the origin and early use of the ju-i
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The Origin and Early Use of the Ju-iAuthor(s): J. LeRoy DavidsonSource: Artibus Asiae, Vol. 13, No. 4 (1950), pp. 239-249Published by: Artibus Asiae PublishersStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3248425.
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J.
LEROY
DAVIDSON:
THE
ORIGIN
AND EARLY USE OF THE
JU-I
THE ORIGIN
AND USE
OF
THE
JU-I
A
HAVE BEEN
FOR SOME
TIME
THE
SOURCE
of
considerable
speculation
among
scholars
in
the
West
and in the Far East. The
literal
translation of the
term,
as
desired,
is
vague
enough
to
permit
a wide
range
of
interpre-
tation which has
extended from
the
provocative
to
the
burlesque.
Occidental studies
have
progressed
but
little
since
they
were
summed
up
by
Berthold Laufer
in
1912
in his study on jade.' Laufer concurred with H. A. Giles in following a thirteenth
century
archeologist,
Chao
Hsi-ku,
who
believed
that the
ju-i
was
originally
made of
iron.
Laufer stated that the
ju-i
was a kind
of blunt
sword
with traces of
basket-work still
to
be
found inside what
must
have
been
the
sword-guard.
Giles
added
that,
when the
ju-i
later
became a
ceremonial
object,
iron was
replaced
by
other more decorative materials. He
further
remarkedthat in modern
times the
object
is sent
to
a
friend
as
a
token of
good
wishes. To
this
Laufer
agreed
and
remarked
that
in
regard
to
no
other
object
of their
culture are the
accounts of
the
Chinese more
unsatisfactory
than anent the
J'u-i. Laufer
also
stated
that
he
knew of no
ju-i
earlier in
date than the
eighteenth century
but
astutely
added that there
is no
guaranty
that
the
later
ju-i
are
identical with
earlier
forms,
or
that
all
references
to the
character
u-i
are
germane
to the instrument of that name.
Laufer then
summarized
other theories
concerning
the
ju-i
and
quoted
excerpts
from
Chinese
sources
which throw
some
light
on
the
problem.
In
contemporary Japanese
and
Chinese
dictionaries
we
find
theju-i
defined as
a
backscratcher
principally
because
of its
appearance.
The
literal
meaning,
as
desired,
is also
claimed
as
signifying
the
function
of
backscratching,
perhaps
because of its
apparent
ability
to reach
otherwise
inaccessible areas
of
the
human
body.
Most
dictionaries,
of
course,
cite the
modern use of the ju-i as a good luck gift.
Despite
this inconclusive information, there
1
Laufer, Berthold,
Yade,
A
Study
in Chinese
Arckaeology
and
Religion,
Chicago, 1912,
pp.
335--339-
239
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ilk
7
1
ITT
19
Ass
nti
Plate
I
Buddhist Stele dated
;
64
A.D.
Freer
Gallery
of
Art,
J'Washington
.C.
(Photograph Courtesy
Smithsonian
Institution,
Freer
Gallery
of
Art)
J.
LeRoy
Davidson: The
Origin
and
Early
Use
of
the
7u-i
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are,
in these
repositories
of
knowledge,
bits
of
evidence that can be
correlated
with
other
materialto
provide
less
whimsical
and more
convincing
solutions,
as
we later
shall see.
Laufer
tapped
anothersource of informationwhen he
noticed
that the
ju-i
appeared
n
pictorial
art. He found that the
Bodhisattva
Mafijusrr
Wen
Chu
Z
n,)
sometimes holds a
ju-i
instead
of
the
sword which is
his usual attribute. Laufer
then considered
the
possibility
that
the
ju-i
derived
from
the
lotus,
another common attribute
of
Mafijufri.
Had
Laufer
been
possessed
of
the
mass
of
archeological
material
now
available
for
study,
his
observations
on the re-
lationship
of the
Bodhisattva
and the
ju-i
might
have
opened
the
way
to an
early
solution
of
this
perplexing
if narrow
problem.
For
Mafijusri's
connection with
the
ju-i
provides
the
clue to its
early
form
and
use.
In Chinese
art the usual attribute
of
Mafijusri,
as
we
have
noted,
is
the sword.
