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The Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace StudiesUniversity of Notre Dame

Issue No. 5, Spring 2004

Peacebuilding afterPeace AccordsS O U T H A F R I C A ’ S D E S M O N D T U T U I N S P I R E S K R O C , N O T R E D A M E

Ethnic politics slow Northern Ireland peace processJ O H N D A R B Y

“Father Bert” earns trust of government, rebelsM A R T H A M E R R I T T

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colleague once confided to me that he found academic conferences quitetedious. “I’d rather just wait for the book to come out,” he quipped.

While somewhat tongue in cheek, his comment nonetheless raises animportant question: Why do we organize conferences?

As an institute focusing on peace studies, our stock in trade is gathering diverse andoften contentious groups of people together to examine international conflicts. In addition toproviding venues for presenting and critiquing research, we also hope that such gatherings willstimulate dialogue between researchers and practitioners; provide opportunities for students tointeract with prominent researchers, global leaders and peacebuilders; and call attention toneglected topics.

In this issue, we capture some of the insight, the inspiration, and the interaction thatwas sparked by our conference “Peacebuilding After Peace Accords,” held on September 11-13, 2003. The conference was sponsored by the Kroc Institute’s Research Initiative on theResolution of Ethnic Conflict (RIREC) and marked the culmination of a three-year effort.

Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu delivered a profoundly moving keynote address,much of which is reprinted in this issue. The resonance of Tutu’s speech can be seen in thepoignant reflections on his visit by our graduate students in peace studies as well as studentsfrom nearby Culver Academies.

The conference also featured a challenging — and controversial — keynote by JohanGaltung; an engaging panel on the peace process in South Africa; an international youth panelwith students from Israel, the Balkans, and Northern Ireland; and presentations by sixty schol-ars and practitioners from more than a dozen countries.

In the words of Father Ted Hesburgh, “It was a Notre Dame moment.” I can’t wait for the books to come out.

H A L C U L B E R T S O N

A S S O C I A T E D I R E C T O R

AInsight, inspiration, interaction

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Who’s New?

14 Professor/alum follows peace path back to the Kroc Institute

15 Graduate program assistant eases move to two-year M.A.

23 Publications, outreach occupy director of communications

| c o n t e n t s |

16 Kroc’s alumni staffers offerempathy, inside knowledge

18 Alumni News

19 Faculty Publications

Features

Peacebuilding after PeaceAccordsNobel laureate Desmond Tutu brings amessage of hope; a controversial scholarstirs up RIREC conferees; scholars delveinto the nitty-gritty of post-apartheidreconstruction.

Filipino priest gains trust ofrebels, government“Father Bert” tells Martha Merrittthat he wants people’s stories to be told.

Extremist gains slowmomentum of Good FridayAccordsThere is no “swing vote” in ethnicpolitics like Northern Ireland’s, writesJohn Darby.

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Editor: Julie Titone

Contributors: Hal Culbertson, A. Rashied Omar, Irene Zirimwabagabo, Peter Walshe, Anne Hayner,Rosemarie Green, Linda White, Julie Titone

Designer: Marty Schalm

Photographers: Peter Morrison (Associated Press), Wes Evard, Matt Cashore, Julie Titone, Martha Merritt

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In 2004 we celebrate a decade of freedom and democracy in South Africa by commemorating

that wholly unexpected and quite spectacular victory over one of the world’s most vicious political

systems and the relatively peaceful transition from repression to freedom in 1994.

generosity of spirit in their magnanimous willingness toforgive the perpetrator. We rejected the twin options of atype of Nuremberg trial and the general amnesia of blan-ket amnesty. We resolved to look the beast in the eye, tolet victims tell their story, to risk opening wounds whichhad seemed to have healed when they were in reality fes-tering, we opened those wounds, cleansed them andpoured on them the balm of acknowledgement, of givingvoice to hurt, of rehabilitating the dignity of those who forso long were anonymous, faceless victims. Perpetratorswere given the chance to come to terms with what theyhad done, to make a full disclosure and then to obtainamnesty in an example of restorative justice which was

The Struggle for Social Justice inPost-apartheid South Africa

D E S M O N D T U T U

Most expected that once a black-led government wasinstalled then South Africa would see an orgy of retribu-tion and revenge as blacks went on the rampage givingvent to all their pent-up fury for all those many, manyyears when they suffered untold misery all because of theirethnicity, their race, their skin colour. One of the songs ofour struggle is a haunting melody that asks plaintively inXhosa, “What have we done? Our sin is our blackness.”

Yes, that was the conventional expectation, that thepost-conflict period would be a time of reckoning. Instead,the world was awed by the spectacle of the Truth andReconciliation process when victims of frequently grue-some atrocities revealed a mind-boggling nobility and

| f e a t u r e s |

RIREC: Peacebuilding After Peace Accords

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more about healingthan about punish-ment, more aboutforgiveness andreconciliation thanabout retributionand revenge.

We knew thatnone of us possess-es a fiat — we arenot God — so thatbygones would bebygones. We knewthat the deeds ofthe past had anuncanny capacityto return andhaunt people. The TRC was a way of hope, of faith in thefundamental goodness of people, that we would not giveup on anyone, that even the worst perpetrator stillremained a child of God with the capacity to change, thateach of us has the capacity to become a saint.

Forgiveness and reconciliation have been shown not tobe nebulous namby-pamby things. No, they are the stuffof real politik. The alternative, the way of revenge, of retri-bution, leads to a ghastly cul de sac — the spiral of reprisalprovoking counter reprisal ad infinitum, ending with nosecurity, no peace but a toll in human lives and propertythat is inexorable and exorbitant. It is not to be merelyidealistic to say that without forgiveness there is no future,it is being a hard-nosed realist. Just ask the people of theMiddle East and of Northern Ireland or Sri Lanka orRwanda. True peace and real security will never come fromthe barrel of a gun, however overwhelming.

Peace and security come because all enjoy justice andfreedom. Peace and security come because it is acknowl-edged that people matter.

Social Justice in Post Apartheid South Africa

Apartheid was vicious, having refined the racism thathad been part and parcel of the South African way of lifefrom the moment white people encountered the indige-nous people of that part of the continent. It was a policyof exclusion. The vast majority of the people were exclud-ed from all real political decision making which gave accessto all other kinds of power, rights and resources.

There was a Race Classification Act according to whichthe population of our country was branded like so many

animals. The methods todetermine race were oftencrude and unscientific likesticking a pin unexpectedlyin the victim and assigning arace label according to hisshriek of pain, or by puttinga comb through his hair.Sometimes siblings wereassigned to different racegroups because one was of adarker hue than others.Children sometimes commit-ted suicide when this hap-pened, for whiteness was theopen sesame to massive privi-lege and benefit. There was a

Prohibition of Mixed Marriages Act which prohibited mar-riage between whites and people of other races, and theImmorality Act which prohibited sexual relations betweenwhites and people of other races. People committed suicidefor being accused under this legislation. It made sordidsomething that should have been beautiful and noble —love between two people.

By law blacks were confined to owning only 13% ofthe land while comprising 80% of the population. Theremaining 87% was enjoyed by the 20% whites. Theapartheid government spent nearly ten times per annumon a white child’s education what it spent on a black child.

It was the same in every sphere of life. The JobReservation Act prohibited blacks from performing certainskilled work and now you hear whites bleating about affir-mative action. Our country had pioneered the first hearttransplant showing we were up there with the best insophisticated medical technology, but people were dying ofcholera simply through a lack of clean water — we have toadd that the people referred to were of course black peo-ple. Hardly any whites died of cholera.

Sadly, devastatingly, it did not take long for many sotreated to think of themselves as non-entities, with a senseof self-hatred gnawing at the very vitals of one’s beingcausing us to doubt that we too were God’s children.

