t u r e was pe rm i t ted du r ing the
"preparatory quest ion" t o o b t a i n a confession from the accused before
sentencing. I t s use was a l s o permi t ted dur ing t h e t 1 p r e l i m i n a r y question"
which was a p p l i e d a f t e r sentencing t o secure in format ion about t h e accused's
accomplices. Obviously, such proceedings disregarded the very r e a l
p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t confessions would be obta ined from the innocent who were
weak b u t n o t from the g u i l t y who were strong.
However,the most loathsome aspect o f t he c r im ina l law o f t h i s
pe r iod was t h e f e r o c i t y and c r u e l t y o f t he punishments imposed upon
those conv ic ted o f crimes. Cap i ta l punishments inc luded burning a t the
stake, breaking on the wheel, quar ter ing , hanging, and beheading.
h he headman's b lock took the p lace o f t he ga l lows i n the case o f persons
o f nob le b i r t h . ) For minor crimes the usual punishments were f l ogg ing
and corporal mut i l a t ion.
Such punishments, h e l d i n p u b l i c , were doubtless considered an
important means o f prevent ing crime and main ta in ing law and order .
However, as R. Anchel observes, the de te r ren t p r i n c i p l e d i d n o t work i n
p rac t i ce : "Mais n i 1 ' a u t o r i te' omnipotente des juges, n i l a sdvk r i te' des
l o i s e t des chst iments, n i 1 ' o rgan isa t i on po l i c i k r e ne p a r v i n r e n t jamais
I sous 1 'ancien rggime a une repression e f f icace des dk l i t s c r imine ls" .
2 1
Where, under the p rov i s ions o f the Ordonnance Cr imine l le , no
pena l t i es were s p e c i f i e d f o r c e r t a i n crimes, the judge was e n t i t l e d t o
make h i s s e l e c t i o n among punishments app l i ed t o o t h e r crimes. Even when
the pena l t y had been spec i f i ed , he had the a u t h o r i t y t o increase o r
d imin ish i t according t o the circumstances. Th is d i s c r e t i o n pe rm i t ted t o
the judges d i d n o t r e s u l t i n an a l l e v i a t i o n o f the s e v e r i t y o f punishment:
" N i l a miskre, n i l a passion, l ' imbe'ci
l eu rs yeux comme excuse. Bien p lus , i
r igueur un cr ime ou un p r o j e t c r im ine l
v u l g a i r e rece l pouvaient v a l o i r l a rnor
e
ll i t 6 ou l a f o l i e ne v a l a i e n t A
1s c h s t i a i e n t souvent avec l a meme
. Le p lus mince l a r c i n , un
The Ordonnance Cr im ine l l e o f 1670 had, by i t s many omissions
w i t h regard t o d e f i n i t i o n o f crimes and punishments, abandoned much
t o the prudence o f the judge f o r the reason t h a t a separate penal code
con ta in ing such d e f i n i t i o n s was unknown i n t h e o l d regime. The
h i s t o r i c a l tendency i n France had been t o merge substant ive c r im ina l
law w i t h procedure, and t o regard the former s o l e l y from the l a t t e r
standpoint.23 Thus, u n t i l t he pe r iod o f t he Revolut ion, judges and the
o f f i c i a l prosecutor a lone had the power t o dec lare what c o n s t i t u t e d a
crime, where t h e Ordonnance was s i l e n t , and t o p r e s c r i b e what penal
consequences should f o l l o w an ac t declared t o be a Such a
s i t u a t i o n n a t u r a l l y gave r i s e t o the abuse o f power on the one hand, and
a degradation o f t he c r im ina l law on t h e o ther . As A . Watt lnne observes:
"La t r o p grande imprkc is ion des pouvoi r s accord& aux juges k t a i t un
grave dkfaut". 25
On the eve o f the Revolut ion, t h e cah iers represented an accurate
cata logue o f t he demands f o r reform o f t he c r i m i n a l law: a l l proceedings
26 should be h e l d i n p u b l i c ; the accused should be al lowed the assistance
28. o f counsel2'; t he powers o f the examining judge should be r e s t r i c t e d ,
the i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f the accused should take p lace w i t h i n twenty- four
hours29; a system o f Jurors should be i n s t
o f the fact3'; l e t t r e s - de cachet should be
Ttuted f o r t he determinat ion
3 1 abol ished.
Other cahiers c a l l e d f o r the compi la t ion o f a c r im ina l code
determining and c l a s s i f y i n g crimes and punishments: " ~ k t k r m i n e r
exactement l e s crimes, d k l i t s e t peines, de manikre que t o u t l e monde
pu isse connart re ses devoirs e t l e danger de l e s enfreindre". 32
Punishment should be more humane, po rpo r t i ona te t o the crime, and
a p p l i c a b l e t o a l l : It...que l a d i f f6 rence dans l e s peines ne s o i t
de'termine'e que par l a na ture des d d l i t s e t non pa r l a q u a l i t 4 des
personnes". 3 3
A r b i t r a r i n e s s , confusion, and, above a l l , c r u e l t y were the
a t t r i b u t e s o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure i n France under the o l d regime.
Reactions aga ins t t h i s lamentable s t a t e o f a f f a i r s became more pronounced
as t h e e igh teenth century progressed. However, few p r a c t i c a l reforms
were r e a l i z e d u n t i l the decade o f the Revolut ion.
\ CHAPTER I I
THE MOVEMENT FOR REFORM PRIOR TO THE REVOLUTION
The In f luence o f t he Philosophes
P u b l i c op in ion i n France was no t openly c r i t i c a l o f t he c r i m i n a l
1 egal system throughout t h e seventeenth century; i t s c r u e l t y , i t s
i n e q u a l i t y , i t s a r b i t r a r i n e s s , were a l l deemed by the best minds o f the
t ime t o be a necessary harshness. 34 However, dur ing the e igh teenth
century the aber ra t ions and shortcomings o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure
were i nc reas ing ly subjected t o c r i t i c a l ana lys i s and demands f o r reform.
I n the f o r e f r o n t o f the movement t o make the c r im ina l law more r a t i o n a l /
and humane, th ree names i n p a r t i c u l a r stand f o r t h : Montesquieu, Beccaria,
and V o l t a i r e . Although i t would be i n c o r r e c t t o asc r ibe t o them t h e
c i f i c c r i m i n a l reforms subsequently achieved dur ing the
iod, i t can be asserted t h a t the cumulat ive e f f e c t o f
focusing a t t e n t i o n on the d e f i c i e n c i e s o f t he e x i s t i n g
c l irnate o f o p i n i o n sympathet ic t o 1 egal re.form.
authorsh ip o f spe
Revolut ionary per
t h e i r e f f o r t s , by
system, c reated a
The f
t o have dea
Montesqu ieu
i r s t French w r i t e r i n t h e e igh teen th century who can be sa id
I t comprehensively w i t h the c r i m i n a l law i n a ph i losoph ica l way was
.35 I n h i s L e t t r e s persanes, which appeared i n 1721, he denied
the v a l i d i t y o f the de te r ren t theory which holds t h a t severe punishment
wi 1 1 decrease the incidence o f crime: "Dans un E t a t l e s peines p lus
ou moins c r u e l l e s ne f o n t pas que l ' o n obk isse p lus aux l o i s . Dans les'
pays o i l e s chatiments sont mod&r&, on l e s c r a i n t comme dans ceux o;
i 1 s sont tyranniques e t af f reux" . 36
Montesquieu's views on c r im ina l law were developed more f u l l y i n
De 1 ' E s p r i t des L o i s which was pub l ished i n 1748. I n t h i s work he -
r e f l e c t e d upon the meaning and purpose o f penal laws. Among h i s proposals
f o r reform, he advocated the necess i ty o f a r i g h t p ropor t i on between
crimes and punishments: "C'est un grand ma1 , parmi vous de f a i r e subi r
l a meme peine c e l u i qu i v o l e su r un grand chemin, e t c e l u i q u i v o l e
e t assassine. I 1 es t v i s i b l e que, pour l a sare td publ ique, il f a u d r a i t
me t t re quelque d i f f d r e n c e dans l a peine". 3 7
Montesquieu a l so c a l l e d f o r a r a t i o n a l jur isprudence and inveighed
aga ins t the barbarous use o f t o r t u r e : "Tant d'habi l es gens e t t a n t de
beaux g&ies o n t e / c r i t cont re c e t t e p ra t i que , que j e n'ose p a r l e r aprks
eux. J ' a l l a i s d i r e q u ' e l l e p o u r r a i t convenir dans les gouvernements
despotiques, oh t a n t ce q u i i n s p i r e l a c r a i n t e e n t r e p lus dans les
ressor ts du gouvernement; j ' a l l a i s d i re. que l e s esclaves, chez les Grecs
e t chez l e s Romains ... mais j 'en tends l a v o i x de l a na ture que c r i cont re
mo i". 3 8
The secre t procedure of t he cour ts was c r i t i c i z e d by Montesquieu
f o r the reason t h a t repress ive c r i m i n a l proceedings no t on l y c o n s t i t u t e d
a depr i va t i on o f r i g h t s f o r the accused, bu t a l s o made suspect the
safeguard o f 1 i b e r t i e s f o r a l l . 39 Two cond i t i ons are essen t ia l ,
Montesquieu argued, i n c r im ina l proceedings: the c e r t a i n t y o f form and
the p o s s i b i l i t y o f 1 i b e r t y o f defence. I n a d d i t i o n he c a l l e d f o r t h e
necessi ty o f c l e a r l y framed laws t h a t leave noth ing t o the judge's
d i ~ c r e t i o n . ~ ' The Eng l i sh system o f t r i a l by j u r y received Montesquieu's
pra ise, and he c a l l e d f o r i t s i nco rpo ra t i on i n t o French law. 4 1
Montequieu's ideas concerning c r i m i n a l law and procedure were
mot ivated by a sense o f humanity and reason. Although he d i d n o t deal
w i t h the sub jec t exhaust ive ly , h i s e f f o r t s caused the shortcomings
associated w i t h c r i m i n a l law t o be brought o u t i n t o the open, thus paving
the way f o r subsequent reforms. 4 2
/
The famous book authored by Cesare Beccaria, the T r e a t i s e - on Crimes
and Punishments, was pub l ished i n M i lan i n the I t a l i a n language, bu t a -
t r a n s l a t i o n i n t o French appeared i n 1766. With the p u b l i c a t i o n o f
t h i s t r e a t i s e t h e i n t e r e s t i n penal reform became widespread i n
France and went beyond concern over i n d i v i d u a l miscarr iages o f j u s t i c e . 4 3
/
A Milanese j u r i s t , Beccar ia was the f i r s t t o formulate p r e c i s e l y
the c r i t i c i s m s o f t he e x i s t i n g system o f c r im ina l law and t o propose
abuse o f impr i
He c a l l e d f o r
importance o f
#
Beccaria argue
sonment pending t r i a l , secret accusation, and t o r t u r e . 4 5
p u b l i c i t y o f proceedings and judgments and st ressed the
the na tu re o f p roo f requ i red t o e s t a b l i s h the o f fense. 46 .
d t h a t punishment should be conf ined t o offenses which
were dangerous t o publ i c order,47 and t h a t o n l y as much punishment
4 8 should be i n f l i c t e d as was abso lu te l y necessary f o r deterrence. Using
these p r i n c i p l e s , he proceeded t o a s s a i l t he grave abuses i n c r i m i n a l
law and procedure: t h e wanton i n f l i c t i o n o f t he death penal ty , the
c rue l punishments, and t h e severe pena l t i es f o r minor of fenses. 4 9
Although ~ e c c a r f a ' s t r e a t i s e provoked considerable d iscuss ion
i n France, there was l i t t l e attempt by j u r i s t s t o app ly h i s theo r ies
sys temat i ca l l y t o t h e cond i t i ons o f t he time. I n f a c t , res i s tance
by the j u d i c i a r y t o t h e ideas contained i n the t r e a t i s e was l i v e l y and
opin ionated. As J. Dec la reu i l observes: "Les c r i m i n a l i s t e s de l a v i e i l l e
/ ecole, Jousse, Muyart de Vouglons, S e r p i l l o n , se rgvo l tGrent cont res l e s
nouveaut& dangereuses de l ' k r i v a i n mi lana is . I 151
I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e a t t i t u d e s o f i n d i f f e r e n c e and h o s t i l i t y d isp layed /
by the j u r i s t s , V o l t a i r e r e a d i l y acknowledged h i s indebtedness t o Beccar ia 's
t r e a t i s e , and i n the l a t e r years o f h i s l i f e he became the recognized
leader o f the movement f o r l ega l reform.52 His enormous p r e s t i g e and
reputa t ion , h i s p r o l i f i c l i t e r a r y output , and h i s personal involvement
i n many .causes cGlEbres, enabled him t o publ i c i ze e f f e c t i v e l y t h e
b r u t a l i t y and i n j u s t i c e which charac ter ized the c r i m i n a l law and
procedure o f t he o l d regime. He in te res ted h imse l f i n i n d i v i d u a l cases
o f no to r ious i n j u s t i c e ( ~ a l a s , Sirven, La Barre), and he a l s o publ ished
many works showing the necess i ty f o r reforms. The Calas case, i n
p a r t i c u l a r , awakened V o l t a i r e ' s passion f o r l ega l reform, and focused
on French c r i m i n a l law h i s avers ion t o i n j ~ s t i c e . ~ ) The wide p u b l i c i t y
g iven t o t h i s case by V o l t a i r e dramatized f o r t h e French the d e f i c i e n c i e s
o f t h e i r l ega l system. As E. Nixon observes: "The Calas a f f a i r , which
echoed and re-echoed throughout Europe, cover ing France w i t h shame
and g l o r y , revealed f a t a l weaknesses i n c e r t a i n o f t h e i n s t i t u t i o n s of
a country t h a t was t h e i n t e l l e c t u a l hub o f t he world. 1154
Whi le us ing
~ o l t ~ i r e a l s o pub
e x i s t i n g c r i m i n a l
f o r example, V o l t
h i s i n f l uence t o r e h a b i l i t a t e v i c t i m s o f i n j u s t i c e ,
l i s h e d several works a t t a c k i n g the f a u l t s o f t he
sys tem. 55 I n " P r i x de l a j u s t i c e e t de 11humanit6", --- -- a i r e c a l l e d f o r t he most spar ing use o f the death
pena l ty and argued t h a t the s e v e r i t y o f punishment - f a r from reducing
crime - increased i t .56 Harshness and c r u e l t y were n o t merely inhuman,
he contended, bu t a l s o i r r a t i o n a l and uneconomic; fo rced labour should
be p r e f e r r e d as a punishment t o c a p i t a l execut ion because the c r i m i n a l
should be made as use fu l as poss ib le t o soc ie ty . 57 V o l t a i r e condemned
the use o f punishments f o r heresy, sorcery and sacr i lege, and he decr ied
the i n f l uence o f canon law regarding the crimes o f bigamy, adu l te ry ,
and inces t . 58
V o l t a i r e reserved h i s most scath ing c r i t i c i s m s f o r the systems .
o f procedure i n the Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e o f 1670 which prescr ibed
i r r a t i o n a l methods o f i n q u i r y and r u l e s o f evidence. He a t tacked the
secrecy o f procedure, the den ia l o f counsel t o t h e accused, the de ten t ion
o f t he accused pending t r i a l , and the use o f t o r tu re .59 The o b j e c t of
a l ega l proceeding, V o l t a i r e argued, should be t h e d iscovery o f t r u t h . 60
However, t he secre t character o f French procedure - which permi t ted
judges t o g i v e t h e i r v e r d i c t s i n secret and keep secre t the reasons
f o r t h e i r dec is ions - made the d iscovery o f t r u t h d i f f i c u l t , i f n o t
impossible.
As mentioned prev ious ly , i n the area most c r i t i c i z e d by the
phi losophes - t h a t o f ' c r i m i n a l law and procedure - the cou r t s and most
o f the j u r i s t s were f r a n k l y reac t ionary . V o l t a i r e regarded the
parlement o f P a r i s as a conservat ive, f a n a t i c a l body t h a t was plagued
by a l l t h e l i m i t a t i o n s o f corporate s e l f - i n t e r e s t . As A . Watt inne
observes: " V o l t a i r e , comme l a p l u p a r t de ses contemporains, n 'a ima i t
p o i n t l e s gens de robe. 1 1 j u g e a i t l a GENS TOGATA avec une c la i rvoyance
redoutable; mag is t ra ts e t avocats recevaient dgalment ses sarcasmes.
I1 i g n o r a i t l a science j u r i d i q u e , qu' i 1 semble avoi r d'edaign6e.I' 6 1
The phi losophes bel ieved t h a t
t o be achieved i t was necessary t o c
a t t i t u d e had a c e r t a i n basis i n f a c t
i f s i g n i f i c a n t l e g a l reforms were
ircumvent t h e magis t ra ture . Th is
. The new n a t u r a l law phi losophy
had not penetrated i n t o the law schools, whose c u r r i c u l a remained
l a r g e l y unchanged and cont inued to.emphasize Roman law. 62 Such
works as were produced by the j u r i s t s re ta ined t h e bas ic presupposi t ions
and contex t o f es tab l ished law, and from t h e p o i n t o f view o f t h e
reformers f a i l e d t o go t o the hear t o f t he problem.63 During the
e igh teenth century, the j u r i s t s , who necessar i l y worked w i t h i n t h e
framework o f t r a d i t i o n , f o r f e i t e d leadersh ip i n t h i s area t o the philosophes
who had l i t t l e use f o r t r a d i t i o n and who made t h e major c o n t r i b u t i o n t o
l ega l and j u d i c i a l reforms. 6 4
I n c o n t r a s t t o the m a j o r i t y o f t h e i r col leagues, however, a
few j u r i s t s o f repu ta t i on had adopted the n a t u r a l law phi losophy o f
i n d i v i d u a l r i g h t s and were a c t i v e l y working f o r reform - e s p e c i a l l y i n
c r i m i n a l law and procedure. For example, t h e Attorney-General Servan
/
reproduced t h e ideas o f Beccaria i n h i s ce lebra ted address on the
"Admin is t ra t i on de l a j u s t i c e c r im ine l l e " , which caused much
consternat ion.65 I n t h i s address Servan severe ly c r i t i c i z e d procedure,
w i t h p a r t i c u l a r re ference t o detent ion pending t r i a l , i ns id ious
i n te r roga t ions , t o r t u r e , and the d o c t r i n e o f l ega l proofs. He threw
doubt upon t h e l eg i t imacy o f c a p i t a l punishment and c a l l e d f o r f i xed
and accura te laws. I n conclusion,
Ordonnance Cr imine l l e o f 1670. 6 6
I n l i k e manner, Dupaty, pres
he demanded t h e amendment o f t he
, i d e n t o f t he parlement o f Bordeaux, .
appealed f o r reforms o f c r i m i n a l procedure i n h i s w r i t i n g s e n t i t l e d ,
L e t t r e s -- sur l a prockdure c r i m i n e l l e de l a France. H is consc ien t ious -- e f f o r t s a t re fo rm were met w i t h in tense h o s t i l i t y on the p a r t o f t h e
j u d i c i a r y : " I 1 6 t a i t d6 tes t6 de l a p l u p a r t de ses col ldgues pour
l ' indgpendence de ses idkes e t sa passion 3 v o u l o i r rgformer l a procgdure
c r i m i n e l l e . 1 [67
Although j u r i s t s such as Servan and Dupaty were imbued w i t h the
phi losophy o f n a t u r a l r i g h t s and worked f o r l e g a l reforms, they were
never leaders i n t he realm o f ideas. As W.F. Church observes: " . . . they
were f o l l o w e r s r a t h e r than leaders. T h e i r r o l e was t o implement and
b r i n g t o f r u i t i o n the concepts t h a t o t h e r s had developed before them." 68
Thus i t was p r i n c i p a l l y through the e f f o r t s o f t he phi losophes
t h a t re fo rm o f the j u d i c i a l system became a prominent sub jec t of
d iscuss ion and study i n t he years preceding the Revolut ion. To s t a t e
t h a t t h e i r i n f l uence was a lone respons ib le f o r the s i g n i f i c a n t reforms
t h a t came about a t t he end o f the cen tu ry wou
an exaggerated fo rce . Never theless i t can be
i n p a r t i c u l a r V o l t a i r e - c o n t r i b u t e d i n g reat
I d be t o ass ign t o ideas
s a i d t h a t t h e phi losophes-
: measure t o a c l imate
o f op in ion favour ing the c r e a t i o n o f a more reasonable and humane
s o c i e t y which would no longer t o l e r a t e an a rcha ic system o f c r i m i n a l
law!' As R. Anchel observes: ". . . l e u r s p r i n c i p e s t r iomph&rent avec
I 170 l a ~ 6 v o l u t i o n quleux-m&mes con t r i bug ren t 2 prgparer .
Crown and Par 1 emen t s
The new ideas which were developed and p u b l i c i z e d by the
phi losophes had no t been w i t h o u t i n f l u e n c e i n t h e Court i t s e l f du r i ng
the l a s t decades o f the o l d regime. The roya l government attempted,
and i n some instances achieved, j u d i c i a l reforms. Nevertheless, i t s
most c r e d i t a b l e e f f o r t s tended t o be obscured by the charges o f
despotism and extravagance made aga ins t i t .
The Crown had every mot ive, i f o n l y i n t he i n t e r e s t s o f e f f i c i e n t
admin i s t ra t i on , t o undertake j u d i c i a l reform. However, i t s a b i l i t y t o
i n i t i a t e reforms, t o govern even, had become e f f e c t i v e l y l i m i t e d du r ing
the l a t t e r p a r t o f the e igh teen th cen tu ry by the organized oppos i t i on
of the parlements.71 These sovereign cou r t s o f law were corpora te bodies,
each a c t i n g as a supreme c o u r t of law f o r i t s p a r t o f the country.
Besides t h e i r j u d i c i a l f unc t i ons , they claimed and exerc ised c e r t a i n
p o l i t i c a l powers which der ived from the r i g h t o f r e g i s t e r i n g roya l
e d i c t s and ordinances. Th is r i g h t o f ' v e r i f y i n g ' and o f demonstrating
against royal l e g i s l a t i o n endowed the parlements w i t h the power o f
checking and thwar t i ng the t h e o r e t i c a l l y abso lu te monarchy. Such a
power was one which cou ld be he ld i n check o n l y by a s t rong k ing l i k e
Louis X I V o r destroyed by an en l igh tened despot. 7 2
The need t o curb the increas ing oppos i t i on t o the monarchy by the
sovereign cou r t s had been b e l a t e d l y recognized by Louis XV w i t h t h e
appointment of Maupeou t o t h e chance l l o rsh ip i n 1770. I n January 1771,
Maupeou proceeded t o s t r i k e down the p o l i t i c a l power o f the parlements
by abo l i sh ing t h e P a r i s i a n cou r t o u t r i g h t and by es tab l i sh ing a new
system o f appeal cou r t s w i t h func t i ons narrowly r e s t r i c t e d t o the
j u d i c i a l sphere. I n these new appeal cou r t s the purchase and sa le o f
j u d i c i a l o f f i c e s and the t a k i n g o f 6pices were forbidden. 73 i n l i e u o f
a p r o p r i e t a r y r i g h t t o t h e i r p o s i t i o n , the new magis t ra ture received a
sa lary from the government w i t h assurances o f f i x e d tenure.74 The
problem o f c o n f l i c t i n g j u r i s d i c t i o n s among the cour ts - a cont inu ing
source o f confusion, expense and delay - was removed by means o f a prec ise
r e d e f i n i t i o n o f t h e i r competence. 7 5
I n s p i t e o f the widespread a g i t a t i o n t h a t these changes caused,
the newly es tab l i shed cour t s were ab le t o f u n c t i o n e f f e c t i v e l y and
the reform seemed t o be d e f i m i t i v e . Although Maupeou was subjected t o .
much verbal abuse by the e x i l e d magist rates, who posed as the v i c t i m s o f
a despot ic m i n i s t e r , Louis XV continued t o support h i s chance l lo r . Had
t h i s k i n g l i v e d a few years longer, i t i s probable t h a t s u f f i c i e n t t ime
would have been gained f o r t he 'Maupeou' cour ts t o conso l ida te themselves
on a permanent bas is . However t h i s j u d i c i a l reorganizat ion, which might .
have been the s a l v a t i o n o f the French monarchy76, was reversed by Louis
X V I upon h i s assumption o f the throne. Th is you th fu l k i n g had a s t rong
des i re t o be a popu lar monarch and was persuaded tha t , by r e c a l l i n g the
parlements, he would rece ive un ive rsa l approbation.77 I n the event, t he
r e s t o r a t i o n o f t h e parlements i n 1774 has been h e l d t o be the monarchy's
f i n a l and f a t a l mistake.78 The r e s u l t o f the r e c a l l , as A l f r e d Cobban
observes, was t h a t " the roya l government l o s t t he advantages i t had gained
by Maupeou's coup d 1 6 t a t , w h i l e i t continued t o s u f f e r from the odium o f
having proved i t s e l f an a r b i t r a r y despotism and from a f u r t h e r l oss o f
p r e s t i g e by i t s cap i tu la t i on " . 79
I n con t ras t t o the reforming e f f o r t s o f h i s predecessor, which came
a t the end o f a long and unrespected re ign , those of Louis X V I were
manifested from the ou tse t and doubtless r e f l e c t e d the young monarch's
des i re t o be a 'good' k ing . As F. P i 6 t r i observes: "I1 appar tena i t
a Louis X V I d lZ t re , par ra i son autant que par goat, l e premier rGformateur
*
sincGre de l a monarchie e t de jouer , dans ce t r a v a i l d 'une a c t i v i t 6
insoupsonn6e, a u t r e chose qu'un r61e p a s s i f ou symbollque." 8 o
The l e g i s l a t i o n enacted under Louis
emphasis on s o c i a l reforms and i t s attempt
law. As examples o f the former, we can c i
enactments: "L 'a r rGt du Conseil sur l a li
dans l a royaume" - September 23, 1774; "L'
jurandes e t communaut6s de commerce, a r t s
X V I was d i s t i ngu ished by i t s
s t o amel io ra te the c r im ina l
t e the f o l l o w i n g roya l
be r t6 du commerce des g ra ins
E d i t p o r t a n t suppression des
e t mbt iers" - February 1776;
"L 'Ed i t supprimant l es d r o i t s de mainmorte dans les domaines du r o i e t
l a s e r v i tude personel l eu ' - August 1779; "L ' Edi t concernant l e s
p ro tes tan ts e t rgorganisant l e u r k t a t c i v i l " - November 1787. 8 1
The r i g o u r s o f c r im ina l procedure under the Ordinance o f 1670
were m i t i g a t e d by t h e royal " ~ e ' c l a r a t i o n " o f August 24, 1780, abo l i sh ing
the "quest ion p r6para to i re" which was designed t o wr ing a confession o f
g u i l t from the accused. Th is measure was one o f the most important
undertaken by Louis X V I dur ing t h e pe r iod i n which he was i n f u
possession o f h i s regal power.82 Shor t l y t h e r e a f t e r , on August
several ordinances were issued i n the k i n g ' s name having as t h e
the improvement o f p r i s o n cond i t ions . 83
11
30, 1780,
i r o b j e c t
I t was on the eve o f the Revolut ion, however, t h a t t he roya l
government in t roduced t r u l y r a d i c a l measures t o b r i n g about j u d i c i a l and
lega l reforms. These measures promised such fundamental changes i n the
admin i s t ra t i on of j u s t i c e t h a t they have been h a i l e d as the most important
r e v o l u t i o n which France saw before the f i n a l f a l l o f t he o l d regime. 8 4
The famous s i x e d i c t s o f May 1788, d r a f t e d by Lamoignon, the
Keeper o f t he Seals, were designed t o c a r r y o u t much needed reforms
toward a s i m p l i f i c a t i o n o f j u d i c i a l procedure, ame l io ra t i on o f c r im ina l
j u s t i c e , and a d iminut ion o f the o b s t r u c t i v e power o f the parlements.
