the role of leadership in the rebirth of a nation: south africa

7/30/2019 The Role of Leadership in the Rebirth of a Nation: South Africa

1/26

! !!!!!!!!!!!! !

The Role of Leadership in the Rebirth of a Nation: South

Africa!!!!!!!!!!! !!!!!!!!

Jahan Sharif!23 April 2013!

INTL 4700!Professor Jones!

Page 1


2/26

! In November 1985, South African government officials received word that Prisoner No.466/64 needed treatment for an enlarged prostate. The decision whether to transfer the prisoner to a

hospital or to treat him at the prison ultimately reached the desks of some of the highest ranking

officials of the executive branch. There were a number of political consequences to consider, but

one thing was certain, they could not allow Nelson Mandela to die.!! Volks Hospital in Cape Town prepared for the arrival of the world's most famous politicalprisoner by sealing off the third floor and forbidding everyone except the surgeon and two nurses

from entering. Here, while recovering in isolation, Mandela would receive an unlikely visitor:

Jacobus Coatsee the Minister of Justice, Police, and Prisons. Coatsee recounted to a journalist

many years later how the first meeting went. He said, "It was quite incredible. He acted as though

we had known each other for years and this was the umpteenth time we had met. He introduced

General Willemse and me to the two nurses, and chided me for not coming to see him sooner. I

remember he made a little joke about this being his ward and me being his warder. He took

complete command of the situation. He was like the host. He invited us to sit down, and asked,

'General Willemse, are you comfortable?' and 'Is there anything we can do for you?' I had read a lot

about him-- all his speeches and these reports that came across my desk every day-- and I was

fascinated at what kind of man he must be to have attracted all this international attention and had

all these honorary degrees and awards given to him. But when I met him I immediately understood

why. He came across as a man of Old World values."!! On November 23, when Mandela was transferred back to prison, he was informed thatinstead of being reunited with his comrades in a communal cell at Cape Town's Pollsmoor Prison,

he would be housed in a special two-cell suite. Before moving, he was allowed to briefly meet with

Page 2


3/26

his colleagues to inform them of the change. In his autobiography, he wrote about how he urged

them to see this as a possible opportunity for him to "make an approach to the government about a

meeting between them and the A.N.C."-- which Mandela had always believed was the necessary

solution to apartheid. !! Though cautious with their expectations, they all sensed a shift in the atmosphere. Thenegotiations for a free South Africa were about to begin, and only a handful of people in the world

would know about them. !!The One Who Pulls Down the Branches of Trees!! He was born Rolihlahla Mandela to his father's third wife. His name translates directlyfrom Xhosa to "the one who pulls down the branches of a tree" but its real meaning is

"troublemaker."!! Mandela was in fact a troublemaker from a young age. As a young man, Mandela and hiscousin fled to Johannesburg when his uncle, the chief of the tribe, tried to marry them off. There,

while working a number of odd jobs, he met Walter Sisulu a political activist who was also a

member of the African National Congress-- the most established Black political party in South

Africa. Feeling the true injustices and the loss of dignity for the first time, Mandela joined the

Black resistance movement and began organizing peaceful protests through the A.N.C. against the

government. !! With his magnificent stature and infinite charm, Mandela was a natural politician, risingswiftly through the A.N.C.'s ranks. After a number of years in Johannesburg with little progress

toward negotiations, Mandela began to question the efficacy of a peaceful revolution and

Page 3


4/26

advocated for the creation of an armed wing within the A.N.C. He faced passionate resistance from

within his own party and also from political sympathizers like the Communists. !! Mandela eventually convinced the party leadership and founded Umkhonto we Sizwe,which translates to "Spear of the Nation." Its mission was to conduct acts of sabotage against the

government and security forces to hopefully leave negotiations as the only viable solution for

peace. Umkhontho was able to successfully execute a number of attacks, however their actions

also got the A.N.C. banned as a political party and branded as a terrorist organization. Nelson

Mandela and his comrades were now fugitives, and the manhunt was on. !! They made poor fugitives though, and were soon caught and forced to stand trial inRivonia. On the final day, Mandela arrived to the courthouse in traditional Xhosa robes made of

patterned fabrics and animal hides. Surrounded by guards, he looked like a lion escorted by sheep.