How one wishes there were a magic wand which onecould wave and, “Hey presto,” all the awfulness would bechanged into its glorious counterpart. We have set our-selves high and noble goals in the new South Africa but itis going to take us a long while to attain them withoutsubstantial help from our allies in the international com-munity. Our Constitution entitles every South African to a

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decent home, to adequate health care, to a good education,to the so-called economic, cultural and social rights andour highest court, the Constitutional Court, has declaredthat they are enforceable — they are not just nice ideals tostrive after.

It is in our best interests in South Africa and every-where to try to achieve the eight goals of the MillenniumPlan — to halve poverty (we should eradicate it in SouthAfrica) to provide free education, to make health care read-ily available to all, to reduce infant mortality, to advancethe cause of women, to deal with AIDS, TB and malariaand to remove slums. I think we are doing well but we cando better. But we really cannot do this without your help.

A Marshall Plan for South Africa

Western Europe was devastated by World War II. Tohelp Europe get back on its feet the United States providedhelp through the Marshall Plan. Southern Africa, not justSouth Africa, has been devastated by apartheid. I think acase could be made for a special Marshall Plan-type of aidto help us deal with the ghastly legacy of apartheid.

I am not greedy. The United States gives over US $3billion to Israel per annum because rightly the continuedexistence of Israel is important for the world — we hopean Israel that would live in peace with its neighboursincluding a viable, independent and sovereign Palestinianstate.

I think a successful, vibrant South Africa is equallyimportant for the world as an experiment in co-existenceof different races of former oppressors and oppressed in apost conflict land. So I would urge that an annual grant ofUS $2 billion for five years be granted to us to deal withthe legacy of apartheid. It could even be earmarked anddesignated for certain projects only — health, education,and housing. It would be a most worthwhile investment.You helped us to become free. Help us to become success-ful for we are, very oddly, totally improbably, a beacon ofhope for the rest of the world — if it could happen inSouth Africa it can happen anywhere and everywhere.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu is winner of a Nobel Peace Prizeand former chairman of South Africa’s Truth andReconciliation Commission.

Desmond Tutu shares smiles with, from left to right, Dan Philpott, peace studies undergraduate program director; undergrads

Peter Quaranto, Michael Poffenberger and Silvana Zepeda Diaz; and Kroc graduate students Marissa (Pay) de Guzman and

Lola Ibragimova

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Students feast on ideas at breakfast with Tutu

I R E N E Z I R I M W A B A G A B O ( K R O C M . A . C L A S S O F 2 0 0 4 )

“I was expecting him to enter ceremoniously with an entourage,” said Brenda Fitzpatrick.

“But to my surprise he just ran into the room, dressed in a T-shirt, sat down and with a smile,

apologized for being late!”

Fitzpatrick, a Kroc M.A. peace student from Canada,was among those privileged to have breakfast withArchbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu on the morning afterhis keynote address at the “Peacebuilding After PeaceAccords” conference. Among those present were facultymembers from both the Kroc Institute for InternationalPeace Studies and the Kellogg Institute for InternationalStudies; Notre Dame’s associate dean for graduate studies,Don Pope-Davis; students in the Kroc master’s program;and a few other graduate and undergraduate students tak-ing peace studies courses.

This rare opportunity allowed the students to talk withthe Nobel Prize winner about his experiences in the anti-apartheid struggle, and his work on unity and reconcilia-tion of the South African people since their momentoustransition to democratic rule in 1994. The students hadread excerpts from his book, No Future without Forgiveness,and had discussed intensely its themes of forgiveness andreconciliation.

No reasonable amount of time would have been suffi-cient to explore all the thought-provoking and inspiringideas that Archbishop Tutu expressed in his writing and hisearlier address. Professor Cynthia Mahmood, director ofgraduate studies at the Kroc Institute, invited him toaddress the group briefly, and then suggested that the floorbe opened to questions. His comments echoed the themesof his keynote address: the need for empathy, understand-ing, forgiveness, and unconditional inclusion of others dif-ferent from ourselves.

What most captivated his audience was his ability tocommunicate a message of hope and faith so completely— not just verbally, but also through the power of hispresence, energy, and humility.

“He is persuasive by the nature of his charisma.Listening to him made me think of his stand on forgive-ness as viable,” said Mark Canavera, a student from theUnited States. “I could now understand how the transitionto peaceful reconciliation was possible by seeing the forcesbehind it.”

Tutu’s call for forgiveness seemed to cross religious andcultural boundaries. “Although he spoke from a Christianpoint of view, it was not difficult to understand from otherreligious perspectives,” said Chayanit Poonyarat, a studentfrom Thailand.

Many listeners were struck by his assertion that, in theprocess of forgiveness and reconciliation, it is important toacknowledge the perpetrators’ humanity.

“I was impressed when he said that people also dehu-manize themselves when they dehumanize others. Aspeacebuilders, we might tend to side with victims, but it isimportant that we find a way to reach out to the oppres-sors as well — we need to include them in the healing,”said Elias Omondi Opongo, a Kenyan student.

It was motivating for the students to hear that messagefrom someone who arguably has succeeded in workingwith oppressors. Raouf Ahanger, a student from India, saidit is Tutu’s experiences “that give him sound reason to saywhat he does, that no problem is intractable. That there ishope and hope sustains life.”

The compelling story that South Africans have to shareabout trying to heal their deeply wounded society has astrong impact on those working for peace. Said DenizUgur, a Turkish student: “Every movement or idea needs apowerful symbol. Tutu is a symbol for peace.”

Students from military prep school rave about Tutu

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Eleven seniors from Culver Military Academy and CulverGirls Academy — independent, college preparatoryschools in northern Indiana — traveled to the Universityof Notre Dame to hear Archbishop Emeritus DesmondTutu speak on September 11. Several Kroc Institute facultyand students have participated in activities of the acade-mies’ Global Studies Institute, which especially seeksopportunities for Culver students to interact with scholarsand leaders in the global community. The students’ visit toNotre Dame included the chance to meet the Nobel PeacePrize winner after his speech. It was an inspiring evening,as reflected in the students’ comments excerpted below.

The stature of Tutu was remarkably small in comparison withhis grand reputation. … He was neither the longwinded politi-cian, nor the radical with a call to action, nor was he preachyas one might stereotype a priest. … He was a normal man,and he made us laugh very hard.

— Howard Mauck, Chicago

There is something about the Tutu lecture that I will never forget. It was not a particular quote, it was not the people Iwas sitting by — it was a feeling that one gets only when oneknows something within has forever changed.

— Sotiria Anagnostou, Mishawaka, Indiana

Under President Bush and the Republican administration, theUnited States stands on a realist platform in its policies onterrorism. Yet Tutu also claims to adhere to realpolitik, butwith a different approach: “A true realist believes that thereis no future without forgiveness.” This twist on what Ibelieved as truth, prompted by Mr. Tutu, made me realizethat as long as people are dying or living in fear, peace doesnot exist.

— Greg Ladd, Lexington, Kentucky

I come from an extremely pro-military family (my father was inthe Air Force, my uncle in the Marines, one grandfather was apilot in Vietnam, and my other grandfather was a three-stargeneral), so I always thought that it was necessary to usemilitary force to uphold justice. It never occurred to me thatpromoting peace instead of an M-16 would get you anywhere,but Desmond Tutu proved this through the struggles of hispeople and their fight against prejudice.

— Kelsey McKee, Plano, Texas

Sometimes he would yell, other times he would sing. At onepoint during the speech, when he whispered the ideals offreedom in South Africa, emotions flooded me. … Tutu mademe realize that God is real and if you believe in something,God will give you the strength to achieve it. This was anamazing and enriching experience — one that I will never forget.

