the marketization of higher education:...

THE MARKETIZATION OF HIGHER EDUCATION: CONFRONTING

NEOLIBERALISM IN GLOBALIZATION

By

CURTIS ALAN SCALLY

Integrated Studies Project

submitted to Dr. Meenal Shrivastava

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts – Integrated Studies

Athabasca, Alberta

April, 2016

Abstract

In the twenty-first century our interconnected world is fraught with perils and possibilities.

Rapid improvements in communication and information technologies have driven our

globe into a composition of virtually unlimited information sharing spanning diverse

cultures, traditions, and economies. Higher education in this global society is in a state of

metamorphosis - changing how we view education in the society. This exploratory project

will apply a political economy approach to higher education by examining the impact of

economic globalization and neoliberalism on comprehensive academic research

universities in three Canadian provinces. To this end, I will consider the various

frameworks to understand globalization; discuss higher education as being dynamically

located within the spectrum of economic globalization; relate the significance of the

Chilean student movement of 2011-2012 as a response to neoliberal policies; introduce the

literature and secondary data on the economic, social, cultural, and language barriers in

select Canadian universities; and conclude with possibilities for potential future integrated

research. In an interconnected world of the ‘knowledge economy,’ globalization alters

how we think about education. The complex relationship between higher education and

globalization, therefore, requires an examination as a major tool of economic, social, and

political transformation of our times.

ii

Table of Contents

Abstract ii

Table of Contents iii

List of Tables iv

List of Figures v

Abbreviations vi

I. Introduction: The Global Landscape 7

II. Higher Education in the Context of Economic Globalization 11

Higher Education, Economics, and the State 13

Economic Globalization, Higher Education, and New Social Movements 15

Political Economy and Chile 17

The Chilean Student Movement 18

III. Globalization and Higher Education: Language Requirements in Canada 24

Economic Globalization: Language, Identity, and Higher Education 25

Economics, Finance, and Language 26

Standardized Exams, Proficiency, and Funding 30

IV. Analysis 38

V. Conclusion 45

VI. References 47

iii

List of Tables

Table 1 The Benefits of Higher Education 9

Table 2 The Paradigm of Neoliberal Ideology in Higher Education 10

Table 3 Marketizing Higher Education 14

Table 4 Government Expenditure on Education in Chile, 1980-2011 21

Table 5 Higher Education Enrolment in Chile, 2014 22

Table 6 Canadian University English Score Minimums by Exam, 2015 30

Table 7 English Scoring Equivalencies by Range 32

Table 8 University Funding by Source in Canada (%) 35

Table 9 Average Graduate Tuition Fees by Province ($CAD) 36

Table 10 Select Canadian University Rankings, 2015 39

Table 11 Graduate Students by Canadian Province, 2015 40

Table 12 Language Requirement by Type for Alberta Programs, 2012 42

Table 13 Number of Credentials by Degree in Select Canadian Province 42

Table 14 Average Age of Students by Level, Alberta, 2012 43

Table 15 Employment Growth by Level, 2004-2010 43

Table 16 Ontario Student Employment Rates 44

Table 17 Ontario Workforce based on Degree 44

iv

List of Figures

Figure 1 Higher Education by Student Volume 18

Figure 2 Research and Development Growth in Chile 20

Figure 3 Alberta Graduates (class of 2012) Achievement 25

Figure 4 Government Sponsored Loans in Alberta, 2012 36

Figure 5 Non-Government Sponsored Loans in Alberta, 2012 37

Figure 6 Loan Distribution by Gender, Alberta, 2012 37

Figure 7 Student Debt by Range, Alberta, 2012 38

Figure 8 Canadian Graduate Level Enrolments 41

Figure 9 Program Entry Language Requirement, Alberta, 2012 41

Figure 10 Alberta Workforce Distribution 45

v

List of Abbreviations

AUCC Association of Universities and Colleges of Canada

BRICS Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa

EU European Union

FDI Foreign Direct Investment

GDP Gross Domestic Product

GNP Gross National Product

GOS Graduate Outcomes Survey

ICC International Criminal Court

ICT Information and Communication Technology

IMF International Monetary Fund

ITO International Trade Organization

NGO Non Governmental Organization

NSM New Social Movement

MNC Multi National Corporation

MOOC Massive Open Online Course

OECD Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development

PPP Public-Private Partnership or Purchasing Power Parity

SES Socioeconomic Status

TNC Trans National Corporation

UN United Nations

UNESCO UN Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organization

WB World Bank

WTO World Trade Organization

vi

Scally_Curtis_A_MAIS701_04April2016 7

“We must create a kind of globalization that works for everyone...and not just for a few.”

-Nestor Kirchner

Introduction: A Global Landscape

Our changing social world is complex, a highly integrated organization of assorted

segments defining a dynamic and diverse planet. With this, a great volume of information and

knowledge is being exchanged from person-to-person, and between societies and cultures. The

rapid advancement in human capability to interact freely has shifted how we think about

communication, understanding, and learning. Philosopher Kwame Anthony Appiah (2008)

argues that modern aspects of a shrinking social planet are “surpassing the knowledge and

experience predicted by human ancestors, who had no such technological abilities in which to

contemplate these interactions on the same level as we are experiencing now” (p. 85). There is

no statement without ambiguity, in which globalization, however defined, enters into aspects of

everyday life from the local, to the nation-state, to concerns that transcend the nature and role of

the state. In this context, Held & McGrew (2002) highlighted the significance of “the expanding

scale, growing magnitude, speeding up and deepening impact of transcontinental flows and

patterns of social interaction” (p. 1).

Canada, being a hub for multiculturalism, with a diverse cultural population, is without

doubt, a major part of this global landscape. Interaction on the social macro and micro scale is a

reality for most people and the nexus of higher education and economic globalization is a part of

this reality. In particular, Le Roux (2001) explains, “the educational needs [intercultural and

international human relations, social sensitivity, and civic responsibilities] today call for global

education towards skilful and optimal global citizenship as never before in human history” (p.


70). Varghese (2008) proposes that “while growth depends primarily on land in agricultural

societies and physical capital in industrial economies, it depends on human capital in the

knowledge economy” (p. 9). Furthermore, Weber & Duderstadt (2008) maintain that the field

of “globalization and education, together, is a relatively unexplored subject, particularly among

economists” (p. 5). Bearing these characteristics of the global society in mind, I contend that

globalization’s economic thrust reduces higher education to a consumer good with the intent of

profit, further expanding inequality in terms of access to higher education, particularly for social

and economic minority groups in multicultural settler societies such as Canada and Chile.

There are both positive and negative dimensions to globalization. Merriam (2010) claims

that “globalization has connected us with other parts of the planet, on which we live and enlarge

our horizons both to its problems and incredible diversity” (p. 404). Baylis & Smith (2001)

agree but find that “globalization has not occurred everywhere at the same time; and it is not a

straight process of cultural homogenization, nor has it eliminated the significance of

territoriality” (p. 17). They acknowledge that the positive aspects of globalization and higher

education are from the rapid pace of ICTs, and an emerging global polity (such as: the UN, EU,

WB, BRICS, WTO, ICC, and so forth). Merriam (2010) further suggests that the strongest effect

is “the situation for many marginalized groups [being further exploited] by uneven economic

development” (p. 403). As Vincent-Lancrin & Kärkkäinen (2009) report on the competitiveness

in a knowledge-based economy “higher education drives, and is driven by, globalization, a

phenomenon of increasing worldwide interconnectedness that combines economic, cultural and

social changes” (p. 1). Table 1 provides an overview of benefits higher education presents to

the state and to the individual. According to table 1, when there is an imbalance in any area,

systems of the society and/or the state can be affected. I propose that academic growth benefits


individual opportunity thus increasing social mobility; however forces of globalization inhibit

equal opportunity or social mobility.

