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Department of Political Science
The Political Economy of the Right to Water
- Case Study Albania
_____________________________________________
Donjeta Loshaj
Linnaeus University - Växjö, Sweden
Department of Political Science
1SK176, Thesis in Sustainable Development Law, 15 credits
Supervisor: Mirza Tassaduq Baig
Autumn 2016
Abstract
The thesis’s main objective was to determine if Albania was in close proximity to realize the
human right to water, plainly by answering the subsequent queries; (i) if water utilization was
accessible for all, and (ii) if the accessible water was of good quality (i.e. safe to drink) as
well as (iii) if the economic accessibility was affordable without any discrepancy in its
distribution. In sequence to answer the aforementioned queries, the thesis utilized a design of
a case study since case studies are exceptionally well at endowing the researcher with an
understanding of a multifaceted subject matter, i.e. Albania’s political economy of the right to
water.
The results of the thesis exhibits that water utilization is not accessible for all due to
inadequate water amenities, and due to the large wastage of water that does not go into needed
utilization. In proceeding, the results also illustrates that Albania is in deficient of water
quality observation, which sequentially outcomes in unprotected water and relentless leakage.
In conjunction with the findings of the thesis, it is verified that the rural areas of Albania are
stricken the most, primarily because Albania does not encompass a righteous distribution of
water reforms. Into the bargain, the rural areas are not only struggling with the discrepancy in
the distribution of water but also with excessive costs of the diminutive amenities that are
available.
Key words: Sustainable Development Law, Water Supply, Human Rights, Right to Water,
Albania, Political Economy
Table of contents
1. Introduction.......................................................................................................1
1.1 Background and problem formulation...............................................................................1
1.2 Aim of the thesis................................................................................................................2
2. Theory…………………………………………………………………............3
2.1 Theorizing sustainable development……………………………………………………...3
2.1.1 Political economy in sustainable development.............................................................4
2.1.2 International law in sustainable development……………………………………............5
2.2 Theoretical framework……………………………………………...................................6
2.2.1 General Comment No. 15…………………………………………………………………….6
2.2.1.1 Normative framework of the right to water………………………………………....7
2.2.1.2 Violations pertaining to the right to water……………………………………….....8
3. Methodology………………………………………………………………....10
3.1 Design of the thesis……………………………………………………………………...10
3.1.1 Case study…………………………………………………………………………………….10
3.2 Material along with source criticism……………………………………………........…10
3.2.1 Thuréns four source-criteria…………………………………………………………….…10
3.2.2 Source criticism…………………………………………………………………….……..…11
4. Results…………………………………………………………………….....13
4.1 Historical background………………………………………………………………......13
4.2 The up to date situation of water supply in Albania………………………………… …16
4.1.1 The demand and coverage of drinking water…………………………………………….16
4.1.2 Consistency and safety in drinking water supply………………………………………..18
4.1.3 Water distribution and expenditure…………………………………………………….…20
5. Conclusion along with discussion …………………………………………..23
6. References…………………………………………………………………...25
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1. Introduction
1.1 Background and problem formulation
With the exception of the air we inhale, water is the most vital factor for subsistence, in other
words, human survival. Social as well as economic development is intently associated to
water. Since development with reference to fresh water and sanitation has been irrefutably
sluggish over the preceding decades, elucidates the verity that poverty is common in regions
that is strained with water deficiency. Water deficiency consequences in various water
correlated diseases, for instance waterborne illness, which is mainly caused by tainted water
or deprived sanitation. In accordance with the World Health Organization (WHO), over 1.1
billion people are lacking the supply of fresh water, whilst 2.6 billion people are in deficient
of sufficient sanitation amenities (WHO, 2015). This may more or less be due to the crisis
concerning hydrological inconsistency, the overpowering increase in populace and
urbanization, as well as the ensuing environmental degradation. The earth’s populace has
tripled in the last century, whilst water utilization on behalf of human purposes has increased
six fold. Due to the continued rise in the populace growth, and the limited quantity of water;
the water resources crisis is indisputably going to aggravate. As a reader, you may with all
probability wonder: in what way is the right to water linked to sustainable development? The
answer is that water is regarded as a human right; the esteem and power of human rights is
thus a requirement for sustainable development. This entails that lacking the recognition of
the human rights; the route for sustainable development is hence as much as unattainable
(Branco, 2008; Rogers & Boyd, 2008; WHO, 2015).
To exemplify a case where the recognition of the human rights is deficient, Albania
would thus make a superlative example. Although, Albania has made some
improvements leading the country en the route for sustainable development; the right to
water has not yet been fully realized. The principal queries here consequently remain:
why has the realization of this right not yet been realized, and is Albania in close
proximity to achieve the realization of this right any time soon? In essence of this, it is of
paramount importance to reflect on the term political economy since the concept
amalgamates with law and is thus both a political and economic factor in the sphere of
sustainable development. A benevolent political economy (intended for pleasing human
essential requirements) ought to be particularly apprehensive with the issue of water
availability, quality and as well as economic accessibility. In order to realize the right to
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water, each state ought to take water availability, quality and economic accessibility into
account, given that these elements are all considered as obligations to the realization of
the right to water. Failing to take one of these obligations into account may in one way or
another, deteriorate the other two elements as well. Depending on how much/ less that is
absent a propos to the aforementioned elements, answers the query of how far or close a
country is in realizing the right to water (Branco, 2008; Rogers & Boyd, 2008).
1.2 Aim of the thesis
The main objective of the thesis is to determine if Albania is in close proximity to realize the
right to water by scrutinizing the three vital elements of the right to water: availability, quality
and economic accessibility. To acquire the objective, the thesis intends therefore to answer the
subsequent queries:
- Is water utilization accessible for all, and is the accessible water of good quality (i.e. safe to
drink) as well as; is the economic accessibility affordable without any discrepancy in its
distribution?
