the progressivism of america’s founding
TRANSCRIPT
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8/8/2019 The Progressivism of Americas Founding
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The Progressivism of AmericasFoundingPart Five of the Progressive Tradition Series
Conor Williams and John Halpin October 2010
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The Progressivism of AmericasFoundingPart Five of the Progressive Tradition Series
Conor Williams and John Halpin October 2010
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Contents 1 Introduction
4 Individual rights and the public good in early America
8 Thomas Jeffersons influence on progressive thought
10 Alexander Hamiltons influence on progressive thought
12 Conclusion
14 Endnotes
15 About the authors and acknowledgements
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Wih he rise o he conemporary progressive movemen and he elecion o Presiden
Barack Obama in 2008, here is exensive public ineres in beter undersanding he
origins, values, and inellecual srands o progressivism. Who were he original pro-
gressive hinkers and aciviss? Where did heir ideas come om and wha moivaed
heir belies and acions? Wha were heir main goals or sociey and governmen?
How did heir ideas inuence or diverge om alernaive social docrines? How do
heir ideas and belies relae o conemporary progressivism?
Te Progressive radiion Series om he Cener or American Progress races he
developmen o progressivism as a social and poliical radiion sreching om he
lae 19h cenury reorm eors o he curren day. Te series is designed primarily or
educaional and leadership developmen purposes o help sudens and aciviss beter
undersand he oundaions o progressive hough and is relaionship o poliics and
social movemens. Alhough he Progressive Sudies Program has is own views abou
he relaive meri o he various values, ideas, and acors discussed wihin he progres-
sive radiion, he essays included in he series are descripive and analyical raher
han opinion-based. We envision he essays serving as primers or exploring progressiv-
ism and liberalism in more deph hrough core exsand in conras o he conserva-
ive inellecual radiion and canon. We hope ha hese papers will promoe ongoing
discourse abou he proper role o he sae and individual in sociey; he relaionship
beween empirical evidence and policymaking; and how progressives oday migh
approach specifc issues involving he economy, healh care, energy and climae change,
educaion, fnancial regulaion, social and culural aairs, and inernaional relaions
and naional securiy.
Par fve o he series examines he origin o progressive commimens o human libery,
equaliy, and he public good as expressed in he Declaraion o Independence, he U.S.Consiuion, and he poliical hough o Tomas Jeerson and Alexander Hamilon.
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Introduction
Conservaives have spen a grea deal o ime and eor in recen years disoring
he relaionship beween progressivism and Americas Founding. Progressives
hroughou hisory have veneraed he ideals o Americas Founding, paricularly
as expressed in he Declaraion o Independence and he Preamble o he U.S.
Consiuion, and have employed is inspiraional values o human libery, equal-
iy, and commimen o he general welare as he underpinnings o heir own
search or social jusice and reedom or all. Tere may no be a singular progres-
sive viewpoin on our naions ounding values, bu nearly all progressives agreeha he Unied Saes was creaed o ulll a promise o ree and equal poliical lie
or all o is ciizens. Te bulk o progressive acivism and poliical hough over
ime has ocused on bringing hese core ounding values ino realiy or all people.
Some o he original progressive hinkers, such as Herber Croly and Charles
Beard, were deeply skepical o he consiuional order hey inheried. Bu his
skepicism is oen misundersood as disdain or he Consiuion isel or a desire
o replace i wih some oher documen or se o values. Tis is misplaced. Early
progressives were quie clear ha heir skepicism o he consiuional order
resed on he predominan conservaive inerpreaion o he Consiuion as an
unbending deense o propery righs above all over values a a ime when millions
o Americans were suering rom he hardships o indusrializaion.
By he lae 19h cenury, newly ormed corporae eniies had acquired righs
originally inended solely or individual American ciizens. Cours in ha era
reaed commonplace reorms such as he ban on child labor and esablishmen o
minimum-wage laws as consiuional violaions o individual righs and he due
process clause o he 14h Amendmen. Progressives argued ha his approach o
he Consiuionexemplied inLochner v. New York, which sruck down limison work hours as unreasonable, unnecessary and arbirary inererence wih
he righ and libery o he individual o conracwas logically incoheren and
economically and socially disasrous.