That day, Mandela was allowed to speak. Fearing these might be his last words he, for three

continuous hours and in a speech that was practically dictated into the history books, enthralled a

population. He outlined his motivations and intentions explaining why he joined the A.N.C. and

why he lead it in the direction he did. !! Mandela had achieved a level of notoriety within the Black community for his bold actionagainst the government. But during his trial, his fame grew exponentially-- and by the end, he was

the face of the revolution.!! His final line at the Rivonia trial was, "I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and freesociety in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal

which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if need be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to

die."!

Page 4


5/26

! He had done all he could do. Now his fate lied in the hands of the judge. The countrywidely expected the accused to receive the death penalty. However, in a dramatic showing of will,

the judge sentenced all of them to life sentences on Robben Island. The townships rejoiced with

relief that night. The revolution would continue and apartheid would end; it would just take much

longer than anyone could anticipate.!!The Secret Negotiations!! Coetsee informed President PW Botha of his meeting with Mandela in the hospital andencouraged him to engage in talks. Botha however, was conflicted. While sanctions were

burdening South Africa's economy and the pressures of international public opinion were forcing

him to strongly consider releasing the political prisoners, he didn't want to appear weak to his party

and to his constituents by acquiescing. He ultimately decided to let Coetsee continue broad talks

with Mandela but he demanded that they remain completely secret. !! The result was a very long and drawn out process that would eventually involve some ofthe revolution's most celebrated and controversial characters. Coetsee began his wooing of

Mandela by inviting his wife, Winnie Mandela (whom he had incidentally met on the flight to

Cape Town when he went to visit her husband in the hospital), to his official residence. He wanted

to release her from house arrest and allow her to return home to Johannesburg with the pledge that

she not cause any trouble by acting erratically. This move was meant to ease tensions in the

community and begin the shift to Black normalization. She made no pledge, but was released

regardless. When she returned home, she promptly surrounded herself with a gang of young men

who would protect her and perform her biddings. As her entourage became increasingly

Page 5


6/26

aggressive-- engaging in kidnapping and eventually killing a fourteen year old boy-- her star

waned within the black community. !! Mandela learned of Coetsee's overture and thought highly of the man. And, whilediscussing the terms of a possible release and a negotiated transition, they became friends. The

talks were slow, but Mandela said he thought there was a notable step forward following a visit of

"eminent persons" that came to South Africa on behalf of the British Commonwealth nations to

explore the possibility for a transition from apartheid to democracy and whether implementing

sanctions would be effective in achieving that goal. This delegation was significant because, while

every other country in the Commonwealth favored sanctions, Margaret Thatcher was opposed to

them. And because Briton was South Africa's main trading partner, sanctions that did not include

the UK would be ineffective. !! In a rare shift of personality, President Botha allowed the delegation to visit Mandela in aprison guesthouse. Mandela was fitted with a custom suit and treated as the host. He quickly

ingratiated himself with the delegation using his irresistible charm. They found him to be

"reasonable and conciliatory" and willing "to work for a multiracial society in which all would

have a secure place." Pleased with their experience, the delegation also presented a "possible

negotiation concept" to the government that recommended the release of political prisoners, the

ban on the A.N.C. lifted, the suspension of the A.N.C.'s armed struggle, and the start to all-party

negotiations. However, on the morning that the Eminent Persons Group was to meet with the

South African Cabinet ministers, the government ordered an air raid on suspected A.N.C. bases

across southern Africa. The delegation left that night and sanctions were soon imposed. !!Page 6


7/26

! A meeting with the President!! When Coetsee became the minister in charge of prisons, he granted political prisonersaccess to newspapers and radios. Mandela, as much master tactician as politician, used his access

to international news to time his demands. And, when he sensed that the international community

was publicly vested in Black South Africa's cause, he used it as leverage to request a meeting with

President Botha.!! Coetsee brought the requests to Botha who did not respond directly; instead instructingCoetsee to continue probing Mandela's intentions more closely. According to Mandela's

autobiography, the two men-- and eventually a committee-- met a total of 47 times over four years.