Table 1. The Benefits of Higher Education

Nation-State Individual

Source: Teferra, D., & Greijn, H. (2010)

Additionally, at the heart of this imbalance are neoliberal policies moulding the higher

education sector into a consumer good, dependent on short term patterns of supply and demand.

The aim of this research thus will be to explore the impact of economic globalization on higher

education, by looking at the following key trends:


economic globalization is leading to the transformation of tertiary education

into a consumer-producer model;

neoliberal economic policies and their socioeconomic outcomes disrupt

accessibility to higher education, even in post-industrial societies like

Canada, and:

student protests in Chile against the growing inaccessibility of tertiary

education are an example of the pushback against neoliberal policies; and

provide lessons for higher education in Canada.

Neoliberalism is the ideological driver of economic globalization, and both promote the

concept of ‘free markets.’ However, the freedom afforded to global finance is not extended to

student mobility across the global South-North border. Neoliberal ideology operates on free-

market principles, institutional economics of cost-recovery, entrepreneurialism, accountability,

and managerialism1. As Kandiko (2010) affirms, “the neoliberal economic agenda is leading to

decreasing funding for public services around the world; in education, this agenda attempts to

weaken public control over education while encouraging privatization of the educational sector

and reliance on market forces” (p. 156). Table 2 provides the neoliberal compulsions and

concepts used for transforming an industrial economy into a services economy.

Table 2. The Paradigm of Neoliberal Ideology in Higher Education

“Corporatization” What values of business can be used in the re/organization of public

services?

“Comparative Competitivism” What can be produced where an advantage over competitors exists?

“Competitive Comparison” What is the relation to other competitors?

“Cooperation” What can be done to manage competition and instability?

Source: Olds, K., & Robertson, S. (2014)

1 “A way of trying to understand and categorise attempts to impose managerial techniques, more usually associated with medium and large ‘for profit’ businesses, onto public sector and voluntary organisations” Deem, R. (1998). 'New managerialism' and higher education: The

management of performances and cultures in universities in the United Kingdom. International Studies in Sociology of Education, 8(1): 47-70.


According to this approach, in a knowledge-based society, higher education leads to mass

enrolment, accessibility, privatization, affordability, decentralization, and accountability. These

trends are, reflected in higher salaries, career mobility, and a greater quality of life for people

with higher education degrees. Contrary to this assumption, however, the implementation of

neoliberal policies has actually led to less public funding, particularly in sectors such as health

and education. In higher education this has led to a transformation of tertiary education

institutions from being knowledge creators to being producers of skilled workforce for the most

politically influential industrial sectors in an economy. Weber & Duderstadt (2008) contend that

“market forces, driven by the threat of competition or the lure of profit, [is leading] to the

emergence of higher education as a business” (p. 7). When higher education is reduced to a

business, it leads to commercialization of education, driven by short term supply and demand in

industry. Le Roux’s (2001) study centers on how educational needs such as civic

responsibilities and ‘blue-sky-research’ are sidelined under neoliberalism, and how the neoliberal

system makes equality in education, such as low tuition costs and accessibility, secondary to that

of capitalist greed for profit, or the outcome of a career preference for those who can afford

school.

Higher Education in the Context of Economic Globalization

There is debate, controversy, and skepticism in the literature regarding the degree to

which globalization has impacted the society (see Litz 2011; Baylis & Smith 2001; Brodie

2002). Globalization has facilitated the transformation of higher education as a business, a new

and growing export sector. As in business and commerce, there are business partners, mutated in

the form of FDIs in universities. English language then has emerged as the focal exchange unit,

“driven by advances in information and communication technologies and the growing hegemony


of English as the world’s common language” (Healey, 2008, p. 333). Globalization is a

complex field with many contending views such as Realism, Liberalism, and Marxism.

However, not one account has ultimate authority in theoretical practice, “nor do the existing

political traditions of conservatism, liberalism and socialism offer coherent readings of, or

responses to a globalizing era” (Held & McGrew, 2002, p. 2). The third view on globalization,

that correlates to this project is the Marxist approach to understand the world capitalist economy.

In this approach, the important participants are not states but classes for instance MNCs and

IGOs the dominant class. This framework of globalization is important when examining higher

education because domestic and international policies are most clearly understood in terms of

their impact on social class. In the context of Marxist approaches to examining globalization,

the Chilean student movement of 2011-2012 showed the effect of a radical response, via

collective mobilizations, to neoliberal policies on higher education. As Bourguignon (2015)

reveals, “market imperfections are responsible for unequal access to crucial services or supplies,

resulting in the failure of opportunities and potential to be exploited, while less promising

opportunities are fulfilled” (p. 133). Therefore, as changes to the state affected liberties in the

transformation to a service-economy, and the accessibility to higher education in Chile were

altered, leading to social inequality, the response was collective protest against neoliberal reform.

Shrivastava & Shrivastava (2014), review higher education and the role of the state from

the perspective of South Africa, and assert that market force cannot be the only determining

factor in establishing an educational policy. Their study concludes that the ideology of

neoliberalism: liberalization of the market, privatization, deregulation, and an increase in private-

sector is promoting inequality in the society, along with negative consequences for socio-

political stability, economic sustainability, and knowledge generation (Shrivastava &

Shrivastava, 2014). This suggests that not only does the market affect the role of the state in


education, but that neoliberal economic globalization deepens inequality. Bourguignon (2015)

concludes that “talented students may not have access to higher education, either because their

parents do not have sufficient means to fund them or because the systems of student loans has

gaps, or because the environment they grew up in did not encourage them to prioritize their

academic studies...on the other hand, students born into wealthier families are able to go to

college even though they are less talented and society will benefit less from their education” (p.

132). Higher education’s role in addressing deep social and economic disparity is even more

critical in highly unequal countries such as Chile. Marked by one of the lowest levels of public

funding for education, Chile has some of the longest degrees and no significant system of student

subsidies. From 2011 to 2013, Chile witnessed a series of student-led protests demanding a new

framework for education, more direct state participation, and an end of for-profit education.

Higher Education, Economics, and the State

Merriman (2010) writes that “even culture and education have become commodities on

the globalized market economy...in market terms, culture is an industry that involves producing

and exchanging cultural goods and services for profit; education is an industry that involves

producing and exchanging education good and services for profit” (p. 402). English being the

predominate language of exchange both in business and education, the subjective evaluation of

proficiency in the English language provides an important marker of the commodification of

higher education. Guven & Islam (2015) conducted a study highlighting the trend of culture and

education in Australia, where they “estimate the causal effects of English language proficiency

on a range of economic and social outcomes” (p. 514). In terms of economic advantages, the

ability to communicate more effectively is supposed to increase productivity, and lead to higher

social mobility. Additionally, language homogeneity is supposed to enable economic


globalization by creating a global community, and globally portable education and skills. This I

suggest is certainly helping countries such as Canada, which is a major recipient of the global

flow on international students and professionals. Despite this significant inflow, as Kirby (2007)

points out “Canada does not have a formal system for institutional accreditation, instead,

accreditation, including the granting of university degrees, is entirely a matter for the

governments of each province” (p. 3). Provincial jurisdiction over the funding, and granting of

degrees is understandable in a country that is geographically vast, and has a diverse economy.

To limit the scope somewhat, this project will focus on the provinces of British Columbia,

Alberta, and Ontario. English language requirements in these provinces will be used as one

measure of accessibility to higher education in Canada. This will allow us to explore some of the

explicit and implicit influences of neoliberal ideology at work in higher education in Canada.

In a neoliberal framework, students are conceptualized as consumers of the commodity of

higher education. Table 3 highlights the salient features of this conception in different capitalist

models which in turn explains the pressures on universities to shift from being knowledge

creators, to becoming training grounds for skilled labour force; trends that are being replicated in

post-industrial countries, such as Canada, but also in post-colonial countries, such as Chile.