Until
the tenth
century he is shown holding the ju-i only in one context, that is in the famous meeting
with
the devout
layman
Vimalakirti
Wei-mo-chi
,~
J#
E
).2
The
story,
as recounted
in
the
Vimalakirti
Nirdeia
Sfitra,
describes
the
visit
made
by
Maiijusri
to the
ailing
devotee
at
whose
sickbed
a
profound
philosophical
discussion
was
held. This scene
of
the conversation
between
the
Bodhisattva
and
Vimalakirti
became
one
of
the
favorite
subjects
of
the Buddhist
artist
in China3
(Plates
I and
II).
The
significance
for this
study,
however,
is not
the
place
this
representation
took
in Buddhist
art,
but the fact that
Mafijufri,
n this
scene,
is
almost
always
to
be
identified
by
a wand held
in his hand. At times the
iconography
of
this
scene
is
exceedingly complex
and
complete .and
thus
easily
identifiable.
At other
times, however,
the
scene
is reduced
to
the
representation
of the two chief
protagonists,
Vimalakirti
dressed
as
a
layman
and
Maiijusri
as a Bodhisattva. Vimalakirti
always
holds a
fan,
Maiijusri
the
wand
which,
as we
shall later
show,
is the
ju-i.
It
was
Eduard
Chavannes
who,
although
he did not
recognize
the
Vimalakirti-MaiijuriT
scene,
nevertheless,
with
his
customary
wisdom,
saw
the
fan
and the wand
as
symbols
of
2
Takakusu
and Watanabe
(ed),
Taisko
Daizokyo,
Tokyo,
1924,
VIV,
p. 5
37
ff.
Translated
byHokei
Id[z]umi,
Vimalakirti's
Discourse
on
Emancipation,
Eastern
Buddhist,
1923,
II, pp.
358-366;
1924-5,
III,pp.
55-69,
138-153,
224-242, 336-349;
1926,
IV,
pp.
48-55, 177-190;
1927,
IV,
pp.
348-366.
3
For
a discussion
of
this
scene
see,
Davidson,
J.
LeRoy,
Traces
of Buddhist
Evangelism
in
Early
Chi-
nese
Art ,
Artibus
Asie,
XI,
4, 1948,
pp. 251
--265.
240
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debate.4
This
symbolic
function
of the fan
is well known and
need not be stressed here
other
than
to
point
out its
appearance
as a
counterpoint
to
Mafijusri's
wandin this scene.
The
wand
was
considered
by
Chavannes
o be
a
t'an
ping
4}1i,
literally,
adiscussion
stick,
and
not
a
ju-i.
Chavannes
supplied
two references rom the Chinese
dictionary,
P'ei
Wen
Yiin
Fu
fK
Zflf
.5
r
:?
~i? ~
~ ?;?
::i:~
i:.
-::-----_~j__j:::(-_~
::::-:
:?i'::
-_-i-::'i:i__-iiiii
ii
--::::-:
:::::i
i: :
:::::: igi~jiai
b
.i
:II
i:::
,:::-
i
::
::
:-.
-iii~ii:i
-:
~-ii
~:-:
:
-:.
_::::
a:l:
Plate II
Maiijusri
with
ju-i.
Detail PlateI
(see
title
page)
Courtesy
mithsonian
nstitution,
Freer
Gallery
of
Art
The first of these
is a
poem
by
Yii
Hsin
f
(6th
century)
on the death of
a
monk.
It is
susceptible
to
translation
in
both normal
and
reverse
order.
Such
a
poetic
tour
deforce
was
not
uncommon
Whichever
way
the
poem
is
read
the
t'anping
is
closely
allied
with
eloquence.
Chavannes' second quotation is even
more
provocative.
It
occurs
in
the
Chuan
TengLu4
~
,5,
a
chronological
account
of Buddhist
monks,
written
by
the
monk,
Tao
Yiian,
in
i004.'
In this
document
we
are informed
that
the
monk,
Ta-lang
k
1
Ii
ofthe
Chi-yiin
i
tTemple,
was
in the
habit of
leduring
while
holding
Chavannes,
E.,
Mission
Arckeologique
dans
la
Chine
Septentrionale,
Paris,
1915,
I,
Pt.