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Progressives righly saed ha corporaions are no ciizens and ha he
Consiuion was no writen o deend a laissez-aire approach o he economy
or o preven Congress rom aking necessary seps o secure he well-being
and opporuniy o all Americans. Progressives argued ha he Consiuion
explicily grans Congress he power o lay and collec axes, o regulae oreign
and inersae commerce, and o do wha is necessary and proper in order oprovide or he common deense and general welare o he naion. Tey used his
consiuional auhoriy o ackle a whole range o social problems associaed wih
indusrializaionrom workplace saey and labor regulaions o proecions o
he naions ood and medical supply and our naural resources.
Tis is a crucial disincion in undersanding he relaionship beween progressivism
and he Founding. Progressives believe in ullling he revoluionary values embed-
ded in he American ounding and he U.S. Consiuion. Tey do no believe in
wising hese values or misapplying he Consiuion o serve he ineress o he
wealhy and powerul a he expense o he reedom and equaliy o he res o us.
Much o he conservaive rheoric agains progressive reamens o Americas
ounding revolves around criicism o he belie ha he Consiuion is liv-
ing law, as we address in par one o his series, Te Progressive Inellecual
radiion in America. Progressives have argued since he days o Tomas
Jeerson ha he Consiuion is no a xed, saic documen ha locks uure
generaions o Americans ino lae 18h cenury consiuional inerpreaions.
Te genius o he Consiuion lies in is abiliy o adap o he changing norms
and knowledge o new eras. Te Founders waned ciizens o draw on he bes
available evidence and evolving undersandings o democracy o keep he spiri
o individual libery and poliical equaliy alive. Ta is exacly wha he Founders
did in rs pressing or separaion rom Briaindrawing on exising values o
build new arrangemens o sel-governmen ha beter suied he menaliy and
siuaion o he early American coloniss.
Jeerson argued ha laws and insiuions mus evolve wih he progress o
he human mind. Our increased undersanding abou sociey and he world
around us requires us o consanly apply consiuional rules o new siuaions.
Progressives believe ha a dogmaic opinion o he Consiuion as a xed docu-men requires no only he suspension o advanced knowledge colleced over
ime, bu also a bizarre acquiescence o illiberal opinions rom cenuries pas.
reaing he Consiuion his way would mean reviving he Founders original
inen regarding slavery and excluding mos men and all women rom voing and
oher orms o democraic lie.
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Te original progressives argued ha he Consiuionand he Founding more
generallywas a powerul momen no simply because i provided sable rules o
poliics, bu also because i represened an enduring commimen o libery, equal-
iy, and jusice under represenaive poliical insiuions. Americas Founding was
a criical ime ha promised he goods o democraic governmen o presen and
uure Americans. Te goal o successive generaions o Americans was o urnhose values ino concree laws and social arrangemens ha honored ha com-
mimen o human reedom and poliical equaliy.
Conservaives mainain ha he original rules o he Consiuion, and he inen
o is draers, are adequae and sucien measures or evaluaing complex con-
emporary issues and should no be reinerpreed based on changing acs and
socieal norms. Progressives disagree. Te lineage o early consiuional hough
is clear in some cases, bu enirely murky and indeerminae in many ohers. Tere
is oen no way o know or sure which ideas matered mos o he Founders when
hey draed he Consiuion, whose inen was mos imporan, or how heyexpeced us o decide among conficing inenions. And why should he inen o
lawmakers rom long ago mater more han our deliberaive democraic process
oday? Tese are no ligh quesions or progressives.
Progressives also ake issue wih he conservaive view ha Americas rue
ounding values are locaed exclusively in he 18h cenury Consiuion.
Progressives believe ha he draing and adopion o he Consiuion was a
unique and undamenal momen in American hisory. Bu rom he perspec-
ive o our naions poliical values and public philosophy, i should no dis-
place he imporance o he Declaraion o Independence, he radicalism o he
Revoluionary War, or longsanding colonial social conrac radiions, which oer
addiional and someimes compeing values.