Table 3. Marketizing Higher Education

Model Internationalization Flow Trade Flow Consumption

Import Model Inbound Student/Faculty Consumer → Producer deficit to domestic

Mobility

Export Model Outbound Student/Faculty Producer → Consumer surplus to foreign

Mobility

Partnership Joint Policy/Degree Authority Producer ↔ Consumer commodity chain

Model Distance/MOOCs Source: Olds, K., & Robertson, S. (2014)


Economic Globalization, Higher Education and New Social Movements

The 1960s youth movements around the world began to challenge the cultural norms and

the economic and political institutions of their societies. More recently, new social movements

(Women’s movement, environmental, indigenous, anti-globalization) have emerged. Brodie

(1999) argues that “NSMs took the form of alternative cultural movements or sub-cultures,

essentially networks of interaction, communication, spaces, and services, aimed at creating and

sustaining communities of persons sharing similar values” (p. 314). She distinguished them on

the basis of identity from old movements such as labour movements responding to the Industrial

Revolution. The expansion of the public sector, the relocation of industrial production to Third

World states, and the shift to ICTs, and services sector growth, were among those which

diminished the old labour movements. Further, Brodie (1999) concludes that “some argue that

the deepening inequalities and forms of marginalization created by neo-liberalism or new

nationalist ideologies have in fact made the need for coalition-building more urgent and more

apparent to wide range of social groups” (p. 319). Woods (2000) expands that “more modestly,

what is new are social movements that can emerge with much less regard for territory...distance

and territorial borders have lost their determining influence...as a result, transnationally

organized groups can identify in a new way, forming around a premise of supraterritorial

solidarity instead of within national bounds whether it be around class, gender, religious faith, or

profession” (p. 8). Local mobilizations against neoliberal globalization have become very

widespread, and, thanks to Internet communication, increasingly coordinated. Recent examples

of this trend include the Arab Spring movement (2010), the Occupy movement (2011), and the

ongoing anti-globalization movement.

Rootes (1990) discusses sociologist Touraine, and his theory of social movements, and

argues that “we have arrived at a great turning point in social development: the emergence from


the shell of industrial society of a new ‘programmed’ society in which the centrality of

manufacture is supplanted by the generation and deployment of knowledge” (p. 5). As

economic globalization expands, it is clear that there is student activism as response to neoliberal

policies. Johnston et al. (1994) contends, the phrase “new social movements” is a double-edged

sword…on one side, it has contributed to the knowledge of contemporary movements by

focusing attention to the meaning of morphological changes in their structure, and the other by

relating those changes with structural transformations in society as a whole” (p. 5). Several

themes of higher education in Canada, notably: affordability, accessibility, accountability,

institutional collaboration, diversity, funding, and quality are posited in Kirby (2007) where

“they demonstrate the pervasive influence of economic globalization which is accompanied by

an increasingly utilarian, market-oriented ideological outlook on education’s raison d’être” (p.

2). The effect of education and social participation through student activism is evident from the

historical account of Glaeser et al. (2007):

students rioted against authority at Oxford, Bologna, and Paris in the Middle Ages

[where] Martin Luther found the most immediate intense support from the students in

Wittenberg and other German universities. Furthermore, demonstrations played a role in:

the overthrow of Peron in Argentina (1955); the Hungarian Revolution (1956); the

downfall of Perez Jimenez in Venezuela (1958); the resignation of the government of

Japan (1960); the resistance to Diem in Vietnam (1963); the anti-Sukarno movement in

Indonesia; the toppling of the Rhee government in Korea (1966); the Prague Spring

(1968); the downfall of Ayub Khan in Pakistan (1969); and the Tiananmen student

uprising (1989) (p. 78).

Edelman (2001) discloses that “Touraine argues, with the passage to a "postindustrial"

society, labor-capital conflict subsides, other social cleavages become more salient and generate

new identities, and the exercise of power is less in the realm of work and more in the setting of a

way of life, forms of behavior, and needs” (p. 288). I ask the questions in this project: how does

economic globalization impact higher education, reflected in terms of barriers to access? And, is

there student activism in response to neoliberal policies? Oakes et al. (2006) asks “what role


might current grassroots organizing around education play in such movement? and, “under what

conditions might such grassroots activity lead to a social movement for a right to high-quality

education?” (p. 2). I contend that as globalization’s economic thrust produces higher education

in terms of a consumer good with the intent of future investment by widening the inequality in

academic accessibility, it is visible through language assessment requirements across select

Canadian universities. Holst (2011) compared that “throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Old Social

Movements were on the defensive as neoliberal policies devastated working class organisations

and movements...theoretically, post-modernism called into question the very foundations of old

social movement theory and, with weakening organisations and movements, it was hard to

justify at the level of theory, a practice that seemed to be in mortal decline” (p. 121). The

identity of higher education to social movement within the framework of globalization is the

convergence of governing models and higher education systems; especially with funding

mechanisms and quality assurance. Referring to Vincent-Lancrin & Käkkäinen (2009) “the final

key issue related to globalization is the spread of a commercial model in higher

education…growth in private education providers and funding…faster than that of public

funding” (p. 2). As I assert the widening of inequality towards academic accessibility through

language requirements faced by Canadian students is “the effect of globalization in higher

education seen in terms of the privatization of public institutions and the emergence of the

private sector as a possible alternative to public universities” (Varghese, 2008, p. 10).

Political Economy and Chile

When we discuss the location of higher education on the spectrum of the political

economy, Anthony Giddens (2000) notes that globalization “not only pulls upwards, but pushes

downwards” (p. 31). By pulling upwards, there is a loss of power by the nation state, and a push


downwards meaning increased pressures on the local autonomy. As globalization increases, a

new interest in a multicultural workplace created two separate educational systems in higher

education: a national system and an international one, which fuelled the inequality of opportunity

(Resnik, 2009). As this spectrum is analyzed, higher education is subject to characteristics that

are evident in the case of the Chilean student movement.

The Chilean Student Movement

Chile is an interesting case for studying anti-neoliberal protests because it was the first

Latin American country in which political elites applied neoliberal policies in its purest

forms...sustained protest against neoliberalism in Chile was unthinkable in the highly repressive

1970s, but perhaps surprisingly, it did not ensue either in the decade and a half after democracy

was restored. This historical asynchrony may explain its intensity when it finally emerged – in

2006, and in full force in 2011 (Somma, 2012). The 2011-2012 students’ protests, also known as

the “Chilean Winter,” are in reference to the massive, non-violent protests and marches known as

the Chilean Education Conflict. Motivating these collective mobilizations were frameworks on

education, state participation in secondary and higher education, the privatization of universities,

and high enrollment with limited student financing, creating deep discontent in a society of high

inequality. Figure 1 illustrates the over growth of enrolment numbers of students in the tertiary-

level of education in Chile.

Figure 1. Higher Education by Student Volume

Source: Adapted from Mestre, R. C. (2015)


The Chilean government responded with an outline of new educational funding, called

Funds of Economical and Social Stabilization. Student protesters rejected the government’s

offer based on illegal framework against state law. “In 2011, Chile caught the attention of the

world not for its macroeconomic numbers but for an unprecedented wave of social protest

against the government and the state of its educational system” (Somma, 2012, p. 296). In

addition, educational fees soon became very high, making Chilean education one of the most

expensive in the world since student loans had high interest rates, and debts were hard to repay.