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2. Theory
The following theoretical fraction encompasses the thesis’s essential concept, namely
sustainable development. Since the political economy and international law are encompassed
to answer the aim of the thesis, it is of vital significance to explicate the role of political
economy and international law in sustainable development and how these concepts will assist
in obtaining the facts of the thesis’ objective. The theoretical fraction terminates with the
theoretical framework of the thesis. The theoretical framework comprises international law in
sustainable development with reference to water. This fraction consists of the General
Comment no. 15; it is here where the right to water in international law exists. The General
Comment no. 15 is, further on, divided into two parts: normative framework of the right to
water (what obligations ought states to have in order to realize the right), and violations
pertaining to the right to water (what actions would constitute as a violation that restricts the
realization of the right to water).
2.1 Theorizing sustainable development
Sustainable development is a concept mainly utilized by economists and politicians
throughout the world. The concept is best regarded as a procedure that convenes human
development purposes at the same time as it preserves the aptitude of natural systems to carry
on endowing with natural resources and ecological services on which the society and
economy depends upon. The term of sustainable development has been evolving for more
than four decades. “The 1972 United Nations (UN) Conference of Human Environment in
Stockholm, Sweden, contributed to this evolution by emphasizing that protection of the
human environment is a crucial element in the development agenda. As a result of that
conference, the United Nations Environment Programme Secretariat was established to
promote international environment cooperation. On the national front, countries throughout
the world began to set up or improve their Environment Protection Agency for a cleaner,
healthier country”(Rogers & Boyd, 2008: 9).
Nonetheless, it was not until 1987 that the concept received a definition for the very first time.
The Prime Minister of Norway Gro Harlem Brundtland, subjected a report called “Our
Common Future” on the World Commission on Environment and Development. The report,
also acknowledged as the Brundtland Report, cites that sustainable development is the
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“development that can meet the needs of the present generation without compromising the
ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (World Commission on Environment
and Development, 1987). The citation recognized the necessity for incorporated decision
making that is accomplished of harmonizing the economic and social requirements of the
human beings with regards and aptitude of the natural environment. To put it in plain words,
sustainability may thus be regarded as a course of action that preserves resources for
imminent generations without any damage to the nature. The concept fastens together
apprehension of natural systems with political, economic as well as social defies faced by
human race. Sustainable development is thus a vibrant procedure of alteration where the
utilization of resources, funds, technological development, as well as institutional alteration
are reliable with both the upcoming and present requirements. In accordance with the
Brundtland Commission, the concept of sustainable development in the ultimate scrutiny
ought to depend on the government given that the economic, social and environment
decisions are occurring there. In essence of this, sustainable development goes hence hand in
hand with politics (Rogers & Boyd, 2008: 42).
2.1.1 Political economy in sustainable development
The concept of political economy is complex since its meaning is wide- ranging, i.e. its
meaning depends habitually on the situation that is occurring. Specifically, the political
economy endeavors to connect political and economic procedures within a nation. These
procedures may encompass various cases, such as water reforms, water distribution or how to
implement a new law on the agenda. The interaction between politics and economics centers
the question of power and resources, how these aspects are dispersed in different
circumstances et cetera. Political economy goes underneath “the formal structures to reveal
the underlying interests, incentives and institutions that enable or frustrate change. Such
insights are important if we are to advance challenging agendas around governance, economic
growth and service delivery, which experience has shown do not lend themselves to technical
solutions alone”. Political economy is in the main cooperative in crisis situations such as war,
poverty reduction or water deficiency (The World Bank, 1982). Elements within the political
economy searches thus for the underlying features that caused the crisis to subsequently
connect the political and economical features with power and susceptibility. Power and
susceptibility are scrutinized as political and economical procedures according to the political
economy theory. Assortments of actors are involved in these procedures which often
consequences abandon, segregation or exploration. The political economy put in plain words
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why power and susceptibility of diverse groups alters over time and endows with an
explanation on how one group can have an effect on other groups within a society. Given that
the groups within a society contends for restricted capital and power, the political economy
assist in determining what political and/or economic factors that are restricting the courses of
action toward sustainable development. The concept of political economy has thus the power
to demonstrate how a government or institution accomplishes (or does not accomplish)
sustainable development in assorted communal and economic systems, this by, for instance
scrutinizing how international law is formed and applied into practice (Branco, 2008; Rogers
& Boyd, 2008).
Political economy encompasses thus not merely political and economic factors in the sphere
of sustainable development; it also amalgamates with law (Branco, 2008; Rogers & Boyd,
2008). With respect to the Albanian case concerning water deficiency, a benign political
economy is chiefly intended to please human essential requirements and must therefore be
apprehensive with the issue of water availability. The political economy’s role in the case of
Albania will take a look at how the political environment and the economic system persuade
one another. In this line, the political economy scrutinizes what role the government plays in
the resource allocation as well as if the economic system fulfills its role to equally distribute
these resources. Before scrutinizing the political economy of the right to water in Albania, it is
of paramount importance to notify why international law has a vital role on the road to
sustainable development.