Te remainder o his paper will explore he progressive naure o he Founding
Era and explain how progressives came o combine he egaliarian and individual
righs-based ideals o Tomas Jeerson wih he naional greaness radiion o
Alexander Hamilon.
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Individual rights and the public
good in early America
Many people orge ha he pre-Revoluionary Era had long-sanding progres-
sive values cenered on represenaive democracy, poliical equaliy, and he
necessiy o civic communiy. Tese values are eviden in documens such as he
Fundamenal Orders o Connecicu, enaced in 1639, which opens wih he
provision ha he Inhabians and Residens o he sae ener ino combinaion
and conederaion ogeher, o mainain and pursue he libery and puriy o he
gospel o our Lord Jesus. Te documen specied ha local magisraes and he
governor were o be eleced by he people.1
Te Massachusets Body o Liberies, enaced in 1641, claimed similar righs or
all men:
Te ree ruiion o such liberies, immuniies, and privileges as human-
iy, civiliy, and Chrisianiy call or as due o every man in his place and
proporion we hold i hereore our duy and saey while we are abou
he urher esablishing o his governmen o collec and express all such
reedoms as or presen we oresee may concern us, and our poseriy aer
us, and o raiy hem wih our solemn consen.2
Te Massachusets Body o Liberies was a crucial documen or colonial govern-
mens given Massachusets imporance in early colonial imes. Te Massachusets
compac argued, jus like he Fundamenal Orders o Connecicu, ha govern-
men is ounded on individuals joining ogeher o devise public insiuions
and o consen o laws under a ramework o sel-governmen. Nearly all o he
colonies had such documens.3
Tis colonial poliical radiion inspired he proess ha evenually culminaed inhe American Revoluionary War. American coloniss challenged Briish poliical
auhoriy on a variey o grounds, bu he cenral claim was ha American individ-
uals were burdened wih duies ha were ou o balance wih he promised righs
and benes exended o he coloniss as par o he Briish poliical communiy,
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and pu orh in heir own compacs and charers. Te coloniss complained mos
amously ha hey were required o pay new axes imposed upon hem by insiu-
ions ha did no include represenaives rom he colonies. I is imporan o noe
ha he coloniss were no opposed o axaion as a general rule, bu o axaion
imposed by nonrepresenaive insiuions.
Briish imperial insiuions were no only nonrepresenaive; hey were no longer
adequae or he colonies emerging economy. Briish economic policy atemped
o exrac raw resources rom he colonies a minimum cos o eed he manu-
acuring secor in England. Briain would conver hese resources ino more
valuable nished goods so ha hey could sell hem back o he colonies, hus
srenghening Englands rade balance in relaion o he colonies. Te growh o
he American manuacuring secor made his arrangemen increasingly unsais-
acory or many classes o Americans, no jus wealhy elies. Changing economic
condiions in he colonies implied a need or changed poliical insiuions.
Te implicaion o his unenable economic and poliical arrangemen was
maniesly progressive. Early Americans believed ha poliical communiies have
he righ o deliberae on he economic rules and insiuions shaping heir lives.
Te colonies decried axaion wihou represenaion rom he Boson ea
Pary on. New insiuional relaionships were necessary o resore ree and equal
governmen o he colonies. Laer progressives would use he same reasoning o
claim ha exising poliical rules and insiuions were ou o sep wih changing
economic condiions.
Poliical changes were necessary as he counrys indusrial developmen ueled
explosive economic growh in he lae 19h cenury in order o comba widening
wage inequaliies and ourigh exploiaion o he underprivileged. Argumens
or implemenaion o an income ax, housing regulaions o enemen slums,
and exending universal surage o all Americans all ook his orm. Progressives
hus drew on he Founders posiion ha governmen responsiveness o public
economic concerns is one o is cenral asks.4
Te American Revoluion and he Consiuion were in some ways coninuaions
o Briish radiions, bu hey also included imporan breaks. Te Founding wasin general erms a combinaion o a number o hreads wihin Enlighenmen
philosophy. Mos well known, o course, was he early American adherence o
classical liberal poliical heory as expressed in he wriings o John Locke and
Tomas Paine.