Although profiting from educational activities was illegal in Chile, the owners of many private

institutions violated the spirit of the law through intricate procedures resulting in large sums of

money going from the poor to the rich. This situation according to Somma (2012) saw “the cost

of expanding tertiary education through market mechanisms as disparity in educational

quality...lots of debts and frustration, and economic vulnerability for thousands of popular and

middle-class families” (p. 299). In terms of cause, access and inequality of education in Chile,

led to an approach of radical responses to collective mobilizations against the state. This causal

event led the events of the Chilean student movement, identifiable as a new social movement

since “the era of 24-hour global trading in a seemingly limitless array of financial instruments,

governments can only hope marginally to influence control cross-border liquid capital

movements” (Garrett, 2000, p. 942). Scott (1990) notes “new social movements have not been

concerned to develop a total politics, or to assume politics under a single focus” (p. 26). This is

the case with the Chilean student movement whose critique of economic globalization of

neoliberal policies correlated a link between education and a NSM through non-violent student

protests. The effect of globalization on inequality in education altered how we thought about

education when protests against neoliberal socioeconomic hegemony in Chile consequently

moved through its civil society towards changes in values, grassroots actions, and direct action.


The way this can be examined is through quality control, accreditation, and recognition. The

study conducted by Lam (2010) asserts that “as a response to the impacts of globalization,

education is becoming one of the important sectors, and the restructuring of educational policy

and organizing educational achievement are being demanded” (p. 75). Suárez & Bromley

(2012) report that “conflict and protest in a country often have direct and unambiguous effects on

social change, and many policies arise from the efforts of the individuals and the groups who

participate in advocacy” (p. 260). As Somma (2012) notes, “already by the 2000s, one of the

unintended consequences of the commodification and subsequent expansion of Chilean

education was the creation of a large mass of middle-class students with better organizational

capacities than their parents...as they had not grown up in the midst of a brutal dictatorship, they

were ready to voice their demands in the streets” (p. 299). Somma (2012) further adds that

“many educational institutions were making profits by resorting to intricate practices...spreading

the belief that few educational “entrepreneurs” were becoming rich out of it...this was a severe

blow to the philosophy of Chilean market society, according to which market actors motivated

by profit to do good not only for themselves but also for society as a whole” (p. 300). Figure 2

represents a change in society from contributions of the higher education levels toward the

benefit of research and development.

Figure 2. R&D Growth in Chile

Source: Adapted from Mestre, R. C. (2015)

1746 353

5183 5323

2179

7697

Publications Research Projects FTE Masters and PhD

2000 2010


The student response from the Chilean movement was caused by several motivating factors

including: one of the world’s lowest rates of educational funding, poor student grants and loan

subsidization, along with a flat job market. The rate of government expenditures on higher

education is shown to drop in relation to the Chilean GDP. Table 4 represents the historical

trend of this ratio.

Table 4. Government Expenditure on Education in Chile, 1980-2011

1980 1990 1994 1998 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2011

% of GDP 4.4 2.4 2.6 3.4 4.0 3.5 3.0 3.8 4.2 4.1

% of Government Expenditure - - - 16.1 17.4 16.9 19.6 17.5 17.8 -

% of Gov. Tertiary Expenditure - - - 14.0 15.1 14.8 14.5 22.3 21.8 -

% of Gov. Expenditure/student PPP - - - - - - 1725.07 1871.64 2936.52 2911.35 Source: UNESCO, Institute for Statistics

Clashes between popular citizen movements and military dictatorships are characterized

in Latin American movements as rich versus the poor. The scale of the protests becomes less

surprising if we consider that until 1973 Chile had a strong tradition of popular mobilization.

Many of the elements of globalization, as in the student movement of Chile, has an integrated

complexity, as summarized by Madhumathi (2013) as it is “visible in not only commerce,

business, science and technology, but in education as well” (p. 503). The student protest did

have a second by-product, where the movement was powerful enough to rebel against its origins

and shake two of its most cherished beliefs – that education is a consumer good, and that it is

acceptable that private actors profit from educational activities. Student demands included state

support for public universities, equitable admissions comparable to prestigious private

universities, less standardized testing, free public education with no socioeconomic

marginalization, and the repeal of state laws forbidding student participation in mobilizations

against future government policies. This opened the way for a restructuring of basic aspects of


Chilean society well beyond the educational system through mechanisms of higher education

“transactions” across national boundaries.

During the first months of the conflict the government remained silent on this issue...it

announced several proposals that increased significantly the economic resources to the

public education and reduced the interest rates of educational loans...by mid-2011,

however, the government claimed that the education has a double goal...it is a consumer

good and also it has a component of investment...this revealed what many suspected –

that the government was in favor of an educational market in which people pay for

accessing education (Somma, 2012, p. 302).

In August 2011, the Chilean government announced a twenty-one point counterproposal

guaranteeing quality of education and the end of private control of public institutions. Student

demonstrators spoke against this proposal as it guaranteed no free or equitable access to

education. By 2012 the government tried to end the conflict with the reduction of student loans.

A massive march of approximately two hundred thousand included not only students but also

their families, workers, environmental activists, indigenous peoples, and a heterogeneous mass

of citizens disgruntled with the political and economic system who rejected the offer, and

currently, the enrolment of students in higher education institutes has increased to represent a

significant percentage of the population. Table 5 reflects the latest information on the numbers

of enrolment in Chile.

Table 5. Higher Education Enrolment in Chile, 2014

Enrolment % of tertiary enrolment

Traditional Public Universities 188565 15.5

Traditional Private Universities 1444984 11.9

Non-traditional Private Universities 376575 31.0

Non-Comprehensive Academic

Schools

505559 41.6

Total 1215413 100.0

Source: Ministry of Education Chile: Ministerio de Educación:


Moreover, there are two remarkable changes in the wake of protests as Somma (2012)

addresses:

first, rather than a top-down creation from established political actors and institutions, it

was a spontaneous collective creation of students – and for that reason students reacted

vehemently against any attempt of cooptation from the political class [distinctive from

Occupy or Arab Spring actions] Second, and precisely because they had the political

status quo as a counter-model, students attempted to minimize hierarchical structures

within the movement, promoting their own version of the “horizontalism” - found in

Argentinean movements of marginalized workers. These two features – autonomy from

institutional politics and a horizontal style of internal organization – allow conceiving the

Chilean student movement as part of the broad mobilization against neoliberalism that

has been developing in the Global South during the last decade (p. 298).

The student movement requires a look at the process by which the Chilean educational

system became guided by market principles. During the Pinochet era, changes were made to the

decentralization of education, bringing school under local funding control, favoring the

mushrooming of private universities and technical institutes; and the changes resulted in a

number of Chileans accessing tertiary education between 1990 and 2010, significantly opposing

growth as shown in table 2. As employers became increasingly reluctant to hire graduates from

these institutions (who rarely came from the upper classes), [further] frustrating their

expectations of upward mobility, and combined with the existence of an expensive private school

system, created huge disparities in educational quality and economic returns. The Chilean

student movement represents an example of mobilization against market principles of

neoliberalism, and the corporate world that profits from it. Since the 1999 Seattle protests or the

2001 World Social Forum, to mention two important milestones, this mobilization has become

ever stronger. This happened not only in Latin America (particularly in Argentina, Ecuador,

Bolivia and Venezuela) or even the Global South, but also in the more developed areas of the

world (as shown by the recent Occupy Movement, who has been most active in North America

and Western Europe). Each is shaped by unique domestic conditions and each sustains specific


claims that are related to such conditions. But their common themes – for example: a struggle

against exploitation and inequality, a deep distrust in the current state of representative

democracy, the experimentation with new forms of political action and consciousness, and a

commitment to horizontality in social relations - are remarkable.

It is apparent that student activism as a response to neoliberal policies struggle to

reorganize aspects of equality, diversity, funding, quality; but in approaching accessibility in

terms of language requirements, how does economic globalization impact higher education as a

barrier? I examine this aspect from the point of view that language assessment testing plays a

role in access to higher education.