— Alex Gonzalez, Wilton, Connecticut

As I approached Tutu after the speech, I grasped his hand,looked into his eyes, and said, “a pleasure to meet you.” Theold man had a light handshake; however, it was by no meansloose. Tutu answered me with a simple, “hello.” When ourhands unclasped, my goose bumps slowly went away, and Ibegan to wonder whether I would ever have another opportu-nity like that again.

— Ridge Daves, Palm Beach, Florida

While it has occurred to me there would be an abiding ani-mosity between two combatants after a peace treaty, I havenever given enough thought to what possible solutions thereare to ensure an end to violence after accords. In ArchbishopTutu’s words, a conflict can never truly end until both sidesrelinquish their desire for retribution.

— Rocky Carbone, Pine Hill, New Jersey

At the beginning of the lecture when Tutu claimed he wantedpeace, love, and brotherhood for everybody, I was a littleshocked and thought this was an unrealistic goal. I said tomyself, “That could never happen in the world we live intoday.” But by the end of the lecture I was completely provenwrong, and I felt like a new person walking out of the buildingand on the bus ride home. My thoughts turned to questions,“What can I do to help, or make a difference, what can I doto share peace, love, and brotherhood with everyone?”

— Whitney Breidenbaugh, Tampa, Florida

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Crime, disillusionment and economic imbalance stand in the way of South Africa’s progress,

according to experts who took part in a roundtable discussion of that country on the second day of

the RIREC “Peacebuilding After Peace Accords” conference.

Two prominent South Africans, Dr. MamphelaRamphele and Dr. Charles Villa-Vicencio, shared theirviews on South Africa’s progress since its first non-racialelections in 1994. The discussion, titled “The PeaceProcess in South Africa: Achievements and Challenges,”addressed political, socio-economic, and justice issues fac-ing the country’s policy-makers a decade into democraticgovernance.

Dr. Peter Walshe, a fellow at the Kroc Institute and aSouth African, opened the discussion with an introductionto the political context that formed the liberationmovement. His presentation highlighted two themes: thepolitical culture and goals of the liberation movement as itconfronted the apartheid regime, and the challenge ofmeeting those expectations. Walshe located this politicalculture in a commitment to non-racialism, equality of allpeople before the law and adherence to the “traditionalAfrican culture of respect for human beings, Ubuntu.” Herecognized the leadership of the African National Congressin the decades following its formation in 1912, as well asthe contributions of theBlack ConsciousnessMovement in the 1960sand 1970s, the SouthAfrican Communist Party,activist religious organiza-tions, the UnitedDemocratic Front of the1980s, and internationalanti-apartheid organizations.

Addressing the growingdiscontent and disillusion-ment in post-apartheid

What next for South Africa?P E T E R W A L S H E

South Africa, Walshe noted that the political transition ofthe 1990s occurred as the government’s ability to redistrib-ute resources was constrained by the regulations and com-petitive nature of the global economic system.

Ramphele, managing director of the World Bank andformer vice chancellor of the University of Cape Town, iswell known for her activism in the Black ConsciousnessMovement. In a stock-taking report on South Africa’sprogress at the end of a decade of freedom, Ramphelelauded the government’s achievements, but conceded thatmuch work remained to be done. The most visible accom-plishments are “forceful implementation of sound macro-economic policies and greatly enhanced fiscal planning,”she said; the biggest challenges are “low growth and perva-sive high unemployment.” Despite reconstruction anddevelopment initiatives, she said, the country continued toexperience growing unemployment and economic dispari-ty. Ramphele linked poverty and unemployment to risingcrime rates, which, together with the HIV/AIDS pandem-ic, deterred foreign investment. She concluded by making

six recommendations forthe South African govern-ment: improve employmentabsorption, invest more inhuman capital, increasedomestic savings, maintainfiscal prudence, promoteinvestment and exports,and improve the criminaljustice system.

The second speaker,Villa-Vicencio, was theNational Research Directorof the Truth and

South Africa

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Reconciliation Commission, and is founder and ExecutiveDirector of the Institute for Justice and Reconciliation. His presentation continued the theme of South Africa’sachievements and challenges since 1994. Like Ramphele,he highlighted the persisting, dualistic nature of societyand the widening gap between the haves and have-nots.Recognizing progress in economic planning and advancesin access to public services such as health, education, waterand electricity, he qualified his optimism with a warning:“We at the same time face several major challenges thatneed to be overcome in order to consolidate these gains,lest we drift into the kind of malaise that could recreate somany of the tensions that we faced in 1990, bringing thenation to the brink of collapse.” He identified these crucialchallenges as racism and poverty, disease and health care,and crime and corruption.

“To talk about poverty, unemployment and HIV-AIDSis to talk about race,” Villa-Vincencio contended. “Unlesseconomic redistribution and empowerment is negotiated,political discord and social unrest is likely to intensify.” A positive development in efforts to alleviate the AIDSscourge was the Cabinet decision to provide anti-retroviraltreatment, though the health infrastructure is ill-equippedto cope with the demands.

Crime and corruption will continue to hamper thecountry’s progress, Villa-Vicencio said, especially withregard to foreign investors. He commended the fact thatcorruption cases are being reported rigorously by themedia. Crime, he argued, had a crippling impact on socie-ty and had hurt South Africa’s international reputation.

From the presentations and a lively debate that fol-lowed, a clear message emerged: that while South Africahad set an exemplary precedent regarding the possibility ofpeaceful political transitions, the challenges posed by post-accord peacebuilding are numerous and often daunting.One contested issue was the appropriate role of the state inredistributing wealth. Ramphele contended that the gov-ernment could do more. The mere transfer of wealth to asmall, elite group of blacks would not solve the country’sproblems, she said. She mentioned the government’s inde-cision about whether to act directly or rely on the privatesector that, to date, had not shown a keen interest in redis-tribution of wealth.

The panelists agreed that the constraints imposed by ahighly competitive globalized economy set severe limits onstate initiatives, forcing the South African government tochoose between orthodox economic policies and the basicneeds of its people — which, if unmet, might threaten thecountry’s hard-earned peace.

Peace studies guru provokesthought, discussion

A. Rashied OmarRIREC coordinator

Norwegian scholar Johan Galtung,one of the founders of the field ofpeace studies, provided a provoca-tive opening salvo to the RIRECconference. His keynote addresswas spiced with comments suchas: “A one-word definition of peace

is equality,” “With the exception of South Africa, I havenot seen a single peace accord,” and “The decline andfall of the American empire will take place within 20 to25 years, based on the theory that any imperial struc-ture will produce so many contradictions that will forcea change in the structure.”

Beyond his obvious pleasure in provoking his audi-ence, the main focus of Galtung’s address was toexplore the relationship between conflict and youth intwo ways: the impact of conflict on youth, and theimpact of youth on conflict. His key thesis was that tobe young is to have little experience with the violentways of the world, but also a greater vested interest in developing creative and nonviolent ways of handlingconflict. He offered examples of action at the personal level, at the social “micro” level, at the inter-state/nation “macro” level and at the inter-region/civilization “mega” level.

Galtung explored the unique perspectives andresources that young people bring to violent conflict,drawing particularly on examples from the UnitedStates. “The power of the youth lies in their ability tocall a bluff,” Galtung said. Such power was amplydemonstrated, he said, by protests against theVietnam War by college students in the 1960s. Healso noted that, in the buildup to the Iraq War in March2003, high school students were often leaders inorganizing anti-war protests.

During his wide-ranging address, Galtung alsomade brief excursions into what he described as the“fault lines” that abound among human relationshipsand have the potential to generate conflict and vio-lence. They include equity, nature, generation, gender,race, class, and nation. He also touched on a themefor which he is well-known, differentiating between“negative peace,” which he contends accommodatesstructural violence, and “positive peace,” which hedefines as “equality.”