I t has been argued t h a t , desp i te the advent o f a genuine supporter o f
lega l reform i n the person o f Lamoignon, t h e j u r i d i c changes were engineered
less f o r t h e i r own sake than as a weapon aga ins t t he parlements. 85 The
opposing p o i n t o f view has been argued by M. Marion: " I 1 n ' e s t pas v r a i
que l a rkforme j u d i c i a i r e de 1788 n ' a i t e ' te 'qu'un e x ~ e ' d i e n t de
/ .\ 8 6 ci rconstance imagine/ pour f a i r e accepter l a cour p l e n ~ e r e " ; and f u r t h e r :
"La re'forme j u d i c i a i r e de 1788 f u t a u t r e chose e t mieux qu'un appdt
g ross ie r tendu au pays pour o b t e n i r sa soumission au despotisme. 1187
Although t h e May e d i c t s were not dest ined t o be appl ied, i t i s usefu l
t o sub jec t them t o a b r i e f review as many o f t he measures reappeared i n
the l ega l reforms enacted by the Nat iona l Assembly. The f i r s t e d i c t ,
e n t i t l e d "Ordonnance sur l l A d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a Just ice" , c reated
fo r ty -seven new appeal cou r t s which were s t y l e d "grands-bai l l iages."
These t r i b u n a l s were intended t o absorb the greater p a r t of t he appe l l a te
j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t he parlements i n both c i v i l and c r i m i n a l cases, and thus t o
render poss ib le a r a d i c a l reduct ion i n the number o f magist rates. 8 8
P r i o r t o t h i s e d i c t , c i v i l and c r i m i n a l cases were judged, i n
the f i r s t instance, i n cour ts c a l l e d "ba i l l i ages" , and on appeal, i n
cour ts ca1 l e d "pre'sidiaux." Henceforth, "bai 1 1 iages" were t o be
suppressed, t h e "pre'sidiaux" becoming cour ts o f f i r s t instance, w i t h the
"grands-bai 1 1 i ages" rece iv ing appeal s from t h e judgments o f the "pre's i d i aux. 1189
I n c i v i 1 mat ters , t h e "grands-bai 11 iages" were t o have j u r i s d i c t i o n where
the amount under l i t i g a t i o n d i d no t exceed 20,000 l i v r e s ; i n c r i m i n a l
matters, where the accused were persons o t h e r than c l e r g y o r n o b i l i t y . 9 0
The e d i c t thus l e f t t o t h e parlements on ly c i v i l cases on appeal i n v o l v i n g
amounts i n excess o f 20,000 l i v r e s , and c r i m i n a l cases i n v o l v i n g c le rgy
and n o b i l i t y . Concerning these two es ta tes , E. Glasson observes: "On ne
se dgc ida i t pas encore $ prononcer 1 '&gal i t 6 des F r a n ~ a i s devant l a j u s t i c e
&press ive . 1191 The d i r e c t r e s u l t o f these p rov i s ions was t o remove a
subs tan t ia l amount o f j u d i c i a l business from t h e parlements' j u r i s d i c t i o n ,
w i t h a consequent loss o f income t o the magist rates.
The p rov i s ions o f t he "Ordonnance sur l ' a d m i n i s t r a t i o n de l a
j u s t ice" promised s i m i l a r fundamental changes w i t h respect t o t h e s e i g n i o r i a l
courts. The p o s s i b i l i t y o f suppressing these cour t s o u t r i g h t was
momentari l y considered but q u i c k l y discarded f o r t h e reason t h a t "On n 'osa
' ' "92 Nevertheless , pas a1 l e r jusque-1; 'a cause du respect dQ a l a p r o p r l e t e .
the e f f e c t o f t he ordinance was such t h a t the s e i g n i o r i a l cour ts were
P r a c t i c a l l y l e g i s l a t e d ou t of. e ~ i s t e n c e . ' ~ T h e i r exerc ise o f c r i m i n a l
j u r i s d i c t i o n was made cond i t i ona l on the possession o f adequate cou r t and
+
~ r i s o n f a c i l i t i e s , and on the employment o f a l i censed judge, scr ibe , and
res ident j a i l e r . These cond i t ions were p resc r ibed i n the conf ident b e l i e f
t h a t h a r d l y any s e i g n i o r i a l cour ts would achieve them. 94
The second e d i c t o f May 8, 1788 ordered t h e suppression o f var ious
cour ts o f s p e c i f i c competence such as the "Bureaux des finances" , "Elec t ions1',
"Greniers 2 sel l ' , "Table de marbre", and "Chambre du domaine." Those
matters which had been hand1 ed p rev ious l y by these "t r i bunaux dlexcept ion"
were t o be p laced under the j u r i s d i c t i o n o f t h e "pre'sidiaux" and the
'Igrands- ba i 1 1 i ages. 1195
Th is reform represented t h e f u l f i l l m e n t o f des i res long expressed
fo r t he suppression o f the " t r ibunaux d'exception." The d i l a t o r y and
expensive proceedings which charac ter ized these cour t s was the o b j e c t o f
b i t t e r complaints by l i t i g a n t s . As E. Glasson observes: "Ceux-ci k t a i e n t
en c o n f l i t s incessants en t re eux ou avec l e s j u r i s d i c t i o n s o rd ina i res ,
de s o r t e que l e s p la ideu rs ne savaient 5 que s'addresser pour o b t e n i r
j u s t i c e , e t que des inc iden ts de compdtence r e t a r d a i e n t 5 chaque i n s t a n t l a
s o l u t i o n des p r o c k . 11g6
The t h i r d e d i c t was d i r e c t e d towards reform o f c r im ina l procedure
which was t o be e f f e c t e d by means o f amendments t o the Ordonnance C r i m i n e l l e
o f 1670. I n t h e " ~ e / c l a r a t i o n " o f May 1s t announcing the e d i c t s homage was
pa id t o t h e Ordinance o f 1670, but the necess i ty o f a r e v i s i o n was s ta ted
a t the same t ime: "Malgre' des pre'cautions s i dignes de c o n c i l i e r c e t t e
l o i l e suf f rage un ive rsa l , nous ne saur ions nous d i ss imu le r qu'en conservant
*
l e p l u s grand nombre de ses d i s p o s i t i o n s , nous pouvous en changer avan-
tageusement p l u s i e r s a r t i c l e s pr inc ipaux, e t l a rdformer sans l ' a b o l i r . '197
I n h i s speech on May 8 t h a t t he -- l i t de j u s t i c e , Lamoignon was
more p rec i se concerning the government's i n t e n t i o n s : "La ne'cess i t6 de
re'former 1 'ordonnance c r iminel l e e t l e code pe'nal e s t un i v e r s e l lement
reconnue. Toute l a n a t i o n demande au Roi c e t a c t e important de
1 6 g i s l a t i o n e t S.M. a r kso lu dans ses conse i l s de se rendre au voeu de
ses peuples. However, i t was desi red t h a t a general reform should be
the r e s u l t o f lengthy de l i be ra t i on . The method o f i n q u i r y proposed was
noteworthy: "Tous nos s u j e t s auront l a facu l te' de concouri r 'a
I 'exgcut ion du p r o j e t qu i nous occupe, en addressant 5 n o t r e garde des
sceaux 1 es observat ions e t mgmoi res qu' i l s jugeron t propres 3 nous & l a i rer .
Nous 6 l A e r o n s a i n s i au rang des l o i s l e s r g s u l t a t s de l ' o p i n i o n publ ique,
apr'es q u ' i l s auront 6 t6 soumis > 1'6preuve d'un m a r e t profond examen. 1199
Pending t h i s general reform, t h e e d i c t repealed several abuses
which requ i red an immediate remedy: the use o f t h e p r i s o n e r ' s kneel ing
s too l (se l l e t t e ) was abol ished (A r t . 1 )l O0; judgments o f conv ic t ion had
t o s t a t e the reasons the re fo re (A r t . 3) lo' ; a m a j o r i t y o f two votes was no
longer s u f f i c i e n t t o sus ta in a c a p i t a l punishment - th ree were necessary
(Ar t . 4 ) lo2 ; sentences i n v o l v i n g c a p i t a l punishment were, as a r u l e , no t
t o be executed u n t i 1 a month a f t e r con f i rma t ion (A r t . 5 ) Io3 ; accused
persons, who were subsequently acqu i t t ed , were g iven the r i g h t t o repa ra t i on
fo r I n j u r y t o t h e i r reputat ion. (Ar t . 7 ) l o 4 ; t he a b o l i t i o n o f the preparatory
t o r t u r e was confirmed and th'e p r e l iminary t o r t u r e was abol ished (A r t . 8) 105.
Th is e d i c t , l i k e the o the r f i v e , was never appl ied. However, i t
1s an i n t e r e s t i n g document as i t represents t h e l a s t t ime t h a t r o y a l t y . .
exercised, i n c r i m i n a l matters, the abso lu te and independent l e g i s l a t i v e
106 power recognized i n i t by the o l d regime.
The f o u r t h e d i c t r e g i s t e r e d on May 8 t h reduced the number o f
o f f i ces o f t h e P a r i s i a n and p r o v i n c i a l parlements. As a r e s u l t o f
having "moins d ' a f f a i r e s 2 juger", t he re was no f u r t h e r need f o r the same
number o f judges. However p r o v i s i o n was made i n the e d i c t f o r reimbursement
by t he Crown t o those magis t ra tes who s u f f e r e d loss o f o f f i c e . Contrary
t o the a c t i o n p rev ious l y taken by Maupeou, Lamoignon recognized the
maintenance o f v e n a l i t y and pe rm i t ted t h e abuse o f e'pices t o cont inue. 10
The f i f t h e d i c t ordered the reestabl ishment o f the p lenary cour t
(cour - p l & i k r e ) . The j u d i c i a l component o f t h i s i n s t i t u t i o n was t o cons
o f the sen ior judges o f t h e par lement o f P a r i s and the president and one
p r o v i n c i a l parlements. Apart from these
t o be composed o f p r inces o f t he blood, peers
magis t ra te from each o f the
magist rates, the c o u r t was
o f France, cou r t o f f i c i a l s ,
the army and the c i v i 1 serv
and lead ing representa t ives o f the church,
i ce .
The power o f r e g i s t e r i n g roya l laws app ly ing t o the country as
a whole was t rans fe r red from t h e parlements t o the p lenary court . I t
Was assumed t h a t the new cour t would prove a p l i a b l e instrument i n t h e
hands o f t h e government: "La l o i de 1 'enrggist rement nous p a r a i t t r o p
*
s t
o the r
conforme 5 nos i n t k r E t s e t 5 ceux de nos peuples pour
maintenue; e t il e s t par conshuen t indispensable qu'
dans nos &ta ts une cour tou jou rs s u b s t i t a n t e pour y6r
nos volon tgs e t l e s t ransmet t re 5 nos peupl es. 1,108 A
n u s t r e pas invar iablement
I 1 y a i t habi tuel lement
i f i e r immgdiatement '
l though the parlements
were not abol Ished as they had been i n 1771, the e f f e c t o f t h i s e d i c t
was t o depr ive them o f a1 1 power o f opposing the monarch's programs o f
j u d i c i a l and f i s c a l reform.
The s i x t h and f i n a l e d i c t o f May 8 t h p laced t h e parlement o f
Pa r i s "en vacances." S t a t i n g t h a t a l a r g e amount o f j u d i c i a l business - by v i r t u e o f the implementation o f the f i r s t e d i c t - would be tu rned over
t o t h e newly organized t r i a l and appeal cour ts , t h e k ing announced tha t :
"pour &i t e r tou te confusion dans l e partage des proc'es, l e s parlements
a1 l a i e n t E t r e mls en vacances e t y demeurer jusqu'aprzs 1 ' 6 t a b l issement des
grands-ba i l l iages ... e t l ' e n t i k r e exe'cution du nouvel o rd re j u d i c i a i r e . 1,109
The r e g i s t r a t i o n o f t h e May e d i c t s evoked a fu r ious res is tance
led by the parlements throughout France. lo The magist rates , whom many
regarded as leaders i n t h e res i s tance t o roya l oppression, were j o i n e d i n
t h e i r s t r u g g l e by the c le rgy , n o b i l i t y , and p r o v i n c i a l estates. Although
most o f the reforms echoed t h e demands o f enl ightened opin ion, the e d i c t s
were represented by the sovereign cou r t s as a means t o delay the summons
o f t he Estates-General and as an a t t a c k on p r o v i n c i a l l i b e r t i e s . 111
Against t h i s concerted a t t a c k the Crown gave way and on August
8 th the Estates-General were ordered t o convene'on May 1, 1789. A t t he
e
same t ime the p lenary cou r t , which had caused such vehement oppos i t i on ,
was suspended. Henceforth, the i n i t i a t i v e f o r reform would no t come
from the monarchy. As A. Watt inne observes: I'D& ce moment, i 1 n te / ta i t
plus permis 2 l a royaut& de pre'tendre, 2 e l l e seule, rgformer quoi que
ce s o i t . ~e/j i l e p u b l i c , gr ise( par l es grands mots de n a t i o n e t de
re'volut ion, ne r a i s o n n a i t p lus ; il v o u l a i t a u t r e chose e t mieux que des
6 d i t s pr&ar&s pa r des m in i s t res . 111 13
The task now f e l l t o the Revolut ionary assemblies t o overcome t h e
obst ina te maintenance o f p r i v i l e g e which had confounded a l l at tempts t o
achieve fundamental reform.
CHAPTER I l l
THE REVOLUTION AND CIVIL LEGISLATION
Ascendant P r i n c i p l e s
C e r t a i n ph i l osoph ica l in f luences e x i s t e d p r i o r t o t h e Revo lu t ion
which undeniably had t h e i r e f f e c t upon ensuing l e g a l and j u d i c i a l reform,
notab ly the b e l i e f i n the ex is tence o f a n a t u r a l law. Th is law, o l d e r
than p o s i t i v e law, was founded on God's commandments as understood by
theology and by the requirements o f reason. Under these theo r ies i t
appeared t o be poss ib le , by analyz ing and going t o the essence o f human
nature, t o d i s c e r n the fundamental r u l e s o f na tu ra l law and t o deduce
therefrom a p o s i t i v e law which, because o f i t s o r i g i n , was both absolute
and un ive rsa l . Furthermore, i n an age i n which the concept o f Reason was
a dominant i n t e l l e c t u a l force, t he re was an o p t i m i s t i c b e l i e f t h a t e x i s t i n g
laws could be repealed and new ones, r a t i o n a l l y der ived from unimpeachable
f i r s t p r i n c i p l e s , pu t i n t h e i r place.
These p h i l o s o p h i c a l in f luences found expression i n the Dec la ra t i on
o f the R ights o f Man and the C i t i z e n which was adopted by the Const i tuent
Assembly on August 25, 1789, and which was subsequently prefaced t o the
C o n s t i t u t i o n of 1791. I n the words o f t he Dec lara t ion we f i n d a t once
the essen t ia l p r i n c i p l e s of t he Revolut ion and the des i red l ega l and
$
f
j u d i c i a l reforms. The preface res ta ted the theory o f n a t u r a l law which
def ined t h e n a t u r a l , i n a l i e n a b l e and sacred r i g h t s inherent i n a l l men,
and several a r t i c l e s r e f l e c t e d the ardent wish o f t he Revo lu t ionar ies
t o e rad ica te t h e abuses o f t he e x i s t i n g j u d i c i a l system. A r b i t r a r y
a r r e s t and de ten t ion were proscr ibed: "Nu1 homme ne peut E t r e accusd,
a r r g t k , n i dktenu que dans l e s cas dgterminks par l a l o i , e t se lon l e s
formes q u ' e l l e a prescr i tes . " (A r t . 7) Secur i t y would hencefor th
r e s u l t f rom the ex is tence of a s i n g l e l ega l system, equa l ly a p p l i c a b l e
t o a l l : " l a m2me pour tous, s o i t q u ' e l l e prot'ege, s o i t q u ' e l l e punisse."
( ~ r t . 6) The law would be administered by cou r t s i n which innocence
was presumed u n t i l q u i l t was proven. ( ~ r t . 9) Cruel and a r b i t r a r y
punishments would no longer be to le ra ted : "La l o i ne d o i t g t a b l i r
que des peines s t r i c temen t e t gvidemment n6cessai res, e t nu1 ne peut
e t r e puni qu'en v e r t u d'une l o i k t a b l i e e t promulgu6e antgr ieurement
The Dec la ra t i on o f Rights has s ince been c r i t i c i z e d f o r i t s
bourgeois charac ter ; i t s inadequate treatment o f economic p r i n c i p l e s ;
i t s f a i l u r e t o def ine s a t i s f a c t o r i l y p r i v a t e proper ty ; i t s apparent
neg lec t o f t h e r i g h t o f assoc ia t ion ; and i t s i n s u f f i c i e n t a t t e n t i o n t o
r e l i g i o u s l i b e r t y . 118
Nevertheless t h i s s i g n i f i c a n t document, by espousing
the a s p i r a t i o n s o f t he Revo lu t ionar ies , heralded the end o f p r i v i l e g e - and so o f t h e o l d regime - and i n t h i s respect i t inaugurated a new age.
119
A t the outse t , then, v i c t o r y appeared t o belong t o the p a r t y
which p r e f e r r e d reason t o dogma, l i b e r t y t o a u t h o r i t y , and the i n d i v i d u a l
t o the State. The r e s u l t i n g character o f t he l e g i s l a t i o n o f these
f i r s t years was thus determined, on the one hand, by the i n f l uence o f
n a t u r a l law ph i losophy, and on the o ther , by the necess i ty o f reac t i ng
aga ins t t he e x i s t i n g i n s t i t u t i o n s and rep lac ing them by others more
e q u i t a b l e and use fu l t o society.
As the Revo lu t ion progressed, however, t he emphasis on
i n d i v i d u a l i s m gave way t o the need f o r an a l l -power fu l State, independent
o f a l l obs tac les which might h inder i t s freedom o f ac t i on . Th is dev ia t i on
from p r i n c i p l e was caused by the need t o w i ths tand enemies from w i t h i n
and w i t h o u t and t o conso l ida te Revo lu t ionary achievements. As P. Sagnac
observes: "Mis aux p r i s e s avec l e s gvknements, o b l is& de l u t t e r cont re
l e s r ks is tances du passC, l es r & o l u t ionna i res f u r e n t f o r & d'ag i r avec
p lus de hardiesse e t de vigueur que les matt res de l a ph i l osoph ie ne
/ ',I20 l ' a v a i e n t dgsi re.
1 ! Apart from p o l i t i c a l exigencies, t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f t he Revo lu t ionar ies t
were tempered by another powerful fo rce : the s p i r i t o f t r a d i t i o n . I f
the ph i l osoph ica l s p i r i t was a source o f i n s p i r a t i o n t o the l e g i s l a t o r s ,
the in f luence o f t he conservat ive j u r i d i c a l t r a d i t i o n tended t o dampen
t h i s enthusiasm and t o in terpose caut ion w i t h regard t o lega l and j u d i c i a l
reforms. Therefore, throughout the pe r iod o f the Revolut ion bo th the
ph i l osoph ica l s p i r i t and the t r a d i t i
t h e i r i n f l uence upon lega l reform.
n a t u r a l r i g h t s o f men, which tended
persons; on the o t h e r hand, t h e j u r i
o n a l i s t s p i r i t were t o exerc ise
On t h e one hand, the theory o f the
t o remove a l l d i s t i n c t i o n s between
d i c a l t r a d i t i o n , which tended t o
main ta in l ega l d i s t i n c t i o n s and t o temper abso lu te e q u a l i t y w i t h c e r t a i n
r e s t r i c t i o n s .
Dur ing the e a r l y years o f t he Revolut ion, however, t he "espr i t
j u r i d i q u e " was dominated by t h e " e s p r i t phi losophique" and the great
l ega l reforms o f t h i s pe r iod drew t h e i r major i n s p i r a t i o n from na tu ra l
law phi losophy. l2' Thus, t h e f i r s t enactment o f consequence o f the
Nat iona l Assembly was the a b o l i t i o n o f feudal r i g h t s and usages which
had surv ived the p o l i t i c a l system o u t o f which they had sprung. The
famous August 4 t h Decrees renounced prerogat ives a t tach ing t o proper ty
and may be s a i d t o have terminated the manor ia l regime i n France. 122
The f i r s t A r t i c l e o f t h e Decrees begins w i t h the fo l l ow ing words:
"L' assemblge n a t i o n a l e d k t r u i t en tilerement l e rkgime fe'odal . E l l e d6cr;te
que, dans les d r o i t s e t devo i rs , t a n t fgodaux que censuels, ceux qui
t i ennen t 2 l a main-morte r k e l l e ou personnel l e , e t 2 l a se rv i tude
personnel l e , e t ceux que les reprgsentent , sont abol i s sans i ndernni t6;
tous l e s aut res sont dgclargs rachetables . . . . l t can be observed
t h a t t he contents o f t h i s document a re more conservat ive than t h e tone
of f i n a l i t y i n t h e opening sentence might imply: q u a l i f i c a t i o n s remain
concerning redemptions and compensation, and the re are p rov i s ions f o r
the temporary con t inua t ion o f c e r t a i n o b l i g a t i o n s ( ~ r t i c l e s 1 , 5 , 6 ) .
Nevertheless, i t may be s a i d t h a t t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e d a s ign
program o f reform by emanclpat ing and disencumbering the ownership o f
36
124
i f i c a n t
land, and by i n t roduc ing the fundamental p r i n c i p l e o f e q u a l i t y o f
o p p o r t u n i t y t o a1 1 c i t i z e n s ( A r t i c l e 1 1 ) . 125
A second bas ic reform undertaken by the Const i tuent Assembly was
t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the p r i n c i p l e o f e q u a l i t y i n t h e regu la t i on o f
inher i tances. The o l d law o f succession had been p r i n c i p a l l y concerned
w i t h t h e maintenance and p rese rva t ion o f t he g rea t landed estates. Noble
houses had preserved t h e i r fo r tunes by means o f t he p r i v i l e g e s o f t he
male l i n e and o f ,pr imogeniture, and by the use o f e n t a i l s t o r e s t r i c t
t h e a l i e n a t i o n o f land. Much o f t he law o f succession had i t s o r i g i n s i n
the system o f land tenure associated w i t h feudal ism, and w i t h the a b o l i t i o n
of t h e feudal regime dur ing August 1789, the Assembly thereby e f f e c t i v e l y
c u r t a i l e d many o f the e x i s t i n g i n e q u i t i e s . However, the l e g i s l a t o r s
.also wished t o enact inher i tance laws r e s t r i c t i n g testamentary
freedom and ensur ing equal p a r t i t i o n . As A. Esmein observes: " ~ ' ~ s s e m b l e / e
cons t i t uan te 6 t a i t en m a j o r i t 6 h o s t i l e 5 ces p r6c ipu ts ou avantages, dont
p r o f i t a i e n t quelques-uns des h g r i t e u r s au dgtr iment des autres. I 1 126
Th is e g a l i t a r i a n i s m r e s u l t e d i n the decree o f March 15, 1790,
which abo l ished "pr imogeniture, preference f o r male o f f s p r i n g . .. and unequal d i v i s i o n s based on the standing o f the persons concerned. ,1127
I n a d d i t i o n , the decree o f A p r i l 8, 1791, proclaimed the p r i n c i p l e o f
equal p a r t i t ion among c h i 1 dren: "Toute inkga l i te' devant re'sul t e r ent r e
h g r i t i e r s AB INTESTAT de l a q u a l i t k d1a in6 ou de put&, de l a d i s t i n c t i o n
des sexes ou des exc lus ions coutumi6res s o i t en l i g n e d i rec te , s o i t en
1 igne c o l l a t g r a l e , e s t abol ie . 1,128
The Const i tuent Assembly f u r t h e r demonstrated i t s preoccupation
w i t h i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y and w i t h the supremacy o f S ta te over Church
by i n s c r i b i n g two promises i n the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791 r e l a t i v e t o laws
concerning c i v i l s ta tus and c i v i l marr iage: "La l o i ne consid5re l e
mariage que comme c o n t r a t c i v i l . Le pouvo i r l g g i s l a t i f & t a b l i r a pour
tous l e s hab i tan ts , sans d i s t i n c t i o n , l e mode par lequel l es naissances,
mariages e t d&Ss seront constat&; e t il dgsignera l e s o f f i c i e r s p u b l i c s
qui en recevront e t conserveront l es ac tes" i it. I I , A r t . 7).12' Th is
programme was subsequently f u l f i l l e d by the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly w i t h the
enactment o f two important laws.
The Decree Determining the Recording o f V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s , September
20, 1792, es tab l ished i n France the i n s t i t u t i o n of c i v i l marriage; t h a t i s
t o say, marr iage be fo re the p u b l i c o f f i c e r o f the m u n i c i p a l i t y w i thou t the
i n t e r v e n t i o n o f a p r i e s t . A l l t ransact ions a f f e c t i n g c i v i l s ta tus were a t
the same t ime secu1ar ized; ' the w r i t t e n r e g i s t e r s o f b i r t h s , marriages, and
deaths were taken from the c l e r g y and ent rus ted t o municipal o f f i c i a l s
it. I , A r t . 1). 130.