Economic Globalization and Higher Education: Language Requirements in Canada

In review of literature surrounding language assessment requirements, I suggest that

standardized tests can be integrated in a larger research perspective. Despite English becoming

the predominant language of standardization in academic institutions, aspects in political,

cultural, and socioeconomic spheres accentuate advantages for strong outcomes in English

proficiency of Canadian graduates. Moreover, trends have emerged in the literature surrounding

the integration of graduate students in Canada demonstrating both positive and negative language

socialization conditions. Cultural and linguistic diversity has sparked new interdisciplinary

studies with English becoming an established academic language in a globalized world, complex

relationships among language socialization, English proficiency, and diversity among

socioeconomic viewpoints have created the need for new paradigms in global models. This

literature will explore globalization in culture, finance, and English proficiency to establish a

comparison of higher education and the political economy economic globalization, where

inequalities are faced by Canadian students.


Economic Globalization: Language, Identity, and Higher Education

The growing concern of an expanding, and more globalized world, in which English

continues to assert itself as the standardized language, has a culture affect on student identity. In

academic terms, language standardized tests have become an educational requirement for most

higher education programs, specifically with the increase in inward-bound student mobility. The

rise of “Americanized,” or “Western” structure of academics as Dedoussis’ (2007) article

explains “the internationalization of English along with the trend for imitating or adopting the

US model of higher education has given rise to a new phenomenon namely that of ‘third-

country’ migrant faculty – neither host country natives nor US citizens (p. 136). The literature

of cultural, economic, and linguistic factors affecting students’ proficiency in Canada has been

found in the trend toward a financial burden on how students socialized and perform in academic

achievement. The study by James & Steger (2013) analyzes not the “inventor of globalization,

but how it became intertwined with lives and careers of significant figures in the academic

landscape of the English-speaking world” (p. 423).

Figure 3. Alberta Graduates (class of 2012) Achievement

Source: Ministry of Advanced Education (2014)


According to Singh & Doherty (2004) the “most visible and most publicised aspects of

education in a globalised system is the diversity of ethnicity and linguistic backgrounds of

student body in western institutions” (p. 9). Figure 3 shows a high achievement in Alberta from

the class of 2012, meaning that language socialization -specifically from financial aspects are

related to socioeconomic status and higher education in Canada. This is further contributed by:

Dedoussis, 2007; Fletcher & Stren, 1989; Francis & Ryan, 1998; Frempong, Ma & Mensah,

2012; Harper, 2011; Morita, 2000; and Tillman, 1991. The outcome of these contributions

reveal what Bartelson’s (2000) work in “understanding the ambiguity of the concept of

globalization is crucial to understanding the emergence of globalization as a fact” (p. 181). In

this article, Bartelson (2000) notes that globalization is a transference of exchange, meaning the

political, economic, and cultural exchange of things. With the ascension of English in academia,

cultural transference is beginning to align against equality among language proficiency

standards. Therefore I contend that globalization is affecting inequality approaching

accessibility in Canadian universities. Since there is an associated cost for standardized testing

for entrance requirements in Canada, the next trend in the literature is of economic scope. If

there is a growing attention to the enrolment of students in the tertiary level, and a high rate of

achievement in Alberta, what forces of economic globalization are being placed on a student’s

success?

Economics, Finance, and Language

There is competitive advantage and proactive approach in the commercialization of

English-speaking countries to introduce strategies of economic globalization in the production of

higher education and future investment. Harper (2011) concluded that:

If multilingualism is viewed as inefficient and the promotion of English is viewed as

advantageous, then it would appear to be economically sound for nations to promote the

use of English at the expense of other native tongues...natural to...realize the utility of


English proficiency and make rational decisions to invest time and money in gaining

these skills (p. 533).

As literature on socioeconomic trends indicate financial correlations with English

proficiency, the participation of language acquisition toward English in academia is detected.

Frempong, et al. (2012) indicates through statistical results that “students with high SES were

more likely to gain access to higher education than students with low SES” (p. 26). While

higher education in Canada has been on the increase in recent decades, multilevel models

conducted by Frempong et al. (2012), address the vulnerability of disadvantaged socioeconomic

student backgrounds. This integrated model serves to shows the relationship of English

proficiency skills to “the lack of financial resources and social capital” (p. 26) as the root of

vulnerability. In terms of language socialization, students who are vulnerable to this

socioeconomic force will achieve stronger results as graduate students. In the study conducted

by Frempong et al. (2012), the quantitative results from the Programme for International Student

Assessment (PISA: 2000), and the Youth in Transition Survey (YITS), suggested that of the

nearly 30,000 students who took surveys and questionnaires revealed that “student level

variables” was a critical factor in “academic performance...more than 15.3 times more likely to

gain access to postsecondary” (p. 29). As Morita (2000) stated regarding language socialization,

while expressed in the Frempong et al. (2012) study, the socioeconomic aspect of finance is

integrated with English proficiency as a result. Frempong et al.’s (2012) contribution addresses

complexity of higher education; placing the relationships of complex variables between culture

and language in a perspective of socioeconomics, is associated with access to “cultural capital”.

Harper (2011) concluded that “until recently, when global market trends have had a more

significant impact on language policy, economics was not considered closely related to

language” (p. 532). This conclusion is balanced with Yamao & Sekiguchi (2015) in terms of


future work for graduates where the “globalization of a firm that may encourage the use of a

foreign language at work can be seen by employees as a major organizational change that

significantly affects their work life” (p. 168).

According to Dedoussis (2007), “universities should facilitate the effective interaction of

personnel who come from different socio-cultural backgrounds and use English as mother

tongue, second or foreign language; in short, universities need to effectively manage and

accommodate a diverse academic community” (p. 136). One interesting piece of literature that

blends with the trend of this financial relationship and the Frempong et al. (2012) results, is

Tillman (1991), who develops how accessibility to financial services in Canadian higher

education offers “a basic range of technical services to foreign students, including reception and

orientation programmes, and counselling on academic, immigration, financial assistance,

housing, health care and personal matters” (p. 390); again relating to English proficiency in

academic achievement. As Tillman (1991) notes through the listing of numerous programmes,

financial, and other socioeconomic support for students in Canada, the language socialization

concept is thematically advantageous, and “admitting foreign students helps fulfil this

obligation...believed that foreign students contribute to the life and work of higher education

institutions by bringing perspectives and experiences which differ from those of local students”

(p. 393). This indicates that language socialization in higher education in Canada and the

financial structure is an important facet of socioeconomic trends in the political economy.

Tillman (1991); and Fletcher & Stren (1989) outline a chronological perspective on the

results of university students in Canada through policy actions on Federal initiatives, such as: the

Canadian Bureau for International Education, “A Patron for the World?” (CBIE) 1977; the Right

Mix (CBIE, 1981); Some Questions of Balance (AUCC, 1984); and “Closing the Doors?”,

(CBIE, 1986); highlighting the results are positive in the development of participation within


language socialization, allowing for more questions and future research strategies to be

developed; a common conclusion stated in Kieffer & Lesaux, 2009; Morrell, 2005; Fletcher &

Stren, 1989; Carhill, Suárez, & Páez, 2008; & Ray, 1978. The study by Fletcher & Stren (1989)

raises the notion of foreign students in Canadian universities as “the quality of interaction” (p.

293). This context of socialization was published prior to Morita’s (2000) study, however

reaches the same results by examining historical patterns from the 1980’s at the University of

Toronto, by “how the financial regime was affecting foreign students once they

enrolled...indicate unequivocally that one of the most important elements in successful

adaptation is skill with language of the host city” (p. 294). Similar to Frempong et al.’s (2012)

survey and questionnaire model, Fletcher & Stren (1989) also conducted their results via

questionnaire as a control. The authors’ use of the chronological large scale studies through the

Canadian Bureau for International Education (CBIE), identifies the socioeconomic pattern of

language socialization which effects English proficiency. Reports conducted from 1977, 1981,

1984, and 1986 show the relationship of this socioeconomic trend each highlighted before

Frempong, et al. (2012), Harper (2011), or Morita (2000), where language socialization remains

an emerging concern for graduate students in Canada. Fletcher & Stren (1989) summarize this

point as “understanding the relationship between foreign students’ English proficiency...and their

university adaptation and performance may very well be analogous in important respects to

understanding minority language students in a majority school environment” (p. 296). Fletcher

& Stren (1989) reveal another major finding that is a trend in the socioeconomic literature of

English proficiency, that of language test results such as the Test Of English as a Foreign

Language, or TEOFL requirement score.