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John Lockes infuence on he American Consiuion is well esablished. Locke
argued ha governmen exiss o proec individuals libery and securiy, and ha
is legiimacy ress upon he consen o hese individuals. Such a governmen ress
upon his conrac wih individuals, and his conrac species he appropriae
relaionship beween ciizens and poliical insiuions. Te social conrac radi-
ionexemplied by Lockes mos amous work, woreaises on Governmenhad enormous sway a he Founding and would laer inspire progressives who
believed ha oudaed, ineecive poliical insiuions were ailing 20h cenury
American ciizens jus as he inheried radiion o Briain had ailed he early
coloniss.5 Early American liberals, and heir progressive counerpars in he 20h
cenury, mainained ha exising guaranees or poliical libery had become insu-
cien and were in need o subsanial reorm.
Tis brand o liberalism was also combined wih egaliarian democraic ideas rom
he French wing o Enlighenmen philosophy. Many American Founders, includ-
ing Tomas Jeerson and Benjamin Franklin, admired he humanis ideals and hedirec challenge o monarchical rule ha drove he French Revoluion.6 Tere are
imporan dierences bu he parallels beween American challenges o Briish
colonial rule and French unres under Louis XVI were clear o he Founders.
Boh believed ha any remnan o he supposed divine righ o monarchs mus
be ossed aside in avor o increasing economic and poliical egaliarianism.
Americans also drew upon he ideas o Monesquieu in designing heir own
poliical insiuions. Federaliss and Ani-Federaliss alike cied his ideas on he
separaion o powers and oher areas as he supreme auhoriy on rules o poliical
organizaion during debaes over adopion o he Consiuion.7
Mos o he infuences lised above had deep roos in he American colonies
beore he Revoluionary War, bu he adopion o he Consiuion refeced a
signican heoreical advancemen ha was also progressive in orienaion. Many
o he Founders believed ha humaniy was enering an age where individual
human reason would challenge monarchs arbirary privilege. Absolue power,
wheher by coercive orce or religious decree, was no longer a legiimae source
or poliical righ. Te American Consiuion atemped o insiuionalize he
implicaions o his core premise. I assered ha he power o poliical insiuions
would have o be harnessed or he good o a counrys ciizens and ha heseinsiuions needed o be predicable, reliable guaranors o equal legal reamen
or all members o he body poliic.
Locke argued that
government exists t
protect individuals
liberty and security,
that its legitimacy re
upon the consent o
these individuals.photo: portrait oF John locke, public domain
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Te colonies organized a cenral poliical auhoriy aer winning he war under
he Aricles o Conederaion. Te cenral governmen had very litle power o
se naional policy under his arrangemen, and his oen led o chaoic naional
poliics and a chronic inabiliy o address collecive problems. Te ramers o he
Consiuion and he auhors oTe Federalis Papers recognized ha public insi-
uions wihou eecive power would do more harm han good. Founders such asJames Madison, John Adams, and Alexander Hamilon were animaed by argu-
mens over he belie ha eecive governmen matered as much as he principles
o limied governmen in designing he new ederal consiuion.
Conrary o conemporary conservaive argumens, he Consiuion isel
represens a deeply held American belie in he necessiy o properly uncion-
ing and responsive naional governmen over more atenuaed orms o sae
rule. Te Consiuion isel would no have been raied i he majoriy o early
Americans were ruly devoed o ideals o severely limied ederal governmen
rule. Progressives would laer draw on many similar argumens in response olaissez-aire ideology in lae 19h and early 20h cenury poliics. Progressives, like
heir ounding oreahers, believe ha a governmen wih insiuions incapable
o perorming heir duies and proecing he reedoms and equaliy o all people
is no governmen a all.8
Progressives argued jus over a cenury aer he Founding ha American poliics
should also be guided by he liberal democraic ideals promised in he Preamble
o he Consiuion: We he People o he Unied Saes, in Order o orm a more
perec Union, esablish Jusice, insure domesic ranquiliy, provide or he com-
mon deence, promoe he general Welare, and secure he Blessings o Libery
o ourselves and our Poseriy do ordain and esablish his Consiuion or he
Unied Saes o America.