The decree s e c u l a r i z i n g marr iage was fo l lowed on the same day by a
Decree Regulat lng ~ i v o r c e l ~ ' , which may be considered as a l o g i c a l
accompaniment. I f , under t h e Cons t i t u t i on , marr iage was on ly a c i v i l
cont rac t , i t fo l l owed t h a t t he S ta te had the power t o au tho r i ze the
d i s s o l u t i o n o f marr iage by d ivorce. Th is l e g i s l a t i o n was another
man i fes ta t i on o f " l es ide'es courantes au X V l l le s iGc le su r l a 1gg i t im i t6
des penchants n a t u r e l s e t s u r 1 ' i n a l ignabi 1 i t 6 de l a volont; humaine." 132
The L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly passed o the r noteworthy decrees which were
i nsp i red by t h e p r i n c i p l e s o f i n d i v i d u a l freedom and e q u a l i t y , as wi tness
the one o f August 28, 1792: "LtAssemble'e na t iona le de/crSte que les
majeurs ne seront p l u s soumis 2 l a puissance p a t e r n e l l e ; e l l e ne s t6 tendra
que sur l es personnes des mineurs .It 133 U n t i l t he enactment o f t h i s decree,
i n areas where " l e d r o i t e'cr i t" obtained, pa terna l a u t h o r i t y had not
been completely re laxed u n t i l t he ac tua l death o f the fa ther . I n areas
subject t o " l e d r o i t coutumier", on the o the r hand, emancipation from
paternal a u t h o r i t y a t the age o f twenty f i v e had long been the r u l e .
Henceforth, those who a t t a i n e d the age o f m a j o r i t y were f r e e n o t o n l y i n
respect o f t h e i r person, b u t a l s o i n respect o f property , i n bo th nor thern
and southern France. S h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r , the Decree Determining t h e
Recording o f V i t a l S t a t i s t i c s reduced the age o f m a j o r i t y t o twenty one
years i it. I V Y Sect ion I). 134
3 9
On August 25, 1792,the Assembly a l s o s t r u c k a rude blow a t t he
o rgan iza t i on o f anc ien t a r i s t o c r a t i c f a m i l i e s by condemning e n t a i l s and
f i d u c i a r y t r u s t s t h a t secured them ( thus p r o h i b i t i n g the s u r r e p t i t i o u s '
de ce j o u r ,
subsequently
o f b i r t h r
il n ' e s t p
con f i rmed
i g h t s ) : "L'Assemblde n a t i o n a l e de'crste qu's p a r t i r
l us permis de s u b s t i t u e r . "I35 Th is measure was
by a decree o f the Convention dated October 25,
Notw i ths tand ing the progress ive character o f these
the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, i t remained f o r the l e g i s l a t i o n
Convention t o mark t h e complete t r iumph o f the " e s p r i t ph
"Consommer l a r u i n e de l ' a r i s t o c r a t i e t e r r i t o r i a l e , morce
aws passed by
of t h e
losophique":
e r l e s fo r tunes ,
ramener l a c o n d i t i o n de chacun 3 une douce mgdiocr i te/, sans asp i r e r
cependent 3 un n i ve l l emen t absolu, t e l e s t l ' i d g a l des Conventionnels. ,1137
Among the several measures passed by the Convention which were
i n s p i r e d by the i d e a l o f e q u a l i t y , we can c i t e t h e example o f t he law o f
12 Brumai re, An I I (~ovember 2, 1793) deal i n g w i t h the success i o n o f
i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n , who were granted a share equal t o t h a t o f l e g i t i m a t e
ch i l d ren . A. Esmein exp la ins the mot ive behind t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n : "La
c o n d i t i o n a i n s i f a i t e aux enfants n a t u r e l s rgvo l t a i t l a sens ib i 1 i t 6 des
hommes de ce temps. E l l e p a r a i s s a i t ggalement c o n t r a i r e 3 l a j u s t i c e
( c ' e t a i t une pe ine i n f l i g g e 5 un innocent) e t aux p r i n c i p e s sur lesquels
a l l a i t reposer l e d r o i t de succession." 138
S i m i l a r l y , t h e l e g i s l a t o r s sought t o achieve a "me'biocrite' des
fortunes" w i t h the enactment o f t he Law o f 17 Nivbse, An I I (January
6, 1794) dea l i ng w l t h succession, g i f t s , and bequests. The p rov i s ions
o f the a c t c a l l e d f o r an equal d i v i s i o n o f i n h e r i t a n c e among h e i r s ,
i r r e s p e c t i v e o f t h e wishes o f t he t e s t a t o r - thus r a t i f y i n g the decree
o f Ap r i 1 8, 1791 (see above). 139 I n a d d i t i o n , t h e law was made r e t r o a c t i v e
t o J u l y 14, 1789, i n order t o "e f face r tou tes l e s ine'gal i t& encore
subsistantes, r & u l t a n t de l a l o i ou de l a volonte ' des hommes, quant au
par tage des successions. ,1140
Needless t o say, t h e Revolut ionary s p i r i t - as exempl i f ied by these
laws passed du r ing t h e f i r s t years o f the Convention - was subjected t o
an i n e v i t a b l e r e a c t i o n a f t e r Thermidor. That which had c o n s t i t u t e d
the o r i g i n a l i t y o f " l e d r o i t r6vo lu t i onna i re " o f t h e f i r s t th ree
Assemblies a l s o c o n s t i t u t e d i t s v u l n e r a b i l i t y . The ex is tence and
maintenance o f t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was i n t i m a t e l y connected w i t h the
Revolut ionary i dea ls which had a t t a i n e d such potency from 1789 t o 1794.
When these idea ls were m o d i f i e d a f t e r 1794 by reason o f the increasing
in f l uence o f conservatism, t h e subsequent l e g i s l a t i o n , as would be expected,
r e f l e c t e d t h i s change i n dominance.
Thus, d u r i n g the p e r i o d o f the D i rec to ry , several p rov i s ions o f the
c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e prev ious Assemblies were amended, having been
considered too extreme o r vexat ious. Divorce was more s t r i c t l y regulated
141 by an enactment o f September 17, 1797 ; the r i g h t s o f succession o f
i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n were r e s t r i c t e d , and r e t r o a c t i v e e f f e c t was taken . .
from the law which had conferred these r i g h t s upon them (15 Thermidor,
An V , August 5, 1796) 14*; the compl i c a t i o n s which had been caused by the
Convention's laws on succession were lessened and s i m p l i f i e d (18 PluviBse,
143 An V , February 6, 1797).
I n s p i t e o f these amendments, however, i t i s important t o note
t h a t t he l e g i s l a t i o n enacted subsequent t o Thermidor d i d no t abandon the
e s s e n t i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f the Revolut ion. 144 By 1799, t a n g i b l e evidence o f
the r e a l i z a t i o n of the idea ls o f the Revo lu t ionar ies was p l a i n l y v i s i b l e :
un i fo rm codes o f law ( u l t i m a t e l y completed under ~ a ~ o l e o n ) had supplanted
I
t he e a r l i e r chaos and confusion; an e lec ted j u d i c i a r y , t r i a l by j u r y ,
humanized p e n a l t i e s - a l l had come i n t o being; and e q u a l i t y before the
law had taken the p lace of p r i v i l e g e .
C o d i f i c a t i o n o f the C i v i l Law
The Work o f the Revolut ionary Assemblies I n 1789 there were no less
than 366 reg iona l codes o f law i n ex is tence i n France, some o f them
app ly ing t o e n t i r e provinces but more usua l l y app ly ing t o very l i m i t e d
j u r i s d i c t i o n s . 14' Th is unsa t i s fac to ry s i t u a t i o n under the o l d regime i s
s u c c i n c t l y descr ibed by P. Sagnac: "Rien de f i x e , r i e n de coh6ren t , c1es t
un chaos o'u l e j u r i s c o n s u l t e se perd. C'est une d i v e r s i t e ' e t une
confusion q u i rendent, en quelque so r te , gt rangers l es uns aux aut res l es
hab i tan ts du mEme royaume." 146
I t can be assumed t h a t the o n l y persons
who p r o f i t e d from t h i s s t a t e o f a f f a i r s were t h e l ega l p r a c t i t i o n e r s whose
1 i v e l ihood depended upon t h e i r ab i 1 i t y t o unravel the complexi ty o f the
laws.
Among the most s tead fas t a s p i r a t i o n s o f the Revo lu t ionar ies ,
therefore, was the d e s i r e t o p rov ide the n a t i o n w i t h a code o f un i fo rm
c i v i l laws - a des i re which had many times i n s p i r e d the j u r i s t s o f p r i o r
~ e n t u r i e 5 . l ~ ~ The French Revolut ion, w i t h i t s idea l o f a r a t i o n a l soc ia l
order , imparted a f r e s h and powerfu l impulse t o a t t a i n i n g t h i s o b j e c t i v e .
The tr iumph o f t h e " e s p r i t p h i losophiquel' seemed t o demand a code o f
uniform laws s u i t a b l e t o an en l igh tened people, and those obstacles which
had h i t h e r t o stood i n the path o f l e g a l u n i t y - t h e t r a d i t i o n o f l o c a l
independence and the s p i r i t o f oppos i t i on i n the provinces, as w e l l as
c lass and c l e r i c a l p r i v i l e g e - had been swept away. 148
The Cons t i t uen t Assembly, r e a l i z i n g the danger posed t o t h e concept
o f u n i t y by the numerous codes o f law i n existence, decreed, i n the law
o f August 16, 1790, concerning j u d i c i a l reorganizat ion, t ha t : "The c i v i l
laws s h a l l be reviewed and reformed by the l e g i s l a t u r e s ; and a general code
o f laws, simple, c l e a r , and i n harmony w i t h the Cons t i t u t i on , s h a l l be
d r a f t e d ( i i t . I I ; A r t . 19)J4' Th is promise t o achieve simp1 i c i t y and
u n i f o r m i t y i n l e g a l mat ters was subsequently incorpora ted i n t o the
C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791: " I 1 sera f a i t un Code de l o i s c i v i l e s communes a' 150
t o u t l e royaumel1 (End o f T i t . I ).
I n s p i t e o f these promises, the f i r s t Revolut ionary assembly was
unable t o r e a l i z e such an immense undertaking. Although o f f i c i a l e f f o r t s
dur ing t h i s p e r i o d t o endow France w i t h a un i fo rm body o f c i v i l law went
no f u r t h e r than statements o f general p r i n c i p l e , t h e j u r i s t s d i d attempt
t o e f fec t a c o n c i l i a t i o n between the two dominant systems o f law which
d i v ided t h e country. However, i n the j u r i d i c domain the p r i n c i p a l
e f f o r t s a t t h i s t ime were d i rec ted , a t p u b l i c i ns i s tence , toward the
reform o f t he c r i m i n a l law. The Const i tuent Assembly, i n recogn i t i on o f
t h i s f a c t , gave t o
I k g i s l a t i o n c r im ine
as a r e s u l t o f the
i t s l e g i s l a t i v e committee the t i t l e o f " ~ o m i t e / de
l l e j ~ ' ~ ~ , and a Penal Code was du ly promulgated i n 1791
labours o f t h i s body (see below).
The succeeding L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, which sa t from September 30,
1791 t o September 21, 1792, again took up the p r o j e c t o f a code o f c i v i l
laws. The l e g i s l a t i v e committee, g iven t h e name " ~ o m i t 6 de l e ' g i s l a t i o n
c i v i l e e t c r im ine l l e " , issued, on October 16, 1791, an i n v i t a t i o n t o a l l
c i t i z e n s t o communicate t o i t t h e i r ideas concerning the drawing up o f
a c i v i l code. 153 Although t h i s was heeded, the r e s u l t i n g progress towards
c o d i f i c a t i o n proved slow and arduous. Before t h i s Assembly was d issolved,
i t passed impor tant o rgan ic laws concerning marr iage, d ivorce, and
i nher i tance, b u t i t f a i l e d t o devise the code.
I n s p i t e o f the v i o l e n c i and d isorder associated w i t h t h e ensuing, . .
Revo lu t ionary assembly, "ce f u t l a Convention Na t iona le q u i eu t l a
g 10
dks
C i v
i r e de concevoir l e code de l o i s c i v i l e s uniformes que l a n a t i o n
i r a i t . Le cornit6 de 1 6 g i s l a t i o n e s t l e v g r i t a b l e cre'ateur de Code
il f ranga is . 111 54
On June 25, 1793, the Convention i n s t r u c t e d the l e g i s l a t i v e committee,
composed o f f o r t y e i g h t members on a r o t a t i n g bas is , t o present a scheme
f o r a c i v i l code w i t h i n one month's t ime. 155 Th is remarkable order was
v i r t u a l l y obeyed when, on August 8, 1793, cambace'rcki, the c h i e f draftsman
o f t he committee, presented a p l a n which encompassed a l l the c i v i l
l e g i s l a t i o n o f France w i t h i n 719 a r t i c l e s . Th is p l a n fo l lowed the
t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n s o f the law i n the "pays de d r o i t e /cr i t t l and was
comprised o f f o u r d i s t i n c t sect ions: o f Persons, o f Things, o f Contracts,
o f Act ions. The proposed code incorporated many o f t h e laws enacted
s ince 1789 and was animated throughout by the " e s p r i t philosophique":
"C'est l a v o i x de l a na ture e t c e l l e de l a ra i son q u i se f o n t entendre;
on a f a i t l l e n t r e p r i s e de t o u t changer > l a f o i s dans les gcoles, dans les
moeurs, dans l e s coutumes, dans les e s p r i t s , dans les l o i s dlun grand
peup 1 e. 11157
From August t o October 1793, dur ing a t u r b u l e n t pe r iod o f i n t e r n a l
t roub les and f o r e i g n war, the Convention s tud ied i n d e t a i l the var ious
prov i s ions o f the recommended c i v i l code. Th is i n i t i a l p r o j e c t , which
exempl i f i e d t h e in f luence of r a t i o n a l ism a t i t s height l5*;> was f i n a l l y
r e j e c t e d by the deputies f o r being too complicated, long and l e g a l i s t i c .
On November 3, 1793, the Convention voted t o appo in t a commission o f
phi losophers who were charged w i t h b r i n g i n g f o r t h a new d r a f t , more i n
conformi ty w i t h i t s own s p i r i t : "une commission, formg de s i x membres
c h o i s l s par l e ~ o m i t e ' de s a l u t pub l i c , rgv i se ra e t retouchera l e code
c i v i l pri5sent6 par l e cornit; de l e 'g i s la t i on . 11159
A second p r o j e c t , conta in ing on ly 297 a r t i c l e s , was du ly presented
by ~ambackr2s on beha l f of the committee on September 9, 1794, a f t e r t he
downfal l o f Robespierre. The Convention soon perceived t h a t t h i s second
scheme, which o n l y contained the p r i n c i p l e s invo lved and t h e i r immediate
consequences, was more a p lan o f a code than a code i t s e l f . Cambac6r&
was l a t e r t o remark t h a t the p r o j e c t represented "un recuei 1 de prgceptes
o'u chacun po t t rouve r l es re'gles de sa condui t e dans l a v i e c i v i l e . 1,160
T h i s second d r a f t o f a c i v i l code met the f a t e o f t h a t which
preceded i t : i t was discussed but no t promulgated. I t s f a i l u r e o f
adopt ion can be expla ined by two p r i n c i p a l reasons: "Avec des l o i s
aussi br&es . . . les juges deviendraier i t fa ta lement l g g i s l a t e u r s ; puis,
l es id6es ava ien t changg, une re'act i on g&kra le se man i f e s t a i t. 1,161
The D i rec to ry , i n i t s t u rn , se t i t s hand t o t h e c o d i f i c a t i o n o f
t he c i v i l law. On June 14, 1796, a t h i r d p r o j e c t conta in ing 1104 a r t i c l e s
was presented t o the Counci l o f F i v e Hundred by ~ambace/re's i n the name
o f t h e "commission de l a c l a s s i f i c a t i o n des lo i s . " 162 ~ h l s l a t e s t p r o j e c t
r e f l e c t e d the t r a d i t i o n a l view o f t he purpose o f a code o f laws: i t
attempted t o reso lve as many quest ions, and l e t subs is t as few doubts,
as poss ib le . P o r t a l i s , one o f the c h i e f draftsmen o f t he Code ~apo lebn ,
was l a t e r t o descr ibe the code o f 1796 as "un chef-dloeuvre de me'thode
e t de pre'cision.11163 As t o substant ive content , i t s p rov i s ions d isplayed
a r e a c t i o n i n favour o f Roman law, away from t h e r a t i o n a l i s m o f t he
Enlightenment. 164
Although t h e Counci l o f F i ve Hundred enacted several important
c i v i l laws, e s p e c i a l l y w i t h respect t o t h e r e g i s t r a t i o n o f mortgages,
the proposed c i v i l code was discussed b y t h i s body on on ly two separate
occasions i n 1797. As a r e s u l t o f t he p a r t i s a n dissensions i n the Councils,
the d l s t r a c t t o n s o f war, i n f l a t i o n and genera l l y unse t t l ed condi t ions, t he
p r o j e c t f o r c o d i f i c a t i o n under the D i r e c t o r y was dest ined t o remain i n abeyance. 165
Thus t h e Revolut ionary assemblies d i d no t succeed i n r e a l i z i n g
the enaLtment o f a c i v i l code o f laws, i n s p i t e o f the var ious attempts
t o achieve t h i s end. But the systemat ic and methodical work o f t he
j u r i s t s o f t h e l eg i s la t i vecommi t teeshad not been wasted, f o r i t
considerably l i gh tened the labours o f the draftsmen who u l t i m a t e l y
compiled the Code NapolEon. By e l i m i n a t i n g those i n t e r e s t s which had
obst ruc ted u n i f i c a t i o n o f the law and by i n t roduc ing reforms o f a
na t iona l scope i n a l l aspects o f French l i f e , t h e men o f the Revolut ion
had l a i d the foundation f o r eventual c o d i f i c a t i o n .
I n assessing the reasons why c o d i f i c a t i o n was n o t successfu l ly
achieved p r i o r t o Bonaparte, as ide from i t s inherent d i f f i c u l t y , i t
I s necessary t o take i n t o account the g rea t l e g i s l a t i v e f e r t i l i t y and the
h igh passions and constant changes which charac ter ized the Revolut ionary
assemblies. Such an atmosphere i s unfavourable t o the d r a f t i n g of a
code which requ i res thorough and d ispassionate d e l i b e r a t i o n t o accomplish
the task. As P. Sagnac observes: "Le code e x i g e a i t des d iscussions t r Z s
longues, e t l e s ~ssemblges de l a ~ 6 v o l u t i o n g t a i e n t pressges par l e s
/ evhements. La r a p i d i t 6 avec laque l l e se succgdaient l es Assemblkes, e t ,
dans ce l l e s - c i , l e s p a r t i s dominants, l e changement cont inue l des id6es
e t des passions, f a i s a i e n t que ce qu i a v a i t p l u 1 'annge pr6c&dente
cessai t de p l a i r e 1 'annge suivante. ,1166
I n s p i t e o f the unsuccessful Revolut ionary attempts t o c o d i f y the
c i v i l law, the l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h i s pe r iod was t o e x e r t a s a l u t a r y
in f luence upon the substant ive content o f the C i v i l Code o f 1804. The
Revolut ionary l e g i s l a t i o n , i n i t s t u rn , was a r e f l e c t i o n o f the idea ls
which made poss ib le the u l t i m a t e - r e a l i z a t i o n o f a na t iona l c i v i l
code.
Le Code ~ a ~ o l g o n * Dur ing the Consulate and the f i r s t Empire the
c o d i f i c a t i o n o f French law was successfu l ly accomplished. I n t h i s
pe r iod f i v e separate codes were d r a f t e d and promulgated: l e Code c i v i l '
(1804); l e Code de ~ r o c g d u r e c i v i l e (1806); l e Code de commerce (1807);
l e Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e (1808); and l e Code p h a l (1810).
Th is enormous product ion o f
o f t ime has several explanat ions.
Revolut ion had removed t h e vested
l e g i s l a t i o n i n a r e l a t i v e l y sho r t span
I n the f i r s t place, the very work o f t he
l o c a l i n t e r e s t s which had obst ruc ted
the u n i f i c a t i o n o f the law under the o l d regime. Secondly, t he t ime was
p r o p i t i o u s and cons iderab le groundwork had a l ready been done. The
Revolut ion had y i e l d e d a l a rge body o f c i v i l and c r im ina l l e g i s l a t i o n and
i t was now o n l y a quest ion o f determining what should be re ta ined from
t h i s pe r iod and what should be rev i ved from the laws o f the o l d regime. 168
* O r i g i n a l l y e n t i t l e d Code c i v i l des f ranqa is , t he t i t l e was changed t o - Code ~ a p o l g o n by t h e law o f September 3, 1807. By roya l ordinance o f
Louis XV l l l i t became Code C i v i 1 i n 181 6. I t rever ted t o Code ~ a p o l &on
by decree o f Napoleon I l l i n 1852, and was f i n a l l y res tored t o Code C i v i l
w i t h the beginning o f t h e T h i r d Republ
i s usua l l y employed today t o designate
i c i n 1870. The term Code Napolgon
the o r i g i n a l form o f t h e Code. 167
A f u r t h e r reason f o r t h e exped i t ious complet ion o f c o d i f i c a t i o n
under Bonaparte concerned the r e l a t i v e s t a b i l i t y and t r a n q u i l i t y o f
the e a r l y years o f the Consulate. I f t h e ' c o n s t i t u t i o n of An V l l l was '
less w e l l disposed t o the p r i n c i p l e o f i n d i v i d u a l l i b e r t y i n comparison
w i t h the Revolut ionary c o n s t i t u t i o n s , i t s e f f e c t , nonetheless, was t o
p rov ide a more favourable atmosphere f o r the p repa ra t i on o f comprehensive
and techn ica l l e g i s l a t i o n . T h i s s i t u a t i o n af forded the draftsmen a unique,
and e s s e n t i a l , oppo r tun i t y f o r temperate d iscuss ion and d e l i b e r a t i o n . As
A. Esmein observes: "La C o n s t i t u t i o n de l f a n V I I I , par ses d6 fauts rnsmes,
a s s u r a i t en quelque s o r t e c e t t e m6thode de t r a v a i l . " 1 69
I n assessing t h e reasons f o r the successfu l complet ion o f the C i v i l
Code under the Consulate, i t i s a l s o necessary t o g i v e due r e c o g n i t i o n
t o the personal i n f l uence o f Bonaparte whose w i l l and energy proved t o be
the c a t a l y s t i n b r i n g i n g the task t o a conclusion.170 Furthermore
Napoleon in tervened f requen t l y i n the sessions o f the "Committee o f
Leg is la t i on ' ' o f the Counci l o f S ta te , and h i s a u t h o r i t a r i a n views were t o
leave t h e i r impress upon the Code. 171
I n h i s l a s t years a t Sa in t Helena, Napoleon maintained t h a t h i s
g l o r y res ted i n l a rge p a r t upon t h e Code t h a t bears h i s name: "Ma
l e s t pas d ' a v o i r gag& quarante b a t a i l l e s ... ce que r i e n n 'e f face ra ,
i v r a ( ternel lement , c ' e s t mon Code But i f the g l o r y o f
g l o i r e n
ce qu i v
i t s . comp
concepts
l e t i o n p rope r l y belongs t o him, the idea o f l ega l u n i t y , and the
which i n s p i r e d I t s p rov i s ions , belong t o the h l s t o r y o f t he
+
French nat ion . As A. Esmein observes: ."A l a le'gende q u i v o i t en l u i
un gminent co l l abo ra teu r dans l1oeuvre du Code c i v i l , il y a l o i n . Le
Code c i v i l e s t l l oeuv re de l a na t ion , non c e l l e des ind iv idus ; I 1 renferme
ce qula p r o d u i t l l anc ien d r o i t , e t ce qula p r o d u i t l a Re'volu'tion,
ramen6 2 une commune mesure. 11173
On 24 Therrnidor , An V l l l ( ~ u g u s t 13, 1800), a decree o f t h e consuls
appointed a commission o f f ou r members who were charged w i t h t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y
o f p repar ing a d r a f t o f the C i v i l Code. 174 O f these f o u r members, eminent
1 awyers and judges o f the p re - revo lu t ionary era175, o n l y Tronchet represented
" l e d r o i t coutumier"; t he o the r th ree - P o r t a l i s , B igo t de ~r&meneu,
M a l e v i l l e - had been ra i sed i n t h e "pays de d r o i t 6 ~ r i t . l " ~ ~ CambacBrEs,
who had been t h e c h i e f draftsman under the Convention and the D i rec to ry ,
was prevented f rom being a member o f t he commission due t o h i s rank o f
Second Consul. 177
The two p r i n c i p a l authors o f t he C i v i l Code were P o r t a l i s and
Tronchet . 178 A1 though t h e former championed t h e Roman concepts o f law,
he was a moderate and enl ightened man who r e a l i z e d t h a t u n i t y c a l l s f o r
a to le rance o f d i ve rgen t ideas and a sense o f accommodation. Under h i s
guidance, " l a commission devai t, dans ses travaux, se prgoccuper 2 l a
f o i s de consacrer l es conquztes de l a ~ Q v o l u t i o n e t d10p6rer une synthzse
du d r o i t romain e t du d r o i t coutumier, a f i n que l a soci&te/ pGt passer sans
/ heur ts de l ' anc ienne l e g i s l a t i o n 5 l a nouvel le. ,1179
As bo th t h e Revolut ion and t r a d i t i o n were p a r t o f t h e i r immediate
her i tage, the draftsmen d i d n o t in tend t o c rea te a new law, bu t merely
t o r e s t a t e it, choosing on the bas is o f experience when " l e d r o i t
re/volut ionnaire" was a t var iance w i t h the prev ious law. I n t h i s regard,
P o r t a l i s wro te t h a t "il ne d o i t p o i n t perdre de vue que les l o i s sont
f a i t e s pour l es hommes, e t non l e s homrnes pour l e s l o i s ; q u ' e l l e s
doivent E t r e adapt6es au caractzre, aux habitudes, 2 l a s i t u a t i o n du
peuple pour lequel e l l e s sont fa i tes." 1 80
T h i s pragmatic approach exp la ins why i n c e r t a i n areas the draftsmen
defer red t o t r a d i t i o n , why elsewhere they appeared t o support t he idea ls
o f the Revolut ion, and why on many p o i n t s they attempted t o b r i n g about
a compromise between opposing views. Pragmatic cons idera t ions alone,
however, d i d n o t d i c t a t e the content o f the C i v i l Code. I t s p rov i s ions
were f u r t h e r i n s p i r e d by the concept o f an immutable n a t u r a l law whose
p r i n c i p l e s should be enunciated i n order t o promote j u s t i c e and a b e t t e r
soc ie ty . As A r t i c l e 1 o f the d r a f t o f the C i v i l Code said: "There i s a
un iversa l , unchanging law t h a t i s the source o f a l l p o s i t i v e law; t h i s law
i s the n a t u r a l reason t h a t governs a l l peoples o f t he world. 11181 T h i s
proclamat ion was consonant w i t h the ideas o f t he Englightenment which
sought t o c l a r i f y , and hence t o a degree t o reform, the law i n terms o f
na tu ra l law.