Standardized Exams, Proficiency, and Funding

A trend in the literature of political economy and higher education in Canada is English

proficiency in the form of language assessment requirements. Table 6 posts the current

minimum exam scores in select Canadian comprehensive universities, and how they compare to

other exams formats necessary for admission purposes. What is reflected in this table suggests

that the required exam marks needed to gain entry for graduate programs in Canadian higher

education institutions must fall within specific ranges. Interestingly enough, the province of

Alberta currently has the lowest scores for the Test of English as a Foreign language, which is

the most recognized version of the proficiency on English. Missing scores can be extrapolated

by virtue of scoring range in Table 7.

Table 6. Canadian University English Score Minimums by Exam, 2015

Comprehensive Exam Format

Academic School TOEFLpBT TOEFLiBT IELTS MELAB PTE CAEL

University of British Columbia 550 80 81 6.5 59 60

Simon Fraser University 580 93 - 7.0 - -

University of Victoria 575 90 90 6.5 - 70

Royal Roads University - 88 81 6.5 - -

University of Alberta 550 88 85 6.5 59 60

University of Calgary 550 80 80 7.0 59 -

University of Lethbridge 580 93 - 6.5 - 70

Athabasca University 550 80 - 6.0 - 60

Queens University - 88 80 7.0 65 -

University of Waterloo 580 90 85 7.0 63 70

Ryerson University - 93 85 7.0 63 70

Carleton University 580 86 - 6.5 60 70 Sources:

University of British Columbia, Faculty of Graduate Studies:

https://www.grad.ubc.ca/prospective-students/application-admission/english-proficiency-requirements

Simon Fraser University, Graduate Admission:

http://www.sfu.ca/students/calendar/2014/spring/fees-and-regulations/admission/graduate-admission.html#english-language-

competence

University of Victoria, Faculty of Graduate Studies:

http://web.uvic.ca/calendar2015-05/uvicCal-Graduate-2015-05.pdf

Royal Roads University, Admissions Requirements:

http://www.royalroads.ca/prospective-students/english-language-requirements

University of Alberta, Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research:

http://uofa.ualberta.ca/graduate-studies/prospective-students/international-admissions-protocol/english-language-proficiency

https://www.grad.ubc.ca/prospective-students/application-admission/english-proficiency-requirements

http://www.sfu.ca/students/calendar/2014/spring/fees-and-regulations/admission/graduate-admission.html#english-language-competence

http://www.sfu.ca/students/calendar/2014/spring/fees-and-regulations/admission/graduate-admission.html#english-language-competence

http://web.uvic.ca/calendar2015-05/uvicCal-Graduate-2015-05.pdf

http://www.royalroads.ca/prospective-students/english-language-requirements

http://uofa.ualberta.ca/graduate-studies/prospective-students/international-admissions-protocol/english-language-proficiency


University of Calgary, Faculty of Graduate Studies:

http://grad.ucalgary.ca/prospective/admissions

University of Lethbridge, The School of Graduate Studies:

https://www.uleth.ca/ross/admissions/elp_sgs

Athabasca University, Faculty of Graduate Studies:

http://fgs.athabascau.ca/handbook/engprof/index.php

Queens University, School of Graduate Studies:

http://www.queensu.ca/sgs/prospective-students/preparing-graduate-studies

University of Waterloo, Graduate Studies Office:

http://gradcalendar.uwaterloo.ca/page/printable/8945

Ryerson University, Graduate Studies:

http://www.ryerson.ca/graduate/futurestudents/admissions/english-language.html

Carleton University, The Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs:

http://graduate.carleton.ca/international-students/english-as-a-second-language/

The relationship of finance, proficiency, and examination requirements indicate a breadth

of academic literature regarding various inequality issues. Morita (2000) found that language

socialization through “engagement” with local culture and activity through oral discourse yielded

better academic results for graduate (p. 302). The underlying factor here that connects the

financial relationship to English proficiency is cost and accessibility. One of the aims of this

research is the impact of economic globalization, therefore looks at changes from neoliberal

policies. The notion here is how in Canada can cost-recovery from public universities and

emerging private universities be met by the student, not the state? For students to enter graduate

programs in Canada, specific requirements, and standardized tests are to be taken.

As the literature reveals, much like the Tillman (1991) article, accessibility to these tests-

in Canada, predominantly in English, requires the ability to participate in discourse. This

financial trend is an important research question, explored by several authors. Raimes (1990)

discusses background information about the Test of English as a Foreign Language (TOEFL)

program, as a financial organization, and the relationship this has with students in higher

education programs. As an aspect of language socialization, the importance of the TOEFL

examination as a socioeconomic force on English proficiency for graduate students in Canada, is

due to the influence on examination results” (Raimes, 1990, p. 437). Table 7 shows what

http://grad.ucalgary.ca/prospective/admissions

https://www.uleth.ca/ross/admissions/elp_sgs

http://fgs.athabascau.ca/handbook/engprof/index.php

http://www.queensu.ca/sgs/prospective-students/preparing-graduate-studies

http://gradcalendar.uwaterloo.ca/page/printable/8945

http://www.ryerson.ca/graduate/futurestudents/admissions/english-language.html

http://graduate.carleton.ca/international-students/english-as-a-second-language/


students can expect to achieve on different exam formats that they require to meet specific

program or entrance minimums.

Table 7. English Scoring Equivalencies by Range Exam Score Equivalencies

TOEFLpBT 677 600 575 550 525 310

TOEFLiBT 120 100 90 80 71 0

IELTS 9.0 7.0 7.0 6.5 6.0 0.0

MELAB 99 85 80 77 75 0

PTE 90 68 61 54 48 10

CAEL 90 70 65 60 50 10

Sources:

Kent State University, Office of Global Education:

http://www.kent.edu/globaleducation/understanding-english-score-equivalencies

Canadian Academic English Language Assessment

Moreover, “the TOEFL testing program is owned and run by an organization that

exercises considerable power over education and professional life” (Raimes, 1990, p. 427).

Raimes’ article proposes seven points that are needed in order to re-evaluate the socioeconomic

inequalities for standardization tests, affecting graduate students in Canada, where the GRE

(Graduate Records Examination) is one possibility used for determining entrance requirements,

thereby affecting participation, language socialization, and inevitably English proficiency. These

seven contested points include: decision between two topics; choice of topic; the blending of

undergraduate/graduate levels; the scoring system; clarity of written section’s purpose; the

inclusion of the written portion, and the effect of instruction. This article shows inequalities that

diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds have of students have on the financial perspective in

terms of the benefit of investment of their futures. Conducted through questionnaires, Raimes

(1990) raises concern for the role of standardized tests developed by TOEFL directors to

determine sufficient proficiency for admission in an English-speaking environment (p. 436).

This concern is developed in the case study by Carhill, Suárez, & Páez (2008), which examined

the relationship of English proficiency and achievement tests. Through a sample of 274 students,

http://www.kent.edu/globaleducation/understanding-english-score-equivalencies


socioeconomic differences were concluded as an academic achievement factor. In English

proficiency, “this research indicates that low levels of academic English language proficiency

can be an obstacle to academic success and to full participation in academic content” (Carhill,

Suárez, & Páez, 2008, p. 1156). Kieffer & Lesaux (2009) integrated a similar problem faced by

English language barriers to accessibility; this juxtaposes Abedi’s (2010) study, replying that “as

with many existing standardized achievement tests, performance tasks may suffer from excessive

language load” (p. 22). This is fundamentally important because it can lead to issues of

classification of students, programs, entrance accessibility, future promotions, and graduation.