Galtung’s bold assertion that the dominant peacediscourse — particularly the discourse about “peaceaccords” — tends to legitimate global injustices washighly controversial. In short, Galtung stimulatedintense discussion on the fundamental themes of theconference.

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Martha Merritt is director of strategic and internationaldevelopment at the Kroc Institute. She was in the Philippinesin November 2003 to develop field placements for students inthe master’s program. She spoke with the Reverend RobertoLayson, OMI, during a session of the Grassroots PeaceLearning Center at the Mindanao Training Resource Center.

Roberto Layson is a small man, even by Filipino stan-dards, with a still center. His smiles are treasures, muchsought after by the many who love “Father Bert.” His mes-sage of reconciliation between the government and therebels is simple, but as he speaks of those driven from theirhomes by combat he begins to radiate the quiet strengththat has made him a rare and respected intermediary.

“At least the guns are silent now,” he says.This has not been the case often enough in Father

Bert’s career of working with Muslim, indigenous, andChristian communities on the large island of Mindanao,with a population of 18 million and a long history ofautonomy. After nine years of hard work and cooperationin the island of Jolo with the legendary peacemaker BishopBenjamin de Jesus, the bishop was assassinated, reportedlyby Moro (Muslim) bandits. “It was a hard time for me,and I was in danger of becoming bitter,” Father Bert says.“I wanted to go back to Christian commu-nity.” He did, but it was not long beforethe tight weave of politics, the military,and the people in the marshes drew backthe man who could move among them. “Idid not want to do it, but then I thoughtabout my bishop and his work.”

He first reached out to the Muslim andindigenous communities in 1997, when hewas newly assigned to the Province ofCotabato and took the unusual step ofbefriending the people who live along the fringes of theLiguasan marshes. His conditions were that, first, theMuslims be open to government projects and second thatthe MILF (Moro Islamic Liberation Front) rebels protecthim — another priest had been killed in the neighboringprovince by bandits a month before. With pledges but noguarantees, he embarked in 1997 on a long mission ofpeace.

Why has he been accepted by both the rebels and twopresidential administrations? “I respect them. I always seethe basic goodness in every one of them. That is why theytrust me.”

But earning that trust comes at personal cost. FatherBert’s pain is evident as he talks and writes about what hesees as unnecessary conflict between the government andrebels that harms civilians. In his book, In War, the RealEnemy is War Itself, he chronicles the tremendous costs forrefugees, especially children, who are forced to leave theirhomes and then are unable to return to safety. Peace nego-tiations seemed to be going well in 2003, after severalwaves of civilian exodus in previous conflicts, but then thegovernment attacked, triggering more refugee movement.“A bomb created a crater in a cemetery. The dead therewere killed twice.” The waste is not limited to those whoexperience combat directly, nor can Christians afford toignore the well-being of the less fortunate: “The lives anddeaths of these people are intertwined with ours.”

When did he decide to become a priest? “Ten yearsafter my ordination,” he says with a burst of merriment.Why did he decide to become a priest? His gravedemeanor returns at that question. “I grew up in the barrio. I like to work quietly.”

All of the attention to hispeacebuilding is not what hewould choose. He says that thesequence for healing in Mindanaomust be truth, repentance, and jus-tice, with the latter two prematureif not preceded by truth. “Peoplemust know what happened,” hesays simply.

He is troubled that indigenouspeoples who talk to him do not

record their sacred stories, and he fears their history isbeing lost. Father Bert draws strength from the memory ofan elderly woman who pleaded with him, “Please don’tforget our stories. Please tell our stories.” He does, withrespect and acute awareness of the delicacy and strengthrequired to facilitate peace and to establish safe havens inwar-torn communities. With a haunted look, Father Bertconcludes: “The worst thing is not the work itself, thoughthat is hard. The worst is looking up and sometimes find-ing that I work alone.”

Filipino priest gains trustof rebels, government

M A R T H A M E R R I T T

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Why did it happen? The key to the maneuverings inNorthern Ireland over the last decade is not to be found incompetition between the Catholic and Protestant blocs,but in the struggles within them.

The elections for the Northern Ireland assembly onNovember 28, 2003, resulted in a significant shift towardmore extreme parties. In the 108-member assembly, themoderate Ulster Unionist Party won 27 seats losingground among Protestant voters to Dr. Ian Paisley’sDemocratic Unionist Party with 30. Both parties favor theunion with Britain, but the DUP opposes the Good FridayAgreement. On the Catholic side of the political chasm,Sinn Féin’s 24 seats pushed them ahead of the Social

Democratic and LabourParty with 18 seats. Forthe first time Sinn Féinis the largest nationalistparty.

The results appearedto have put on hold apeace process regarded asan inspiration to othersmired in ethnic violence.In 1994 the ProvisionalIRA, which had beenfighting for a unitedIreland since the early1970s, declared a cease-fire. The main loyalistparamilitary groups,which were prepared tofight for union with

Britain, soon followed suit. The negotiations that followedresulted in an agreement signed on Good Friday 1998.

Since then the historic breakthrough has been frustrat-ed by a succession of problems in implementing the agree-ment. Unionists refused to stay in government with otherpro-agreement parties until the IRA handed over itsweapons. The IRA hedged. The reform of the police forcewas bitterly contested between nationalists and unionists.At times it appeared that the breakthrough was beingsquandered.

Behind the bluster and disappointments, other aspectsof the agreement have been quietly and successfully imple-mented. Before dismissing Northern Ireland’s electoral

Extremist gains slow momentumof Good Friday Accords

J O H N D A R B Y

With its last round of elections, Northern Ireland’s voters rejected the great leap forward of the

Good Friday Agreement. At first glance, recent election results look like a great leap back to the old

familiar suspicions and violence.

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wantonness, consider the accomplishments. The 1994 cease-fires have, in the main, held firm. An

assembly and executive, including both Unionists and SinnFéin ministers, have been operating quite smoothly,although both are currently suspended. More than 2,000political prisoners have been released. A North-SouthMinisterial Council, dealing with issues common to bothparts of Ireland, is up and running; so is a British-IrishMinisterial Council. The constitution of the Irish Republichas been altered to remove its territorial claim onNorthern Ireland.

Still, the voters at best took a step away from the agree-ment. At worst they created a dangerous vacuum. Theirwillingness to take this risk was dictated by the nature ofethnic politics.

Unlike most modern democracies where elections aredetermined by swings in the center ground, elections inethnically divided societies like Northern Ireland are con-tested primarily between parties fighting for control of thesame ethnic groups. Consequently, centrist parties are preoccupied by the need to prevent slippage toward theextremes. In times of crisis, voters edge toward the partieswhose positions are more unequivocal.

The greatest threat for the UUP’s leader David Trimbleis that his deeply divided party may move against theagreement and his leadership, and that their supporterswould switch to the DUP.

The SDLP faces a rather similar problem, thatCatholic voters would drift toward Sinn Féin, also a pro-agreement party. Less noticed is the drift problem facingthe leader of Sinn Féin, Gerry Adams, despite his electiontriumph. His freedom of action during negotiations hasbeen limited by his need to ensure that his more militantsupporters were kept on board.

These dilemmas facing Trimble and Adams are unlikelyto alter in the immediate future. The new and less pre-dictable element is the emergence of the DUP as thelargest party representing Protestant opinion.