2,
p.
556.
Also see:
Chavannes,
E.,
in
Mimoires
prsentes par
divers savants
i
l'Acadimie
des
Inscriptions
et
Belles-Lettres,
premiere
sdrie,
XI,
1904,
p.
277
and note
5.
5
P'ei Wen
Yiin
Fu,
originally
compiled
in
171
I.
The edition
of
1937 published
by
the
Commer-
cial
Press, Shanghai,
has
been used. See
IV, p.
3289-a.
6
Reprinted
in
Taisho
Daizokyo,
no.
2125.
241
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at
the
base. Variations occur
where
the
center
medallion,
ecomes
a
rect-
angle,
or the
second is
omitted.
The former
type
merely
shows
that
slight
elaborationstook
place
on
the
basic
stru&ure
of the
earliest
Chinese
ju-i.
The additions of
the
medallions
to the latter
type
indicate a
radical
change
in
the
ju-i.
The
rationalized
opinion
that the
ju-i
derivedfrom a
backscratchercould
have
developed
only from the earliest form which
bears a close
but
superficial
resem-
blance to
that useful if
somewhat in-
elegant
instrument.
Examples
of
the modern
elebora-
tions
of
theju-i
do not
appear
n
art
until
after
the
T'ang
Dynasty
(6i8-
906).8
The
presumption
is that
they
are
developments
of the
Sung
or
later
dynasties.
In
sum,
the
ju-i,
as
represented
in
art,
is
the
attributeof
Mafijufri
only
when
he
is
shown in discussion with
Vimalakirti
and
only
until
the
tenth
century.
After
this date
and con-
current
with the
change
in
form,
8
The earliest
examples appear
in
what
seem to be Sung caves at Tun Huang.
Cf.
Pelliot, P.,
Les Grottesde
Touen-Houang,
Paris,
1914-
192
I,
II,
Pls.
CVII,
CVIII.
Plate
III Three
ju-i
in
the
Sh6soin,
Nara
8
th
century
A.D.
243
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Beyond
this the stories indicate that the
possession
of
the
ju-i
gave
the
holder of
that
implement
the
right
to talk.
It
becomes
plain
that
the
function of
the
ju-i
was
related
to,
if
not identical
with,
that of the
tan-ping.
Yet,
though
we
have
representations
in art of
the
ju-i
and
actual
examples
of the
scepter
from
eighth
century
Japan,
no
early
object
identifiablewith
the
(an-ping
is
known.
The
relationship
between the
two
utensils is in-
dicated
by
another
factor common to
both.
The
story of the monk who used a pine branch as a
(an-ping
has
already
been told.
Among
the old
ju-i
extant
in the Shosoin are
two made of bronze
simulating
bamboo.l
Not
only
are the
typical
nodes
of
the
plant
carefully
shown,
but
in
addition
there
is a realistic
representation
of
twigs
hanging
from
the
sides
(Plate
IV).
In
these
examples
it
is
clear
that
a definite effort
was
made
to
identify
the
ju-i
with
the branch
of a
plant.
A
sixth
century
stele
from
China,
published
by
Sir Percival
Yetts,
shows
Mafiju rI
onversing
with
Vimalakirti
and
holding
a
uniqueju-i.
Yetts noticed
this
peculiarity
and
described it as a rare
form of trifid
sprig. '4
Here
again
the
ju-i
seems to imitate
the
branch
of
a
plant.
In addition
Albert von Le
Coq
has
published
a
Plate IV Two
ju-i
in
the
Shosoin,
Nara
8
th
century
A.D.
13
Toyei-shuko,
VI,
nos.
294-295.
14
Yetts,
W.
P.,
The
George
Eumorfopoulos
Collection:
Buddhist
Sculpture,
London,
1932;
P1.
II, fig.
c
3.
245
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small
picture
on
paper
found
near
Murtuq
in
Central
Asia.'5
The
painting
shows a
kneeling
man
facing
a
group
of
felines.
In
his hands the
kneeling figure
holds
a
twig.
If this scene
could
be
definitely
connected
with
the
story
of the monk
T'ang
Yu
who
preached
to the
tigers,
we
should
have another
certain
correlation between the
ju-i
and
a
twig.