2.1.2 International law in sustainable development
“Throughout the ages, mankind has, for economic and other reasons, constantly interfered
with nature. In the past, this was often done without consideration of the effects upon the
environment. Owing to new scientific insights and to a growing awareness of the risks for
mankind – for present and future generations – of pursuit of such interventions as an
unconsidered and unabated pace, new norms and standards have been developed, set forth in a
great number of instruments during the last two decades. Such new norms have to be taken
into consideration, and such new standards given proper weight, not only States contemplate
new activities but also when continuing with activities begun in the past. This need to
reconcile economic development with protection of the environment is aptly expressed in the
concept of sustainable development” (Rogers & Boyd, 2008: 193). In order to accomplish
sustainable development and at the same time protect the environment, states, districts et
cetera; the humanity is in necessity of guiding principles, that is to say laws. In this essence,
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international law plays thus a vital role in making these alterations simply by endowing with a
policy that develops and strengthens the aptitude for states to achieve the sustainable
development target. International law in its broadest sense is defined as the regular demeanor,
encompassing privileges, human rights, authorities, and protection of states that are calling
upon its necessities, in addition to the correlative vital obligations, violations to the rights,
responsibility, and irresponsibility (Rogers & Boyd, 2008: 184-5). To make certain that the
development is long-lasting and stable for the present and future generations, international
law in sustainable development depicts therefore an up-and-coming body of international
legal standards and devices that deals with the junction between environmental, economic and
social law (counting human rights law here as well).
To put in a nutshell the concept sustainable development with the other two concepts, political
economy and international law, it will become apparent that these concepts go hand in hand
with one another. They all aspire to harmonize the economic and social requirements of the
human beings. International law is of vital importance to both assure and protect the rights of
people, whilst the political economy endeavors to explain how political and economic factors
role might look like on the road to development. Given the fact that Albania has not yet
acknowledged the international right to water law, scrutinizing the political economy of this
right may thus enlighten what political and/ or economic factors have restricted the right of
being realized and by doing it, the fact of Albania is in close proximity of realizing the right to
water will therefore become apparent. But to do so, it is crucial significance to initially
explicate the international law to water and its vital obligations that ought to be taken into
account in order to acknowledge the right.
2.2 Theoretical framework
2.2.1 General Comment No. 15
The General Comment No. 15 construes the 1966 International Covenant concerning the UN
Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. The confirmation pertaining to the right
to water in international law exists hence within the General Comment No. 15 (2002). Since
many human beings (especially the deprived ones) are lacking access to an adequate quantity
of drinking water; the protection of the right to water is thus an urgent matter and obligation
that should be respected (UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 2003).
The right to water consents all and sundry to adequate, secure, satisfactory, physically
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reachable and reasonably priced water for private and domestic utilization. A sufficient
quantity of fresh water is essential in prevention of deaths from dehydration, to diminish the
jeopardy of water- related illness and to endow with consumption, cuisine, private and
domestic sanitary obligations. Article 11, paragraph 1 in the UN Committee on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights enumerates several rights pertaining to the realization of the right
to sufficient standard of living including sufficient clothing, food as well as housing. The
utilization of the utterance “including” denotes that the right to clothing, food and housing
was not proposed to be comprehensive. In this line, the right to water evidently goes along
with the group of assurances necessary for securing a sufficient standard of living, chiefly
because it is one of the most elementary conditions when it comes to human survival.
Furthermore, the Committee has acknowledged water as a fundamental human right; this is
enclosed in article 11, paragraph 1 and in article 12, paragraph 1. “The right to drinking water
and to adequate sanitation is an integral part of internationally recognized human rights and
can be considered an essential element for the implementation of several other human rights
(right to life, right to food, right to health, right to adequate housing…)” (UN Committee on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 2003).
2.2.1.1 Normative framework of the right to water
The right to water encompasses both entitlement and freedom. Freedom contains the right to
sustain access to obtainable water supplies required for the right to water, and the right to be
free from meddling; be free from uninformed extrications or pollution of water supplies. On
the contrary, entitlement comprises the right to a system of water contribution and
management that endows with equal opportunities for human beings to take advantage of the
right to water. In accordance with article 11, paragraph 1 and article 12, the rudiments of the
right to water ought to be sufficient for human dignity, life as well as health. The sufficient of
water ought not to be taken narrowly, by meager reference to voluminous quantities. Water
must, as an alternative “be treated as a social and cultural good, and not primarily as an
economic good. The manner of the realization of the right to water must also be sustainable,
ensuring that the right can be realized for present and future generations” (UN Committee on
Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 2003).
Whilst, the sufficiency of water indispensable for the right to water may show a discrepancy
according to diverse circumstances, the subsequent essential obligations pertain hence in all
situations;
8
(a) Availability- encompasses adequate and incessant water supply for private and domestic
utilization. This utilization usually contains drinking, private sanitation, cleaning of clothes,
produce food as well as household sanitation. But to ensure this human dignity, healthiness as
well as income, “a minimum amount of water must be available and meet the requirements of
drinking water supply and personal and household hygiene” (UN Committee on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights, 2003). The minimum amount is thus expected to provide with 20
liters per day and per individual. Availability also necessitates physical access of water to
every household, place of work et cetera, if not; this ought to anyhow be feasible at a distance
of approximately 20 minutes walking or less than a kilometer away.
(b) Quality- the water necessary for private and domestic utilization ought to be safe, thus free
from microbes, chemical matters and radiological risks that compose a hazard to a person’s
physical condition. Moreover, water ought to be of a tolerable color, scent and flavor for each
private or domestic utilize.
(c) Economic accessibility- denotes that water amenities ought to be reachable to each person
without bias as well as reasonably priced for all. “The direct and indirect costs and charges
associated with securing water must be affordable, and must not compromise or threaten the
realization of other Covenant rights” (UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights, 2003). In addition, economic accessibility comprises a non-discrimination factor
where water amenities ought to be reachable to all, counting the most susceptible or
marginalized segments of the populace. Expenses on water should not be high enough to have
an effect on the purchase of other fundamental goods. Non-discrimination goes thus along
with the distribution of water since there should not contain any disparity in the distribution of
water (Ibid).