Progressives assered ha conservaive or more radiional inerpreaions o
specic pars o he Consiuion were inadequae o secure he blessings o libery
in a modern indusrial democracy. In doing so, progressives proclaimed ha new
inerpreaions o elemens o he Consiuion were needed o preserve is revolu-
ionary promise. Tis new inerpreaion would aim o preserve he Jeersonian
ends o ree people paricipaing equally in sel-governmen by incorporaingHamilonian means o naional and ederal governmen srengh o uphold
hese values in changing imes.
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Thomas Jeffersons influence on
progressive thought
For many progressives, Tomas Jeersons works are he cleares and mos
inspiring ouline o he core poliical ideals o American sociey and governmen.
Progressives believe ha he Declaraion o Independence is he one documen
ha has mos sirred he American soulhe undamenal saemen o Americas
poliical religion, in Abraham Lincolns words.9 No single senence in American
hisory has had as much meaning o hose seeking progressive change and social
advancemen han Jeersons elegan resaemen o classical liberalism: We
hold hese ruhs o be sel-eviden, ha all men are creaed equal, ha hey areendowed by heir Creaor wih cerain unalienable Righs, ha among hese are
Lie, Libery and he pursui o Happiness. Progressivism has always been abou
he search or libery, equaliy, and happiness or all wihin a sysem o democraic
governmen and social and economic opporuniy.
Jeersons civic republican vision is less discussed oday, bu his emphasis on
poliical sel-deerminaion and paricipaion in governing has also served as an
inspiraion or progressives. Jeerson undersood ha democracy is more han
he orm o our consiuion; i is ounded upon he he spiri o our people.10
Jeerson believed men needed o be independen, sel-sucien, and publicly
atuned o he issues o he day in order o be eecive ciizens. He asked hese
ciizens wih keeping wach over public insiuions, which required hem o be
compeen, capable members o heir communiies. His vision o limied govern-
men was direcly ied o his civic republican vision o ree and enabled ciizens
ready and able o ake on he dicul ask o governing.
Jeersons ideal yeoman armer may have seemed oudaed o laer progres-
sives pushing o reorm massive urban indusries, bu many o heir eors were
inspired by his vision o a civically engaged, poliically compeen naion.11
Teseprogressives also embraced his vision o robus communiies as he very essence
o American democraic lie. Progressive poliical leaders ound i easy o assume
he Jeersonian manle. Teodore Roosevel, someimes a criic o Jeerson,
echoed his words by aking up he crusade agains he unscrupulous maleacors
Jeferson understoo
that democracy is
more than the orm
our constitution; it iounded upon the t
spirit o our people.
photo: portrait oF thomas JeFFerson by rembrandpublic domain
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o grea wealh who hreaened he sabiliy o American democracy by degrad-
ing and exploiing he masses. Roosevel also believed ha public insiuions
should secure jusice and air dealing as beween man and man here in he Unied
Saeshrough he join acion o all o us, alhough he also joined Jeerson
in claiming ha we can never aord o orge ha in he las analysis he all-
imporan acor or each o us mus be his own characer. Several decades laer,Franklin Delano Roosevel would describe Jeersons vision o democracy as he
uopia guiding American poliics. Achieving his endgame required Americans
o recognize he new erms o he old social conrac, a dream which had o be
brough o realizaionles a rising ide o misery engendered by our common
ailure engul us all.12 Boh Roosevels and oher progressives during ha ime
essenially saw Jeerson as he sage who rs recognized he meaning o American
democraic lie.