Lacking
any
assured
relationship
between the
picture
and the
anecdote,
the
painting
offers
only
a
probable
corroboration.
It becomes
necessary
to
seek some evidence for
a
branch held
as
a
symbol
of
discussion.
The
only
Chinese reference
available s
the
already quoted
statement
concerning
the tan-
ping.
There
is
reason,
however,
to look to India for the source. The
ju-i
is
intimately
con-
ne&ed
with
Buddhism
and considered
by
many
to be
a
translation
of
the sanscrit
annurudha.
Did
the Indians
use
a branch to
symbolize
debate?
Again
the
evidence
is
slim,
but
one
Jataka provides the base for further investigation.16 The tale is told of a group of heretics
who
wandered
around
with
branches of the
Yambu
tree. When
they
wished
to debate
they
sat down
and
planted
the
branch
in front of them. Those who wished
to
accept
the chal-
lenge
to
a discussion
plucked
the
branch.
Another
connedion
with
an Indian
tree,
which seems
to have
remained
unnoticed,
was
made
by
Samuel
Beal
in
1884.
In a note
discussing
the
name of
Manorhita
(variants:
Ma-
norata,
Maoratha),
Bealremarked that
the name is
explained
by
the
Chinese
ju-i,
an
expres-
sion used
for
the
Kalpavriksha
or
'wishing
tree',
denoting
power
to
produce
whatever
was
wished;literally,
conformable
(hita)
o
thought (mana,mind).' 17Unfortunately,
Beal
was
not
concerned
with
the
ju-i
as
such,
and
his
statement
provides
a clue rather
than a
solution.
Perhaps
the
most
significant
indication
of the Indian link between tree
and
ju-i
is found
in
the
records
of the
Buddhist
monk,
I
Ch'ing
-
iP,
who traveled
in
India from
673
to
695.
In a discussion
of
rules
about
the
Upavasatha
day,
as translated
by
Junjiro
Takakusu,
I
Ch'ing
says,
Then
gifts
aredistributed.
Sometimes
the
host
provides
a
'wishing
tree'
(Kalpa-vriksha),
and
gives
it to
the
priests;..
. 8
It is
unlikely
that a
real tree could
have been
given. Ap-
15
Chotscow,
Berlin,
1913,
P1.
47
a.
16
Hardy,
R.
S.,
A
Manual
of
Buddhism,
London,
1860; p.
255.
A
varient
of
this
story
appears
in
Cowell,
E.B.
(ed),
The
jataka, Cambridge 1897,
Number
301,
p.
I
ff.
1-
Beal,
Samuel,
Buddhist Records
of
the
Western
World,
London,
1884,
I,
p.
105,
note
79.
18
A Record
of
the
Buddhist
Religion
as Practised
in India and
the
illalay
Archipelago,
Oxford,
1896,
p.
49.
246
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8/10/2019 The Origin and Early Use of the Ju-I
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parently
some sort of
symbolic
tree was deemed
appropriate
as a
gift
to a Buddhist
priest.
We
find
something
even more
significant
when we turn from the
English
translation to
the
Chinese text.
9
Here
the words which
Takakusu
reconstruded as
Kalpa-vriksha
re
ju-i
shu,
that
is,
the
ju-i
tree.
20
The
t'an-ping
and
ju-i
are then both
symbols
of
discussion.
I
Ch'ing specifically
refers
to
a
ju-i
tree. Extant
ju-i
of
the
eighth
century
simulate
branches.
A
pine
branch was
used
as
a
t'an-pingby
at
least
one
Buddhist monk.
It
is the
Pei
Wen
Yiin
Fu
which
provides
definite
proof
of
the
connedtion
between the
t'an-
ping
and
the
ju-i.
The
di&ionary
quotes
a
passage
from the
biography
of Li Hsun
$.
7J00
in
the
T'ang
History)K
:
Wen-Tsung
-',
when
Li
(Hsun)
was
tutoring
him
on the
I
(Ching)
-,
t,
on a
hot summer
day
ordered
a
heat
repelling,
rhinoceros
horn
ju-i,
and
gave it to Hsun, saying 'This ju-i is for you to be used as a
tcan-ping. ''2
This anecdote
leaves no
doubt as to the
relationship
between
the
ju-i
and
t'an-ping.