The validity of scores on standardized tests, as with Kieffer & Lesaux (2009) expresses “the

increasing importance of large-scale assessment exams and the increasingly high stakes attached

to test results for students, researchers, policy makers, and educators” (p. 1189). With the thrust

of economic globalization transforming the funding of public universities to private universities,

the increasing acceptance of English as academic lingua franca, the consumerism of a knowledge

based higher education, Weber & Duderstadt (2008) hint that “there is a premium on applied

research and a discount on theoretical research” (p. 8). Accompanying the expanding inequality

approaching accessibility to higher education, Weber & Duderstadt (2008) highlight three

positives and three negatives of this research. Roadblocks include: business management

(managerialism) not healthy for the efficiency and profit of universities; the market and

commercialization in capitalism is unpredictable and unstable; and the market is driving

academic curriculums and research agendas. Benefits include: healthy competition of

universities between research and academics; incentives for stock options and faculty

experience; and the quality of improvement overall in facilities.

As this review has explored, the complex relationship between outcomes of English

proficiency, socioeconomic diversity-specifically financial concerns, and the role of language


socialization, is at the forefront of higher education. From the review of the state of the literature

regarding language socialization of graduate level students in Canada, English proficiency is

shown to be influenced by the financial diversity. What has been found in the literature is on

how socioeconomic factors have an impact on how students become linguistically socialized and

thereby perform in academic output. Financial burden, socioeconomic stresses, and linguistic

diversity, each affect performance attitudes, acquisition, and examination outcomes. From the

data analysis of the literature, all methodological structures have used surveys, questionnaires,

interviews, and complex statistical data models, sourced from diverse variable, and multivariable

and/or historical direction. Despite the interesting correlations with emerging policy concerns

(Abedi, Hofstetter & Lord, 2004; & Ray, 1987), technological advancements,

teacher/institutional roles, and expansion of the supply-demand market, concerns of inequality,

gender, family structure, and maturity are themes that require future considerations (Ball &

Dagger, 2009; Larsson, 2001; & Stiglitz, 2012). Both Chen, (2007) and; Fletcher & Stren;

(1989) report on the characteristics of students between graduate and undergraduate levels. In

discussing their literature in the social science of student adjustment, “the Canadian

(nonconstitutional) social science literature is rather sparse” (Fletcher & Stren, 1989, p. 299).

“As world cultures, pushed by superimposed technological imperatives, succumb to

homogeneity; as trans-national companies, dependant on a constantly expanding market place,

gain greater control over government by the synergy of media giants; and as the division

between the rich and the poor of the planet widens, it is crucial to reconsider and debate what is

to be expected of future teachers of English” (Barrell, 1999, p. 246).

Current research suggests as the interests of the state shift from forces of globalization

the statistical evidence of job-market demand is apparent in the inequalities of higher education,

access, liberalization, mechanism of innovation, and general opportunity at the expense of


integration of the state (Cannon et al., 1986; Sassen, 1998; Strange, 1998, & Rodrik, 2011).

Lastly, Bussing-Burks (2002) finds that “while external support for research exists from

government, corporation, and foundation funding, academic institutions now are bearing a

greater shame of the ever-increasing costs of research” (p. 4). A recent publication of Canadian

university funding by source shows the dramatic decrease of government funding, while student

funding increasing. Table 8 shows the trend of this dramatic change in policy, comparing three

provinces to one another against the nation of Canada as a whole between the years of 1990 and

2009. The trend for Canada between these years indicates that shifted towards the burden of the

individual, and not the government through loans.

Table 8. Proportion of University Funding by Source in Canada (%)

Canada British Columbia Alberta Ontario

Government Students Government Students Government Students Government Students

1990 22 71 24 69 22 71 25 66

2009 34 55 36 55 33 58 41 46 Source: Statistics Canada

In Table 9, each of the three provinces of British Columbia, Alberta, and Ontario show

that after 2009, average graduate tuition fees began to rise, yet, in comparison to table 8, the risk

of greater student funding was shifted towards private sources, and in decrease to public funding.

Figure 4 and Figure 5 represent the province of Alberta’s investment in government funding for

education across various levels of programs in education, the majority being in the undergraduate

fields, whereas non-government funding is almost half that of the entire province. Figure 6

provides what both the sexes were faced with during the 2012 school year, and Figure 7

symbolizes the range to which a student facing pressures of the economy.


Table 9. Average Graduate Tuition Fees1 by Province ($CAD)

Academic British

Year Columbia Alberta Ontario Canada(average)

2008/09 7241 4948 8256 5737

2009/10 6230 4597 6256 4860

2010/11 7178 4672 7181 5401

2011/12 7442 4676 7682 5450

2012/13 7362 4775 8267 5916

2013/14 7555 4944 8470 6038

2014/15 7706 4997 8738 6210 Source: Statistics Canada 1 not including compulsory fees

As indicated on table 9, Ontario and British Columbia have average graduate tuitions

higher than both Alberta and Canada on the whole. It can be interpreted that due to higher

entrance examination scoring ranges in British Columbia, the cost of tuition is greater, in

expectance of greater quality of workplace outcome upon graduation. If a student’s

socioeconomic background inhibits the qualifications to proceed in a graduate field, there is

obvious market influence in determining equality of access, contrary to the Declaration of

Human Rights in equal opportunity.

Figure 4. Government Sponsored Loans in Alberta, 2012



Figure 5. Non-Government Sponsored Loans in Alberta, 2012


Figure 6 is complimentary to the future or expansion of this project. Examining the

gender ratios and inequality is apparent for study, but figure aims at the future trends in this

topic. It should be noted that despite the gender ratios, in Alberta in the class of 2012, both men

and women had accumulated both federal and provincial burdens of student loans.

Figure 6. Loan Distribution by Gender, Alberta, 2012


Figure 7 ranges the total of all student debts owed in total by the range of several categories.

Approximately 28% totaled more than $25,000 in provincial debt.


Figure 7. Student Debt by Range, Alberta, 2012


Analysis

In order to explore the research questions, a mixed methods approach is essential, in

which both quantitative and qualitative secondary data was collected. Secondary quantitative

data collected from data sets in the local, provincial, national and international levels in order to

establish a historical trend, and comparative model due to time constraints. Qualitative data

collected first hand by results of those whom work directly in the educational system in Canada

from previous years surveys would provide stronger details regarding contemporary concerns.

In Alberta’s Graduates Outcome Survey (GOS), on public-institutions, a mixed-mode survey

was conducted. Representing the graduates of 2012, this survey was done between January of

2014, to February of 2014. Modes of survey included: phone interviews, online calls, CATI

(computer assisted telephone interview). Of the 14012 surveys received, 47.8% were by phone

and 52.2% completed via online. In Ontario’s University Graduate Survey (UGS), graduates

from the class of 2011 were contacted 2 years after graduation to respond on progress at the 6

month and 2-year mark of their careers. Between November 2013 and March 2014, online,

email, mobile, and paper responses were collected. There were 78232 graduates, of which 72249


were contacted for a response. 25119 replied, averaging a 34.7% response rate. 64% were

female, and 36% were male. In terms of language, 97% identified as English, 3% in French.

For the comprehensive academic research institutes from the provinces of British

Columbia: The University of British Columbia; Simon Fraser University; University of Victoria;

and Royal Roads University, in Alberta, the University of Alberta, University of Calgary,

University of Lethbridge, and Athabasca University; in Ontario: Queens University, the

University of Waterloo, Ryerson University, and Carleton University. In Canada, the most

accepted list of English language requirement exams include: the Test of English as Foreign

Language (both paper-based and computer/internet-based); the International English Language

Testing System; the Michigan English Language Assessment Battery, the Pearson Test of

English Academic, and the Canadian Academic English Language Assessment. From the

conclusion of the literature review, there is significant data for the potential to expand research in

this investigation. Table 10 represents an overall 2015 Maclean’s board of the university,

enrolment and operating budget of Canadian higher education. Table 11 reveals the change in

provincial numbers for graduate students from 2014 to 2015.