2.3.1.2 Violations pertaining to the right to water
States ought to ascertain that they have taken the three essential and practicable obligations
(illustrated in 4.1.1) en the route to the realization of the right to water. Compliant with
international law, a failure to realize such steps consequences in a violation of the right to
water. In this essence, it is also of paramount importance to differentiate the incapability from
the reluctance of a State to act in accordance with its obligation pertaining to the right to
water. “This follows from articles 11, paragraph 1, and 12, which speak of the right to an
adequate standard of living and the right to health, as well as from article 2, paragraph 1, of
the Covenant, which obliges each State to take the necessary steps to the maximum of its
available resources. A State which is unwilling to use the maximum of its available resources
9
for the realization of the right to water is in violation of its obligations under the Covenant. If
resource constraints render it impossible for a State to comply fully with its Covenant
obligations, it has the burden of justifying that every effort has nevertheless been made to use
all available resources at its disposal in order to satisfy, as a matter of priority, the obligations
outlined above” (UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, 2003).
10
3. Methodology
The methodological fraction commences with the design of the thesis. With respect thereto
follows the thesis’s methodological fraction which encompasses the material of the thesis
where criticism with reference to the thesis’s sources will be discussed.
3.1 Design of the thesis
3.1.1 Case study
The thesis utilizes the design of a case study. A case study may encompass an analysis of an
institution, organization, occurrence, or an act in a given occasion or place. The chosen design
endows the study with a profound, up- close and comprehensive information concerning a
specific case. Since case studies do extremely well at endowing the researcher with
understanding of a multifaceted subject matter, the design is hence appropriate to study
Albania’s political economy of the right to water (Esaiasson, 2010). The advantage of a case
study design is that it can defy theoretical assumption by drawing general conclusions
(generalization). With respect thereto, the thesis do mainly rely on the theoretical material,
and consists thus of a qualitative textual analysis. This does not connote that statistical data
will not be comprised; statistical data will as well be included to amass more detailed data
regarding the research’s queries. The case study design along with qualitative textual analysis
and detailed quantity data brings hence the most noteworthy information of the material by
both explicating and analyzing the amassed data (Esaiasson, 2010). In order to analyze the
amassed data, it is of vital importance to mention that the theoretical fraction is supplementary
to both facilitate and respond to the thesis’s queries.
3.2 Material along with source criticism
3.2.1 Thuréns four source-criteria
The material of the thesis has laid its focal point on data concerning Albania’s previous water
reforms in order to verify how far or close Albania is in realizing the right to water. Previous
water reforms encompasses what roles the political and economic factors had in developing
the water facility situation in Albania. The material of the thesis will encompass both primary
and secondary sources; it is thus imperative to reassure that the utilized sources are
trustworthy. For that reason, a critical approach is applied to critically construe the utilized
material. The thesis’s material is hence examined by Torsten Thurén’s four source-criteria:
11
genuineness, temporal association, independence and tendency of freedom. The source-
critical writer Thurén defines the first criteria (genuineness) as reliability where it determines
if the source is consistent with its publication and if the writer of the source is connoisseur in
the subject matter. Thurén second criteria, temporal association describes the time duration of
a source; if it is an aged occurrence, an older source seem to be more valid, and vice versa. In
proceeding, the third source-criteria (independence) assesses the information if a source is
dependent on other sources (where the source can be considered as more reliable if other
sources would specify the same detailed event). The last criteria (tendency of freedom), on the
other hand, analyzes if a source fails to describe the actual occurrence by tending to describe
or admixing with the actual event (Esaiasson, 2012; Thurén, 2013). In the subsequent part the
material of the thesis will be analyzed of Thurén’s four aforementioned criterions.
3.2.2 Source criticism
The thesis initiates with a theory fraction which takes advantage of sources coming from
authors such as Rogers and Boyd. In addition, the theory fraction also comprises sources
(reports) coming from the World Commission on Environment and Development and the UN
Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. To begin with the authors, both Rogers
and Boyd are specialists in the subject of political science; hence their outstanding work with
regards to sustainable development. In this line, the reports coming from the World
Commission on Environment and Development and the UN Committee on Economic, Social
and Cultural Rights are also published without a shred of doubt by specialists within the
subject matter. Their material consists mainly of primary sources where genuineness is
considered to be undisputable given that these sources in some way or another completes one
another by stating the same facts.
Moreover, a propos to the empirical material, sources like the World Health Organization, the
Institute of Public Health, NGOs, National Strategy for Socio- Economic Development and
especially the World Bank has been utilized. These sources enclose both primary and
secondary data, but since all of the data are close to the occurrences that the thesis intended to
comprise, the genuineness and the temporal association of these sources is therefore
considered to be indubitable. What is more, the criterion independence has exhibited that the
sources have amassed data from other reliable sources. The other sources have thus been
reviewed to verify if the sources utilized the same information regarding the occurrences,
12
simply by examining the “sources’ sources”. Accordingly, since the sources’ sources verified
the same data, there is thus no doubt that the material utilized a tendency of freedom.
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4. Results
The subsequent fraction encompasses the results of the thesis. This fraction commences with
an historical background of Albania’s preceding development of water to obtain a more
profound insight of the country’s water background before scrutinizing the current situation of
water supply in Albania. With respect thereto follows the up to date situation of water supply
in Albania which is alienated into three parts: the demand and coverage of drinking water,
consistency and safety in drinking water supply and water distribution and expenditure.
4.1 Historical background
Albania’s history background concerning the development of water supply encompasses four
diverse stages. The initial stage occurred in 1930, when Italian corporations provided the main
towns in Albania with water channels consisting of partial coverage of network extensions.