Progressive inellecuals also ook cues rom Jeerson. John Dewey admired
Jeerson as one who was atached o American soil and who ook a consciouslyaler par in he sruggles o he counry o atain is independence, and conse-
quenly undersood ha consan empering o heory wih pracical experience
which also kep his democraic docrine wihin human bounds.13
Ye early progressives recognized as he naions economic siuaion changed
ha he original ends o Jeersonian hough would have o be adaped o new
orms o governmen. As Dewey wroe, []he ineress originally represened by
Jeersonhave now changed places wih respec o exercise o ederal power. For
Jeersonian principles o sel-governmen, o he prime auhoriy o he people, o
general happiness or welare as he end o governmen, can be appealed o in sup-
por o policies ha are opposie o hose urged by Jeerson in his day.14
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Alexander Hamiltons influence
on progressive thought
Progressives may have adoped Jeerson as our rs grea democra, bu hey
admired Alexander Hamilons naionalis poliics, as well.15 Hamilon was one
o he leading advocaes o sronger naional insiuions aer he abjec ailure o
he decenralized Aricles o Conederaion. He argued in he Repor on he Public
Crediand Te Federalis Papers or a ederal power capable o holding ogeher
saes wih disinc ineress. He believed ha he ormer colonies would only be
able o unie ino a single naion i here was a sronger cenral power o ie hem
ogeher. Hamilon was no one o hose who held ha American naional pros-periy would develop o is own accord; he advocaed or he ederal governmen
o assume responsibiliy or building a reliable economic inrasrucure o suppor
growh. He undersood he world o commerce, capial, and indusry ar beter
han many o his agriculural-minded colleagues, Jeerson included.16
Hamilons suppor o ederal invesmen in public works inspired many progres-
sives during uncerain economic periods in he early 20h cenury. Herber Croly,
he mos prominen progressive wrier o his ime, argued in his 1909 book,
Te Promise o American Lie, ha Hamilonian naionalism showed Americans
he poenial or collecive poliical acion o consruc insiuions supporing
individual reedom.17 Dewey agreed wih Hamilon ha, insead o awaiing an
even o know wha measures o ake, we should ake measures o bring he even
o pass.18 Hamilon showed progressives ha democraic insiuions can acively
work wih he common good in mind, since hey are designed o represen and
proec ciizens. Progressives agreed ha a powerul Naional governmen was
no only consisen wih ounding American principles, bu oen necessary o
secure a democraic lie.19
Progressives hroughou hisory have worried ha Hamilon preerred poliicalhierarchy o democracy, bu hey have also acknowledged his genius or address-
ing poliical confics. Woodrow Wilson wroe ha Hamilon had ha deep and
passionae love o libery, and ha seadas purpose in he mainenance o i
[no one else] could have done he grea work o organizaion by which he esab-
Hamilton advocated
the ederal governm
to assume responsib
or building a reliableconomic inrastruc
to support growth.
photo: portrait oF alexander hamilton by John trpublic domain
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lished he naional credi, and wih he naional credi he naional governmen
isel.20 Wilson, along wih eddy Roosevel and Herber Croly, believed ha
Hamilons unique conribuion o American poliics was making pursui o he
naional purpose a primary goal.
Hamilon, like Jeerson, recognized he danger o economic dependence. Hewroe ha in poliical, economic, or social lie, and in he general course o
human naure, a power over a mans subsisence amouns o a power over his
will.21 Democraic poliical leaders necessarily have o consider how social and
economic condiions aec individual independence. Progressives noed dur-
ing he indusrial revoluion when corporae ineress made common pracice o
exploiing individual laborers, ha a srong naional governmen was necessary o
enhance and proec individual poliical libery.