Table 10. Select Canadian University Rankings, 2015

Institution Rank1 Full Time Part Time Operating Budget per FT student ($)

University of British Columbia 2 43012 16671 14363

Simon Fraser University 8 16899 12680 13357

University of Victoria 16 15859 5348 11871

Royal Roads University - - - -

University of Alberta 6 34130 3631 15667

University of Calgary 11 27802 2399 15149

University of Lethbridge 29 7098 961 16876

Athabasca University - - - -

Queens University 7 22475 3522 12214

University of Waterloo 4 33670 2562 10561

Ryerson University 12 25517 13648 12056

Carleton University 23 23022 3695 9831 Source: Maclean’s University Rankings, June 2016. 1Best Overall, National Reputation


Interesting in trend for Alberta, is the number of part-time students reported in the 2014-

2015 academic year. The operating budget for full time students in higher than British Columbia

and Ontario schools, meaning that having lower entrance scores in Alberta, and more students on

a part time basis makes the universities more funding to operate per student. This is a very

neoliberal when the idea that higher education is an essential requirement in the growing

knowledge economy.

Table 11. University Graduate Students1 by Canadian Province, 2015

Institution

Full

Time

Part

Time Total Provincial Total 2015

% Change from

2014

University of British

Columbia 8560 1680 10240 British Columbia -1.72%

Simon Fraser University 3610 720 4330 21160

University of Victoria 3110 290 3400

Royal Roads University 3190 0 3190

University of Alberta 5950 1130 7080 Alberta +7.83%

University of Calgary 6570 410 6980 18910

University of Lethbridge 440 120 560

Athabasca University 0 4290 4290

Queens University 4200 430 4630 Ontario +4.39%

University of Waterloo 4100 1260 5360 16480

Ryerson University 2200 360 2560

Carleton University 3300 630 3930

Source: Universities Canada 1 rounded to nearest ten

Figure 8 examines graduate enrolment numbers of Master’s students and PhD students

from 1980 to 2010 and beyond. The overall demand for these programs has been steadily

increasing in Canadian higher education.


Figure 8. Canadian Graduate Level Enrolments

Source: Universities Canada (AUCC, 2011)

On Figure 9, for Masters Degrees and Doctoral Degrees, both levels suggest that almost

certainly taking an English language assessment exam is fundamentally crucial in getting

accepted into a higher education program in Alberta. What is interesting to note, is that on

Table 12, the majority of exam require a written portion. Suggesting that if a student from

outside the language background of English, would be put under extreme pressure to compete for

a position in a program, in order to succeed well in higher education. This is seen on Table 13,

representing the number of degrees awarded by level, on a historical trend. Almost each

province is being met by higher enrolment, and more awards given from year to year.

Figure 9. Program Entry Language Requirement, Alberta, 2012



Table 12 is an interesting assessment of what aspects of language exams, whether

written, spoken, demonstrated or other is faced by students. In Alberta graduates from the class

of 2012, it is apparent that almost half of the assessment exams were written challenges.

Meaning assessment exams such as the TOEFL, etc.

Table 12. Language Requirement by for Alberta Program Entry, 2012


Table 13. Number of Credentials by Degree in Select Province

Credential

Academic Bachelors Masters Doctoral

Year BC1 AB ON BC

1 AB ON BC

1 AB ON

2004/05 16785 3490 480

2005/06 17600 3550 460

2006/07 19450 17899 3710 2939 515 444

2007/08 19735 17466 3680 3388 555 476

2008/09 20010 16667 3805 3968 655 538

2009/10 20525 15561 16998 4225 3052 4483 670 611 554

2010/11 20615 16278 17700 4730 3393 4577 760 659 589

2011/12 21430 16856 18659 4880 3602 4660 780 650 601

2012/13 22310 17356 19326 5240 3740 5082 810 732 744

2013/14 17635 3834 854 Sources:

British Columbia, Ministry of Advanced Education

Alberta Ministry of Innovation and Advanced Education

Council of Ontario Universities, Common University Data Ontario (CUDO) 1 rounded to nearest 5 (international and domestic students) of the fiscal year (April 1 to March 31)


Table 14. Average Age of Students by Level in Alberta, 2012


Table 14 and Table 15, what is evident is that the largest average age at the doctoral

level and masters level, while college-program credentials have a lower average age, yet between

and 2004 and 2010, the largest growth of employment, was found in the highest age range. In

the UGS survey from Ontario, as different than Alberta and British Columbia, is that at the one-

year mark, job opportunities spiked. The final figures reveal the workforce and the income

distribution for Albertan graduates. After completion of higher education, many enjoyed the

wealthier freedoms, after facing neoliberal agendas (Table 16 and Table 17).

Table 15. Employment Growth by Level, 2004-2010

Source: Universities Canada (AUCC, 2011)


Table 16. Ontario Student Employment Rate

Source: Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities (2011)

Table 17. Ontario Workforce based on Degree

Source: Ministry of Training, Colleges and Universities (2014)

When looking at the Alberta workforce based on graduates in the 2014 survey, it is

noticeable that earning a higher standard of income (Figure 10) can be concluded that higher

education is produced in select Canadian universities on the basis of pressure of economic

globalization. To have a better economic outcome, greater necessity of higher education means

greater levels of education, and the pressures of less government funding means higher student

funding, in order to achieve wealthier outcomes.


Figure 10. Alberta Workforce Distribution


Conclusion

In conclusion, this project reveals the interconnectedness of our world in the 21st century

with the effects of globalization on inequality of higher education. Shifts in socioeconomic

systems change how we view higher education and how globalization’s economic thrust

produces higher education in terms of a consumer good with intent of future investment,

expanding inequality approaching academic accessibility. In what ways does the political

economy fuel higher education in economic globalization? There are 10 issues which shifts are

taking place: 1) demographic transformation 2) the development and restructuring of economies

3) the rise of global-urban centres 4) the demise of colonialism 5) the emergence of IGOs 6)

massification of student populations 7) technological expansion 8) influence of market-oriented

ideologies 9) the growing English dominance, and 10) the rise of the public-sector, PPPs, and

MOOCs. The Chilean student movement used a form of non violent protests to change


neoliberal economic inequalities caused by globalization in the education sector, and demanded

the right to quality education for all. The literature contains cultural, linguistic, and other

socioeconomic diversity where higher education has developed comparatively in Kirkwood’s

(2001) “a new consciousness [that] emerged about the roles that individuals, institutions, nations,

and non-governmental organizations play in the new millennium (p. 10). Varghese (2008)

agrees that “while economic sectors produce knowledge-based goods, the higher education

sector plays an important role in facilitating the production and distribution of knowledge...given

the importance of knowledge in development in order to encourage growth, it has to become

necessary to expand higher education” (p. 9). The increase in higher education enrolment is

justified by neoliberal government policies that call for higher investment of the future in

advanced knowledge and skills to create competitive knowledge-based economies. Similarly,

Pike (2000) concludes that in the 21st century “the dangers of education without a global

perspective are starkly evident in the history of the twentieth (p. 219); meaning old methods of

public/private control need to be reassessed. We are all affected by globalization, living in a

world of rapid communication and movement of people, goods and services across borders,

However, this interconnectedness on various levels is showing us the diversity of the world and

hopefully turning our attention to some of the major issues of the planet today. Inequality in

education caused by globalization must be acknowledged as the consequence of neoliberal

socioeconomic policies. A major aspect of the political economy of globalization is how trade

and finance has made changes to national policymaking, such changes to national policymaking

are how domestic institutions and interests impact the direct influence how the right to quality

education is ensured when education is taken as the major tool for economic, cultural, and

political transformation. Economic globalization produces higher education at the level of a

commodity, deepening the barriers of accessibility in a global era.


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