What was discussed in all of those meetings remains unclear, but many saw Botha's hesitance as

the main hinderance to their advancement. Concurrently, violence in the townships was at an all

time high. And, because of his states of emergency and savage use of force, over 4,000 people had

died and over 50,000 detained without either charges or trials since the secret negotiations started

four years earlier. Something had to change or the country would soon be engulfed in a civil war. !! To be fair, Botha did once offer to release Mandela in 1985 if he would unconditionallyrenounce violence as a political instrument. Botha saw this as an infallible bargain because he felt

that if Mandela rejected the compromise he would been seen as unwilling to cooperate and then

the world would understand why the South African government couldn't release this man. Either

way, in Botha's mind, the perception of his strength and fortitude as a leader would remain in tact.

Botha, though, was essentially asking Mandela to reject the policy for which he had spent almost a

quarter of a century in prison, and had also become a pillar of the A.N.C.'s stance toward

subverting apartheid. Mandela quickly rejected the offer.!

Page 7


8/26

! As the talks progressed and Mandela prepared for his imminent release, he continued tosubtly but firmly press Coetsee for a meeting with the president. After nearly three years, in August

1988, the president expressed interest in meeting Mandela by the end of the month. Then Mandela

fell ill and spent the next two months in a hospital being treated for tuberculosis. Mandela

recovered quicker than his doctors had expected and was ready to resume talks by November of

the same year. Then in January 1989, as the grounds were set for another meeting, President Botha

had a stroke. The Old Crocodile, as Botha became known, recovered from his stroke and still

managed to retain power. Meanwhile, Mandela continued his talks with Coetsee and the

government but still insisted on a meeting with the president.! !! On July 5, 1989 President Botha and Nelson Mandela finally met in the President's office.Both sides deeply feared a face-off between the two iron-willed men, and so each encouraged their

representatives to keep the conversation away from controversial topics. Even Mandela was tense

about how he'd react if he encountered the "finder-wagging man" Botha was rumored to be. !! The meeting was cordial but inconclusive. Mandela returned to prison and waited. It wasalways a waiting game, and Mandela knew he had time, and history, on his side and with it the

ultimate advantage. The highest-ranking representative from each side had officially met. The line

had been crossed. Change was imminent; it was simply a matter of political will. And as time wore

on, the National Party began to realize that Botha did not have it. !! !! Who is saying what, matters just as much as what is being said. !! The Old Crocodile had always been aggressive and erratic, however, his temper worsenedafter his stroke and his behavior became increasingly difficult to predict.!

Page 8


9/26

! In February 1989, Botha exposed his flank to his frustrated party by unexpectedlyannouncing he would resign as the leader of the National Party but would remain president of the

country. This posed a dilemma for the government because the constitution said that the leader of

the majority party would be the president. The National Party faced crushing defeat in the

upcoming all-White November elections if they could not find an adequate solution to their

problem. And, a defeat of the National Party, would undo all of the negotiating and bridge-building

that had been conducted over the previous five years. !! Botha had to go. So the coup, when it came, was swift and final. !

!The Era of de Klerk!! The End of Botha!! Frederick Wilhelm de Klerk, the son of one of the architects of apartheid, was electedleader of the National Party and quickly corralled his party members to confront Botha with his

fate. According to the meeting's minutes which were leaked to a South African newspaper, the

confrontation was heated. After each minister spoke of his gratitude and admiration for Botha's

service to the party, they expressed concern for his health and welfare and asked him to leave.

After the final minister, Magnus Malan who was also the President's longtime ally, spoke, Botha

exploded. !! He accused them all of being traitors to their party and to their fatherland. He threatened tofire them all. He called them cowards and hypocrites. De Klerk, always very level headed, tried to

refocus the President on his health being the reason they asked him to step down and Botha