Tis belie conrass sharply wih he radiional conservaive accoun o Americas
oundaional values. Conservaives by he end o he 19h cenury used heir iner-preaion o he Consiuion o build an unsusainable deense o he privilege o
capial and he accepance o economic exploiaion. Progressives believed ha
proecing he economic saus quo no only violaed he Consiuions original
meaning, bu also ignored he longsanding American radiion o using ederal
power o deend individuals rom hreas o heir sel-deerminaion.22
Presiden Woodrow Wilson recognized, ollowing Hamilon, ha he ederal
governmen would need o make isel an agency or social reorm o proec
equaliy o opporuniy or all individuals. Wilson said a he end o he 19h cen-
ury ha, he cones is no longer beween governmen and individuals; i is now
beween governmen and dangerous combinaions and individuals.23 Hamilons
legacy o naional acion in pursui o he collecive good provided progressives
wih a model or adaping he naions poliical insiuions o sui new economic
realiies in he indusrial age.
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Conclusion
Progressives hroughou hisory have argued ha here is no need o choose
beween individual reedom and a srong naional governmen. Tose who see he
relaionship beween libery and naional acion as a zero-sum gamewhere
a srong governmen necessarily means a negaion o human liberyare gener-
ally hose who believe ha ormal consrains on governmen are he only way o
mainain poliical libery.
Progressives rejec his perspecive, arguing ha a narrow ocus on negaivelibery is a hollow concepion o human reedom ha is inconsisen wih our
ounding values. Te Founders commimen o individual libery and equal rea-
men by public insiuions inspired progressive inellecuals, grassroos aciviss,
and poliical leaders alike. Tey believed, as Lincoln said, ha new circumsances
were always esing wheher a naion conceived in libery, and dedicaed o he
proposiion ha all men are creaed equal can long endure.24
Tomas Jeerson augh progressives ha individual sel-deerminaion and
public equaliy are he prizes o ree poliical insiuions, while Alexander
Hamilon made i clear ha hese insiuions need o be srong enough o ensure
hese goals. Progressives ook up he work o renewing American democracy and
human libery by pushing or equal poliical reamen or women, he direc elec-
ion o senaors, an end o exploiaive child labor, environmenal proecions, and
a pro-democracy approach o oreign policy.
Ten-candidae Franklin Delano Roosevel explained in his amous
Commonwealh Club Address in 1932 ha changes in American economic lie
had come o hreaen individual libery in new ways. Corporae economic eniies
made i possible or he Unied Saes o indusrialize, bu equaliy o opporuniyas we have known i no longer exiss.25 Te naions rapid economic developmen
resuled in vas inequaliies ha were now providing a drab living or our own
people, wih he resul ha more han hal o our people do no live on he arms
or on lands and canno derive a living by culivaing our own propery.26
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Progressives recognized ha corporaions had become as grea a hrea o indi-
vidual libery as any public insiuions could ever be. American poliical insiu-
ions, designed or an 18h-cenury economy, were overwhelmed by he new asks
beore hem.
Progressives recognized ha he soluions o he naions problems, and he hrea-ened economic condiion o millions o is ciizens, lay wihin he American radi-
ion, no beyond i. Americas Founding was a undamenal hisorical momen
ha began an experimen in ree and represenaive governmen. Te promises o
his legacy arrived o he 20h cenury somewha rayed and worn, bu progres-
sives made is revializaion cenral o heir poliical objecives.
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Endnotes
1 t F o c, J 14, 1639 [g v ]. i b F, ., The AmericanRepublic, Primary Sources (l F, 2002), . 12.
2 t m b l, d 1641 [g v ]. i b F, ., The AmericanRepublic, Primary Sources (l F, 2002), . 15.
3 c l F Gv pv pv a, m 5, 1682 [g v]. i b F, ., The American Republic, PrimarySources (l F, 2002), . 23.
4 c. ew J. p, The Economy o Colonial America (nw y:c p, 1988).
5 b b, The Ideological Origins o the American Revolution(cg: hv uv p, 1992), . 2730.
6 t F rv 1789.
7 a h, F 9. i Gg W. c J m-c, ., The Federalist(i: l F, 2001), . 3740;J m, F 47. i Gg W. c J mc-, ., The Federalist(i: l F, 2001), . 250252.
8 aw c. mlg,A Constitutional History o the United States (nw y: d. a-c, 1935), . 155.