Thus, i n compi l ing t h e C i v i l Code, t h e draftsmen were inf luenced
by the d e s i r e t o prov ide c l a r i t y and s i m p l i c i t y , and t o present t h e
law i n a form r e a d i l y access ib le t o a l l c i t i z e n s . They adhered t o the
concept t h a t a code should n o t con ta in too many d e t a i l e d p rov i s ions o r too
many exceptions t o the p r i n c i p a l ru les . As P o r t a l i s explained: " L ' o f f i c e
de l a l o i e s t de f i x e r , par de grandes vues, l e s maximes ggngrales du
d r o i t; d ' g t a b l i r des p r inc ipes fe'conds en consgquences, e t non de
descendre dans l e d g t a i l des quest ions q u i peuvent n a t t r e sur chaque
mat i& re . 11182
"Le Code c i v i 1 des f ransais", enacted i n i t s f i n a l form on March
21, 1804, achieved the c l a r i t y , b r e v i t y , and conciseness o f s t y l e
intended by the draftsmen. W i t h i n i t s 2281 a r t i c l e s a re encompassed the
law o f "Persons" ( ~ r t i c l e s 7 t o 515) which t r e a t s of such matters as
marr iage, d ivorce , t h e s t a t u s o f minors, guardianship, domic i le , and
absentees; the law o f "Property" ( ~ r t i c l e s 516 t o 710) which t r e a t s o f
property , usuf ruc t and se rv i tudes ; and the law concerning "Various Methods
o f Acqu i r i ng Ownership" ( ~ r t i c l e s 711 t o 2281). Th is l a s t sec t i on i s a
cur ious mix ture , dea l i ng w i t h mat ters as d i ve rse as g i f t s , w i l l s and
i n t e s t a t e succession; o b l i g a t i o n s i n general, i nc lud ing cont rac t , quasi-
con t rac t and t o r t ; marr iage se t t lements , sa le , lease, par tnersh ip and
o ther spec ia l con t rac ts ; mortgates, l i e n s and pledges; and p resc r ip t i on .
The f i r s t s i x a r t i c l e s o f t h e Code c o n s i s t o f a "Pre l im inary T i t l e " which
embodies ph i l osoph ica l asse r t i ons r a t h e r than enactments o f a l e g i s l a t i v e
nature. 183 ,
The sources upon which the draftsmen r e l i e d i n t h e compi la t ion o f
the C i v i l Code were very d iverse. "Le d r o i t coutumier" fu rn ished most
o f t he p rov i s ions deal ing w i t h the community o f possessions between
spouses, and the ru les r e l a t i n g t o succession.184 "Le d r o i t & r i t 1 '
prov ided the bas is f o r t he general r u l e s governing ob l i ga t i ons , contracts,
and t h e marr iage-por t ion system. 85 As t h e 1 aws concerning o b l i g a t ions
and con t rac ts had a l ready been e s s e n t i a l l y u n i f i e d through the work o f
t he French Romanists, p r a c t i c a l l y no innovat ions were made upon inco rpo ra t i on
i n t o the Code. 186
The roya l ordinances promulgated under Louis X I V and
Louis XV were l a r g e l y preserved i n those a r t i c l e s t r e a t i n g o f g i f t s , w i l l s ,
evidence, and the redemption o f mortgages. 18' F i n a l l y , t h e i n f l uence o f
" l e d r o i t r&o lu t i onna i re t ' was t o mani fes t i t s e l f i n several p a r t s o f t he
Code, e s p e c i a l l y those sect ions dea l i ng w i t h marr iage, divorce, and
inher i tances. 188
Bearing i n mind the d i ve rse sources employed i n i t s compi lat ion,
t he quest ion a r i s e s as t o whether t h e Code Napolgon preserved the essen t ia l
lega l reforms o f the Revolut ion. Th is quest ion can be answered i n the
a f f i r m a t i v e i n the sense t h a t t he bas ic s o c i a l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789 were
reta ined: e q u a l i t y be fore t h e law, freedom o f conscience, and the
s e c u l a r i t y o f t he State. Hered i ta ry n o b i l i t y was not reestabl ished, and
no at tempt was made t o r e v i v e the system o f feudal ism i n any form.
However, as the Code was designed t o r e c o n c i l e opposing po in ts o f view,
i t i n e v i t a b l y had t o d iscard p a r t o f t he Revolut ionary th ink ing .
*
I n dea l i ng w i t h the i n s t i t u t i o n o f marr lage, the draftsmen had t o
decide between the two experiences o f France. Although marr iage as such
had never been assa i l ed du r ing the Revolut ionary years, t he impos i t i on
o f s e c u l a r i z a t i o n and the i n t r o d u c t i o n o f d i vo rce had tended t o d im in i sh
i t s s ign i f i cance . 18' i n recogn i t i on o f t he d i v e r s i t y i n the r e l i g i o u s
fee l i ngs o f the French people, t he dec is ion was made t o r e t a i n t h e
secu lar ized view o f marr iage which reserved t o p u b l i c o f f i c e r s t h e
r i g h t t o ce leb ra te marr iage under t h e law ( ~ r t i c l e s 63 - e t 3.). 190
Rel ig ious marr iages had no l e g a l v a l i d i t y and could no t be celebrated
before the c i v i l ceremony. The reason f o r r e t a i n i n g the essen t ia l s o f
t he Revolut ionary m a r i t a l law a r e expla ined by P. Lerebour - Pigeonnizre:
'ILes l ' eg i s la teu rs de 1804 cons idgra ien t certainement que l a l i b e r t 6 de
conscience des i r ke par t o u t l e monde a pour c o r o l l a i r e nature1 l ' indkpendance
de l a l o i v i s -5 -v i s de l a r e l i g i o n : v o i l a ce q u i j u s t i f i e l a s 6 c u l a r i s a t i o n
du mariage dans l e Code c i v i l , v o i l a ce qu i en dgtermine 1' importance. ,I 191
As p rev ious l y mentioned, the Revo lu t ionar ies had author ized d i vo rce
w i t h the enactment o f the "Decree Regulat ing Divorce" o f September 20,
1792. A f t e r c a r e f u l cons idera t ion by t h e draftsmen, i t was decided t o
permi t d ivorce under the C i v i l Code, bu t i n more r e s t r i c t e d fash ion than
under the Revolut ion. P o r t a l i s was e s p e c i a l l y h o s t i l e t o the i n s t i t u t i o n
o f divorce'92, and t h i s h o s t i 1 i t y was manifested i n the narrow grounds
al lowed t o p e t i t i o n e r s : adu l te ry , c o n v i c t i o n o f a ser ious crime, and
grave i n s u l t s , excesses o r c r u e l t y ( ~ r t i c l e s 229 t o 232). 193 Divorce
*
f o r reasons o f i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y was suppressed as being con t ra ry t o the
theory o f cont rac t : a con t rac t cannot be d isso lved by the wishes o f
on l y one p a r t y t o t h e agreement. 195 . lg4 A t t h e i ns i s tence o f Bonaparte , divorce by mutual consent was int roduced i n t h e f i n a l t e x t o f the Code
( ~ r t i c l e 233)lg6, bu t i t was o n l y permi t ted under s t r i n g e n t cond i t i ons
( ~ r t i c l e s 275 - e t 3.). 197
The dec ide ly i n f e r i o r s t a t u s assigned t o women under the Code was
p a r t i c u l a r l y ev ident i n the mat ter o f d ivorce. I n the case o f d i v o r c e
f o r cause o f adu l te ry , t he adu l t ress could be conf ined i n a house o f
co r rec t i on f o r a pe r iod n o t less than th ree months, nor exceeding two
years ( A r t i c l e 298). 19* However, t h e husband was empowered t o m i t i g a t e
the e f f e c t o f t h i s sentence by consenting t o rece ive h i s w i f e again
( A r t i c l e 309). lg9 No s i m i l a r p rov i s ions were incorporated i n t o t h e Code
t o punish the e r r a n t husband.
Concerning the subordinate p o s i t i o n accorded t o women, which
represented a d e f i n i t e regress ion from Revolut ionary idea ls , J. Godechot
observes: "Ce q u i t ranche s u r t o u t avec l a l g g i s l a t i o n r&o lu t i onna i re ,
c ' e s t 1 ' e s p r i t de t o u t l e t i t r e V I du code, consacrg au d ivorce: en e f f e t ,
c ' e s t 13 que 1 ' in6gal i t& de I 'homme e t de l a femme, s i marqu6e dans
presque t o u t l e code c i v i l a t t e i n t un degrk d ' i n j u s t i c e r g v o l t a n t . "200
Whereas " l e d r o i t rgvo l u t i onna i re" had attempted t o in t roduce
the concepts o f l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y i n t o the f a m i l i a l u n i t , t he C i v i l
Code, by con t ras t , p a r t i a l l y res tored the t r a d i t i o n a l view t h a t t he head
of the f a m i l y was the rea l a u t h o r i t y . Prov is ions were incorporated i n t o
the Code p e r m i t t i n g t h e fa ther t o incarcera te h i s c h i l d r e n w i t h o u t
governmental a u t h o r i t y ( A r t i c l e 375 - e t 3.)201, and t h e marr iage r i g h t s
o f sons and daughters were subjected t o vary ing degrees o f pa ren ta l
con t ro l , depending upon age and sex ( A r t i c l e 148 e t =.). 202 -
The Code express ly subordinated the marr ied women t o her husband
by c a t e g o r i c a l l y s t a t i n g t h a t she owes him obedience: "The husband
owes p r o t e c t i o n t o h i s w i f e , t he w i f e obedience t o her husband" ( A r t i c l e
213) .203 Furthermore, she was denied the capaci ty t o g i ve , a1 ienate,
pledge, o r purchase p roper t y w i thou t the w r i t t e n consent of her husband
( A r t i c l e 217). 204 I n t h e f i e l d o f p roper ty r e l a t i o n s , t he husband was
given absolute power t o admin is ter the community proper ty of h i s spouse
wi thout her concurrence ( A r t i c l e 1 4 2 1 ) ~ ' ~ ; and he was a l s o g iven the
power t o manage a l l h i s w i f e ' s personal p roper ty ( A r t i c l e 1428). 206
The e f f e c t o f these p rov i s ions , which r e f l e c t e d the i n f l uence o f Bonaparte's
a u t h ~ r i t a r i a n i s m ~ ~ ~ , was t o extend t o a l l areas o f France d i s a b i l i t i e s
p rev ious l y known o n l y i n t h e "pays de d r o i t /ecr i t ." I t i s worth no t ing
tha t , except f o r a few changes o f small import, t he cond i t i on o f t he marr ied
woman under the C i v i l Code was no t appreciably improved u n t i l t h e passage
o f a law on J u l y 13, 1965, by the Nat iona l Assembly. 208
I n t h e f i e l d of successoral l e g i s l a t i o n , t h e C i v i l Code incorporated
the Revo lu t ionary p r i n c i p l e s concerning r e s t r i c t i o n o f testamentary
l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y of shares among h e i r s o f t he same degree o f kindred.
A r t i c l e 745 o f t h e Code declares t h a t "Chi ldren ... succeed ... wi thou t
d i s t i n c t i o n o f sex o r pr imogeni ture .... They succeed by equal
po r t i ons ... when they are a l l i n the f i r s t degree .... "209 However,
i n con t ras t t o " l e d r o i t r 'evolut ionnaire", the Code was more permiss ive
i n the freedom granted t o t e s t a t o r s t o dispose o f t h e i r p roper t y by
w i 1 1 : a person who leaves one c h i I d may f r e e l y dispose o f one h a l f o f
h i s es ta te ; i f he leaves two ch i l d ren , one t h i r d ; i f th ree o r more ch i l d ren ,
one f o u r t h ( ~ r t i c l e 913). 210 Although r e l a t i v e l y more permiss ive than
the Revolut ionary l e g i s l a t i o n , t he
e f f e c t i v e l y prevented the c r e a t i o n
The r e t e n t i o n o f the Revo lu t i
inher i tances, and the v i r t u a l p roh i
r e f l e c t e d t h e d e s i r e o f the n a t i o n
d i s p o s i t i o n s author ized by t h e Code
o f i n e q u a l i t i e s through inher i tance.
onary ban on pr imogen i tu re and unequal
211 b i t i o n o f e n t a i l s ( ~ r t i c l e 896) ,
t o prevent any r e t u r n t o the s i t u a t i o n
which e x i s t e d under the o l d regime. The l i b e r a t i o n and d i v i s i o n o f t he
land r e s u l t i n g from the co l lapse o f the "r'egime se igneur ia l " , and the
des t ruc t i on o f t he corporate p roper t i es , had b e n e f i t t e d the midd le
classes i n p a r t i c u l a r . I t was thus i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t t o ensure t h a t the
p rov i s ions o f t h e C i v i l Code made I r revocab le the disappearance o f t he
feudal a r i s t o c r a c y which t h e Revolut ion had accomplished. As P.
~e rebours -P igeonn i g r e expla ins: I' ... l a suppression de tou te i n g g a l i t 6
6
e n t r e 1 'a7n6 e t l e s puin& 6 t a i t moins i n s p i r k e pa r I e respect dO 2
l l i n d i v i d u a l i t & des puin6s que par l e d k s i r de n i v e l e r l e s for tunes, l e s
s i t u a t i o n s , e t dtemp$cher l e r e t o u r d'une f g o d a l i t 6 f o n c i g r e ... e l l e
v i s e 3 r g d u i r e un c e r t a i n n iveau l e rang qu'une f a m i l l e peut a t te ind re ,
pour consacrer l e carac t&re dkmocratique de l a na t ion . 11212
The i n s t i t u t i o n o f adoption was mainta ined i n the C i v i l Code, bu t
i t was subjected t o many precautions. The adopter had t o be c h i l d l e s s
and over f i f t y years o f age ( ~ r t i c l e 3431213; t h e adopted was n o t
pe rm i t ted t o sever the t i e s which bound him t o h i s n a t u r a l f am i l y ( A r t i c l e
348)214; nor cou ld adoption take p lace so long as t h e adopted was a minor
( A r t i c l e 346) .215
The p rov i s ions concerning the s ta tus o f i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n
r e f l e c t e d t h e i n f l uence o f Bonaparte who mainta ined t h a t soc ie ty has no
i n t e r e s t i n having na tu ra l c h i l d r e n recognized. 216 Under the C i v i 1 Code,
as under the o l d regime, they were i s o l a t e d and excluded from the fami ly ,
unless a f fo rded lega l recogn i t ion . T h e i r s i t u a t i o n was exempl i f ied by
A r t i c l e 756 of the Code regarding successoral r i g h t s : "Natural c h i l d r e n
are no t h e i r s ; t h e law does n o t g ran t t o such any r i g h t s over the proper ty
o f t h e i r f a t h e r o r mother deceased, except when they have been l e g a l l y
recognized. I t does no t g r a n t t o them any r i g h t over the p roper t y o f
r e l a t i o n s o f t h e i r f a t h e r o r mother. 11217
The Code re in fo rced the d
by making no p r o v i s i o n t o f a c i l
p a t e r n i t y ; i n f a c t , s c r u t i n y as
( ~ r t i c l e 340). 218 Thus, i n the
i s a b i l i t i e s o f i l l e g i t i m a t e c h i l d r e n
i t a t e i n v e s t i g a t i o n s i n t o quest ions o f
t o p a t e r n i t y was expressly forb idden
mat ter o f n a t u r a l ch i l d ren , the Code
represented a decided regression from the laws o f t h e Revolut ion which
had attempted t o remove t h e i r soc ia l i n f e r i o r i t y .
I n re tu rn ing , then, t o t h e quest ion posed e a r l i e r concerning
the Code ~ a ~ o l g o n and i t s e f f e c t on the Revolut ionary t r a d i t i o n , i t i s
ev ident t h a t t h e draftsmen were n o t prepared t o r e j e c t en t i r e l y " l e
d r o i t r&o lu t i onna i re . " While r e v e r t i n g i n p a r t t o the j u r i s t i c
t r a d i t i o n s o f France, the Code, i n sum, represented a set t lement by way
of As A l b e r t Sore1 remarks: "Le Code c i v i l , c ' e s t l a
ju r isprudence du d r o i t romain e t 1 'usage des coutumes combings ensemble
e t adapt& 3 l a ~ g c l a r a t i o n des d r o i t s de l'homme, selon les moeurs,
conv6nances e t cond i t i ons de 1 a n a t i o n f ranga i se . . . . 11220
A r i s i n g o u t o f the Revolut ion, t h e Code Napoleon succeeded i n
p r o v i d i n g t h e n a t i o n w i t h a u n i f i e d system of law which incorporated the
h i s t o r i c a l t r a d i t i o n w h i l e preserv ing the essen t ia l p r i n c i p l e s o f 1789.
Indeed, t h e very a c t o f c o d i f i c a t i o n tended t o consol i d a t e the s o c i a l
conquests o f t he Revo lu t ion and t o symbolize i t s accomplishments. I n t h i s
sense i t was revo lu t i ona ry .
CHAPTER I V
THE REVOLUTION AND CRIMINAL LEGISLATION
The Work o f the Revolut ionary Assemblies
As noted prev ious ly , t he cah iers which the cons t i t uen ts de l i ve red
t o t h e i r representat ives contained numerous demands f o r r a d i c a l reforms
o f the c r i m i n a l law and procedure. The p repara t i on f o r necessary reform
had been l a r g e l y accompl ished through the w r i t i n g s o f Montesquieu, 0
Beccaria, and V o l t a i r e , and the a l l e g e d m e r i t s o f Eng l i sh c r im ina l
procedure had received wide p u b l i c i t y i n the years before the Revolut ion. 22 1
I t was i n e v i t a b l e , there fore , t h a t the Revolut ionary assemblies would
be ca l l ed upon t o undertake comprehens i v e r e v i s ions t o laws "6cr i tes avec
du l a i t pour les Nobles, avec du sang pour l e peuple. ,1222
The Const i tuent Assembly, i n r e c o g n i t i o n o f the pressing need t o
c o r r e c t e x i s t i n g abuses, proceeded w i t h despatch toward t h i s end. As A.
Watt inne observes: "Une f i h r e de t o u t rknover, qu i touchai t \a l a
f rgnks ie , s 8 $ t a i t emparge des e s p r i t s . La r6forme c r i m i n e l l e f u t l a
premi'ere aborde/e.I1 223 As a r e s u l t o f t h i s in tense a c t i v i t y , two laws o f
g rea t s i g n i f i c a n c e were enacted on t h e sub jec t o f c r im ina l procedure:
the Decree o f October 8-9, 1789, and t h a t o f September 16-29, 1791.
The f i r s t o f these two laws, meekly reg is tered by the parlement
o f Par is on October 14, 1 7 8 9 , ~ ~ ~ was intended t o r e c t i f y the graver
abuses which required immediate a t t en t i on . However, as the preamble
indicated, t h i s l e g i s l a t i o n was considered t o be prov is iona l i n nature,
pending a more comprehensive reform i n the fu ture : "Although the
execution o f the whole of t h i s reform requires le i su re l iness and the
matu r i t y o f the deepest r e f l e c t i o n , i t i s , nevertheless, possib le t o enable
the na t ion t o enjoy the bene f i t o f var ious prov is ions, which, wi thout
subvert ing the order o f procedure a t present fol lowed, would reassure
the innocent and f a c i l i t a t e the v i nd i ca t i on of those accused. 11225
Under the provis ions o f the Decree o f October 1789, no attempt was
made t o remove the ex i s t i ng cr imina l procedure i n i t s en t i re ty . Much o f
the w r i t t e n and complex procedure was retained, such as the information,
the r u l i n g t o the "extraordinary" ac t ion, the conf i rmat ion and the
confrontat ion, the report o f the act ion, and the f i n a l in ter rogat ion. I n
f ac t , A r t i c l e 28 o f the Decree s p e c i f i c a l l y provided tha t the Ordonnance
Cr imine l le o f 1670 remained i n f u l l force: "The Ordinance of 1670 and
the ed ic ts and ru l ings concerning cr imina l matters sha l l continue t o be
observed so f a r as consistent w i t h the present Decree, and except as
otherwise formal ly ordained. ,1226
Nevertheless, various progressive elements were incorporated
i n t o the Decree which provided safeguards f o r the accused. These
consisted p r i m a r i l y i n the al lowance and assurance o f defence counsel,
and i n t h e p u b l i c i t y o f the procedure required: " ... a l l the steps
o f the examination s h a l l take p lace c o n f r o n t a t i v e l y w i t h him,
p u b l i c l y , w i t h the doors o f t h e chamber o f examinat ion open ... ( ~ r t i c l e 11). 227 Fu r the r amendments t o the o l d procedure a l s o
appreciably improved t h e l o t o f t he accused: reasons had t o be g iven
fo r every condemnation t o a f f l i c t i v e o r degrading punishment ( ~ r t i c l e 22);
no sentences i n v o l v i n g degrading o r c a p i t a l punishment cou ld be
pronounced except by a two- th i rds o r f o u r - f i f t h s m a j o r i t y , respect ive ly ,
o f the votes cas t by the judges ( A r t i c l e 25) ; t h e use o f t o r t u r e and
o f the p r i s o n e r ' s seat were abol ished fo reve r ( ~ r t i c l e 25). 228
Although the Decree o f October 8-9, 1789, was not expected t o
have more than an ephemeral ex is tence, i t served the purpose o f
in t roduc ing immediate reforms i n c r i m i n a l procedure demanded by p u b l i c
op in ion . Reform o f a more fundamental na tu re would be forthcoming i n
less than two years w i t h the promulgat ion o f t he Decree o f September 16-29,
1791, which would organize c r i m i n a l procedure on an e n t i r e l y new basis.
I n the meantime, var ious laws were passed by the Const i tuent
Assembly dur ing 1790 which were intended t o ensure e q u a l i t y be fore the
law and t o con f ine punishment t o the of fender h imse l f . A r t i c l e 1 o f
t he law o f January 21, 1790, p rov ided t h a t "offenses o f the same nature
s h a l l be punished by the same k i n d of penal t ies, ' whatever be t h e rank and
the s t a t i o n o f t he offender. "229 Th is law f u r t h e r declared t h a t "ne i the r
t he death pena l t y nor any infamous punishment whatever s h a l l c a r r y w i t h
i t an imputat ion upon the o f f e n d e r ' s family", s ince " the honour o f
, ,230 those who belong t o h i s f a m i l y i s i n no wise tarn ished. The pena l t y
o f general c o n f i s c a t i o n o f p roper t y was hencefor th abol ished, and t h e
record o f the accused's death was no longer t o i nc lude reference t o
the mode o f death. 231
The p o s i t i o n o f the accused was a l s o strengthened by the Decree
Reorganizing the J u d i c i a r y o f August 16, 1790. A r t i c l e 14 o f T i t l e I I
provided t h a t : " I n every c i v i l o r c r im ina l mat ter the arguments repor t s
and judgments s h a l l be p u b l i c , and every c i t i z e n s h a l l have t h e r i g h t
t o defend h i s case i n person, e i t h e r o r a l l y o r i n wr i t ing."232 Fur ther -
more, t he f o l l o w i n g A r t i c l e s t i p u l a t e d t h a t : " T r i a l by j u r y s h a l l take
p lace i n c r i m i n a l cases; examination s h a l l be made p u b l i c l y .... 11233
Th is re ference t o t r i a l by j u r o r s i n c r im ina l mat ters f o r e t o l d the
basis upon which t h e Decree o f September 16-29, 1791, reorganized
c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e ; namely, t h e establ ishment o f t he procedure by j u r y .
The cahiers o f 1789 had demanded the i n s t i t u t i o n o f j u r i e s f o r judgment of
f a c t and had recommended the study o f the Eng l ish system where the
accused was t r i e d by twelve o f h i s f e l l o w - c i t i z e n s . 234 However t h e
impor ta t ion i n t o France o f t he Eng l i sh c r im ina l procedure was an arduous
task. I n England, the examinat ion p r i o r t o t r i a l was ent rus ted almost
e n t i r e l y t o j u s t i c e s o f the peace, and i t formed bu t an i n s i g n i f i c a n t
element i n t h e t o t a l proceedings. I n France, on the o the r hand, the
*
examination by t h e judge had c o n s t i t u t e d t h e g rea tes t p a r t o f t he
procedure and represented the foundat ion o f t he whole e d i f i c e . 235
Again, i n England, the procedure was e n t i r e l y o r a l and precluded the
reading o f w r i t t e n depos i t ions t o the t r i a l j u r y , whereas ac t i ons i n
France were judged main l y upon wr i t ten documents. 236
A f t e r prolonged debate, the l e g i s l a t i v e committee o f t he
Const i tuent Assembly decided t o s a c r i f i c e the t r a d i t i o n a l i n s t i t u t i o n s
o f France t o the p r i n c i p l e s o f Eng l i sh c r im ina l procedure which were
f e l t t o be i n harmony w i t h t h e s p i r i t o f the evolution.^^^ Theessen t ia l
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t he new system, which were incorporated i n t o the Decree o f
September 16-29, 1791, were t h e adopt ion o f the " j u r y d 'accusat ion" and t h e
" j u r y de jugement" which corresponded t o the Engl i s h grand j u r y and t r i a l j u r y .