Page 9


10/26

unleashed on him. "Yes," he snarled "That is the coward's way. What you are implying is that I

can't think for myself. Why don't you just come out and say so?" !! "That's not what I said" protested de Klerk. !! "Why not?" Botha demanded. "Why do you insinuate it with a smile on your face and adagger in your hand?"!! There was no calming the angry chief. The ministers had to simply wait him out. When hefinished, Botha agreed to step down as president but not before taking his message-- and in his

opinion, the truth-- to the South African people in a nationally televised address. !! Botha went on television that evening, but his broadcast was a long and rambling diatribethat only confused viewers-- all they could figure out what that the Old Crocodile was leaving and

that he was angry about it. !! De Klerk was appointed acting President the next day and a new era began.!! !! The Evolution of de Klerk! !! De Klerk was not part of the inner circle involved in the talks with Mandela. In fact, insome interviews, he says he did not find out about them until "sometime in 1988." However,

contrary to his party-line stance on apartheid, he said he was fully supportive of them.!! De Klerk, like Mandela, was a methodical politician and changed his views only when thetiming was appropriate. He was not brash or impulsive like his predecessor, and when his attitudes

changed he also tried to bring along his party members. !! In an article profiling de Klerk, one of his closest friends and former law firm partnersIgnatius Vorster said that de Klerk was "a pragmatist, who carries very little ideological baggage

Page 10


11/26

with him, and once he had reached that decision he acted. Then his strategic sense took over." The

evolution of his stance on apartheid followed a similar path-- his conversion was more a matter of

practical politics and less a question of morality. De Klerk himself said that apartheid began "as an

honorable vision of justice" that would allow White South Africans to develop alongside, as

opposed to with, the rest of the ethnic groups. It was only when the system became oppressively

unjust did it become, in his eyes, unworkable. In a magazine article following de Klerk's

appointment as party leader, his brother Willem even said that the country, despite the

circumstances, should not expect his brother to shift dramatically to the left. Instead he predicted

de Klerk would follow a moderate and centrist path trying to "hold the middle ground by means of

clever footwork, small compromises, drawn-out studies and planned processes, effective

diplomacy, and growing authority through balanced leadership and control."!! So then, why would the same man who endorsed the cruelest of apartheids laws-- like theImmorality Act which banned sex between races-- just a few years earlier be the same man to

eventually dismantle the entire program? !! His bother, Willem, traces the beginning of de Klerk's evolution to his campaign for theParliamentary seat in the Transvaal province. Repeatedly facing illogical and extreme arguments

from the ultra-conservative party, he realized that to some, apartheid was not simply a method for

the races to preserve their respective identities, but rather blatant White racism toward Blacks.

After winning the seat, he said that he was "often troubled in [his] own mind, and it became more

and more difficult for [him] as a loyal Party spokesman to defend a policy which increasingly [he]

believed had to go."!

Page 11


12/26

! In 1986, the National Party, in accordance with the secret negotiations, internally assumeda more lenient stance toward developing a single South Africa. Like most other party-liners, de

Klerk aligned his stance with his party's. But, he said, "Once we had gone through the process of

reassessment, I took a leap in my own mind, more decisively than many other National Party

politicians, that power-sharing with Blacks was the right course for a new political dispensation."!! Even though he was not yet the party leader, as it became more difficult for the governmentand security forces to restrict the movement of Blacks throughout the country and to quell

uprisings in the townships, de Klerk convened a series of meeting with his colleagues, the younger

members of the party, and academics to discuss the future of their country. It became clear to de

Klerk at these meetings that total racial separation in South Africa was a fantasy and the true

question was rather how to include Blacks in the political system without relinquishing White

control. This stance was flawed because it remained rooted in apartheid-- albeit an enlightened

form.!

!! The Final Pieces!! We can point to three events that ultimately completed de Klerk's evolution: 1) hisappointment to the party leadership, 2) Gorbachev's perestroika and 3) religion. !! Firstly, de Klerk was a student of history; and once he became the party leader he felt hehad to do something to put his stamp on the party and on the country. After his appointment, he

took a few weeks to retreat, ponder his next steps, and grasp his responsibilities. During his time

away, he spoke extensively with his brother about his intentions eventually coming to the

realization that his original idea of an integrated population that maintained White rule was

Page 12


13/26

impossible. "Instead," his brother Willem said, "he began developing a concept of a policy based

on the protection of minority rights. The Blacks would become part of the new Parliament. They

would be in the majority, but minority rights could be protected through a bill of rights, a system of

enforced coalitions-- that sort of thing."!! Upon his return, he embarked on a series of international trips where he met with a numberEuropean leaders that expressed to him the need for reform in South Africa and the desire they had

to lift the sanctions and welcome his country back into the Western community; but they could not

do that as long as apartheid reined. !! Second, Gorbachev instituted the policies of perestroika and began unraveling the SovietUnion. This released the South African government from the suspicion that the Black movement

was a farce, and that it was actually Moscow trying to infiltrate South Africa and spread