9 J dw, Liberalism and Social Action, J a b, .,The Later Works o John Dewey, 19251953, Volume 2: 1935 1937(c-, il: s i uv p, 2003) . 64; al, t p o p i: a b
yg m l sg, i. i r p. b, ., Abraham Lincoln: His Speeches and Writings (cv: W p-g, 1946), . 8082.
10 l s kv: t Jf (J 12, 1816), v- ://../jf/v.( m 11, 2010).
11 r b. b, Thomas Jeerson (nw y: o uvp, 2005), . 192.
12 t rv, s pvw, m,rv W d t W, New York Times, ag 21, 1907. i , rv , i g vg w, g ; g v g q v z; F d r-v, cw c s F. i J G, .,Great Speeches, Volume 1 (m, ny: c dv p,1999), . 1827.
13 J dw, Freedom and Culture. i J a b, ., The LaterWorks o John Dewey, 1925-1953, Volume 13: 1938-1939 (c,il: s i uv p, 2003), . 173.
14 i., . 107.
15 J dw, pg t Jf. i J a b,., The Later Works o John Dewey, 1882-1953, Volume 13: 1938-1939 (c, il: s i uv p, 2003), . 2 02.
16 J J. e, Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation (nwy: Vg b, 2002), . 6065; a w -z, : Ww W, A History o the Ame rican People, VolVI: The Founding o the Government (nw y: h b,
1918), . 17, 4448.
17 h c, Progressive Democracy(nw y: t mmc, 1915), . 5455.
18 J dw, s s s c. i J a b,., The Later Works o John Dewey, 1882-1953, Volume 6: 1931-1932 (c, il: s i uv p, 2003), . 67.
19 t rv, The Rough Riders: An Autobiography(nw y:t mm c, 1913), . 73.
20 Ww W, a c G a. i r J.p, ., Woodrow Wilson: The Essential Political Writings (l,md: lg b, 2005), . 82.
21 a h, F 79. i Gg W. c Jmc, ., The Federalist(i: l F, 2001), . 408.
22 t s, Diminished Democracy(n, ok: ouv p, 2003), . 11, 40, 290291.
23 Ww W, s d. i r J. p,., Woodrow Wilson: The Essential Political Writings, . 79.
24 a l, q J m. mp, Drawn With theSword: Refections on the American Civil War(o: o uvp, 1996), . 188.
25 rv w w a b; F d. rv,cw c a. i G l, ., The Two Faces oLiberalism: How the Hoover-Roosevelt Debate Shapes the 21st Century(s, ma: m&m sv p, 2007), . 120.
26 i.
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About the authors
John Halpin is a Senior Fellow a he Cener or American Progress ocusing on
poliical heory, communicaions, and public opinion analysis. He is he co-direc-
or and creaor o he Progressive Sudies Program a CAP, an inerdisciplinary
projec researching he inellecual hisory, oundaional principles, and publicundersanding o progressivism. Halpin is also he co-auhor wih John Podesa
oTe Power o Progress: How Americas Progressives Can (Once Again) Save Our
Economy, Our Climae, and Our Counry, a 2008 book abou he hisory and uure
o he progressive movemen.
Conor P. Williams is pursuing a Ph.D. in governmen a Georgeown Universiy,
wih a ocus on hisorical oundaions o liberal rheoric. Aer graduaing rom
Bowdoin College in 2005, he augh rs grade or wo years as a each For
America Corps member in Crown Heighs, Brooklyn.
Acknowledgements
Te auhors would like o hank Megan Slack, Ed Paisley, Lauren Ferguson,
Mara Cook, and Ruy eixeira or heir valuable insighs and assisance in shaping
his paper.
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The Center for American Progress is a nonpartisan research and educational institute
dedicated to promoting a strong, just and free America that ensures opportunity
for all. We believe that Americans are bound together by a common commitment to
these values and we aspire to ensure that our national policies reflect these values.
We work to find progressive and pragmatic solutions to significant domestic and
international problems and develop policy proposals that foster a government that
is of the people, by the people, and for the people.