The Decree prov ided f o r an o r a l , pub l i c , and uncomplicated procedure
before the c r i m i n a l t r i b u n a l and the " j u r y de jugement", which was t o be
composed o f twelve j u r o r s . The o r a l character o f the procedure was
p r e c i s e l y def ined: "The examinat ion o f the wi tness s h a l l always be made
o r a l l y and w i t h o u t w r i t i n g o u t t h e i r deposit ions" (Par t I I , T i t . V I I ,
A r t . 3) . 238
I t was recognized, however, t h a t no s e r v i l e i m i t a t i o n o f the
Eng l ish system was p o s s i b l e and t h a t var ious p a r t i c u l a r s would have t o
be changed. U n l i k e t h e Eng l i sh t r a d i t i o n , which requ i red the judge t o
r e s t a t e the issues t o be solved a t the conclusion of the argument, the
Decree s t l p u
so t h a t they
the Decree d
l a t e d t h a t issues should be pu t t o t h e j u r o r s i n w r i t i n g
had o n l y t o r e p l y by "yes" o r Furthermore,
i d n o t adhere t o the t r a d i t i o n a l Eng l i sh r u l e r e q u i r i n g
the j u r y ' s dec i s ion t o be unanimous: "But the o p i n i o n o f t h ree j u r o r s
ought always t o be s u f f i c i e n t , i n the accused's favour, e i t h e r t o decide
t h a t t h e f a c t i s n o t ce r ta in , o r t o decide i n h i s favour t h e quest ions
put by the p res iden t r e l a t i v e t o i n ten t " - ( p a r t I I, T i t . V I I, A r t . 28). 2 40
With t h e enactment o f the Decree o f September 16-29, 1791,
e s t a b l i s h i n g the " j u r y d'accusation" and the " j u r y de jugement", t he
Const i tuent Assembly achieved a t r u l y r a d i c a l departure from e x i s t i n g
c r im ina l procedure. I n the case o f proceedings before the t r i a l j u r y ,
progressive r u l e s were se t f o r t h t h a t assured t o the accused those
indispensable guarantees o f which he had been so long deprived. However,
t he p rov i s ions o f t h e Decree concerning p r e l i m i n a r y examination before
commencement o f t r i a l were less successful . I n t h i s area, an imperfect
and inadequate mechanism was s u b s t i t u t e d i n p lace o f t he o l d procedure.
The sec re t p re l im ina ry examination, which had been the longest and
most important p a r t o f the proceedings under t h e o l d regime, was reduced
t o a summary examinat ion before the o f f i c e r o f t he j u d i c i a l p o l i c e , t o
the poss ib le hear ing o f witnesses by the " j u r y d'accusation", and t o the
i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f the accused by the d i r e c t o r o f t h i s j u r y . The j u s t i c e
o f the peace, who was p r i m a r i l y the magis t ra te o f d e t e c t i v e po l i ce ,
r 66
caused t h e appearance before him o f those accused o f crimes by means
o f a "warrant o f product ion. "241 l f , upon i n t e r r o g a t i o n o f t he accused,
he be l i eved t h e r e were no grounds f o r c r i m i n a l prosecut ion, t h e accused
was s e t f ree ; i f not , t he l a t t e r was imprisoned by v i r t u e o f a "warrant
o f a r r e s t . ,1242
i
The j u s t i c e o f the peace could i n i t i a t e a c t i o n e i t h e r o f f i c i a l l y
o r by means o f a complaint l a i d by an i n j u r e d pa r t y . 243 ~ h u s , c r i m i n a l
prosecut ions were no longer exc lus i ve l y i n i t i a t e d by the State, and the
func t i ons o f t h e p u b l i c prosecutor were g r e a t l y diminished. Conversely,
p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s were al lowed much g rea te r and more e f f e c t i v e r i g h t s
o f accusat ion than former ly . Notwi thstanding these changes, the Decree
unwisely c reated a c o n f l i c t o f i n t e r e s t w i t h respect t o the powers
conferred upon the j u s t i c e o f the peace. As the i n d i v i d u a l occupying
t h i s p o s i t i o n was author ized t o i n i t i a t e c r i m i n a l proceedings, two
q u a l i f i c a t i o n s were u n i t e d i n h i s person which should have been kept
separate: those o f prosecutor and o f examining magis t ra te . 244
Although the next stage o f the proceedings was h e l d behind c
doors, more emphasis was placed on o r a l examinat ion and the p u b l i c
now represented by the " j u r y d 'accusat ion .I1 Th is body, cons is t i ng
e i g h t j u r o r s , was charged w i t h the duty o f determining whether the
1 osed
was
0 f
prosecut ion should go forward o r be d isal lowed. I f the j u r y al lowed the
prosecut ion, an "acte d'accusation" was drawn up and the mat ter then
passed t o the c r i m i n a l t r i b u n a l and the t r i a l j u r y . *
Thus t h e p re l im ina ry examination, which c o n s t i t u t e d near ly the
whole o f the a c t i o n under the o l d system, was g r e a t l y reduced i n
importance. I t could cons is t merely o f summary examination by the
j u s t i c e o f the peace, and the hear ing o f witnesses by the " j u r y d'accusation."
Although w r i t t e n depos i t ions were taken, t h e i r purpose was o n l y t o serve
as in format ion ; they were submitted n e i t h e r t o t h e " j u r y d'accusation" nor
t o t h e " j u r y de jugement. "245 However the accused's p o s i t i o n was
p re jud iced a t t r i a l by t h e f a c t t h a t these "notes d ' i n t e r r o g a t o i re" and
"6c la i r c i ssemen t s par 'ecr i t" were made avai 1 a b l e t o the pub1 i c prosecutor,
bu t n o t t o the defence. 246
The system o f p re l im ina ry examination inaugurated by the Decree
o f September 16-29, 1791 was not dest ined t o have l a s t i n g success.
Despi te the f a c t t h a t the new procedures represented a vas t improvement
over the secre t and i n q u i s i t o r i a l methods they replaced, experience showed
t h a t t o o much r e l i a n c e had been placed upon the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s assigned
t o t h e j u s t i c e o f the peace. Furthermore, t h e r i g h t o f prosecut ion
confer red upon p r i v a t e i n d i v i d u a l s proved t o be unsuccessful as w e l l .
A. Esmein exp la ins the reasons f o r these f a i l u r e s : "Le juge de p a i x
f ran fa i s 6 t a i t un t r o p p e t i t personnage, un mag is t ra t t r o p peu i n s t r u i t ,
pour b i e n j oue r l e r81e important q u i l u i 6 t a i t d&volu; e t dans n o t r e pays
l es i n d i v i d u s sont peu e n c l i n s prendre en mains 1 1 i n t 6 r S t p u b l i c , lorsque
l e u r i n tg r i3 t p r i v 6 n ' e s t pas en jeu. 1,247
I n conjunct ion w i t h i t s work on c r i m i n a l procedure, the Const i tuent
Assembly brought t o complet ion a Penal Code on September 25, 1791. The
Assembly had p rev ious l y procla imed the bas ic p r i n c i p l e s o f c r im ina l law
i n the Dec lara t ion of t he R ights o f Man o f August 26, 1789. A r t i c l e 8
o f t h i s document declared t h a t : "La l o i ne d o i t 6 t a b l i r que des peines
s t r i c temen t e t gvidemment ngcessai res, e t nu1 ne peut E t r e puni qu'en
v e r t u d'une l o i &tab1 i e e t promulgu6e antgr ieurement au d6l i t , e t
lkgalemen t appl iqu6e.I' 248
These p r i n c i p l e s were du ly app l i ed i n the Penal
Code which es tab l ished the determinat ion o f crimes and punishments by
w r i t t e n law. Under i t s p rov i s ions , no person could be sentenced t o a
punishment o ther than t h a t which the law had fo rma l l y s p e c i f i e d f o r a
crime def ined p r i o r t o i t s commission.
The pena l t i es p resc r ibed by the Code, i n con t ras t t o those o f the
o l d regime, were n e i t h e r a r b i t r a r y , a t roc ious , nor perpetual . The
i n f l i c t i o n o f the death pena l t y was l i m i t e d t o decap i ta t ion , and corporal
m u t i l a t i o n was v i r t u a l l y abol ished. The p r i n c i p l e t h a t offenses o f the
same na tu re should be punished by the same k i n d o f pena l t ies , i r r e s p e c t i v e
o f t he rank o f t he pe rpe t ra to r , was exempl i f i e d by A r t i c l e 3 o f the Code
deal i ng wi t h capi t a l punishment: "Tout condamn6 aura l a tE te tranchge. , 1249
I n t h i s regard, M. Foucault observes: "La q u i l l o t i n e u t i l i s g e 3 p a r t i r
de mars 1792, c ' e s t l a mkcanique adgquate $ ces p r inc ipes . ,,250
The Code was d i v ided i n t o two main p a r t s , the f i r s t dea l ing w i t h
the var ious punishments p resc r ibed f o r conv ic ted c r im ina ls . These
*
punishments were death, labour i n chains, confinement, t ranspor ta t i on ,
and c i v i c degradation. 251 The second main p a r t o f the Code embraced the
d e f i n i t i o n s o f s p e c i f i c crimes and was subdiv ided i n t o two t i t l e s ; t h e '
f i r s t t i t l e d e a l t w i t h crimes aga ins t p u b l i c i n t e r e s t s , t h e second, w i t h
2 52 crimes aga ins t i n d i v i d u a l s .
The general system o f c r im ina l law r e s u l t i n g from t h i s body o f
l e g i s l a t i o n was g r e a t l y super io r t o t h a t which e x i s t e d p r i o r t o the
Revolut ion.
the previous
punishments ,
una l te rab ly .
Nevertheless, c e r t a i n defects, r e s u l t i n g from a reac t i on t o
regime, were apparent. Through avers ion t o a r b i t r a r y
the pena l ty f o r each o f fense was f i x e d s p e c i f i c a l l y and
As the judge was requ i red t o apply the w r i t t e n l ega l p r o v i s i o n
w i thout regard t o extenuat ing circumstances, h i s func t ion was reduced t o
t h e reading o f a law. I f found g u i l t y , the accused was a t once subjected
t o the r i g i d l e g a l punishment which could not even be va r ied between a
minimum and a maximum. The r e s u l t o f t h i s system, observes C. von Bar,
"was t h a t the pena l ty was f r e q u e n t l y d ispropor t ioned t o the deed which i t
aimed t o repress; and t h a t j u r i e s , making a compromise w i t h t h e i r consciences,
p re fe r red t o a c q u i t t he o f fender ra the r than t o b r i n g upon him a punishment
which they regarded as exaggerated. 1,253
A second de fec t o f t h e Penal Code o f 1791 was the a b o l i t i o n o f the
execut ive power o f pardon f o r a l l o f fenses t r i e d by j u r i e s i it. V I ,
A r t . 13) . 254 Th is p r o v i s i o n a l s o represented a reac t i on t o previous
abuses, and doubtless expressed t h e conf idence t h a t the l e g i s l a t i v e reforms
enacted would hencefor th render unnecessary the anc ient r i g h t o f pardon.
Nevertheless, t h e dec is ion t o remove t h i s r i g h t was i n e r r o r . As C.
von Bar remarks: 'I... t h e power o f pardon must have a p lace i n any
r a t i o n a l system as t h e necessary complement o f s o c i a l j u s t i ce. ,1255
A f t e r the d i s s o l u t i o n o f the Const i tuent Assembly, r e l a t i v e l y
l i t t l e was done by the succeeding L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly i n t h e f i e l d o f
c r im ina l l e g i s l a t i o n . The achievements o f t h e f i r s t Assembly had been
considerable i n t h i s regard, and the changes r e a l i z e d i n procedural and
penal laws were now taken t o be s u b s t a n t i a l l y complete. However t h e
Convention, i n i t s tu rn , e lec ted t o cont inue t h e work o f penal reform and,
by the Decree of 23 F r u c t i d o r , An I I , commissioned the j u r i s t M e r l i n t o
prepare a comprehensive code on the whole o f c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n . 2 56
The new code was t o encompass both procedural and penal l e g i s l a t i o n , and
i t s spec ia l purpose was t o prov ide a work a t once s y n t h e t i c and de ta i l ed ,
as d i s t i ngu ished from the laws o f the Const i tuent Assembly. 2 57
I n pursuance o f t h e Decree, a d r a f t o f t he Code o f Offenses and
Punishments (code des d6 l i t s e t des peines) was presented t o t h e Convention
on 3 Brumaire, An I V ( ~ c t o b e r 25, 1795). Begun eighteen months e a r l i e r ,
the Code was p r i n c i p a l l y the work o f M e r l i n and represented a prod ig ious
task f o r one i n d i v i d u a l . I t was voted i n t o law i n two s i t t i n g s o f ' t h e
Convention which adopted i t i n r e l i a n c e upon the au tho r ' s sponsorship. 258
The Code o f Brumaire was p r i m a r i l y a code o f c r i m i n a l procedure;
substant ive penal law occupied o n l y a l i m i t e d p lace i n i t s p rov is ions . e
Although some o f the p r i n c i p l e s a f f i r m e d i n t h e laws o f 1791 were somewhat
p a l l i a t e d , no changes were made i n the broad fea tures o f t he prev ious
l e g i s l a t i o n .259 However several amendments were in t roduced which concerned
procedural d e t a i 1s.
Whereas t h e Decree o f September 16-29, 1791, had been exceedingly
b r i e f regarding the p a r t t o be played by the j u s t i c e o f t he peace i n the
p re l im ina ry examination, t h e Code o f Offenses and Punishments devoted
t h i r t y a r t i c l e s t o t h i s sub jec t . 260
S i m i l a r l y , t he new Code d e a l t more
minute ly w i t h t h e proceedings before the t r i a l j u r y . T h i s was a na tu ra l
evo lu t i on r e s u l t i n g from procedures t h a t g radua l l y became more p rec i se
and standardized w i t h t h e development o f an i n s t i t u t i o n unknown t o the
o l d law.
Again, w h i l e the new Code cont inued t h e p r i n c i p l e o f o r a l i t y i n
c r im ina l proceedings, more emphasis was p laced upon w r i t t e n documents
dur ing t h e course o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination. Although t h e i r use was
now pe rm i t ted a t t r i a l , they had t o be p laced a t t he disposa
accused and h i s counsel as w e l l as the p u b l i c accuser. 261
Other than these mod i f i ca t i ons , t he system o f c r i m i n a l
contained i n the Code o f 1795 was e s s e n t i a l l y the one es tab l
o f t he
procedure
shed
e a r l i e r by the Cons t i t uen t Assembly. I n l i k e manner, t he p o r t i o n of
the new Code dea l i ng w i t h substant ive penal law d i d n o t depart from the
p r i n c i p l e s embodied i n t h e Penal Code o f September 25, 1791. The
prov i s ions devoted t o t h e enumeration and d e f i n i t i o n o f crimes and
punishments confirmed the general system of penal law i n s t i t u t e d by
the former Code, i nc lud ing the defec ts r e f e r r e d t o prev ious ly . 2 62
I n s p i t e o f t h e i r imperfect ions, t he c r i m i n a l laws enacted by the
Const i tuent Assembly and the Convention c o n s t i t u t e d a d e f i n i t e break
w i t h t h e past. I n p lace o f a procedure t h a t had been secret , i n q u i s i t o r i a l ,
and h i g h l y unfavourable t o t h e accused, the re was s u b s t i t u t e d one which
assured t o him many safeguards. Furthermore, t h e e l i m i n a t i o n o f the many
grave abuses which had charac ter ized the penal law o f t h e o l d regime
represented a fundamental reform o f the g r e a t e s t importance.
As no f u r t h e r a l t e r a t i o n s were made t o t h e Code o f Offenses and
Punishments du r ing the balance o f the Revolut ionary decade, i t remained
i n f u l l f o r c e u n t i l the e a r l y pe r iod o f t he Consulate.
Le Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e o f 1808; and l e Code pdnal o f 1810
The two codes o f t he Napoleonic pe r iod concerning c r i m i n a l procedure
and substant ive c r i m i n a l law cont inued many o f t he changes t h a t were
int roduced du r ing t h e Revolut ionary per iod. Nevertheless these codes a l s o
conta ined reac t iona ry elements which unequ ivoca l ly r e f l e c t e d the
a u t h o r i t a r i a n views o f Bonaparte. 263
Cr imina l procedure, i n p a r t i c u l a r , underwent a r a d i c a l change
a f t e r Napoleon's assumption t o power. An e a r l y amendment t o the ru les
was conta ined i n t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 Fr imai re , An V I I I , where i t was
decreed t h a t the p u b l i c prosecutor was hencefor th t o be the agent and
nominee o f the execut ive power: "The d u t i e s o f p u b l i c prosecutor be fore
a c r i m i n a l c o u r t s h a l l be performed by the commissioner o f the Government"
it. V , A r t . 63). 264 Thus t h e stage was se t f o r t he r e i n s t i t u t i o n o f
t h e o l d o f f i c e o f p u b l i c prosecutor i n i t s e n t i r e t y i n t h e proceedings
before t h e c r i m i n a l courts.
L e g i s l a t i o n fol lowed s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r which marked a d i s t i n c t
r e t u r n t o t h e past . Under t h e Law o f 7 PluviGse, An I X , the p re l im ina ry
examinat ion was reorganized along l i n e s a k i n t o the o l d procedure:
witnesses were t o be heard o u t o f t h e accused's presence, and judges were
no t required, a t t he outse t , t o g i v e t h e accused any in format ion concerning
t h e charges brought aga ins t him. 265 I n a d d i t i o n , t he new l e g i s l a t i o n
m a t e r i a l l y a l t e r e d the proceedings before t h e " j u r y d'accusation" w i t h
t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n o f w r i t t e n f o r o r a l procedure. 266 However the prov is ions
o f the Revolut ionary laws were p a r t l y re ta ined i n t h a t the accused was
a l lowed t o review the deposi t ions placed be fo re the " j u r y d 'accusat ion ' ,
a f t e r which he could i n s i s t upon a second i n t e r r o g a t i o n by the judge. 267
The Law o f 7 P luv iase a l s o c a l l e d f o r t h e appointment of deputy
governmentcommissioners i n every arrondissement , and gave them power
t o imprison pending the repor t o f the " j u r y d'accusation." These
C
deputies, appointed by the F i r s t Consul, were t o rece ive denunciat ions
and complaints and t o prosecute a l l manner o f crimes. Jus t i ces o f the
peace were hencefor th placed under deput ies ' o rders and thus became
mere ass i s t a n t s o f the pub1 i c prosecutor. 2 68
Th is l e g i s l a t i o n , then, showed a d e f i n i t e r e t u r n t o the o l d system
o f p r e l i m i n a r y examination w h i l e the r u l e s o f t h e Codes o f 1791 and
1795 were, i n t h i s respect, abandoned. However as no changes were made
i n t h e Revo lu t ionary laws concerning procedure before t h e j u r i s d i c t i o n s
o f judgment, i t was ev ident t h a t a compromise between t h e o l d and the
new was s t i l l desi red. The Law o f 7 P luv iase thus represented a t r a n s i t i o n
between t h e codes o f the Revolut ionary pe r iod and t h e "Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n
c r i m i n e l le" o f 1808.
The C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 Fr imai re , An V I I I , l i k e those which had
proceeded i t , guaranteed judgment by j u r y f o r a l l ac t i ons determined t o
be cr imes: " i n t h e case o f crimes e n t a i l i n g corpora l o r ignominious
pena l t i es , a f i r s t j u r y s h a l l admit o r r e j e c t t he indictment ; i f i t be
admitted, a second j u r y s h a l l take cognizance o f t h e fac ts , and the
judges forming a c r im ina l cou r t , s h a l l app ly the pena l t y . . . I1 i it. V ,
A r t . 6 2 ) . 269 i n s p i t e o f t h i s c o n s t i t u t i o n a l p rov i s ion , t he r e t e n t i o n
o f t h e j u r y system was by no means assured. Th is i n s t i t u t i o n was the
o b j e c t o f con t inu ing c r i t i c i s m on the p a r t o f t he magistracy and, more
impor tant ly , i t was looked upon w i t h d i s favour by the F i r s t Consul. 2 70
I n p r a c t i c e , the t r i a l j u r y had n o t proved e n t i r e l y e f f e c t i v e
because o f reasons o f i n t i m i d a t i o n and p o l i t i c a l p re jud ice . The problem
o f brigandage, i n p a r t i c u l a r , had created an environment i n which the
j u r y was hard p u t t o per form i t s du t i es adequately. J u r i e s were
c r i t i c i z e d f o r being too timorous, f o r a l l o w i n g two many crimes t o go
unpunished, and f o r being too suscep t ib le t o p o l i t i c a l in f luence. 27 1
However as any suggestions t o destroy the j u r y sys tern met w i t h
s tu rdy res is tance by many o f t he l e g i s l a t o r s , Bonaparte resolved t o reduce
i t s i n f l uence w i t h the establ ishment o f a concurrent c r im ina l j u r i s d i c t i o n .
Two j u r i s d i c t i o n s were proposed, the one e n t a i l i n g the use o f the j u r y
f o r o rd ina ry c r i m i n a l cases, the o the r i n v o l v i n g the use o f spec ia l
cou r t s w i thou t j u r i e s t o deal w i t h cases o f armed r e b e l l i o n o r th rea ts
t o the i n t e r n a l s a f e t y o f the State.
A f t e r much acrimonious debate, t he l e g i s l a t u r e al lowed t h i s d u a l i t y
t o e x i s t i n the Law o f 18 Pluv i8se, An IX . 272 Many members o f the
T r ibuna te were s t r o n g l y opposed t o what they considered t o be t h e
rees tab l ishment o f t he "pr&ota l" cou r t s o f the o l d regime. Assurances
by the government t h a t these were temporary measures d i d no t assuage t h e i r
concern, f o r they r e a l i z e d t h a t p r o v i s i o n a l mat ters tend t o become d e f i n i t e .
I n f a c t , the newly created system was dest ined t o pass i n t o t h e "Code
d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r im ine l l e " which mainta ined t h e spec ia l cour ts as a
permanent i n s t i t u t i o n i it. V I , Book 1 1 , A r t . 553 t o 599). 273
Several o f t he p rov i s ions o f t he Law o f 18 P luv i8se
regress ive i n na ture . The accused was denied an opportun
h i s defence, and the r i g h t t o be released on b a i l was abo
were
i t y t o prepare
1 ished.
Furthermore, the judges o f the spec ia l cour ts were n o t requ i red t o
prov ide grounds fo r judgment, and the r i g h t t o appeal from t h e i r
dec is ions was den ied.274 Cer ta in Rev01 u t ionary reforms were maintained,
nonetheless: t h e procedure was p u b l i c and o r a l , and the accused had
the b e n e f i t o f counsel and the r i g h t t o know immediately the na tu re o f
t he charge aga ins t him. 275
Concurrent ly w i t h the establ ishment o f t h e spec ia l cour ts , p re l im ina ry
work had begun on the recast ing o f a l l c r i m i n a l l e g i s l a t i o n by an
appointed commission. I n i t i a l l y a s i n g l e t e x t was contemplated, conta in ing
t h e r u l e s o f c r i m i n a l procedure and substant ive c r i m i n a l law. However i t w a s
even tua l l y decided t h a t procedure should be d e a l t w i t h f i r s t because
regu la t i ons governing procedure tend t o f a c i l i t a t e the fo rmat ion o f op in ion
concerning subs tan t i ve law. 2 76
I n due course, a d r a f t o f procedural law was submitted by the
commission which preserved the j u r y system w h i l e i nco rpo ra t i ng several
changes i n i t s r u l e s and composition. Since i t was f e l t t h a t t h e e x i s t i n g
system o f choosing j u r o r s had resu l ted i n too many bad se lec t i ons ,
r e s t r i c t i o n s were int roduced which requ i red f u t u r e j u r o r s t o meet c e r t a i n
census q u a l i f i c a t i o n s . I n add i t i on , the p a r t i e s t o an a c t i o n were g iven
t h e r i g h t t o cha
the r u l e o f unan
as was t h e p r a c t
I n view o f t he many reservat ions expressed concerning the wisdom
l lenge, i n cour t , the proposed panel o f j u r o r s . F i n a l l y ,
i m i t y was suggested f o r t h e decis ions o f t he t r i a l j u r y ,
i c e i n England. 277
o f r e t a i n i n g the j u r y system, an ex tens ive i n q u i r y was ordered by
Bonaparte t o o b t a i n the op in ions o f t he magist racy on the work o f t he
commissioners. As soon as t h e d r a f t l e g i s l a t i o n was reviewed by the courts ,
i t became c l e a r t h a t many were h o s t i l e t o t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t he j u r y
and wished t o see i t suppressed. The f a c t t h a t England was the implacable
enemy o f France a t t h i s t ime doubtless in f luenced opin ion. However a
genuine b e l i e f was expressed t h a t the Ordinance o f 1670, as modi f ied by
the Decrees o f 1789, o f f e r e d more safeguards t o the accused. As A. Esmein
observes: ' I . . . l a prockdure c r i m i n e l l e de l ' a n c i e n d r o i t , purge'es de ses
a t r o c i ti% e t de ses i n j u s t i c e s , avai t conservg de nombreux par t isans. 11278
O f t he seventy f i v e c r im ina l cour ts whose observat ions were publ ished,
o n l y twenty s i x were i n favour o f r e t a i n i n g the j u r y ; twenty th ree d i d
no t express an op in ion f o r o r aga ins t ; w h i l e twenty s i x , main ly from
the south o f France, pronounced aga ins t i t s re tent ion .279 Thus the
problem o f whether t o r e t a i n the j u r y remained a burning quest ion.