The
t'an-ping
was,
as
its
literal
translation
indicates,
a discussion stick.
A
ju-i
could be a
t'an-ping.
It is also
likely
that other
objeds,
the fan
(t'ang-shan
,
)r)
and
the
deer
or
yak
tail
(chu
M)
which
also
symbolized
discussion
might
also
fall into the
generic
category
of
t'an-ping.
But
there
seems
no
doubt
that
the
primary
and
original
fundion
of the
ju-i
was
that
of a
scepter
qualifying
the
holder to
take
the floor. Its
origin
was
probably
n
India where
the branch
of a tree seems to have served a
similar fundion.
Any
other
purposes
the
ju-i
served,
such
as a note
tablet,
honorific
insignia, good
luck
gift,
or
even
backscratcher,
were
merely
later accruals.
The
problem
of the
change
in form of the later
ju-i
is not
pertinent
to
this
study.
How-
ever,
I
wish to
offer an
hypothesis.
The
elaboration
of
the
ju-i
can be seen in
some
of
the
later Tun
Huang
paintings, probably
of
the
tenth
century.
Similar
u-i
appear
n the
hands
of two
emperors
shown in the famous
scroll,
attributed
to Yen
Li-pen
1
Yii
(d.
673),
in
the Museum
of
Fine
Arts,
Boston.22
Whether this indicates that the Tun
Huang
type
19
Taisho
Daizokyo,
LIV,
no.
2125.
20
Ibid.,
p.
221b.
21
Op.
cit.,
III,
pp.
2325
c--
2326
a.
22
Tomita,
Kojiro,
Portraits f
the
Emperors,
Bulletin
of
the Museum
of
Fine
Arts,
XXX,
Feb.
1932,
(figures unnumbered).
247
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8/10/2019 The Origin and Early Use of the Ju-I
12/13
I .;.
: ::
: :
::
:
- :
: :
:
:
:: ::
:: :-:
iiiii:
:-:_:: ~sl~i~BF~-~
- -:~ _I~Pg~ll I : 1(1
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Plate
V
Belt Hook. Han
Dynasty
Collection
F.
M.
Mayer,
New
York
lagged
behind that
used
in the
metropolitan
centers or that the
Emperor
Scroll is
by
a
later
hand,
need not be
considered here.
It
is
worthwhile to notice
that
none
of
the
ju-i
in
the
Shosoin,
dating
from the middleof the
eighth century
are as
developed.
The
ju-i
with three
medallions
appears
to
have
elements not
derived
from the
earlier
orms.
Again
the
Pei
Wen
248
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Plate
VI Modern
typeju-i. Jade.
18th
Century
Collection
Ralph
Chait,
New York
Yiin
Fu
provides
a
provocative
quotation.
In the
biography
of Hu
Tsung
Wi
JI
it
was
reported
that At
Mei
(or Mo)
Lin
IR
[near
Nanking]
some
people
while
excavating,
found a bronze box in which was a
white
ju-i
decorated with motives of a
dragon
and
tiger.
So
far as
I
have
observed,
no
early
ju-i
ever
bears
such decoration. When the
ju-i
was de-
corated it
was with
foliage
and birds
perhaps
recalling
the
primitive
Indian
prototype.
The
description
of
the
object
found
in
the bronze
box recalls rather the belt hooks of the late
Chou and Han
periods
(Plate
V).
These
objects
vary
in
size
from
one
to as
much
as
sixteen
inches.
Some,
which
are
long,
slender,
and
S
shaped
remind
us in their
over-all
shape
of the
ju-i.
Dragons
and
tigers
are
frequent
ornaments
on
these
buckles.
Further-
more,
there
is a
button
on
the
back of
each
belt
hook
which could
have been
misinter-
preted
by
a
later
age
as a
simple
decoration.
It is not at all
impossible
that the
archeol-
ogically
minded Chinese
of
the
Sung
dynasty
believed
that the old
belt hooks
were
ju-i,
and
created
the new
form of
the
ju-i
on
the
ancient
models
(Plate
VI).
In
this case
the
presence
of
the
button on
the belt hook
would
explain
the
center medallion on
the
modern
ju-i.
249