For the first time the DUP may be forced to acceptreal responsibility. It has covertly cooperated with SinnFéin and other parties while maintaining strong rhetoricalopposition to power-sharing. This strategy will now beseverely tested. If the DUP continues its refusal to sharepower, the consequence is continuing direct rule fromBritain. The party’s leaders dislike direct rule, so they willhave to choose between public posturing and private prac-tice. There have been some mildly encouraging signs sincethe election. As I am writing this just before the annual St. Patrick’s Day shenanigans, the DUP leaders are in

Washington, outlining for the first time their conditionsfor engaging politically with Sinn Féin. They are also outlining their continuing objections to working in gov-ernment with Sinn Féin. The point is less that they areobjecting than that they consider it important to explaintheir position. An optimist might say that they are engaging in a political process.

Finally, consider the dog that didn’t bark. Since theelection, no one has been talking about a return to the 30-year war that preceded the peace process. The politicalparties were relatively relaxed about future developments.Although most feel that a major breakthrough is unlikelyuntil late 2004 at the earliest, this has been the most strik-ing achievement of Northern Ireland’s peace process.

John Darby is Professor of Comparative Ethnic Studies atthe Kroc Institute, and former director and senior research fel-low at the Initiative on Conflict Resolution and Ethnicity,Northern Ireland. A version of this article first appeared onthe opinion page of the Chicago Sun-Times on December12, 2003.

For the first time theDUP may be forced to

accept real responsibility.It has covertly cooperated

with Sinn Féin and otherparties while

maintaining strongrhetorical opposition to

power-sharing. Thisstrategy will now be

severely tested.

14


| w h o ’ s n e w |

Larissa Fast decided at age 12 that she wanted to earn adoctoral degree. It took her years to choose a field of study,though. When she did, her experiences at home and in theworld at large both played a role.

“I grew up Mennonite, in a pacifist environment,” saidFast, who will join the Kroc Institute faculty this fall. “Mysecond year at university, I went to visit Israel and theoccupied territories, after the first Intifada had started. Iremember being there, witnessing the violence and think-ing ‘There has to be a better way to work at this.’ ’’

That was in 1990. Those study-tour images of thePalestinian uprising — the burning tires, the refugeecamps, soldiers everywhere — stayed with Fast. “I saw themilitarization of society,” she said. After graduation fromBethel College two years later, she worked for two years at

Maison de l’amitié,a refugee assistancecenter in Montreal,as a volunteer for the Mennonite CentralCommittee. There,she met many sur-vivors of torture.“That also was animportant piece ofturning me towardpeace studies.”

Larissa Fast follows peace path back to the Kroc Institute

Her inquiries about master’s programs led her to theKroc Institute, from which she graduated in 1995.

“It was an amazing year. A lot of my close friends arefrom that year, and I’m still in touch with them,” she said.“We all interacted with people who didn’t think like wedid. I had toclarify mythoughts. Itexposed me todifferent waysof looking atissues.”

After gradu-ation, Fastspent a yearworking forCatholic ReliefServices in TheGambia, West Africa. She’s been a project manager, con-sultant and conflict analyst for several international non-governmental organizations. But she decided along theway that she wouldn’t want to work full-time with reliefgroups. “I like to keep my feet in both practice and academics.”

Her education has been interdisciplinary at every step.In 2002, she received her Ph.D. from the Institute forConflict Analysis and Resolution, at George MasonUniversity. Since then, she has taught at Conrad GrebelUniversity College in Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, whereshe is an assistant professor teaching peace and conflictstudies. She is also program associate for ProjectPloughshares, an ecumenical peace and disarmamentagency that works to influence Canadian policy.

Larissa Fast, center, in the Kroc Institute class

of ’95

Larissa Fast

15


Justin Shelton’s career has changeddirection. After a decade spentpreparing American undergraduatesto study abroad, he now helps gradu-ate students — most from outsidethe United States — adjust to life at

the University of Notre Dame.Shelton started in February as the Kroc Institute’s grad-

uate program assistant. He is taking over many responsibil-ities from Anne Hayner, director of graduate student andalumni affairs, so that Hayner may devote more time tothe institute’s growing alumni network.

Shelton’s focus is student services. His responsibilitiesinclude preparing program materials and helping toarrange for student housing and travel. Those tasks willbecome increasingly complicated as the program expandsfrom one year to two.

“Justin brings enthusiasm, warmth and professionalexpertise in international education to the task of learningthe needs of our unique set of students,” Hayner com-mented. “I’m sure we will find his experience in studyabroad useful as we design and refine field experiences inthe two-year program, many at international sites.”

Shelton was attracted to Kroc by the fact that its graduate students represent a microcosm of the world’scultures. The job integrates his interest “in all things international” with his desire to nurture and empower students.

“My goal is to ensure that the students have a success-ful experience, not only within the diverse group but oncampus and in the larger community,” Shelton said.

Shelton received a bachelor of arts degree in Frenchand International Studies from Butler University inIndianapolis in 1992. He has worked for 10 years in theadministration of study-abroad programs at ButlerUniversity, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaignand University of Colorado at Boulder. He has traveledextensively, especially in Central and South America, andspeaks Spanish, French, and Italian.

Graduate program assistant easesmove to two-year M.A.

As a member of the core faculty of the Kroc Institute,Fast will teach courses on conflict resolution at the gradu-ate and undergraduate levels. She will hold a joint appoint-ment as visiting assistant professor in the department ofsociology.

Fast’s father is a minister, born in the United States,and her mother is a nurse, born in Canada. She holds dualcitizenship. While she prefers the political climate ofCanada to that of the U.S., she is excited about coming tothe Kroc Institute. She looks forward to being part of afaculty team whose members focus on peacebuilding. Asthe only peace studies professor at Conrad Grebel, shesaid, “I’ve been feeling a sense of isolation from peoplewho research and write about the same things.”

Political science professor Bob Johansen, a senior Krocfellow, encouraged his former student to apply for theposition. He praised Fast’s qualifications as a scholar,teacher, and global citizen. “Because she was a graduate ofour program, and a superb student while in the program,we had the added benefit of being confident that we knewwe were hiring a person of integrity with a long-term com-mitment to working for peace and justice.”

Larissa Fast, continued

16


“Exciting, but a little strange.”

That’s how Larissa Fast describes the

prospect of working alongside some of the

professors who taught her. Fast, class of ’95,

will teach conflict transformation starting in

the fall. She will be the fourth graduate of the

Kroc Institute’s M.A. in Peace Studies program

to join the faculty or staff at the institute.

The alumni-employees believe that tapping

their experience as Kroc students makes them

more effective.

“We occupy a unique vantage point to be

able to fully empathize with both sides of the

educational process, teaching as well as learn-

ing,” said research program coordinator

Rashied Omar, class of 2002.

Here is a quick look at the current

alumni working at the Kroc Institute:

Kroc’s alumni staffers offer empathy, inside knowledge

A. Rashied Omar, coordinator of the ResearchInitiative on the Resolution of Ethnic Conflict(RIREC) and the Program in Religion, Conflictand Peacebuilding (PRCP)

Omar came to the Kroc Institute from South Africa,where he was a well-known Muslim religious leader. Heentered the master’s program intending to get a doctorateas well. He took a course in comparative fundamentalismfrom Kroc Institute director Scott Appleby, whose researchinterests dovetailed with his own. At the time, the PRCPprogram was just taking off, and it also intrigued him.Omar was offered the program coordinator’s job upongraduation.

“Suddenly I was a colleague among my former teach-ers,” he recalled. “People saw me as a student, but gradual-ly they began to appreciate me as a full and equal partner.”For his part, Omar added, it took some adjusting to thinkof himself fully as a staff member and stop relating prima-rily with the students.

Omar is working to complete his Ph.D. from theUniversity of Cape Town, specializing in religion and vio-lence. Meanwhile, he coordinates both major research pro-grams at Kroc. It’s a lot to handle. Fortunately, he said,PRCP’s annual conference is held in the spring, andRIREC’s in the fall.