The d r a f t o f the suggested c r i m i n a l code, together w i t h t h e r e s u l t s
o f the i n q u i r y , came before the l e g i s l a t i v e sec t i on o f t he Counci l o f
S ta te on May 22, 1804. P r i o r t o the commencement o f d iscussion on the
proposed l e g i s l a t i o n , Napoleon ordered t h e d r a f t i n g o f a l i s t o f
fundamental quest ions t o serve as a bas is f o r debate i n the Counci
State. Accordingly, fourteen quest ions were du ly submitted, t h e f
1 of
i r s t
seven concerning the i n s t i t u t i o n o f t he j u r y . These seven quest ions
were as fo l l ows : Shal l t h e i n s t i t u t i o n o f t h e j u r y be preserved? Sha l l
t he re be a grand j u r y ? How s h a l l t h e j u r o r s be appointed; from what
c lass s h a l l they be appointed; by whom a r e they t o be appointed? How
i s the chal lenge t o be exercised? Sha l l t h e examinat ion be p u r e l y o r a l ,
o r p a r t l y o r a l and p a r t l y w r i t t e n ? Sha l l several quest ions be p u t
t o the j u r y , o r on l y one: " I s t h e accused g u i l t y o r no t g u i l t y ? " Sha l l
t h e v e r d i c t t o t h e j u r y be unanimous o r s h a l l a c e r t a i n number of votes
determine the issue? 280
The main p a r t o f the debate thus revolved around the is-sue o f the
j u r y and a l though several argued f o r i t s suppression, others, n o t
wishing t o abandon the p r i n c i p l e s o f t h e Revolut ion, defended i t w i t h
a b i l i t y and eloquence. A f t e r l i s t e n i n g t o the c o n f l i c t i n g arguments,
Napoleon se t f o r t h h i s own op in ions on the sub jec t . A despot ic government
cou ld more e a s i l y i n f l uence a j u r y than a judge, and, g iven t h e p u b l i c i t y
o f proceedings and counsel f o r t he defence, the j u r y represented a
superf luous guarantee. Furthermore, a j u r y would always acqu i t a person
who could a f f o r d a lawyer, and always condone an o f fence aga ins t t he
po l i ce . one the less, i f the j u r y was p roper l y composed i t might have a
place i n c r i m i n a l proceedings, as long as t h e spec ia l cou r t s were
a v a i l a b l e t o punish organized crime. 28 1
I n s p i t e o f Napoleon's unmistakable ideas concerning the j u r y ,
the members o f t h e Counci l on l y p a r t i a l l y concurred w i t h them and, i n
due course, the r e t e n t i o n o f bo th grand j u r y and t r i a l j u r y was voted
i n pr inc ip le .282 As the mat ter now appeared t o be a t an end on t h i s
p o i n t , t he Counci l proceeded t o h o l d several sessions on o the r p a r t s of
the d r a f t l e g i s l a t i o n . However t h i s body was soon presented w i t h another
d r a f t law proposing the amalgamation o f c i v i l and c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e , which
was t o g i v e e f f e c t t o Bonaparte's i n ten t i on . I n answer t o the arguments
put forward f o r i t s adopt ion, i t was s ta ted t h a t , under t h e suggested
p lan o f w ider j u d i c i a l competence, the use o f t h e j u r y would be
impossible i n p r a c t i c e . Taking note o f the ob jec t i ons , Napoleon t a c i t l y
withdrew h i s p l a n and s h o r t l y t h e r e a f t e r the work o f t h e commission was
suspended. I t was apparent t h a t Bonaparte be l ieved t h a t t he moment was
not
wou
1 aw
Per
favourable t o press f o r the suppression o f the j u r y bu t t h a t op in ion
I d change over t ime. 283 Thus a1 1 the matters r e l a t i n g t o c r i m i n a l
and procedure were a l lowed t o f a l l i n t o o b l i v i o n f o r a th ree year
iod.
When t h e debate was resumed i n January, 1808, i t was decided t o
separate procedural law from substant ive law. The former was presented
as a d r a f t Code o f Cr imina l Procedure (code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e ) ,
t h e l a t t e r as a d r a f t Penal Code (code p&al ) . 6
Concerning procedural mat ters, t he g rea t problem o f the i n s t i t u t i o n
o f the j u r y cont inued t o dominate discussion. I n the end, a compromise
s o l u t i o n was agreed upon: the t r i a l j u r y would be re ta ined, provided
i t was p r o p e r l y cons t i t u ted ; and the grand j u r y would be abol ished, i t s
f unc t i ons being t r a n s f e r r e d t o a spec ia l sec t i on o f t h e Court o f Appeal.
The f a c t t h a t t he grand j u r y was guaranteed by t h e C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22
Fr imai re , An V I I I , d i d no t prove t o be a de te r ren t . As S. Esmein
exp la ins : "On passa o u t r e dec larant , par un de ces i n g i h i e u r s d'etours
s i souvent employ6s $ c e t t e Cpoque, que l a Cour d 'appel 6 t a i t l e
m e i l l e u r des j u r y s d'accusation." 284 Thus, i n t h e prolonged s t r u g g l e
between the procedure by j u r y and t h e Ordinance o f 1670, the former can
be s a i d t o have gained a p a r t i a l v i c t o r y .
But w h i l e t h e Code o f Cr iminal Procedure based i t s r u l e s f o r the
t r i a l i n cou r t upon t h e l e g i s l a t i o n o f the Revolut ion, i t borrowed from
the Ordinance o f 1670 almost a l l i t s r u l e s concerning the p r e l i m i n a r y
examination. Witnesses' deposi t ions were t o be taken s e c r e t l y i n the
presence o f t he examining judge and h i s c l e r k , and i n the absence o f
the accused; t h e judge could no t be compelled t o hear witnesses nominated
by the accused; and the accused was kept i n complete ignorance o f t he
test imony g iven, and t h e nature o f t he charges l a i d , throughout t h i s
stage o f t h e proceedings ( ~ r t . 71 t o 86). 2 85
I n comparison, under the Revolut ionary laws t h e accused had been
al lowed t o be present a t the hear ing o f witnesses, and the complaint
and a i l documents had been read t o him before he was p u b l i c l y
in ter rogated. Thus the safeguards granted t o t h e defence s ince 1789
were now withdrawn. As J. Godechot observes: "Le code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n
c r i m i n e l l e de 1808 marque encore une nouve l l e &ac t ion dans l a
proc'edure c r i m i n e l l e , p u i s q u ' i l r g t a b l i t l e secre t , presque dans l e s
mSmes cond i t i ons que l 'ordonnance c r i m i n e l l e de 1670." 2 86
As p r e v i o u s l y noted, the Code o f Cr imina l Procedure incorporated
the Revolut ionary r u l e s governing proceedings a t t r i a l . Court t r i a l s
were t o be open t o the p u b l i c and the accused was a l lowed the product ion
o f witnesses and the assistance o f counsel. However the i m p a r t i a l i t y
o f t h e proceedings was p o t e n t i a l l y d imin ished because o f the Code's
p rov i s ions dea l i ng w i t h the composit ion o f t h e t r i a l j u r y . Henceforth,
p r e f e c t s were charged w i t h the task o f assembling l i s t s o f j u r o r s whose
e l i g i b i l i t y was l i m i t e d t o c e r t a i n ca tegor ies o f persons, espec ia l l y
those o f means ( ~ r t . 381 and 382). 287 Cr imina l j u s t i c e thus assumed the
charac ter o f a " j u s t i c e de classe" w i t h the i n e v i t a b l e impairment of
the i m p a r t i a l i t y o f t he j u r y . Furthermore, chal lenges t o j u r o r s i n cour t
were now regulated; the re could be no more chal lenges f o r cause assigned
(Ar t . 399). 288
The Code o f Cr iminal Procedure was f i n a l l y enacted on November
27, 1808, and was promulgated on January 1, 1811, together w i t h the
Penal Code o f 181 0. As i n the case o f the Code ~ a ~ o l g o n , i t represented
a compromise between the competing in f luences o f " l e d r o i t
r6vo lu t ionna i re1 ' , the laws o f t he o l d regime, and t h e op in ions o f
Bonaparte. A f t e r due allowance has been made f o r i t s reac t i ona ry
elements, i t s t i l l represented a vas t improvement over the procedure
used before 1789, and i n t h i s sense i t conso l ida ted the accomplishments
o f t he Revolut ion.
The Code of Cr iminal Procedure could n o t be p u t i n t o f o r c e u n t i l
t h e complet ion o f a penal code, and t h e . l eg i s la to rs took t h i s task i n
hand a t t h e end o f 1808. As mentioned p rev ious l y , Napoleon had ordered
the p repara t i on o f a quest ionna i re i n 1804 t o f a c i l i t a t e the debates
before t h e Counci l o f State. O f t he four teen quest ions submitted, the
f o l l o w i n g s i x were concerned p r i m a r i l y w i t h penal law: Sha l l c a p i t a l
punishment be cont inued? Sha l l t he re be punishments f o r l i f e ? Sha l l
c o n f i s c a t i o n be permi t ted i n c e r t a i n cases? S h a l l judges have a c e r t a i n
freedom i n the a p p l i c a t i o n o f punishments; s h a l l there be a maximum and
a minimum which w i l l g i v e them t h e power o f imposing punishment f o r a
longer o r sho r te r pe r iod according t o circumstances? Sha l l s u r v e i l l a n c e
be int roduced f o r a p a r t i c u l a r c lass o f c r i m i n a l s , a f t e r the e x p i r a t i o n
o f t h e i r punishment, and s h a l l b a i l be demanded i n c e r t a i n cases f o r
r
aga ins t t h e Sta te as such were repressed w i t h harshness." 290
f u t u r e good conduct? Sha l l rehabi 1 i t a t i o n be accorded t o conv ic t s whose
conduct w i l l have made them worthy o f i t ? 2 89
Although these quest ions were answered main ly i n the a f f i r m a t i v e
a t t h a t t ime, the debates were before long postponed because.of t h e
impasse over the mat ter of the j u r y . When t h e work was resumed i n 1808,
despotism had assumed s te rne r forms, and t h i s f a c t was evidenced by the
s e v e r i t y o f t he ensuing penal l e g i s l a t i o n . As M. Ancel observes: "We
a r e no longer fac ing a Code o f t he Revo lu t ion o r even the "Consulat",
but, i n f a c t , a Code o f Empire, enacted a t t he apogee o f Napoleon's
re ign. One should not be su rp r i sed the re fo re t h a t ... t h i s Code was
marked by some a u t h o r i t a r i a n ideas, and t h a t f e lon ies and misdemeanours
I n essence, the Penal Code o f 1810 aimed t o secure the defence
o f soc ie ty by means o f i n t i m i d a t i ~ n . ~ " Under i t s system o f pena l t ies ,
t h e concept o f r e h a b i l i t a t i o n was ignored and emphasis was placed
e x c l u s i v e l y upon punishment. For t h i s reason, several punishments
employed du r ing the o l d regime, such as the use o f the branding i r o n
(A r t . 7)292 and the p r a c t i c e o f sever ing the r i g h t hand o f a p a r r i c i d e
293 p r i o r t o h i s execut ion ( A r t . 13) , were re ins ta ted . I n a d d i t i o n t o
these excessive chastisements, t he death pena l t y and l i f e imprisonment
were f r e e l y app l ied , and p e n a l t i e s u n j u s t i n t h e i r e f f e c t s were restored,
294 such as general c o n f i s c a t i o n (A r t . 7) , and " l a mort c i v i l e " (A r t . 18)?g5
However the Penal Code of 1810 did inst i tute some changes of a
progressive nature. In the first place, it renounced the rigidity
of punishments adopted by the Revolutionary legislation and allowed the
judge a discretion between minimum and maximum. Furthermore, the judge
could now take into consideration extenuating circumstances, in the
case of misdemeanours, before arriving at his decision (~rt. 463). 296
Secondly, the power of pardon, which had already been restored to the
executive by means of a "senatus-consultuml' of 16 Thermidor, An X , was
reestablished. 297 Finally, from the point of view of legislative
technique, the Code was drafted with great clarity and the various
provisions were presented systematically and methodically. Crimes of the
same generic type were now grouped together, even though they might vary
as to their gravity or sanction. 298
I n comparison, then, with the Codes of 1791 and 1795, the Penal
Code of 1810 was especially retrogressive concerning severity of punishments.
Nonetheless, the essential principles of the Revolutionary legislation were
maintained. Equality before the law was recognized by having the same
penalties for all citizens, and the fundamental principle of legality of
crimes and punishments was retained ( ~ r t . 4) .299 AS with the other
Napoleonic codes, it represented a fusion of the old and the new.
CHAPTER V
THE REVOLUTION AND JUDICIAL ADMINISTRATION
The defec ts i n the system o f j u d i c i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n had been one
o f the c h i e f gr ievances under t h e o l d regime. As a r e s u l t , t h e
Const i tuent Assembly turned i t s a t t e n t i o n t o t h i s ma t te r a t an e a r l y
date. Although the parlements no longer in f luenced t h e course o f events
and had sunk i n t o t h e background, the o v e r r i d i n g concern was t o prevent
the reestabl ishment o f any cou r t s o f j u s t i c e w i t h pretensions analogous
t o those o f the sovereign courts . As A. Esmein expla ins: " c e t t e c r a i n t e
des parlements, ou en g'ene'ral des grands corps j u d l c i a i res, a p k e
constarnment sur I ' e s p r i t de l a m a j o r i t 6 dans l ' oeuv re de l a r e c o n s t i t u t i o n
j u d i c i a i re." 300 I n l i g h t o f the concerns expressed, the cont inued
existence o f t he parlemen t s represented an incongru i t y and on November
3, 1789, they were sent on a prolonged vacat ion. A year l a t e r they were
formal l y suppressed. 30 1
Vena l i t y o f j u d i c i a l o f f i c e was suppressed by A r t i c l e 7 of t he
302 Decrees o f August 4-11, 1789, and, more impor tant ly , t h e j u d i c i a r y was
e n t i r e l y reorganized by the Law o f August 16-24, 1790. Under t h i s
l e g i s l a t i o n , the Cons t i t uen t Assembly attempted t o reso lve t h e two bas ic
problems invo lved i n t h e recons t ruc t i on o f the j u d i c i a l system, namely
the method o f choosing and remunerating judges and the composit ion and
competence o f the new j u d i c i a l h ierarchy.
Concerning t h e f i r s t problem, i t was decided t h a t those who were t o
exerc ise j u d i c i a l power should h o l d i t through e l e c t i o n . As j u d i c i a l
power was considered by the deput ies t o be one o f t he man i fes ta t i ons o f
na t i ona l sovereignty, i t was f e l t t h a t t i t l e t o t h i s power should be
achieved i n t h e same manner as those who exerc ised the l e g i s l a t i v e power,
o r who exerc ised a d m i n i s t r a t i v e funct ions. 303 Accordingly, A r t i c l e 3
o f the Law o f August 16-24, 1790, declared t h a t "Judges s h a l l be e lec ted
by the persons sub jec t t o t h e i r j u r i s d i c t i o n . , 1 3 0 ~ Judges were t o be
e lec ted f o r a p e r i o d o f s i x years, and t h e i r serv ices were t o be rendered
g r a t u i t o u s l y and p a i d f o r by the Sta te - v e n a l i t y betng abo l ished
fo rever ( ~ r t i c l e 2 and 4) . 305 I n add i t i on , r e s t r i c t i o n s were int roduced
which provided t h a t no one cou ld be selected as a judge unless he had
a t t a i n e d t h i r t y years o f age and had been a judge o r lawyer p r a c t i c i n g
pub1 i c l y be fore a c o u r t f o r f i v e years ( ~ r t i c l e 9) . 306 Thus, by making
the judges e l e c t i v e , t h e Const i tuent Assembly succeeded i n reducing
t h e i r independence by a b o l i s h i n g the p r i n c i p l e o f i r r e m o v a b i l i t y which
was regarded as incompat ib le w i t h Revolut ionary ideas. 3 07
The Law o f August 16-24, 1790, expressed t h e Revo lu t i ona r ies '
d i s t r u s t o f the j u d i c i a r y by b a r r i n g cour ts from i n t e r f e r i n g i n t h e
opera t ion o f a d m i n i s t r a t i v e ac ts o r i ssu ing summonses t o admin i s t ra to rs
*
on charges connected w i t h t h e i r du t i es ( A r t i c l e 13). 308 Furthermore,
i n order t o prevent t h e judges from exerc i s ing a r81e s i m i l a r t o t h a t
o f t he par lementai res, they were forb idden from t a k i n g any p a r t i n the
l e g i s l a t i v e branch o f government o r o b s t r u c t i n g t h e execut ion of
l e g i s l a t i v e decrees ( ~ r t i c l e 10). 309
These p r o v i s i o n s r e s t r i c t i n g the j u d i c i a l power w i t h i n c l e a r l y
def ined l i m i t s were incorporated i n t o the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f September
3, 1791: "The cour t s may no t i n t e r f e r e w i t h the exerc ise o f t he
l e g i s l a t i v e power, suspend t h e execut ion o f the laws, encroach upon
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e func t i ons , o r summon admin is t ra to rs before them f o r reasons
connected w i t h t h e i r dut ies" i it. l l I, Chapt. V , A r t . 3) .310 Thus
understood, the p r i n c i p l e o f the separat ion o f powers, as conceived by
the Const i tuent Assembly, amounted t o a d e l i b e r a t e avoidance o f a powerful
and c r e a t i v e j u d i c i a r y capable o f imposing i t s i n f l uence upon the l e g i s l a t i v e
and execu t i ve f u n c t i o n s o f government. I n t h e o p i n i o n o f the Revolut ionar ies,
law making was e x c l u s i v e l y a f u n c t i o n o f t he l e g i s l a t u r e , and because o f
t h e i r f a i t h i n t h e f e a s i b i l i t y of a l e g a l system based e n t i r e l y on s ta tu tes ,
the r61e o f t h e j u d i c i a r y was narrowly circumscribed.
Concerning t h e establ ishment o f a new j u d i c i a l h ie rarchy , t h e
Const i tuent Assembly was guided by a dominant p r i n c i p l e : t o main ta in a
d i s t i n c t i o n between c i v i l and c r im ina l j u r i s d i c t i o n s and t o c rea te d i f f e r e n t
cour ts t o admin is ter these separate j u r i sd i c t i ons .311 I n t h i s regard, t he
Law o f August 16-24, 1790, brought about a s i g n i f i c a n t reo rgan iza t i on
o f t h e j u d i c i a r y - espec ia l l y w i t h respect t o c i v i l mat ters. Three
types o f judges were d i s t i ngu ished by t h i s law: a r b i t e r s , j u s t i c e s of
t he peace and judges p roper l y so ca l l ed .
I n cases o f a r b i t r a t i o n , a l l persons were pe rm i t ted t o nominate
one o r more a r b i t e r s " t o pass upon t h e i r p r i v a t e i n t e r e s t s , i n a l l cases
and on a1 1 mat ters w i thout exception" i it. I, A r t . 2 ) . 3 12 An appeal
from a r b i t r a l dec is ions was n o t permi t ted unless the p a r t i e s expressly
reserved t h i s r i g h t by mutual consent i it. I, A r t . 4).313 Where the
r i g h t t o appeal was n o t reserved the dec is ions o f t h e a r b i t e r were t o
be executed by means o f an ordinance o f t he d i s t r i c t cou r t i it. I ,
A r t . 6). 314
Although the des ignat ion " juge de paix" had been borrowed from
the Eng l i sh " j u s t i c e o f the peace," t he funct ionsassigned t o t h i s member
o f t he j u d i c i a r y were q u i t e d i s t i n c t from those o f h i s Eng l i sh counterpar t .
I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e mat ters s t i p u l a t e d t o be w i t h i n h i s competence under the
Law o f August 16-24, 1790, he was a l s o expected t o mediate d isputes between
p a r t i e s i n concert w i t h e lec ted "prud'hommes assesseurs." I n p r i n c i p l e ,
no w r i t t o commence a c i v i l a c t i o n would be admi t ted t o a d i s t r i c t cou r t
unless mediat ion had been attempted before a n - o f f i c e o f peace and
c o n c i l i a t i o n pres ided over by a j u s t i c e o f t he peace i it. X, A r t . 2). 3 15
The law f u r t h e r declared t h a t a j u s t i c e o f t h e peace was t o be
e lec ted f o r every canton (several i n t h e l a r g e r towns) ; he could o n l y
be chosen from among c i t i z e n s e l i g i b l e f o r departmental and d i s t r i c t
admin i s t ra t i ons and f u l l y t h i r t y years o f age; and he was t o be e lec ted
w i t h an abso lu te m a j o r i t y o f votes by t h e a c t i v e c i t i z e n s u n i t e d i n pr imary
assemblies ( T i t . I l l , A r t . 1 - e t 3.). 316 I t should be noted t h a t the
cond i t i ons o f e l i g i b i l i t y made no reference t o t h e need f o r j u d i c i a l
knowledge o r t r a i n i n g . As A. Esmein observes: "On n ' e x i g e a i t du juge
de p a i x aucune connai ssance j u r i d i q u e , e t ce la 6 t a i t conforme au r a l e
qu'on l u i a s s i g n a i t . J 1 7
Appeals from judgments o f j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace, when they were
sub jec t t o appeal, were t o be brought be fo re judges of d i s t r i c t cou r t s - the nex t rung i n t h e newly created h ierarchy . I n a d d i t i o n t o the
a p p e l l a t e j u r i s d i c t i o n j u s t mentioned, t h e d i s t r i c t cou r t s were g iven
cognizance i n the f i r s t instance o f a l l personal , r e a l , and mixed s u i t s
o f every k ind , except ing those declared t o be w i t h i n t h e competence o f
j u s t i c e s o f t h e peace i it. I V , A r t . 4 ) . 318 I n c e r t a i n cases, t h e i r
j u r i s d i c t i o n was extended t o f i r s t and l a s t instance: "The d i s t r i c t
judges s h a l l have cognizance i n f i r s t and l a s t r e s o r t o f a l l personal and
personal p roper t y s u i t s up t o a va lue o f 1000 l i v r e s of p r i n c i p a l , and
o f rea l e s t a t e s u i t s o f which t h e p r i n c i p a l i t e m i s f i f t y l i v r e s of f i x e d
income, i n e i t h e r r e n t o r lease p r i ce " i it. I V , A r t . 5). 3 19 I n a l l c i v i l
s u i t s i n v o l v i n g l a r g e r sums o f money, o r o t h e r causes o f ac t ion , i t was
provided t h a t d i s t r i c t cou r t s should a c t as cou r t s o f appeal w i t h regard
t o each o t h e r ( T i t . V, A r t . 1). 320
The establ ishment o f the d i s t r i c t cou r t s marked t h e upper boundary
o f t he h ie ra rchy o f c i v i l j u s t i c e . Although a Court of Cassation was
soon i n s t i t u t e d t o ensure t h e uniform i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of t h e law throughout
t h e count ry ( ~ e c r e e o f November 27, 1790) , i n mat ters o f appel l a t e
j u r i s d i c t i o n the Const i tuent Assembly chose n o t t o c reate a c o u r t
super io r t o the d i s t r i c t cour t . The two bas ic reasons f o r t h i s dec i s ion
a r e conc ise ly s ta ted by A. Esmein: "lo l e d g s i r e de rapprocher l a
j u s t i c e des j u s t i c i a b l e s , pour l a rendre access ib le 5 tous; 2O l a c r a i n t e
des grands corps j u d i c i a i r e s en qu i pou r ra ien t ressusc i te r l e s
parlements. 11321
On January 20, 1791, a decree o f t h e Const i tuent Assembly a t t r i b u t e d
t h e prosecut ion and judgment o f cr imes i n v o l v i n g a f f l i c t i v e punishments
t o d i s t r i c t cou r t s i n each department. These cour ts , which d e a l t w i t h
c r i m i n a l cases i n t h e f i r s t instance and on appeal, were composed o f an
e lec ted p res iden t and th ree judges from neighbour ing d i s t r i c t cou r t s
se lec ted i n r o t a t ion. 322
The establ ishment o f the d i s t r i c t c r i m i n a l cou r t s was fo l lowed
s h o r t l y by the c r e a t i o n o f cou r t s o f summary j u r i s d i c t i o n . , pursuant t o
the Decree o f J u l y 16-22, 1791, f o r the judgment o f minor offences.
a
The composit ion o f these cour ts , which were s i t u a t e d i n the p r i n c i p a l
town o f each canton, consisted o f two judges and an assessor i n towns
w i t h more than one j u s t i c e o f the peace; elsewhere, they were composed
o f a j u s t i c e o f the peace and two assessors. Prosecutions were i n i t i a t e d
e i t h e r by the i n j u r e d p a r t y , o r by the l o c a l p u b l i c prosecutor, o r by
H-11323 "des hommes de l o i commis > ce t e f f e t pa r l a m u n i c i p a l i t e
As mentioned above, a n a t i o n a l Court o f Cassation was es tab l i shed
by the Decree o f November 27, 1790, wi t h members chosen f o r f o u r years
by the e l e c t o r a l assemblies o f t he departments. I n s p i t e o f t he d e s i r e
t o prevent the r e s t o r a t i o n o f any c o u r t analogous t o the former parlements,
the m a j o r i t y o f t he deput ies wished t o see t h e c r e a t i o n o f a supreme
j u r i s d i c t i o n . 324 However, i n o rde r t o ensure t h a t t h i s cour t would never
overstep i t s a u t h o r i t y , the Const i tuent Assembly s t r i c t l y l i m i t e d t h e
func t i ons assigned t o i t . A r t i c l e 1 o f t he enabl ing decree prescr ibed
the s p e c i f i c character o f t he appeals t o be taken before it: I ' l l annulera
toutes l e s procgdures dans lesquel les les formes auront st6 v i o l g e s e t
t o u t jugement qu i cont iendra une cont ravent ion expresse au t e x t e de l a
l o i . . . Sous aucun' pr 'etexte e t en aucun cas l e t r i b u n a l ne pourra
connaTt r e du fond de 1 ' a f f a i r e ; aprss avoi r cassg 1 es procedures ou 1 e
jugement, il renverra l e fond des a f f a i r e s aux t r ibunaux qui devront en
connaf t re. ,1325
Thus the Court o f Cassation cou ld n o t pass upon t h e m e r i t s o f t he
cases brought be fo re it, no r was i t pe rm i t ted t o i n t e r p r e t t he laws
(a r i g h t reserved t o the l e g i s l a t u r e under the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 1791 ;
T i t . I l l , Chap. V , A r t . 21). 326 Nevertheless, w i t h i t s c r e a t i o n was
r e a l i z e d the u n i f o r m i t y o f c o u r t dec is ions which i s a necessary
complement o f l e g i s l a t i v e u n i t y .