Regardless of the channels’ age and their inadequate upholding, some of these channels are
still in function at the present time. In addition, this stage contained an authoritarian period
where an interior immigration increased greatly, whilst exterior immigration was proscribed
by law. Interior immigration was an arranged procedure operated for socio- economical and
political motives (The World Bank, 2003). Specifically, the beginning of this era comprised
the development of industries and infrastructure, which in turn attracted Albanians from
villages to reside in main towns of Albania. The growing immigration occurrence had a
stringent impact on the already deprived urban infrastructure. Albania was in need for well-
organized development systems that would advance the rural infrastructure, provide with
employment opportunities and endow inducements to hold back the rate of immigration to a
more tolerable level. The enhance of urban populace led to supplementary pressure on water
supply and sanitation amenities, electricity supply service, health services et cetera. Owing to
this, cities became less fit for human habitation since urban planning was missing (Ibid).
Moreover, the second stage proceeded in 1950 and was epitomized by a hasty growth of
services, for the most part in the urban areas. This stage endowed with various economic and
industrial developments enhanced by East- European countries’ support. In proceeding, the
support was subsequently also followed by extensive Chinese aid. Water availability and the
quality of supply services were highly developed. The improvement resulted in
supplementary employment possibilities in urban areas; the urban populace increased
14
simultaneously in reply to the improvement. Moreover, the third stage which emerged in
1978 was prejudiced as a political “frost” since the relationship between Albania and China
became narrower. Given the fact that the relationship destabilized, the Chinese aid hindered
consequently the progress in Albania, which in turn isolated Albania’s possibilities of
receiving further foreign investments. Lacking the device and the additional investments led
gradually to immense worsening of the supply amenities as the quality of the services
deteriorated in the same way in, which in turn affected the whole nation. In addition, the
financial cuts at the national level exposed a rejection in relation to the preservation activities.
Accordingly, with water facilities worsening, leaching in the distribution system escalated
gradually more. Due to the lack of the preservation activities in many urban areas, income
assortment declined and unfortunate technological interferences were operated by political
motives more willingly than practical improvement of networks. As a result, water was
provided now and then as an alternative of everlasting supply (The World Bank, 2003; 2008).
What is more, few new water amenities were constructed but these new systems were
inadequately constructed, designed and preserved. This in sequence enhanced the danger for
drinking water pollution and increased the risk of waterborne illnesses. A mixture of
politically operated water tariffs, extensive consumption by customers, inadequate payments
for operations, and weakened devices created a circumstance comprising a responsible staff
lacking in enthusiasm to improve water supply systems. The fourth and last stage occurred in
1992, in this stage the majority of water amenities came to reach the end of its era, and to
additionally become past cost- effective maintenance in some areas. The improved areas were
accordingly improved with the helping hand of the government and the support from
international contributor communities. Despite the improvement in the water systems of some
areas, the Albanian water situation shortly afterwards continued to worsen once again, due to
various reasons.
Albeit, the citizens of Albania were rapid and eager in approving progressive alterations, the
inheritance of decades continued to turn down some decisions concerning the principal
planning of water supply. The civil society attempted to endow with solutions, but
lamentably without progress. Albanians had also the tendency to take for granted that the
government level would provide with such solutions. In this line, the public participation and
the planning slowed down drastically from below (The World Bank, 2003). Furthermore,
Albanians shaped impracticable expectations on the easiness of obtaining the European living
standards. Counting the impracticable expectations with the poorer quality of the Albanian
15
institutions, it became apparent that these displeased expectations had caused the Albanians
aggravation, which in sequence sparked off numerous aggressive revolts that often resulted in
wrong way up progresses. Owing to this, Albania struggled to have faith in traditional clan
organizations and systems, whilst the faith and esteem with reference to its institutions and
international law was slowly but surely building up. Economic, social as well as political
reforms were all necessary for an inclusive development in Albania at that stage. In spite of it,
some water reforms were approved politically though, but the completion of these reforms
were still coping with a lot of complexity, struggle and blockage, the rapidity toward
improvement was, for that reason very low (The World Bank, 2003; 2008).
Later on, the Albanian government had through stringent devolution of policies finally
approved with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), to uphold the steadiness of the macro-
economy, even though the Albanian economy relied for the most part on foreign support and
payments. This monetary pyramid came unfortunately to an end in early 1997, the collapse as
an outcome, caused a colossal outburst of aggressive anarchism. The Albanian government
along with several supporters made serious endeavors to improve and reorganize the
economic sector, but with little in progress. The government was thus very much engaged
with crisis situations in the past and was accordingly occupied to utilize more resources in
order to endow the country with a vision toward development. Despite the government’s
occupation, Albania still faced the challenge to reinforce the public institutions. Regardless of
the high employment levels, the institutions were generally weak, as the professionalism of
the civil administration was restricted as well (IMF, 2014; The World Bank, 2003, 2008). At
this stage, corruption was wide-ranging. The social service reform, the juridical system and
the decentralization improvement were all in progress of implementation, but the results
concerning the institutions’ presentation has thus far not be seen. Even with the investments
of the government and the donors; the availability to fresh water, the quality of services and
wellbeing services, et cetera continued to be low, chiefly in rural areas. More than 55 percent
of Albania’s populace lived in rural areas and were thus profoundly affected by this restrain.
The foremost restrain lied within the partial management capability of the Albanian
institutions. Accomplishing the capability- building in all areas of the society and thus give
power to the local areas would as a result be the key to endow with sufficient water services
to the Albanian populace (The World Bank, 2003, 2008).