Rashied Omar, Hal Culbertson and Felicia Leon-Driscoll

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Hal Culbertson, associate director

Culbertson, class of ’96, already had a law degree and amaster’s in philosophy when he was accepted as a peacestudies student at Kroc. What inspired him to apply washis three years spent as a program administrator with theMennonite Central Committee in Bangladesh. After grad-uation from Kroc, he stayed in South Bend and worked asan attorney, waiting for the right conflict resolution job tocome up. Meanwhile, he did some editing for the institute.

In 1997, Culbertson was hired as Kroc’s publicationseditor and grant writer. That job grew into associate direc-tor. As “right hand” to Director Scott Appleby, his respon-sibilities range from budget oversight to the planning ofoffice renovation. In 2003, he took on another: teachingnon-governmental organization management.

“Being on the research side of the program, I didn’t seeas much of the students,” he said. “My empathy withthem is what made me want to teach a course.”

The dual role of alumnus and employee, he said, “isalways an advantage, never a disadvantage.” He’s enjoyedwatching the master’s program grow and gain recognition.When Culbertson was a student, he knew John PaulLederach as the author of conflict transformation textbooks; now, Lederach is also a Kroc faculty member.

Felicia Leon-Driscoll, internship coordinator

What do Kroc’s peace studies students do after gradua-tion? Leon-Driscoll, class of ’89, remembers well the needto answer that question. When she was about to graduate,in the second year of the program’s existence, there was noone on the staff assigned to help students prepare for thenext step in their lives. The faculty and staff could onlyoffer informal career counseling as their demanding sched-ules allowed.

It took a year of searching after graduation, but Leon-Driscoll did find the kind of job she wanted, coordinatinga peace studies program at Iona College in New York. Herhusband’s studies eventually brought the family back toIndiana, where she worked as family services director forthe South Bend Center for the Homeless. In 2000, sheagreed to serve as the Kroc Institute’s internship coordina-tor, advising students on post-graduate opportunities. It’s apart-time position that fits nicely with her role as motherof four young children.

Some things have changed since Leon-Driscoll graduat-ed. “People are more sophisticated at a younger age,” shesaid of the students and their approach to job-hunting.

Another difference is that employers are more familiarwith peace studies degrees. So is the public. Leon-Driscollrecalled that, when she was in school, “it was a prettyobscure degree.” Her mother’s card-club friends wonderedabout this agriculture degree that Felicia was getting — in“pea studies.”

18


Connie Molusi (’93), from South Africa, recently appointedgroup chief executive officer of Johnnic Communications Ltd,is the first black person to lead a significant media companyin South Africa. A career journalist, he worked in the publicsector for four years, joining the Ministry of Posts,Telecommunications & Broadcasting as a ministerial advisorduring Nelson Mandela’s presidency, and later serving asgeneral manager of support services. He served as projectmanager for the African Connection Project, a plan toincrease the level of connectivity across Africa. In 2000,Connie moved to the corporate sector as CEO of JohnnicPublishing, publisher of The Sunday Times, South Africa’sbest-selling national newspaper, and in 2003 was appointedgroup CEO of the entire media and entertainment company.He serves on the board of the World Association ofNewspapers and is chairman of the Newspaper Associationof South Africa. E-mail: <[email protected]>

Cath Byrne (’95), from South Africa, has been hired asassistant professor of social psychology, with a focus onsocial justice, at the University of Santa Cruz, California. She will begin in August. E-mail: <[email protected]>

Obinna Anyadike (’97), from Nigeria, is managing editor ofthe United Nations’ Integrated Regional Information Network(IRIN) in Southern Africa, based in Johannesburg. Born out ofthe 1994 crisis in the Great Lakes region of central Africa,IRIN has pioneered the use of e-mail and web technology toreport on humanitarian crises in Africa, including issues rang-ing from human rights to the environment. In 2000, Obilaunched PlusNews, a specialized HIV/AIDS news servicewith the goal of producing a comprehensive one-stop interactive service for AIDS information and advocacy in sub-Saharan Africa. For more information: http://www.irinnews.org/ or http://www.plusnews.org/. E-mail: <[email protected]>

Helena Hofbauer (’98), from Mexico, is executive directorof Fundar, a center for analysis and research dedicated tothe promotion of democracy in Mexico and other countries.The center works to build capacities in civil society in Mexicoand more than ten other countries of Latin America, by holding governments accountable for use of public funds.Emphasis has been on gender-related issues and social pro-grams for the poor, with additional work on broader topicslike transparency, accountability and access to information.“We have a staff of 15-20 people. If people are interested in our lines of work, I would love to offer opportunities forinternships at Fundar,” Helena writes. More information onFundar can be found at www.fundar.org.mx. E-mail:<[email protected]>

A l u m n i N e w s

Sophie Gelashvili (’99), from the Republic of Georgia,joined the OSCE Mission to Georgia in April 2003, where sheworks in the political/military section. She spent the previousfour years working with Oxfam, which she loved, but is look-ing forward to focusing on conflict issues. She continues toteach at the Georgian Technical University. She writes, “Withrecent events in Georgia, we did not have much time to workon any other issues but elections and democratization.Things have been developing quite fast during past couple ofmonths. I gained some experience in non-violent resistance,so if anybody wants to do a case study on Georgia, I knowgood primary sources for that. But, seriously, nobody expect-ed such a peaceful outcome!” E-mail: <[email protected]>

Karmela Devcic (’02), a journalist from Croatia, wasappointed foreign news editor at the largest Croatian weekly,Globus (The Globe) in August 2003. E-mail: <[email protected]>

Brian McQuinn (’03), from Canada, has been appointedSenior Program Associate in the Conflict Resolution Programat the Carter Center in Atlanta, Georgia. Prior to his time atNotre Dame, Brian worked as the Conflict Resolution ProgramManager for the International Rescue Committee in Rwandaand as the reconciliation specialist for the Jane GoodallInstitute’s study of Conservation and Community Conflict.During five years with the Canadian Institute for ConflictResolution in Ottawa, he designed and delivered conciliation,mediation and facilitation courses and worked on peacebuild-ing projects in Indonesia, East Timor and Bosnia.

Agadjan Kurbanov (’03) has returned to Turkmenistan,where he is working as staff attorney with the American BarAssociation/Central European and Eurasian Law InitiativeOffice in Ashgabat.

Ruth Hill (’03), from Northern Ireland, has been appointedAssociate Director of the new Indianapolis Peace House, acomponent of the collaborative Plowshares project ofEarlham, Goshen and Manchester colleges. The Peace Housewill be the location of a semester-long study-away program inpeace studies for undergraduates from the three collegesand others around the nation. Ruth will have primary respon-sibility for the undergraduate program, which will include bothcourse work and supervised internships. For more informa-tion: http://www.plowsharesproject.org/. E-mail:<[email protected]>

Lisa McKay (’03), from Australia, is Director of Training andEducation at the Headington Institute in Los Angeles, a non-profit organization that provides psychological and spiritualsupport to humanitarian aid and disaster relief personnelthrough staff training, organizational consultation and coun-seling services. For more information: http://www.heading-ton_institute.org/. E-mail: <lmckay@headington_institute.org>

19


Denis Goulet, The UncertainPromise: Value Conflicts inTechnology Transfer. Chinese edi-tion, in Mandarin. (Beijing, Academyof Social Science, 2004).