As a r e s u l t o f t h e new j u d i c i a l o rgan iza t i on w i t h which the
Const i tuent Assembly endowed t h e country, t h e except ional cour ts
( t r i bunaux dlexcept ion) were suppressed, save the commercial cou r t s whose
judges were e lec ted by lead ing merchants. 327 The costs o f l i t i g a t i o n , i f
not a c t u a l l y g r a t u i t o u s , were g r e a t l y diminished, and the workings o f t h e
j u d i c i a l system were made more amenable t o the average c i t i z e n who was
obl iged, w i thou t d i s t i n c t i o n , t o sue before the same judges and according
t o the same forms. As J. Godechot observes: "L 'o rgan isa t ion j u d i c i a i r e
de l a France par l a Const i tuante a sans doute 6tg une des p a r t i e s l e s
p lus rgussies de son oeuvre. I, 328
Although the succeeding Revolut ionary assemblies in t roduced several
changes, the broad o u t l i n e s o f t he j u d i c i a l o rgan iza t i on created by the
Const i tuent Assembly remained i n ex is tence. Under the Convention,
cond i t ions o f p ro fess iona l capac i ty w i t h respect t o the e l e c t i o n o f
judges were suppressed by the Decree o f October 14, 1792. Henceforth,
judges could be chosen from among a l l c i t i z e n s who had a t t a i n e d twenty
f i v e years o f age. 329 At the same time, the j u d i c i a l power was brought
under the d i r e c t c o n t r o l of the executive. Re ly ing upon i t s q u a l i t y .
as a sovereign assembly, the Convention, by means o f a number o f decrees,
in tervened d i r e c t l y i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f j u s t i c e . I t annu l led the
judgments o f e l e c t e d magist rates, ad jud ica ted cases i t s e l f , and
ignored the e l e c t o r a l process by appo in t ing several judges. Indeed, by
v i r t u e o f the Decree o f 14 Vent6se, An 1 1 1 (1795) t h e l e g i s l a t i v e
committee was subsequently au thor ized t o appoint a l l a d m i n i s t r a t i v e
o f f i c e r s , munic ipal o f f i c e r s , and judges. 330 Thus, dur ing the pe r iod
o f the Convention, the p r i n c i p l e o f the separat ion o f powers g radua l l y
disappeared, t o be replaced by a concentrat ion and u n i t y o f powers under
the Revolut ionary government.
The j u d i c i a l system i n s t i t u t e d under t h e Te r ro r saw the c r e a t i o n
of ex t rao rd ina ry t r i b u n a l s o f exped i t ious procedure and the suppression
o f safeguards f o r the p r o t e c t i o n o f t he i n d i v i d u a l . As J. Godfrey
observes: he he Revo lu t ionary t r i b u n a l ] must, i n the f i n a l ana lys i s , be
judged as an i n s t i t u t i o n f o r t h e achievement o f the Revolut ionary purpose
and no t as a c o u r t f o r t he a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f law and j u s t i c e as o r d i n a r y
socia 1
modif i
as an
The C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 5 F r u c t i d o r , An I I
cat ions i n j u d i c i a l o rgan iza t i on . Mav
a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t , i t a l s o abol ished
*
I, i n s t i t u t e d f u r t h e r
ing abol ished the d i s t r i c t
the d i s t r i c t cou r t s and
replaced them w i t h departmental cour ts f o r purposes o f c i v i l s u i t s i n
the f i r s t ins tance and on appeal i it. V I I I , A r t . 2 1 6 ) . ~ ) ~ Henceforth,
each department i n France maintained two cour t s l oca ted i n i t s p r i n c i p a l
c i t y , one f o r c i v i 1 j u s t i c e , and the o the r f o r c r i m i n a l j u s t i c e .
The e f f e c t o f t h i s p r o v i s i o n was t o d r a s t i c a l l y reduce t h e number
o f cou r t s and t o make j u s t i c e more remote from the c i t i z e n s i t was
intended t o serve. 333 Furthermore, the character o f t he c i v i l cou r t s
under t h e D i r e c t o r y assumed an apprec iab ly d i f f e r e n t form from t h a t o f
the preceding courts . The magist rates, who were e lec ted by a m i n o r i t y
o f c i t i z e n s o f means, were sometimes pa r t i sans o f t he o l d regime dur ing
which they had exerc ised analogous func t ions . However, t h e i r e l e c t i o n
was sub jec t t o conf i rmat ion by the D i rec to ry , and t h e governments were ab le t o
revoke t h e e l e c t i o n o f those magist rates whose q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , i n t h e i r
op in ion , were found wanting. 334 Thus the e l e c t i v e system, though
maintained i n theory, was g radua l l y abandoned i n p rac t i ce .
On t h e whole, t h e j u d i c i a l system func t ioned s a t i s f a c t o r i l y du r ing
the p e r i o d o f t h e D i rec to ry , even though the government i nc reas ing ly
exerc ised i t s p re roga t i ve o f appo in t ing judges. 335 However, a f t e r t he
coup d ' g t a t o f 18 F r u c t i d o r , An V (!September 4, 1797), the government
removed a l a rge number o f judges and d i r e c t l y appointed t h e i r replacements,
thereby g rave ly endangering the independence s t i l l enjoyed by the
magistracy. From t h i s moment, i t was o n l y a mat ter o f t ime u n t i l t he
e l e c t i v e system gave way e n t i r e l y t o execut ive appointment. As J.
Godechot observes: " I 1 n 'en res te pas moins que, la ' cornme en b i e n
d 'au t res domaines, l e D i r e c t o i r e en nomnant des mag is t ra ts , a f r a y g l a
v o i e ?i 1'Empire. 11336
Under the Consulate, the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f 22 Fr imai re , An V l l l
(~ecernber 13, 1799), tended t o s l i g h t t he j u d i c i a r y ; however i t was
subsequently complemented by o ther laws concerned w i t h j u d i c i a l
admin i s t ra t i on . A r t i c l e 61 o f the C o n s t i t u t i o n prov ided t h a t t he re
should be cou r t s o f f i r s t instance and cour t s of appeal i n c i v i l matters. 337
No reference was made t o the number o f cou r t s except t h a t every communal
arrondissement was t o be served by one o r more j u s t i c e s o f the peace
e lec ted d i r e c t l y by the c i t i z e n s f o r th ree years i it. V, A r t . 60.) 338
Fur ther p r o v i s i o n was made f o r the establ ishment o f a Court o f Cassation
w i t h powers s i m i l a r t o those granted dur ing the Revolut ionary pe r iod
( T i t . V , A r t . 65 and 66.) 339 The judges o f t h i s c o u r t were t o be chosen
from a l i s t o f n a t i o n a l notables, w h i l e judges o f cour ts o f f i r s t instance
and appeal were t o be chosen from departmental 1 i s t s mo it. V , A r t . 67). 340
A r t i c l e 45 prov ided t h a t a l l judges were t o be appointed by the F i r s t
Consul, w i t h t h e except ion o f j u s t i c e s o f t he peace, thus abo l i sh ing t h e
e l e c t i v e system. 341 Judges, o ther than j u s t i c e s o f the peace, were t o
ho ld o f f i c e f o r l i f e , unless found neg l i gen t i n t h e performance o f t h e i r
du t i es it. V, A r t . 68). 342 However, t h i s p r o v i s i o n was mod i f i ed by
a "senatus-consu1tum" o f October 12, 1807, which w i thhe ld l i f e tenure
u n t i l a f t e r a judge had s a t f o r f i v e years. 343 F i n a l l y , t he C o n s t i t u t i o n
re ta ined from the Revo lu t ion such p r a c t i c e s as the use o f the grand and
t r i a l j u r i e s , a r b i t r a t i o n , and t h e hand l ing o f c o n c i l i a t i o n by j u s t i c e s
o f the peace (T i t. V, A r t . 60 and 62) . 344
When Napoleon found t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o t u r n h i s f u l l a t t e n t i o n
t o the matter o f j u d i c i a l o rgan iza t i on , he l a r g e l y rees tab l ished t h e
system created under the Revolut ion. By v i r t u e o f t he law o f 28
Pluviase, An V I I I , cour ts o f f i r s t instance were created i n each
arrondissement w i t h a u t h o r i t y t o judge a l l c i v i l matters, i nc lud ing
appeals lodged from judgments pronounced by j u s t i c e s o f the peace.
However, appeals from one c o u r t o f f i r s t instance t o another c o u r t o f
f i r s t instance were abol ished. Instead, a se r ies o f in termedia te a p p e l l a t e
cou r t s were created t o rev iew judgments o f cour ts o f f i r s t instance as
w e l l as judgments from t h e commercial cour ts . 345
Under the Consulate, t h e judges o f t h e appeal cour ts were main ly
r e c r u i t e d from the same background as those o f t he cour ts o f f i r s t
instance; t h a t i s t o say, from among personnel o f the Revolut ionary
period. However, i n the l a t e v years o f t h e Empire, the appeal cou r t s
were main ly peopled by magis t ra tes , o r t h e sons o f magist rates, o f t h e
former parlements. Thus imper ia l j u s t i c e tended t o become more a k i n
t o o l d regime j u s t i c e . 346
As i n the case of the c i v i l cour ts , the o rgan iza t i on o f t h e
c r i m i n a l cou r t s remained, on t h e whole, s i m i l a r t o t h a t which e x i s t e d .
dur ing the Revo lu t ion - a t l e a s t u n t i l 1810. These cour t s were
s i t u a t e d i n the p r i n c i p a l c i t y o f each department and were composed o f
a pres ident , chosen by Napoleon, together w i t h judges drawn from the
appe l l a te courts . However, as p rev ious l y mentioned, numerous spec ia l
c r i m i n a l cou r t s were created i n 1801 t o deal w i t h mat ters a f f e c t i n g the
s e c u r i t y o f the State. Other than the implementation o f these spec ia l
c r im ina l cour ts , t h e most s i g n i f i c a n t departure from the e x i s t i n g system
concerned the establ ishment o f Courts o f Assize i n 1810 which replaced
the regu la r c r im ina l cou r t s f o r reasons o f economy. 347
CONCLUSION
When the cah iers spoke o f e q u a l i t y and l i b e r t y , they represented
the demands o f t h e middle c lass f o r e q u a l i t y o f r i g h t s , equal j u s t i c e ,
s e c u r i t y o f p r i v a t e proper ty , and, f i n a l l y , p o l i t i c a l power. A1 though
e q u a l i t y and l i b e r t y remained the i dea ls t o which soc ie ty had fo rma l l y
pledged i t s e l f a t the onset o f the Revolut ion, these idea ls were i n e v i t a b l y
g iven a p a r t i a l and c lass i n t e r p r e t a t i o n by the leaders o f the Revolut ion
who were main ly men o f substance from the upper s t r a t a o f the T h i r d Estate.
As they were n o t very mindfu l o f the gr ievances o f the poorer classes, t h e i r
conception o f e q u a l i t y was l i m i t e d t o the d e s i r e t o a b o l i s h p r i v i l e g e . As
A l f r e d Cobban observes: " P r i v i l e g e was t h e enemy, e q u a l i t y the aim, though
i t must be remembered t h a t the e q u a l i t y des i red by the T h i r d Esta te was
an e q u a l i t y no t o f p roper ty bu t o f status." 348
On August 25, 1789, the middle c lass l a i d the d e f i n i t i v e foundations
o f t he new soc ie ty w i t h the Dec lara t ion o f Rights o f Man and the C i t i zen .
As t h i s proclamat ion o f e q u a l i t y o f r i g h t s made the f r e e ownership o f
p r i v a t e p roper t y seem equ iva lent t o s o c i a l e q u a l i t y , a cont inu ing c o n f l i c t
between haves and have-nots was i n e v i t a b l e g iven the e x i s t i n g i n e q u a l i t i e s
o f weal th. Th is c o n f l i c t was t o lead the Revo lu t ion on t o a democratic
chal lenge t o the narrower i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t he Declarat ion, and u l t i m a t e l y
t o cause the bourgeois ie t o appeal t o m i 1 i t a r y d i c t a t o r s h i p t o p r o t e c t i t s
*
soc ia l and economic preeminence.
As would be expected, the l e g i s l a t i o n enacted throughout t h i s p e r i o d
accura te ly r e f l e c t e d the changing a t t i t u d e s d isp layed by the d i f f e r e n t
Revolut ionary Assemblies and by Napoleon. A t t he outse t , the Const i tuent
Assembly proclaimed, a long w i t h l i b e r t y and e q u a l i t y , the s a n c t i t y of
p r i v a t e property, though t h i s d i d n o t i nc lude "feudal" p rerogat ives which
were renounced by the Decrees o f August 4. Nevertheless, the respect
p a i d t o property r i g h t s was upheld by the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s which were
a l lowed t o remain concerning redemptions and compensation. S i m i l a r l y ,
the des i re t o prevent any r e t u r n t o t h e s i t u a t i o n which e x i s t e d under the
o l d regime was r e f l e c t e d i n the Decrees o f March 15, 1790, and A p r i l 8,
1791, abo l i sh ing pr imogeni ture and proc la iming equal inher i tances. ( ~ u t
s p e c i f i c p r o h i b i t i o n s aga ins t w i l l i n g p roper t y unequal ly were o n l y
introduced i n 1794.)
That c r im ina l law and the j u d i c i a l system needed d r a s t i c change
was immediately recognized by t h e Const i tuent Assembly and, as has been
shown, the reforms brought about by t h i s body were o f l a s t i n g s ign i f i cance .
Under the L e g i s l a t i v e Assembly, t he compromises, hes i ta t i ons , and
uncer ta in t i es which charac ter ized much o f t h e c i v i l l e g i s l a t i o n o f t he
p r i o r Assembly tended t o disappear. The var ious circumstances, such as
t h e s t rugg le w i t h the roya l power and the war w i t h Europe, imposed a
more r igorous course o f a c t i o n upon the l e g i s l a t o r s . I n the space o f
s i x weeks, from August 14 t o September 20, 1792, a se r ies o f important C
decrees were passed. On August 14, the d i v i s i
ordered together w i t h the con f i sca t ion o f t he
on August 20, 25 and 27, a1 1 "d ro i t s se igneur i
on o f communal lands was
proper ty o f t he emigr&;
aux'l were destroyed wi thout
indemnity, and on September 20, the decrees s e c u l a r i z i n g marr iage and
regu la t i ng d ivorce were promulgated. As P. Sagnac s u c c i n c t l y remarks:
" A p r k avoi r a f f ranch i l e s te r res , e l l e a f f ranchi t 1 es personnes. 11349
Between 1792 and 1794, the Convention Assembly attempted t o d e f i n e
the gains o f 1789 i n t h e d i r e c t i o n o f e q u a l i t y . Accordingly, t h e
l e g i s l a t i o n produced by t h i s body, i n reac t i on t o the precepts o f Roman
law, imposed 1 i m i t a t i o n s upon proper ty r i g h t s by g ran t ing na tu ra l c h i l d r e n
successoral shares equal t o l e g i t i m a t e ch i l d ren , by c u r t a i l i n g paterna l
a u t h o r i t y , and by c a l l i ng f o r an equal d i v i s i o n among h e i r s i r r e s p e c t i v e
o f the wishes o f t h e t e s t a t o r . The a b i l i t y o f t he i n d i v i d u a l t o deal
w i t h p r i v a t e proper ty was thus c i rcumscr ibed i n the b e l i e f t h a t t h e
perpetuat ion o f gross inequal i t i es of
r u i n o f democracy. B r i e f l y s tated, "1
mot s i les grandes inkga l i t& de f a i t
A1 though t h e Const i t u t i o n o f An
bourgeois ie by means o f p roper t y q u a l i
wea l th must necessar i l y lead t o the
' g g a l i t e l k g a l e ne s e r a i t clu'un
con t inua ien t > subs is ter . 1,350
I l l returned p o l i t i c a l power t o the
f i c a t i o n s f o r suf f rage, the fea r
remained t h a t a p o l i t i c a l democracy would be resurrected which would lead
t o soc ia l democracy and the d i v i s i o n o f property . Thus, under the D i rec to ry ,
attempts were made t o rede f ine , p r o t e c t , and i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e the gains o f
the new governing c lass.
*
The Dec
was genera 1 1 y
bu t w i t h s ign
l a r a t i o n o f R ights accompanying the C o n s t i t u t i o n
conceived i n the s p i r i t o f t h e 1 i b e r a l " p r i n c i p
i f i c a n t departures from i t . E q u a l i t y now became
o f An I l l
l e s o f 1789,"
essen t ia l l y
equal i t y before t h e law and n o t i n c i v i 1 r i g h t s : " ~ ' 6 g a l it; ,cons is te en
ce qu i l a l o i e s t l a mCme pour tous" (A r t . 3). 351 Economic l i b e r t y was
expressly conf irmed by the d e f i n i t i o n g iven t o p r i v a t e property: "La
p r o p r i & t 6 e s t l e d r o i t de j o u i r e t de d isposer de ses biens, de ses
revenus, du f r u i t de son t r a v a i l e t de son indus t r i e " ( ~ r t . 5).352 F i n a l l y ,
the Dec lara t ion saw the country as being governed by landowners as p a r t
o f the na tu ra l o rde r o f th ings : "C'est s u r l e main t ien des p;opri6t6s
que repose l a c u l t u r e des te r res , toutes l e s product ions, t o u t moyen de
t r a v a i l , e t t o u t l ' o r d r e soc ia l " (A r t . 8). 353
The o v e r r i d i n g concern o f the p r o p e r t i e d c lass under the D i r ec to ry
(1 795-1 799) , a p e r i o d o f in tense pol i t i c a l and economi c i n s t a b i 1 i ty , was
the maintenance o f a soc ia l h ie rarchy and the p ro tec
and fami l y p roper t y r i g h t s from in te r fe rence by the
l e g i s l a t i o n o f t h e previous Assemblies was amended,
concerning d i vo rce and the r i g h t s granted t o na tu ra l
the l e g i s l a t o r s rees tab l ished imprisonment f o r debt
the i r advantage t h e sa le o f na t i ona l p roper ty . 354
t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l
State. Thus, much
e s p e c i a l l y t h a t
ch i ld ren. I n add i t i on ,
and regu la r i zed t o
As the Revolut ionary decade progressed, therefore, there emerged a
new and even s t ronger system o f vested i n t e r e s t s than e x i s t e d before 1789.
The l i b e r a l experiment o f t he C o n s t i t u t i o n o f An I l l had no t been *
f successful , having been undermined by d i c t a t o r i a l expedients. Thus,
behind the facade o f a l i b e r a l Cons t i t u t i on , t h e ground was g radua l l y
prepared f o r the d i c t a t o r s h i p o f Bonaparte. By 1799, a regime o f repeated
coups 'd 'e ta t made d i c t a t o r s h i p appear p re fe rab le t o e i t h e r Jacobinism o r
r o y a l i s t reac t ion , e s p e c i a l l y when the economic and s o c i a l conquests of
t he Revolut ion seemed t o be threatened.
Under t h e tu te lage o f Napoleon, the upper middle c lass was ab le t o
consol i d a t e i t s supremacy and complete the work o f t h e Revo lu t ion i n terms
o f many o f i t s aims o f 1789. The p rov i s ions o f t he Code Napol6on p ro tec ted
the p roper t y se t t lements o f t h e Revolut ionary p e r i o d w h i l e ma in ta in ing the
p r i n c i p l e s o f e q u a l i t y be fore the law and e q u a l i t y o f oppor tun i t y . The
Roman law t r a d i t i o n cont inued t o recover i t s i n f l uence and t h i s was
r e f l e c t e d both i n the r e s t o r a t i o n o f paternal a u t h o r i t y and the f r e e r
d i s p o s i t i o n o f p r i v a t e proper ty , as w e l l as i n the increased s e v e r i t y o f
the p rov i s ions o f t he Penal Code. I n essence, the Code Napolgon gave
permanence t o the i dea ls and a s p i r a t i o n s o f t he upper midd le c lass . As J.
Godechot observes: ' ' ~ 6 d i ~ ; par des bourgeois, il a en vue uniquement
1 1 i n t 6 r 6 t de l a c lasse poss6dante. I1 r z g l e les cond i t i ons d 'ex i s tence de
l a f a m i l l e , considgrge sous l ' a n g l e de l a p rop r i6 t6 : l e c o n t r a t de mariage,
l es partages, l e s donations, l e s successions sont l es p r inc ipaux o b j e t s
de ses p r ' e o c ~ u ~ a t i o n s . I 1 considsre l a propri 'ete' comme un d r o i t absolu,
ind iscutab le , i n v i o l a b l e e t sac&. 11355
I t would be unduly r e s t r i c t i v e , however, t o p o r t r a y the Revo lu t ionar ies
as being concerned e x c l u s i v e l y w i t h ma te r ia l i n t e r e s t s . The humanitar ian
and i n s t i t u t i o n a l reforms achieved i n the areas o f c r i m i n a l law and procedure
and j u d i c i a l admin i s t ra t i on were, f o r t he most p a r t , s i g n i f i c a n t and
durable. S i m i l a r l y , t he var ious attempts t o c o d i f y the c i v i l laws provided
an indispensable foundation f o r the eventual successful c o d i f i c a t i o n under
Napoleon. I n the f i n a l analys is , the work o f t he Revolut ionary Assemblies
was l a s t i n g because i t gave concrete expression t o i dea ls which had been
long suppressed under the o l d regime.
LIST OF REFERENCES
1. A. Soboul, The French Revolut ion 1787-1799, ( ~ e w York: Random House, 1975), P. 89.
e 2. M. Marion, Dict ionnai t -e des i n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France aux X V I I
e t X V l l le s isc les , (Paris: August Picard, 1923), p. 315.
Ib id. , p. 314. 3. -
4. J. Mackre l l , " C r i t i c i s m o f s e i g n i o r i a l j u s t i c e i n e ighteenth-century France", i n .French Government and Soci e t y 1500- 1850, J . F. Bosher (ed.), (London: Ath lone Press, 1973), p. 125.
5. R. V i l l e r s , L tOrgan isa t ion du Parlement de Par i s e t des Consei ls sup6r ieurs d tapr8s l a ~ 6 f o r m e de Maupeou (1771-1774), (Paris: L i b r a i r i e du Recueil S i rey, 1937), p. 222.
6. A r thu r Young, Trave ls i n France, Constant ia Maxwell (ed.), (cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, l95O), p. 333.
7. J. Godechot, Les I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France sous l a ~ G v o l u t i o n e t l tEmp i re , (Par is : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, 1968), i inm7
8. I b i d .
Ib id . , p. 142. 9. -
10. P. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e de l a r & o l u t i o n f r a n ~ a i s e , (Par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1898), p. 2.
-
11. R. David and H, DeVries, The French Legal System, ( ~ e w York: Oceana pub1 i c a t i o n s , 1958), p. 1 1 .
12. A. Esmein, Cours G1;rnentait-e d ' h i s t o i r e du d r o i t francais, (pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e du Recueil S i rey , l 9 2 l ) , p. 742.
13. J. Brissaud, "National J u r i s t s and Royal Legis lat ioni ' , i n Cont i nenta 1 Legal His t o r y , o on don: John Murray, 191 2) Vol. 1, p. 265.
14. Sagnac, La I g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 6.
15. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 141.
16. J .M. Thompson, French Rev01 u t ion Documents 1789-94, (Oxford: B a s i l B lackwel l , 1933), p. 13.
17. Baron F, Dglbeke, L ' a c t i o n p o l i t i q u e e t s o c i a l e des avocats au X V l l l s i s c l e , (Paris: L i b r a i r i e du Recuei l S i rey, 1927), p. 137.
18. C.L. Von Bar, "A H i s t o r y o f Cont inenta l Cr iminal Law", i n Cont inenta l Legal H i s t o r y , o on don: John Murray, 1916) Vol. X, p. 259.
19. Ib id . , p. 277.
20. A. Desjard ins, Les cahiers des 6 t a t s g6ngraux en 1789 e t l a l g g i s l a t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , (Paris: G. Pedone-Laurie1 , 1883), p. v i i.
e 21. R. Anchel, Crimes e t chatiments au X V l l l s i z c l e , (par is : L i b r a i r i e
acad&nique Per r i n , 1933), p. 29.
22. Ib id . , p. 4.
23. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Cr iminal Law, p. 261.
24. Ib id. , p. 263.
25. A . Wattlnne, L ' a f f a i r e des t r o i s rougs, ( ~ a c o n : P r o t a t FrZres, 1921)., P. 49.
I 26. A . Esmein,. "A H i s t o r y of Cont inenta l Cr iminal Procedure", i n Cont inenta l 1
1 Legal H is to ry , ( ~ o s t o n : L i t t l e , Brown, and Company, 1913), Vol . v., p . 397.
Ib id . , p. 398. 27
28. I b i d . , p. 399.
29. Ib id. , p. 400
30. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 401.
31. I b i d . , p. 402.
32. Des ja rd ins , Cahiers des G t a t s g&6raux, p. 78.
33. I b i d . , p. 28.
34. Von Bar, Cont inen ta l C r im ina l Law, p. 316.
#
35. MIT. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccar ia as Reformers o f C r im ina l Law, ( ~ e w York: Fa r ra r , S t raus and G i roux , 1972), p. 23.
I b id . 36.
37. I b i d . , p. 25.
Ib id . , p. 25. 38
39. Esmein, Cont inen ta l C r im ina l Procedure, p. 363.
40. I b i d .
41. Ib id . , p. 369.
/
42. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccar ia , p. 27.
43. M a c k r e l l , S e i g n i o r i a l J u s t i c e , p. 134.
44. Von Bar, Cont inen ta l C r im ina l Law, p. 317.
45. Esmein, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Procedure, p . 364.
46. I b i d .
47. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Law, p. 415.
48. I b i d .
49. I b i d .
50. Mackre l l , S e i g n i o r i a l Jus t i ce , p. 134.
51. Watt inne, T r o i s ROU&, p. 72.
/
52. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccaria, p. 101.
53. Peter Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s : The Poet as R e a l i s t , (pr inceton: P r ince ton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959), p. 284.
54. Edna Nixon, V o l t a i r e and t h e Calas Case, o on don: V i c t o r Gol lancz Ltd., 1961), p. 216.
55. Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s , pp. 292 - e t 3.
56. I b id . , p. 293.
57. Ib id . , p. 293.
/
58. Maestro, V o l a t i r e and Beccaria, p. 116.
59. I b id . , p. 117.
60. Gay, V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s , p. 298.
61. Wattinne, T r o i s Rougs, p. 71.
62. Delbeke, L ' a c t i o n pol i t i q u e , pp. 59-65.
63. W.F. Church. "The Decl ine o f t he French J u r i s t s as P o l i t i c a l ~ h e o r i i t s , 1660-178911, i n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, ( ~ o r c e s t e r , Mass.: Hefferman Press, 1967) Vol. V, Number 1, Spr ing 1967,
64. Ib id . , p . 31. -
65. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Law, p. 318.
66. I b i d . -
67. H i s t o i r e de France, E. Lavisse (ed.), (par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette Vol . I X , p. 195.