16
4.2 The up to date situation of water supply in Albania
4.2.1 The demand and coverage of drinking water
Albania’s development during the last decade has resulted in many alterations in the water
requirement mold. The necessity for water management is considered to be the most vital
feature to advance water supply facilities in Albania. In view of the fact that urban areas are
swiftly on the rise, more drinking water is consequently demanded. In this sense, both central
and local governments have attempted to control the populace movement in Albania, but their
efforts have lamentably been fruitless, and the procedure of this carries still to be on in an
unrestrained way (The World Bank, 2015). On account of this, merely 50 percent of the
Albanians have access to water supply and deplorably, and the quality of these water systems
lingers to be extremely low. Approximately 140 liters of water is produced per second in
Albania, and 25 liters of this is misplaced from the supplier to the customer. Taken as a
whole, about 60 percent of the produced water is believed to be lost on the way, whilst 30
percent of the lost water is caused by the capriciousness of the populace, which may be
principally due to the lack of water meters. With respect thereto, the shortage of water
impinges not only on the Albanian populace; it also apprehensions the tourism of the country.
The tourism growth in coastal areas demands higher water availability, particularly in summer
when the requirement is simultaneously rising from other customers (The World Bank, 2015).
Unfortunately, the shortage of water infrastructure impedes the tourism to develop
supplementary. Durres, the second- biggest city in Albania with lodging facility for tourism,
is a remarkable instance where water is obtainable only a few hours once every two days. This
condition is also analogous in other tourist cities like Lezha, Saranda and Vlora. If water
availability is exposed in liters per capita in inner-city areas, it is unpardonable to reveal that
water facilities are more than enough to satisfy the water need. The water availability is
estimated to be around 500 liters per capita per day in many cities of Albania, which exhibits
a vast contrast to other European countries where the utilization of water is estimated to be
120 liters/ capita per day. But due to leakage and substantial wastage, only a scarce amount of
the produced water goes into needed utilization. Not only does this lodge the facility for the
Albanian populace and tourism, but it does also forcefully affect businesses as well as
industries from receiving undependable water supply. In addition, the substantial leakage also
obliges high operation cost on the facilities (The World Bank, 2013; 2015).
Moreover, the information with reference to water accessibility shows a significant
discrepancy, where the urban areas encompasses the proportion of 90 percent, whilst the rural
17
have the supply of merely 50 percent. This indecision comes, with all probability to pass
because Albania is lacking a clear criterion on what water supply infrastructure ought to
encompass in order to provide with sustainable water services. Several of these multifaceted
water systems have newly been separated into minor controllable parts, but if these smaller
water systems have showed progress is yet unknown. The focal reason why precise
information is not accessible is due to the fact that the government of Albania has not
completed a comprehensive poll concerning the aged and new systems, chiefly because
government authorities are lacking the vital resources to monitor. In this essence, the latest
political campaign in Albania concerned the lack of drinking water (The World Bank, 2015).
The campaign encompassed an action of increasing water supply in some urban areas. In spite
of the scantily planned action, the inadequate funds, and how swiftly the plan was organized;
the outcome of the coverage and quality of water services were more politically decorated
rather than practically acknowledged. Consequently, the action provided merely with
temporary results that weakened shortly after. Concerning the fact that water services were
once again not available, the populace of the rural areas has to, as an alternative rely on
domestic wells as well as natural springs in order to complete their requirement of survival.
This entails immeasurable time and effort for the inhabitants to transport and bring water into
their homes. The transportation is chiefly completed by animals in synthetic bottles and the
hard work of transporting water into the inhabitants’ home is mainly completed by women
and children (The World Bank, 2013; 2015). To support this matter, two international Non
Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have examined rural areas where water services have
been missing. Figure 4.2.1 illustrates the foremost results of the examination:
Data Plan Inl.
Transporting water in summer 85%
Transporting water the rest of the year 24%
Standard distance of travel on a daily basis 3.7 km
Daily trips 3-5 trips
Amount of time spending per day 4-5 hours
Standard quantity of water transported per trip 46 lit
Daily standard consumption per household 199 lit
Figure 4.2.1. Review of inhabitants’ time and effort utilized in transporting water. Source: The World Bank. Albania – Water Supply and Sanitation Sector Strategy. Page 15.
18
With respect to figure 4.2.1, it is apparently demonstrated that rural areas are at present in
desperate need of development, albeit several of the water services are far past cost-effective
to restore and more thorough involvement ought therefore to be considered (The World Bank,
2015).
4.2.2 Consistency and safety in drinking water supply
The water quality principles in Albania, which are compulsory for all water service suppliers,
were acknowledged in 1998 by the Council of Ministers. Water quality principles are
regarded as a highly developed set of norms, akin to World Health Organization’s principles
(OSCE, 2007). The practical severity of these principles is considerable, given that it endows
with the opportunity that guarantees sustainable drinking water protection, where no need of
updating the principles in the near future is considered necessary. Conversely, agreement with
some parameters in Albania is to a certain extent very complicated and quite unworkable,
because some of the parameters are way stricter than what could possibly be accomplished by
the management expertise applied in Albania. Moreover, it appears that quality control
structures, for instance the Sanitary Inspectorate are to some extent profitable in challenging
conformity with the most complex parameters. The sewage principles in Albania were for the
first time applied in 1974. It was the Ministry of Health that endowed these principles as
impermanent principles; they became thus on no account everlasting principles. At the
moment, the Ministry of the Environment is arranging innovative principles consistent with
the European Directive of 1991, which take in hand public wastewater sewage. The State
Sanitary Inspectorate’s answerability is to observe Albania’s drinking water as well as the
wastewater’s quality (UNECE, 2012). Unluckily, observing the wastewater quality is more or
less utterly ignored and researches concerning the sewages impact on the environment are
exceptionally inadequate. The procedure of water quality observation ought not to be regarded
as an effortless conformity encompassing guiding principles. It should rather be considered as
a progression of interconnected actions commencing with the data that is required, and
terminating with the utilization of the data product. The quality observation procedure
comprises in general five factors: water management, observing policy, observing processes,
information management and institutional planning. Albania is lacking such quality
observation since several of these factors are disregarded (The World Bank, 2015).