Will technology deliver on its promiseto bring development to the ThirdWorld? Is modern technology truly thekey to successful development? Cantechnologies be transferred from onecultural setting to another in ways thatare more beneficial than destructive?And how do policies for becomingtechnologically “modern” relate tobroader development goals in diversenations? These questions lie at theheart of this book by Denis Goulet,which was first published in English in1997, then revised in 1989 (New York,New Horizons Press). In it, Gouletpeels away the mystique surroundingmodern technology to lay bare its basicdynamism and its dual nature as simul-taneous bearer and destroyer of values.His concern is that societies — devel-oped as well as less-developed — notallow “high technology to subvert trulyhuman ends. For the author, today’sessential problem “is not technologyitself but the successful management ofit, which requires wisdom and clarityas to the kind of society desired andthe ways in which technology can helpconstruct it.”

Denis Goulet, Development Ethics:A Guide to Theory and PracticeChinese edition, in Mandarin.(Beijing: Social SciencesDocumentation Publishing House,Chinese Academy of Social Sciences,2003).

After setting forth the contours of thisnew discipline of development ethics,the author formulates general princi-ples underlying ethical strategies indevelopment and discusses their appli-cation in such topics as technology fordevelopment, ecology and ethics, cul-ture and tradition, and the ethics ofaid. This was originally published in1995 (New York, The Apex Press, andLondon, Zed Books Ltd. A Spanishedition was released in 1999 (Madrid,

| p u b l i c a t i o n s |

John Paul Lederach, TejiendoRelaciones: Procesos de Dialogoy Negociación en Contextos deConflicto Armado. (Bogota,Colombia: Ediciones Clara. 2003).

Published in Spanish, “WeavingRelationships: Processes of Dialogueand Negotiation in Contexts of ArmedConflict” is based on a series of lec-tures and workshops given by Lederachwith community, sectoral and labormovement leaders who are involved insocial movements for peace and justicein Colombia. The chapters cover thecomplexities and challenges of buildingdialogue and negotiation in a setting ofprotracted and violent conflict, fromthe standpoint of nonviolent socialmovements.

Faculty Publications

Books

20


Alan Dowty, ed., Critical Issues in Israeli Society (Westport,Connecticut, Praeger, 2004). IncludesAlan Dowty, “Introduction: TheTribalization of Israel?,” pp. 1-6,and Alan Dowty, “A Question ThatOutweighs All Others: Israel andthe Palestinians in BroadPerspective,” pp. 169-194.

The Arab-Israeli conflict becomes morecomprehensible when put in broad his-torical perspective, and there are alsomore grounds for optimism. A longview of history highlights the gradualdetachment (since 1967) of Arab statesfrom the conflict, leaving Israel with anon-existential threat from thePalestinians. It is even possible today toproject the likely resolution of theremaining objective issues. But in lightof the Al-Aqsa Intifada, Dowty consid-ers whether subjective dimensions ofthe conflict will cause it to outlive resolution of the original issues.

Luis Pásara, Paz, Ilusión y Cambioen Guatemala (Guatemala:Universidad Rafael Landívar, 2003).

“Peace, Illusion and Change inGuatemala,” published in Spanish,analyzes the peace process for whichfinal agreements were signed inDecember 1996, the main issues in thenegotiation phase, and the role playedby social and political actors. Popularparticipation, Pásara argues, was limit-ed during both negotiation and imple-mentation; Guatemalans kept a distantrelation to the peace process. By exam-ining the peace agreements, the bookemphasizes their ambition, gains andshortfalls. Pásara, a former KrocFellow, also reviews the role played bythe external actors (among them wish-ful thinkers) and devotes a chapter tothe United Nations Mission inGuatemala. Finally, he offers a balancesheet of the peace process and analyzesthe value of the type of agreementsused. He argues that the process foundits limits in the characteristics of thesociety that it tried to transform.

Chapters

Scott Appleby, “A Moment ofOpportunity? The Promise ofReligious Peacebuilding in an Eraof Religious and Ethnic Conflict,”in Religion and Peacebuilding, HaroldCoward and Gordon S. Smith, eds.,(Albany: State University of New YorkPress, 2004).

This book looks beyond headlines con-cerning violence perpetrated in thename of religion to examine howworld religions have also inspired socialwelfare and peacemaking activism. Intheir introductory chapter, Applebyand co-author David Little point outthat non-extremist believers who seepeacemaking as central to their reli-gious identity face daunting challenges.

They may be required to confrontcombatants and proponents of violencewho propose to speak in the name of,and with the authority of, the religioustradition. Beyond making peace, theauthors say, lies the more complex taskof promoting nonviolent social change— something for which religious lead-ers may be ill-prepared.

Scott Appleby, “Religion andConflict Transformation,” inLiberating Faith: Religious Voices forJustice, Peace, and Ecological Wisdom,Roger S. Gottlieb, ed., (Lanham, New York: Rowman & LittlefieldPublishers, Inc., 2003), pp. 435-440.

Liberating Faith is an anthology thatshows how religion has joined withand learned from movements for socialjustice, peace, and ecological wisdom.Appleby’s chapter is excerpted from hisbook, The Ambivalence of the Sacred:Religion, Violence, and Reconciliation(Rowman & Littlefield, 2000). Hebegins with five vignettes illustratingthe range of peacemaking activities inwhich religious people have played arole, including preventive diplomacy,teaching, poll monitoring, conflictmediation and nonviolent protest. Hecontends that religious peacebuildingincludes not only conflict transforma-tion on the ground and post-conflictreform, but also the efforts of peopleworking away from sites of deadly con-flict. Among those are legal advocatesof religious human rights, scholarsconducting research relevant to cross-cultural and inter-religious dialogue,and theologians and ethicists who areprobing and strengthening their reli-gious communities’ traditions of non-violent militancy.

21


Fred Dallmayr, “A Global SpiritualResurgence?: On Christian andIslamic Spiritualities,” in Religionin International Relations, Fabio Petitoand Pavlos Hatzopoulos, eds.,(Hampshire, England,Palgrave/Macmillan, 2003), 209-236.

Acknowledging the upsurge of manykinds of spirituality, but also notingthe danger of market manipulationand a slide into pop psychology, theessay seeks to retrieve central spiritualtraditions in two major world religions.Following a discussion of the coremeaning of “spirituality,” two promi-nent types are differentiated in bothreligions: a “gnostic” or knowledge-ori-ented spirituality, and an “erotic-mysti-cal” or agape spirituality. In the end,the essay argues in favor of practicalpiety and an “everyday mysticism”informed by agape traditions.

Rosalind I. J. Hackett, “ExploringTheories of Religious Violence:Nigeria’s MaitatsinePhenomenon,” in A Festschrift inHonor of E. Thomas Lawson, TimothyLight and Brian Wilson, eds. (TheHague: E. J. Brill, 2003). “Managingor Manipulating Religious Conflictin the Nigerian Media,” inMediating Religion: Conversations inMedia, Religion and Culture, JolyonMitchell and Sophia Marriage, eds.,(Edinburgh: T & T Clark).

In these publications, Hackett address-es some of the causes and manifesta-tions of recent religious violence inNigeria. She focuses on specific move-ments (sectarian Muslim, Pentecostal)as well as on the role of the media inshaping attitudes of tolerance andintolerance. The chapters also considerthe range of interpretive stances —whether from academics, governmentofficials or the media — on religiousconflict and violence, and their influ-ence on actions and outcomes.

Rosalind I.J. Hackett, “Prophets,‘False Prophets,’ and the AfricanState: Current Issues ofReligious Freedom and Conflict,”in Philip Lucas and Thomas Robbins,eds., New Religious Movements in the21st Century (New York: Routledge,2003).

Hackett examines emerging patterns ofreligious conflict in several Africanstates against the backdrop of democratization, pluralization andglobalization.

David Cortright, Alistair Millar andGeorge A. Lopez, “Sanctions,Inspections and Containment:Viable Policy Options in Iraq,” inDavid Little and GerhardBeestermöller, eds., Iraq: Threat andResponse, (Hamberg, LitVerlagPublishers, 2003), 127-149.