68. Church, French J u r i s t s , p. 39.
/
69. Maestro, V o l t a i r e and Beccaria, p. 155.
70. Anchel, Crimes e t chst iments, p. 221.
71. A l f r e d Cobban, "The Parlements o f France i n the Eighteenth Century", i n Aspects o f the French Revolut ion, o on don: Granada Pub1 i shing L imi ted, 1971), p. 68.
72. A. Goodwin, The French Revolut ion, ( ~ e w York: Harper & Row, 1966), p. 17.
73. Cobban, Parlements of France, p . 78.
74. R.R. Palmer, The Age o f the Democratic Revolut ion, (Princeton: Pr inceton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959), p. 97.
75. I b i d .
76. Goodwin, French Revolut ion, p . 17.
I 77. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 17.
1 . 78. W . O . Doyle, "The Parlements o f France and the Breakdown o f t he Old , - Reg ifhe", i n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, ( ~ o r c e s t e r , Mass. : Hefferman Press, 1970) Vol. V I , Number 4, F a l l 1970, p. 415.
79. Cobban, Parlements of France, p. 79.
80. F. ~ i g t r i , La r i forrne de l l k t a t au x v l l l e s i z c l e , (Par is : Les ' ed i t i ons de France, 1935), p. 139.
81. J. Dec la reu i l , H i s t o i r e g6ngrale du d r o i t f ransa is de o r i g i n e s d e s 3 1789. (Par is : L i b r a i r i e du Recuei l ~ i r e y . 1925),
82. Desjardins, Cahiers des 6 t a t s g&6raux, p. xx.
83. Ib id . , p. x x i .
84. M. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon e t l a r l forrne j u d i c i a i r e d,e 1788, (Par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1905), p. 1. -
85. Mackre l l , S e i g n i o r i a l Jus t i ce , p. 128.
86. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon, p. 2.
87. Ib id . , p. 6.
88. Goodwin, French Revolut ion, p. 37.
91. E. Glasson, Le Parlernent de Par is , (par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1901) Vol. 2, p. 477.
I b id. , p. 478. 92
93. Mackre l l , S e i g n i o r i a l Jus t ice , p. 127.
94. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Larnoignon, pp. 67-68.
96. Glasson, Parlement de Par is , p. 480.
97. I sambert, Recuei 1 ggngral des anciennes l o i s f r a n ~ a i ses, (Par is : L i b r a i r i e de Plon FrZres, 1822-33) Vol. X X V I l , p. 527.
e 98. J. Flammermont, Remonstrances du Parlement de Par i s au X V l l l
~ i z c l e , (par is : lmpr imer ie nat iona le , 1898) Vol. 3, p. 770.
99. Isambert, Recuei l ggngral , Vol. X X V I I , p. 527.
100. Ib id. , p. 530.
101. -* l b i d p. 531.
102. = l b i d p. 531.
103. Ib id . , p. 531.
104. Ib id . , p. 532.
105. -- l b i d p. 532.
106. Esmein, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Procedure, p. 397.
107. H i s t o i r e de France, E. Lav isse (ed.), Vol. I X , p. 347.
108. Isambert, Recuei l gSnEral, Vol. X X V I I , p. 561.
109. H i s t o i r e de France, E. Lavisse (ed.), Vol. I X , p. 348.
110. Marion, Le garde des sceaux Lamoignon, p. 4.
1 1 1 . Goodwin, French Revolut ion, p. .37.
112. P . Sagnac, La f i n de l ' a n c i e n rkgime e t l a r & o l u t i o n amgricaine (1 765- 1789), ( ~ a r i s: Presses un i v e r s i t a i res de France, 19521, p. 472.
B
113. Wattinne, T r o i s ROU&, p. 171.
114. Thompson, French Revolut ion Documents, p. 110.
115. I b i d . - 116. Ib id .
117. I b i d .
118. Soboul, French Revolut ion, pp. 178 - e t seq.
119. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 27.
I 120. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 44.
121. Ib id. , p. 46.
122. J.H. Stewart, A Documentary Survey o f t h e French Revolut ion, ( ~ e w York: The Macmillan Company, 1966), p. 106.
123. Thompson, French Revolut ion Documents, p. 58.
124. Ib id. , p. 59.
125. -- l b i d p. 60.
126. A. Esmein, L ' h i s t o i r e du d r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 1814, ( ~ i b r a i r i e du Recuei l S i rey, 1911), p. 213.
127. Soboul, French Revolut ion, p. 554.
128. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s - de 1789 2 1814, p. 221.
129. L. Cahen and R. Guyot, L 'oeuvre l e g i s l a t i v e de l a r & o l u t i o n , (pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e F 6 l i x Alcan, 1913), p. 27.
130. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 322.
131. Ib id. , p. 333.
132. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s - de 1789 1814, p. 228.
133. - Ibid. , p. 233.
134. Stewart, Documentary Survey, P. 326.
135. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 233. -
136. Ibid., p. 234.
137. Sagnac, La 1 6 g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 385. I
138. Esmein, D r o i t f ransa is de 1789 2 1814, p. 235. - 139. Ib id. , p. 239.
140. Ibid., p. 242.
141. M. P l a n i o l , "The Revolut ion and the Codes", i n Cont inenta l Legal H i s t o r y , o on don: John Murray, 1912) Vol. 1, p. 278.
142. I b i d .
143. I b i d .
144. A . Esmein, " ~ ' o r i ~ i n a l i t g du Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, (pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. 10.
145. F. Markham, Napoleon, ( ~ e w York: The New American L ib ra ry , 1963), p. 96.
146. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 3.
*
J.
I 148. Ib id . - s
149. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 146.
150. Cahen and Guyot, L 'oeuvre l g g i s l a t i v e , p. 26.
151. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 47.
152. - Ibid., p. 48.
153. Ibid., p. 48. -
154. Ibid., p. 48. - 155. Ib id. , p. 48. -
156. Po l b i d 9 p. 51.
157. Esmein, ~ ' o r i ~ i n a l i t g du Code C i v i l , Vol . 1, p. 9.
158. Markham, Napoleon, p. 96.
159. Sagnac, La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 52.
160. Rapport de Carnbaceres, Fenet, Vol. 1, p. 140, c i t e d by A. Esrnein, original i t& du Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, (par is : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. 10.
161. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 53.
162. Ib id . -
163. Ib id . , p. 54. -
164. Markham, Napoleon, p. 96.
165. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 281.
166. Sagnac, La 1Ggislation civile, p. 55.
167. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 285.
168. Esmein, Droit fransais de 1789 2 1814, p. 329. - 169. Ibid., p. 331.
170. R.B. Holtman, The Napoleonic Revolution, (~hiladelphia and New York: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1967)~ p. 88.
171. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1 , p . 288.
172. De Montholon, "R&it de la captivite' de l'empireur ~apole/on", Vol. 1, p . 401, cited by C.J. Friedrich, "The Ideological and Philosophical Backgroundff, in The Code Napoleon and the Common-Law World, B. Schwartz (ed.) , (New York University Press, 1956), p. 17.
173. Esmein, Droit francais de 1789 5 1814, p. 333.
174. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 281.
175. ~ e n 6 David, French Law: Its Structures, Sources, and Methodology, a at on Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1972), p. 12.
176. Godechot, lnstitutions de la France, p. 692.
177. Planiol, Revolution and the Codes, Vol . 1, p. 287. 178. Ibid.
179. Godechot, Institutions de la France, p. 692,
180. Fenet, Vol. 1, pp. 466-467; ~ o c r g , Vol. 1, pp. 254-255, c i t e d by Andr6 Tunc. "The Grand Out l ines o f the Code". i n The Code ~ a ~ o l g o n and t h e Common-Law World, B. ~ c h w a r & ( e m w . York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1956), p. 44.
181. David, French Law, p. 14.
182. Fenet, Vol. 1, pp. 467-469; ~oc t -6 , Vol. 1, pp. 255-257, c i t e d by And& Tunc, Grand Out1 ines, p. 24.
183. P l a n i o l , Revo lu t ion and the Codes, Vol. 1, p. 285.
184. Ibid., p. 286. -
185. Ib id. , p. 286.
186. David, French Law, p. 12.
187. P l a n i o l , Revo lu t ion and the Codes, Vol . 1 , p. 286.
188. Ib id . - 189. Tunc, Grand Out1 ines, p. 34.
190. Code NapolGon, L i t e r a l l y t r a n s l a t e d from the o r i g i n a l and o f f i c i a l e d i t i o n publ ished a t Pa r i s i n 1804 by a b a r r i s t e r o f t h e Inner Temple, a at on Rouge: R.G. C l a i t o r pub1 isher , 1960 r e p r i n t ) , P. 19.
191. P. Lerebours-Pigeonnizre, "Le Fami l l e e t l e Code C i v i l " , i n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, (pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. 275.
192. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.
193. Code ~ a p o l g o n , p. 62.
194. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695. L
195. Tunc, Grand Out l ines , p. 37.
196. Code Napolgon, p. 63.
197. - Ibid., p. 76.
198. - Ibid. , p. 83.
199. - Ibid., p. 86.
200. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 695.
201 . Code Napolgon, p. 104.
202. Ib id. , p. 44.
203. Ibid., p. 59. - 204. - Ibid. , p. 60.
205. - Ibid. , p. 391.
206. Ibid., p. 393.
207. Tunc, Grand Out l ines , p. 36.
208. Holtman, Napoleonic Revolut ion, p. 92.
209. Code Napolgon, p. 204.
210. - Ibid. , p. 249.
211. - Ibid. , p. 244.
212. ~ e r e b o u r s - ~ i ~ e o n n i z r e , La Fami l l e e t l e Code C i v i l , Vol. 1, p. 280.
213. Code ~ a ~ f o 6 o n , p. 95.
214. - Ibid. , p. 96.
215. lb id . , p. 96.
216. Holtman, Napoleonic Revolut ion, p. 91.
217. Code Napolgon, p. 208.
218. Ib id. , p. 94.
219. P l a n i o l . Revo lu t ion and the C odes, V -
220. A . Sorel , " I n t roduc t ion " t o Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, (pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969) Vol. 1, p. x x i x .
221. Esmein, D r o i t f ranqa is - de 1789 2 1814, p. 250.
222. H. CarrG, La f i n des parlements (1788-17901, (Par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1912), p. 83.
223. Wattinne, T r o i s R O U ~ S , p. 177.
224. - Ibid. , p. 180.
225. Esmein, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Procedure, p. 402.
226. I b i d .
227. Ib id. , p. 404.
228. Ib id . , p. 407.
229. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Cr imina l Law, p. 321.
230. Ib id .
231. I b i d .
232. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 146.
233. I b i d . - 234. Thompson, French Revolut ion Documents, p. 15.
235. Esrnein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 409.
236. I b i d . - 237. Ib id . , p. 410.
238. - lbid . , p. 415.
239. Ib id. , p. 41 6.
240. Ib id . , p. 417.
241. Ib id. , p. 410.
242. Ib id . , p. 411.
243. - Ibid. , p. 411.
244. Ib id. , p. 419.
245. Ib id . , p. 419.
246. Ib id . , p. 419.
247. Esmein, D r o i t f ranca is de 1789 2 1814, p . 257. a
248. Cahen and Guyot, L 'oeuvre I Z g i s l a t i v e , p. 23.
249. Ib id. , p . 194.
250. M. ~ouca?u l t , S u r v e i l l e r e t pun i r , (Par is : E d i t i o n s Gal l imard, 19751, p. 18.
251. Von Bar, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Law, p . 321.
252. I b i d . , p. 322.
253. I b i d . , p. 324.
254. I b i d . , p. 323.
255. I b i d . , p. 323.
256. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n c a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 257.
257. Esmein, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Procedure, p. 427.
258. I b i d . , p. 428.
259. I b i d . , p. 429.
260. I b i d . , p. 430.
261. I b i d . , p. 434.
262. Von Bar, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Law, p. 323.
263. L. Gershoy, The French Revo lu t i on and Napoleon, ( ~ e w York: Me red i t h P u b l i s h i n g Company, 1965), p. 457.
264. Stewar t , Documentary Survey, p. 775.
265. Esmein, Con t i nen ta l C r im ina l Procedure, p. 439.
266. I b i d . , p. 440.
267. I b i d . , p. 439.
268. I b i d . , p. 438.
C
269. Stewart, Documentary Survey, P. 775.
270. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 336.
271. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 461.
272. Cambridge Modern History, G.W. Prothero, A.W. Ward, S . Leathes, (eds.) (Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1906) Vol. I X , p. 171.
273. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r im ine l l e , Louis T r i p i e r (ed.), (par is : L i b r a i r i e de jur isprudence de C o t i l l o n , 1850), p. 817.
274. Cambridge Modern History, Vol. I X , p. 171.
275. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 459.
276. Marc Ancel, " Int roduct ion" t o The French Penal Code, G.O.W. Mue l le r (ed .) , o on don : Sweet & Maxwell L i m i ted, 1960) , p . 3.
277. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 464.
278. Esmein, D r o i t f ranqais de 1789 2 1814, p. 336. r
279. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 472.
280. Ib id . , p. 483.
281. Cambridge Modern History, Vol . I X , p. 172.
282. Esmein, Cont inenta l Criminal Procedure, p. 495.
283. I b i d .
284. Esmein, D r o i t f ransa is - de 1789 2 1814, p. 337.
285. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , p. 719.
286. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 631.
287. Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e , p. 781..
288. l b i d p. 787. * '
289. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Criminal Law, p. 336.
290. Anchel, French Penal Code, p. 9.
291. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Criminal Law, p. 337.
292. Code p&al , F i f t y - n i n t h ed i t i on , (pa r i s : Jurisprudence g&gra le Da l loz , 1962), p. 5.
293. Ib id. , p. 9. - 294. Ib id. , p. 5.
295. Ib id . , p. 11.
296. Ib id . , p. 282.
297. Von Bar, Cont inenta l Criminal Law, p. 338.
298. I b i d . - 299. Code p6nal , p. 2.
300. Esmein, D r o i t f ranqa is de 1789 2 1814, p. 86.
301. Cobban, Parlements o f France, p. 82.
302. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 108.
303. J. Brissaud, "A H i s t o r y of French P u b l i c Law", i n Cont inenta l Legal H is to ry , ondo don: John Murray, 1915) Vol . I X , p . 561.
304. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 144.
305. I b i d . - 306. I b i d .
308. Stewar t , Documentary Survey, p. 145.
311. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. .
I 312. Stewar t , Documentary Survey, p. 144.
313. I b i d .
314. I b i d .
315. I b i d . , p. 152.
316. I b i d . , p. 146.
317. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 106. a
318. Stewar t , Documentary Survey, p. 148.
319. I b i d .
320. I b i d . , p. 149.
321. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 S 1814, p. 107.
322. Cahen and Guyot, L 'oeuvre l g g i s l a t i v e , p. 184.
323. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 111. a
324. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 153.
325. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n q a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 113.
326. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 256.
327. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 1 1 1 . a
328. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 159.
329. Esmein, D r o i t f r a n ~ a i s de 1789 2 1814, p. 117. #
330. Brissaud, French P u b l i c Law, Vol. I X , p. 562.
331. J.L. Godfrey, Revolut ionary Jus t i ce , (chapel H i l l : The U n i v e r s i t y o f Nor th Caro l ina Press, l 9 5 l ) , p. 150.
332. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p. 596.
333. Esmein, D r o i t f ranqa is de 1789 2 1814, p . 1
334. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 477
335. Ib id . , p. 480.
336. - Ibid. , p. 481.
337. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p . 775.
338. I b i d . -
339. Ib id . , p. 776.
340. Ib id . , p. 776.
341. - Ibid. , p. 773.
342. Ib id . , p. 776.
343. Godechot, l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p. 619.
344. Stewart, Documentary Survey, p . 775. *
345. Godechot, I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 621.
346. Ib id. , p . 622.
1 347. Holtman, Napoleonic Revolut ion, p. 87. 4 E
348. A l f r e d Cobban, A H i s t o r y o f Modern France, (~armondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd., 1963), Vol. 1, p . 263.
349. Sagnac, La 1 g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e , p. 384.
350. Ib id . , p . 241.
351. Cahen and Guyot, L 'oeuvre l e 'g i s la t i ve , p . 111.
352. I b i d .
353. Ib id . , p. 113.
354. Georges Lefebvre, The D i r e c t o r ( ~ e w York: Vintage Books, a D i v i s i o n o f Random Ho"& 168.
355. ~ o d e c h o t ; l n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France, p . 693.
B l BL I OGRAPHY
Ancel , Marc. " In t roduc t ion " t o The French Penal Code, pp. 1-13. Ed i ted by G.O.W. Muel le r . London: Sweet & Maxwell L imi ted , 1960.
Anchel, R. Crimes e t ch2timents au XVI l le si 'ecle. Par is : L i b r a i r i e acadgmique Per r i n , 1933.
Brissaud, J. "A H i s t o r y o f French P u b l i c Law." I n Cont inenta l Legal H i s t o r y , Vol . I X . London: John Murray, 1915.
Brissaud, J. "Nat ional J u r i s t s and Royal Leg is la t ion . ' ' I n Cont inenta l Legal H i s t o r y , Vol. 1, pp. 251-273. London: John Murray, 1912.
Cahen, L. and Guyot, R. L'Oeuvre 1 6 g i s l a t i v e de l a r6vo lu t i on . Par is : L i b r a i r e F6 l i x Alcan, 1913.
Cambridge Modern H is to ry , Vol. I X , Napoleon. Ed i ted by G.W. Prothero, A.W. Ward, S. Leathes. Cambridge: a t the U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1906.
c a r d , Henr i . La f i n des parlements (1788-1790). Pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1912.
Church, W.F. "The Dec l ine o f the French J u r i s t s as P o l i t i c a l Theor is ts , 1660-1789." I n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, Vol. V, Number 1, Spr ing 1967, pp. 1-40. Worcester, Mass.: Heffernan Press, 1967.
Cobban, A l f r e d . k H i s t o r y o f Modern France, Vol. 1. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books Ltd. , 1963.
Cobban, A l f r e d . "The Parlements o f France i n t h e Eighteenth Century." I n Aspects o f t he French Revolut ion. London: Paladin, Granada Pub l i sh lng L imi ted , 1971.
Code d ' i n s t r u c t i o n c r i m i n e l l e . Ed i ted by Louis T r i p i e r . Pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e de ju r isprudence Cot i 1 lon (N.D. 1850?).
Code Napo160n. L i t e r a l l y t r a n s l a t e d from the o r i g i n a l and o f f i c i a l e d i t i o n pub l ishgd a t Pa r i s i n 1804 by a b a r r i s t e r o f t he Inner Temple. Baton Rouge: R.G. C l a i t o r pub l isher , 1960 r e p r i n t .
Code p6nal . F i f t y - n i n t h e d i t i o n . Par is : Jur isprudence ggndrale Dal l oz , 1962.
David, Ren6. French Law: I t s S t ruc tures , Sources, and Methodology. T rans la ted by Michael Kindred. Baton Rouge: Louis iana S ta te U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1972.
David, Ren6 and DeVries, Henry. The French Legal System. New York: Oceana Pub1 ica t ions , 1958.
Dec la reu i l , J. H i s t o i r e g6n6rale du d r o i t f ranqa is des o r i g i n e s 5 1789. Par is : L i b r a i r i e de l a Soci6tC du Recuei l S i rey , - 1925.
Delbeke, Baron F. L IAct ion p o l i t i q u e e t s o c i a l e des avocats au X V l l l e S i sc le . Par is : Soci6t6 anonyme du Recuei l S i rey , 1927.
Desjard ins, A. Les cahiers des ;tats g€h&aux en 1789 e t l a I g g i s l a t i o n c r i m i n e l l e . Par is : 'G.-Pedone-Lauriel, 1883.
Doyle, W.O. "The Parlements o f France and the Breakdown o f the Old Regime." I n French H i s t o r i c a l Studies, Vol. V I , Number 4, F a l l 1970, pp. 415-458. Worcester, Mass.: Heffernan Press, 1970.
Esmein, A. "A H i s t o r y o f Cont inenta l Cr iminal Procedure." I n Cont inenta l Legal H i s t o r y , Vol. V. Boston: L i t t l e , Brown and Company, 1913.
E srne
Esme i l
i n , A. Cours 6 lkmentai re d ' h i s t o i r e du d r o i t f r a n ~ a i s . Par is : L i b r a i r i e de l a ~ o c i g t 6 du Recuei l S i rey , 1921. -
in , A. L 1 h i s t o i r e du d r o i t f ranga is de 1789; 1814. Par is : L i b r a i r i e de l a Soci6t6 du Rechei l S i rey , 1911.
Esrnein, A . " ~ ' ~ r i g i n a l i t 6 du Code C i v i 1 .'I I n Le Code C i v i 1, L i v r e du Centenaire, Vol. 1 , pp. 5-24. Par is : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchernin, 1969.
Flarnmermont, J. Remonstrances du Parlement de Par i s au X V l I le ~ i s c l e . VOI. 3. Par is : lmpr imer ie na t iona le , 1898.
Foucault , M. S u r v e i l l e r e t pun i r . Pa r i s : f d i t i o n s G a l l imard, 1975.
F r i e d r i c h , C.J. "The Ideo log ica l and Ph i l osoph ica l Background." I n The Code Napoleon and the Common-Law World, pp. 1-18. Ed i ted by Bernard Schwartz. New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1956.
Gay, Peter. V o l t a i r e ' s P o l i t i c s : The Poet as R e a l i s t . Pr inceton: P r ince ton U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1959.
Gershoy, Leo. The French Revo lu t ion and Napoleon. New York: Appleton- Century-Crafts, d i v i s i o n o f Meredi th Pub l i sh ing Company, 1965.
Glasson, E. Le Parlement de Par i s . Vol. 2. Pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1901.
Godechot, J. Les I n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France sous l a ~ 6 v o l u t i o n e t l lEmpire. Par is : Presses U n i v e r s i t a i r e s de France, 1968.
Godfrey, J.L. Revolut ionary Jus t i ce . Chapel H i l l : The U n i v e r s i t y of Nor th Caro l ina Press, 1951.
Goodwin, A . The French Revolut ion. New York: Harper & Row, 1966.
H i s t o i r e de France. Vol. I X , Le rGgne de Lou is X V I (1774-1789). Ed i ted bv E. Lavisse, H. Carrg, P. Sagnac. Par i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1913.
Holtman, R.B. The Napoleonic Revolut ion. Ph i l ade lph ia and New York: J.B. L i p p i n c o t t , Company, 1967.
Jourdan, l sambert and Crusy (genera 11 y c i t e d as I sambert) . Recuei 1 gkngral des anciennes l o i s f r a n ~ a i s e s . Vol. X X V I I . Par is : L i b r a i r i e de Plon Frhres, 1822-33.
Lefebvre, Georges. The D i rec to ry . Trans la ted by Robert Ba ld ick . New York: Vintage Books, a ~ i v i s l o n o f Random House, 1967.
Lerebours-Pigeonni'ere, P. "La,Fami l le e t le Code Civi.1." I n Le Code C i v i l , L i v r e du Centenaire, Vol . 1 , pp. 265-294. Par i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemi,n, 1969.
Mackre l l , J . " C r i t i c i s m o f s e i g n i o r i a l j u s t i c e i n e ighteenth-century France." I n French Government and Soc ie tv 1500-1850, pp. 123-144. Ed i ted by J.F. Bosher. The Ath lone Press o f t he U n i v e r s i t y o f London, 1973.
Maestro, M.T. Vol t a i r e and ~ e c c a r f a as Reformers o f Cr iminal Law. New York: Octagon Books, a d i v i s i o n o f Far rar , Straus and G i roux, 1972.
Marion, M. D i c t i o n n a i r e des i n s t i t u t i o n s de l a France aux x v l l e e t X V l l l e s igc les . Pa r i s : Auquste P icard . 1923.
Marion, M. Le garde des sceaux Lamoignon e t l a rkforme j u d i c i a i r e de 1788. Par i s : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1905. -
Markham, F. Napoleon. New York: The New American L i b r a r y , 1963.
Nixon, Edna. V o l t a i r e and the Calas Case. London: V i c t o r Gol lancz ~ t d . , 1961.
Palmer, R.R. The Age o f the Democratic Revolut ion. Pr inceton: Pr inceton Un i vers i t y Press , 1959.
P i g t r i , F. La rgforme de 1 1 6 t a t au x v l l l e s i g c l e . Pa r i s : Les k d i t i o n s de France, 1935.
P l a n i o l , M. "The Revolut ion and the Codes.'' I n Cont inenta l Legal H is to ry , Vol. 1, pp. 274-305. London: John Murray, 1912.
Sagnac, P. La f i n de l ' anc ien rggime e t l a r 6 v o l u t i o n amgricaine (1763-1 789). Par is : Presses u n i v e r s i t a i res de France, 1952.
Sagnac, P. La l g g i s l a t i o n c i v i l e de l a r 6 v o l u t i o n f r a n ~ a i s e . Par is : L i b r a i r i e Hachette e t Cie., 1898.
Soboul, A. The French Revolut ion 1787-1799. Trans la ted from the French by Alan Fo r res t and C o l i n Jones. New York: Vintage Books, a d i v i s i o n o f Random House, 1975.
Sore1 , A. " I n t roduc t ion " t o Le Code C i v i 1 , L i v r e du Centenaire, Vol. 1, pp. XV-L. Pa r i s : L i b r a i r i e Edouard Duchemin, 1969.
Stewart, J.H. A Documentary Survey o f the French Revolut ion. New York: The Macmil lan Company, 1966.
Thompson, J .M. French Revo lu t ion Documents, 1789-94. Oxford: Basi 1 B lackwel l , 1933.
Tunc, Andr'e. "The Grand Out1 ines o f the Code." I n The Code Napoleon and the Common-Law World, pp. 19-45. Ed i ted by Bernard Schwartz. New York: New York U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1956.
V i l l e r s , R. L IOrganisat ion de Parlement de P a r i s e t des Consei ls supErieurs dlapr&s l a ~ 6 f o r m e de Maupeou (1771-1774). Par is : L i b r a i r i e du Recuei l S i rey , 1937.
Von Bar, C.L. "A H i s t o r y o f Cont inenta l Cr imina l Law." I n Cont inenta l Legal H i s t o r y , Vol. X . London: John Murray, 1916.
Wattinne, A. L ' a f f a i r e des t r o i s rougs. Macon: P r o t a t Frsres, 1921.
Young, A r thu r . Trave ls i n France. E d i t e d by Constant ia Maxwell. Cambridge: Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1950.