Into the bargain, the water quality principles concerning wastewater discharge encompasses
compliance that turn out to be more or less unworkable owing to the reason that Albania is
19
lacking wastewater management services. Albeit, the painstaking nature of principles entails
good quality on water, the latter is worsening in trunk mains and delivery services due to
illegitimate repair and old water facilities. It is reported that inhabitants of Albania have from
time to time complained on leakage, but water companies do not act in response unless it has
to do with major failures or breakdowns. In addition, these water companies do not take into
account cases where an existence of persistent leakage is occurring. Notwithstanding the fact
that the water companies in Albania have also restricted the economic opportunities to deal
with escalating failures in the water supply services, which in sequence inserts water losses
and enlarges the risk for waterborne illnesses (The World Bank 2013; 2015). The alternating
water supply attempts to compromise water protection, but regardless of this, it is confirmed
that waterborne illnesses exists in Albania since records on waterborne illnesses is available.
Information with regards to waterborne illnesses comes chiefly from the Institute of Public
Health (IPH), where the statistics exhibits a major frequency of gastroenteritis in Albania. The
frequency of gastroenteritis among the Albanian populace is to a certain extent due to the
insufficient health services that are not easily reached, particularly in isolated rural areas and
partially due to poor confirmation keeping as well as treatment practices. Apropos waterborne
illnesses, the Institute of Public Health endows with data encompassing the tendency of
waterborne illnesses from the era of 1995- 2014.
Figure 4.2.2. Occurrence of gastroenteritis in Albania cases/ 1000 inhabitants per year.
Source: Institute of Public Health (IPH), 2015.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
Nu
mb
er o
f C
ase
s
Year
Gastroenteritis in Albania
20
Albania exhibits high tendency of waterborne before 2002, and a noteworthy decrease after
2006. The noteworthy decrease that can by some means be noticed, was not in fact caused by
a miracle phenomenon in drinking water protection, but depends rather on the decrease in
health service reporting which causes complicated data in coverage systems, which in turn
makes it difficult for the government to initiate water sector reforms. Due to the lack of data
to initiate central planning of sector reforms, the proportion of waterborne illnesses may still
be high since accurate information of the total number of cases is not quite accessible.
Nonetheless, other relevant reports and other examinations have exhibit and confirmed the
fact that gastroenteritis in Albania is frequently waterborne. The principal aspect and cause of
the waterborne illness is mainly due to the bacteriological contagion on drinking water (IPH,
2015, The World Bank, 2015).
4.2.3 Water distribution and expenditure
The contagion of drinking water may more or less be linked to Albania’s poor economy.
Albania is identified as Europe’s most deprived country comprising inadequate living
standards where one fourth of the average families are deprived. Poverty is delineated as
severe when the line of food is tremendously low. In accordance with the National Strategy
for Socio- Economic Development (NSSED), one third of Albania’s populace does not meet
the indispensible requirements for food. In this line, poverty is more common in the rural
areas; with 67 percent more deprived inhabitants in comparison to the urban areas. This is due
to the disparity towards crucial water infrastructure facilities. Water infrastructure facilities
are in so far distributed and available in almost all urban areas, however this does not denote
that these areas are not strained with serious infrastructure shortages. Whilst, the foremost
issue regarding the rural areas is rather a question of access to the facilities. It is thus
indispensable for water companies to confer with the public on their universal discernments
concerning water supply amenities, this in sequence to observe the consumer’s needs
associated to the supply provision (The World Bank, 2013: 2015). Consequently, water
companies ought to demeanor qualitative as well as quantitative studies annually to amass the
public’s discernments and hence develop the severe water issues. Lamentably, the water
services in Albania are deficient in a specialized customer relation structure where complaints
are replied habitually to relieve themselves from people as an alternative of resolving the
customer’s complaints. The deprived areas of the populace are affected the most, not only are
they struggling with water accessibility, but also with the high cost of access. In essence of
21
this, there is no alleviation strategy prepared for the deprived ones to manage inter alia, tariffs
increases. In proceeding, as an adhesive bandage to the exhibited disregard, the government
does after all prepare to display a salvation tariff approach in the near future. The approach
encompasses a daily deliverance of 20 liter per capita to consumers without charge. If the
amount of water exceeds 20 liter, the exceeded amount will thus be charged. If the consumers
reject or cannot afford the exceeded expense, water facilities will hence disconnect consumers
access to water and merely allow them to receive the free amount. The water facilities may
also install public control device for the exceeded consumers as a way of extenuating the
dilemma. Simultaneously, there are not many Albanians who regard the tariff approach as a
salvation in view of the fact that 20 liters is far enough to satisfy the human demand in
Albania (The World Bank, 2013; 2015).