The authors argue that past policies ofsanctions and inspections confined theworst intentions of the Hussein regimeand so undermined his capabilities asto render Iraq not much of a threat —much less an immediate threat — tothe United States or the region. Theyillustrate the argument with referenceto the specific weapons that werelabeled as threats but have since beendestroyed or rendered inactive.

George A. Lopez and David Cortright,“Learning, Adaptation, andReform in Security CouncilSanctions,” in The UN SecurityCouncil in the Post-Cold War Era,David M. Malone, ed. (Boulder,Colorado, Lynne Reinner Publishers,2004), 167-180.

The authors document and analyze thesanctions reform process since the mid-’90s that was mandated by the UNSecurity Council and which unfoldedin a variety of conferences and process-es. They show how the movement

toward sharper and more targetedsanctions, especially in the financialrealm, lessened the negative humani-tarian impact of sanctions andimproved their political clout.

John Paul Lederach. “The ‘WowFactor’ and a Non-Theory ofChange,” in Positive Approaches toPeacebuilding, Cynthia Sampson,Mohammed Abu-Nimer, ClaudiaLiebler and Diana Whitney, eds.(Washington D.C.: Pact Publications,2003).

This book applies appreciative inquiry— a way to bring about change usingelicitive questions — as a way to devel-op positive approaches to peacebuild-ing. In his chapter, Lederach exploresuse of the creative process, especiallythe use of storytelling and music inmotivating action. The focus is notplaced on solving a problem, butrather on addressing the relationalspaces and environment that surroundit. In the end, he contends, people andtheir environments are transformed.

John Paul Lederach, “The JourneyToward Reconciliation,” inLiberating Faith: Religious Voices forJustice, Peace and Ecological Wisdom.(Oxford: Rowman and Littlefield.2003).

Liberating Faith provides a wide rangeof published and original speeches andarticles from people of all faiths whobuild social activism from their partic-ular traditions. Lederach’s chapter isfrom an earlier publication. In it, heexplains from his own experiences howsubtly and quickly dehumanization ofthe enemy takes place.

22


Articles George A. Lopez and David Cortright,“War on Terror or Real Security,”Sojourners Magazine, vol. 33, no 1(January, 2004), 30-34.

Lopez and Cortright propose movingfrom rhetoric of a global war on terrorto a more focused policy of dealingwith the quite differentiated terrorgroups that challenge global and U.S.security. They argue for more aggres-sive pursuit of financial assets and anintensive use of allied goodwill in forg-ing more cooperative links for pursuitof terrorists. They critique the war inIraq and other arguments for pre-emp-tive war against states as being detri-mental to winning the struggle againstal-Qaeda.

Fred Dallmayr, “Cosmopolitanism:Moral and Political,” PoliticalTheory, vol. 31 (2003), 421-442.

Barely a decade after the end of theCold War, a fury of violence has beenunleashed, taking the form of terror-ism, wars against terrorism, and geno-cide. These developments stand instark contrast to more hopeful legaciesof the 20th century: creationof the United Nations and adoption ofinternational documents such as the“Universal Declaration of HumanRights.” These legacies have encour-aged a series of initiatives aimed at theformulation of ethics to guide theglobal community. The essay examinesthe promise and drawbacks of some ofthese initiatives. After reviewing pro-posals by Hans Kueng and MarthaNussbaum, the essay turns to criti-cisms. The conclusion argues that aviable global ethics code needs to beanchored in, or supplemented by, aglobal political praxis.

Perez, Anthony D., Daniel J. Myers,and Kimberly M. Berg. “Police andRiots, 1967-1969,” Journal ofBlack Studies, (2003) 34(2): 153-182.

This paper investigates the role ofpolicing in both the genesis and devel-opment of racial rioting. Focusing onriots in Boston and San Francisco inthe late 1960s, the authors replicatethe paradoxical pattern in which directrepression, particularly when character-ized by excessive or selective use offorce, often escalates conflict. Theyconnect this pattern to three principlefactors: police preparedness and train-ing, racial polarization in attitudestoward the police, and police-commu-nity relations.

Oliver, Pamela E. and Daniel J. Myers,“The Coevolution of SocialMovements,” Mobilization (2003)8(1): 1-24.

This paper investigates the co-evolu-tion of protest movements withregimes and other actors in their envi-ronments. Formal models of diffusion,adaptive learning, mutual reinforce-ment, and inter-actor competition aredeveloped and compared to empiricalprotest series. Overall, the analysis sug-gests that movement dynamics areshaped more by interactions with otheractors than by processes internal to amovement.

Scott Appleby, “Who Should BeNext?,” Foreign Policy(January/February 2004), 58-63.

In writing a job description for thenext pope, Appleby contends that thebest successor to John Paul II shouldembrace science, reject globalization,reach out to the Islamic world — andbrush up on economics. He says thatchallenges faced by the next pope willinclude a new and aggressive secular-ization, plus the advent of geneticengineering and related forms ofbiotechnology. As for Islam, theVatican cannot ignore the fierce internal contest going on within thatgreat world religion “that is both theChurch’s main rival for adherents andits potential ally against a purely materialistic concept of human development.”

23


Julie TitoneDirector of Communications

One reason the Kroc Institutehired me last fall was to expand theinfluence of Kroc peacemakers inthe world. But there’s a flip side tothe coin of influence. To encourage

public awareness is to invite scrutiny. The more the mediacome in contact with the Kroc Institute, the more ques-tions will be asked about what we do, who we are, wherewe stand.

The spotlight may get uncomfortably bright, especiallygiven that controversy and diverse opinions are at the heartof the institute’s mission. Dealing with the media glare willbe easier if all of us appreciate the vital role that journalistsplay in conflicts, conflict resolution and the very existenceof civil society. To paraphrase Tom Gjelten, who has longcovered war and security issues for NPR: A journalist’s jobis to explain the world. The peacebuilder’s job is toimprove it.

Director Scott Appleby reminds us that the KrocInstitute takes a long-term approach to peacebuilding. Ilook at media relations in the same way. It takes years todevelop relationships, to earn a reputation for being anaccessible institution whose faculty and students haveimportant things to say.

Every public conversation or controversy that touchesthe Kroc Institute — nearly any controversy in the world,come to think of it — can be an opportunity to let peopleknow that the institute exists. Sometimes reporters will callus. More often, media contact will begin at our end. We’llreach out to the public by suggesting feature story ideas,responding to news events, or by encouraging our expertsto share their knowledge in opinion articles.

The flip side of influence, and other thoughts

Media outreach is just one aspect of my job. My pri-mary tasks involve producing our own publications, suchas the Peace Colloquy, the annual report, and our web site.I’m also interested in using better communications tech-nology and the arts to convey the message of peace; bringing journalists to the institute as speakers and/or fellows; and finding wonderful ways to celebrate theupcoming 20th anniversary of the Kroc Institute.

All of this requires teamwork. Fortunately, the KrocInstitute has an ace team of faculty, staff and students.When our new graduate program assistant, Justin Shelton,arrived in February, I asked what surprised him about theKroc Institute. He answered:

“I'm surprised at how incredibly busy everything isaround here! And also at the caliber of faculty who areconnected to the Kroc. And every one is just so nice . . .”

I couldn’t agree more.

Theodore Hesburgh, C.S.C., President Emeritus of Notre Dame, blesses a tree during a ceremony honoring his friend, Joan B.Kroc. The Japanese flowering dogwood was a gift from the Kroc Institute M.A. class of 2004. The students, who wished to

honor Mrs. Kroc following her death in October, enjoyed visiting with Father Ted and sipping hot chocolate after theDecember dedication ceremony. The tree is located on the south lawn of the Hesburgh Center for International Studies.


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