Moreover, the government of Albania has, as aforementioned, also approved the WHO
principles pertaining to water utilization (OSCE, 2007). Regardless of this endorsement, the
locally operated Economic Assistance Program, does not accomplish the necessities to
smooth the progress of the deprived consumers. Deplorably, the government is at present also
lacking the device to endow with financial assistance to the deprived ones. This may with all
probability have much to with how politics and economics do not lend a hand to one another
in Albania (The World Bank, 2013; 2015). Specifically, it is argued by various scientists that
water companies are a lot more contended to cope with wants instead of rights. By taking into
consideration that the human right to water shall benefit every individual’s standard of living
by dividing the water services in equal sense, the economics in these water companies often
brazen out with human rights. The reason why water companies brazen out of these rights is
because they aim at attaining the maximize utility of their wants, i.e. the highest income
potential. This in turn forces economics to espouse an abnormal behavior. However, the
economic effectiveness does not always combat to espouse when public goods and services
are apprehensive. On the other hand, pleasing the economic, social and cultural rights goes
past further the denotation of distributive regulations (Branco, 2008). The distributive
regulations entails inter alia, that no one shall be deficient of water and also that essential
qualitative criterion ought to be reported, which is some of the issues that economics are
disinclined to address in Albania. In this matter, it is also worth mentioning that the water
sector in Albania inconveniently comprises signs of corruption that exist habitually in
procurement and management of water infrastructure. The illegitimate links in piped systems
are not always completed by recipients themselves, rather by water companies doing it upon
22
compensation. In additional cases, some businesses induce billing employees to diminish the
water fee, or as an alternative not expose their water presence to water companies. The
corruption has there or thereabouts been sufficiently addressed in the legal framework, but the
implementation of law a propos with corruption has been frail; governmental organizations
are amongst those who pay no heed to the law (The World Bank, 2013; 2015). In essence, it is
tricky to inquire water companies in the Albanian context (which are disposed to take action
based on commercially driven targets) to enlarge their report to commercially unappealing
areas (where the major proportion of populace is deprived). To endow high-income
consumers with great quality of water, whilst disregard disadvantaged areas underserved
results in public pressures as well as in illegal connections. Water facilities are cognizant of
this occurrence and are therefore willing to go on board on a more public approach if the
government’s strategies would approve to support the deprived areas financially, which would
in turn also outcome in a more impartial water service. The proposed financial support ought
to be performance-based and in proportion to every utility’s commitment. A vital milestone
for development is an impartial water service, and this major task is the government’s
accountability to ensure that the procedure is not onerous for water facilities, and also ensure
an adequate level of service to the extremely poor areas. It is of imperative importance for the
government to apply the restricted resources on economic potential areas given that it would
be negligent to deliver in uncertain areas which may be deserted by the inhabitants in the
forthcoming future. As a result, these details unfavorably encroach on the domestic as well as
the foreign investments, which in sequence slow-moves Albania’s development plainly by
restricting the economic growth (The World Bank, 2015).
23
5. Conclusion along with discussion
The main objective of the thesis was to determine if Albania was in close proximity to realize
the right to water, plainly by scrutinizing the three vital elements of the right to water:
availability, quality and economic accessibility. To obtain the objective, the thesis intended to
answer three diverse but yet common queries regarding the subject matter of water. The initial
query was if water utilization was accessible for all; the findings has demonstrated that the up
to date circumstance of water supply infrastructure in Albania is being in a serious condition,
taking into consideration the prohibited connections, the unrestrained rural to urban
immigration, the low maintenance caused by the deficient support from international funds as
well as the aged systems (not to mention the substantial leakage in these systems). Regardless
of the fact that there are water facilities that have reached their end of existence, there still
exists water facilities that are more than enough to satisfy the water demand, but due to the
large wastage, only a scarce amount of the produced water goes into needed utilization. With
this data, we can presume that issues pertaining to inadequate availability may be resolved by
increasing the production amenities and supply intake. On the contrary, increasing utilization
rates would gravely have an effect on the weak water facility balances with upcoming
aftermaths. In this line, it is reasonable to point out that Albania does not seem to have a
production issue, rather a distribution issue. As a matter of fact, water deficiency may almost
everywhere be noticeably alleviated through metering, wastage, leakage detection and
diminution, system upgrading, extrication of illegal connections, and sanguine endeavor of
storage a propos to water delivery patterns.
In proceeding, the second query of the thesis was to illuminate if the accessible water was of
good quality in Albania (i.e. safe to drink); the results have demonstrated that Albania is in
deficient of quality observation which in turn consequences in unprotected water and
persistent leakage. In addition, the lack of quality observation confirms the fact that
waterborne illnesses (which are mainly caused due to the bacteriological contagion on
drinking water) do exist in Albania. The third query, on the other hand shed light on the
economic accessibility, explicitly if water was affordable without any discrepancy in its
distribution; the findings has illustrated that both urban and rural areas of Albania are in
deficient of water supply, but the rural areas are albeit stricken the most. The reason why rural
areas are stricken the most is because poverty is more common in these areas; with 67 percent
more deprived inhabitants in comparison to the urban areas. This in progression exhibits that
24
water supply in Albania does not encompass a righteous distribution given that water reforms
are expected to be foremost developed in urban areas, whereas rural areas are consequently
overlooked. The rural areas are not only struggling with poverty and the uneven distribution
of water amenities, the stricken areas also struggles with unaffordable costs of the diminutive
amenities that are available. To discuss this matter, the distribution of water may be regarded
as an ordinary monopoly in the line that if opposition is permitted between various companies
in turn obtain allowance, the customer has not the option to choose its supplier. Owing to this,
it is of paramount importance to make certain that decisions with regards to the distribution of
water ought to made by the people which the distribution concerns. This democratic control in
sequence encompasses the economic, social as well as cultural rights sincerely simply by
entailing the public’s options, as an alternative of private management.
Last but not least, the illustrated facts verify that Albania is not in close proximity to realize
the right to water, plainly for the reason that the major proportion of the Albanian populace is
indecisive in having adequate accessibility to water. Hitherto, nearly all consideration with
regards to water decision-makers in Albania has been devoted to water supply, where the
foremost assignment is to complement the mounting water demand. Owing to this, in many
areas of the country, the most striking alternatives concerning the improvement of water
infrastructure have by now been applied into practice, and in many of these cities it is solid to
take into consideration more reasonable alternatives in turn to augment water supply. When
positioned adjacent to the augment in water demand, which is going on and is likely to
increase twice as much in the future decades, the issue of water deficiency turns into a critical
extent. In essence, an additional increase of water demand is not considered as sustainable and
inserts thus the issue to be resolved by the forthcoming generations. Consequently,
forthcoming development ought to be anchored in the principle that water is restricted and
consideration ought therefore to be changed from systemizing the supply to have an effect on
the water demand.
25
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