Communism. Concurrently, when Namibia gained independence in 1989 and had a peaceful

transition of power the following year, it showed South Africans that change did not guarantee

catastrophe. !! Lastly, religion. De Klerk is a deeply religious man and a member of the GereformeerdeKerk-- one of the strictest and most Calvinist of the South African churches. Some followers

believe in roepingwhich is when they receive a calling from God to perform a specific task. De

Klerk is said to have been seized by a powerful "calling from God" on the morning of his

inauguration. !! Before he delivered his inaugural speech, he went to church where the pastor's sermonquoted Jeremiah 23 saying he was "standing in the chamber of God" and that he should learn from

Him and act as the instrument of Him. The pastor encouraged his parishioners to heed the history

Page 13


14/26

and traditions of the past, but to not be afraid to break from them. De Klerk was deeply affected by

the sermon and was visibly emotional following it. His brother said, "[de Klerk] was literally in

tears after the service. In tears, he told us that we should pray for him-- that God was calling him to

save all the people of South Africa, that he knew he was going to be rejected by his own people,

but that he had to walk this road and that we must all help him." !!! De Klerk's Inaugural Address!! Knowing bold action was necessary, de Klerk opened his first address to Parliament with:"The general elections on September the 6th, 1989, placed our country irrevocably on the road of

drastic change. Underlying this is the growing realization by an increasing number of South

Africans that only a negotiated understanding among the representative leaders of the entire

population is able to ensure lasting peace.!! The alternative is growing violence, tension and conflict. That is unacceptable and innobody's interest. The well-being of all in this country is linked inextricably to the ability of the

leaders to come to terms with one another on a new dispensation. No-one can escape this simple

truth.!! On its part, the Government will accord the process of negotiation the highest priority. Theaim is a totally new and just constitutional dispensation in which every inhabitant will enjoy equal

rights, treatment and opportunity in every sphere of endeavor - constitutional, social and economic. !! I hope that this new Parliament will play a constructive part in both the prelude tonegotiations and the negotiating process itself. I wish to ask all of you who identify yourselves

with the broad aim of a new South Africa, and that is the overwhelming majority."!

Page 14


15/26

! He then outlined five general themes about the role of this particular Parliament in dailygoverning, and addressed the impending negotiations in his final point. He said, "I wish to urge

every political and community leader, in and outside Parliament, to approach the new opportunities

which are being created, constructively. There is no time left for advancing all manners of new

conditions that will delay the negotiating process." !! Then, point by point, bullet by bullet, he began to dismantle apartheid. He lifted the banson all oppressed political opposition parties, reformed the government's response to civil unrest,

commuted the period of detention without trial, and vowed to free all non-violent political

prisoners within months-- including Mandela. !! Following these declarations, he called for public negotiations. "With the steps theGovernment has taken it has proven its good faith and the table is laid for sensible leaders to begin

talking about a new dispensation, to reach an understanding by way of dialogue and discussion.!! The agenda is open and the overall aims to which we are aspiring should be acceptable toall reasonable South Africans."!! He closed with: "All reasonable people in this country-- by far the majority-- anxiouslyawait a message of hope. It is our responsibility as leaders in all spheres to provide that message

realistically, with courage and conviction. If we fail in that, the ensuing chaos, the demise of

stability and progress, will for ever be held against us.!! History has thrust upon the leadership of this country the tremendous responsibility to turnour country away from its present direction of conflict and confrontation. Only we, the leaders of

our peoples, can do it."!

Page 15


16/26

! Now, in the final leg of the race, the leadership on both ends of the negotiating table wouldbe truly tested. !!The Public Negotiations!! Nelson Mandela and the rest of the political prisoners were indeed released in the weeksfollowing de Klerk's speech. The townships erupted with joy as their leaders returned home. !! It took time for the men who had been imprisoned for more than a quarter of a century toreacclimatize themselves to the new and modern world. And so, unsurprisingly, there was

confusion within the A.N.C. during this transition period. A year passed before the negotiations

officially restarted.!! De Klerk knew that his party would be reduced to minority status in a one-person one-voteelection, while the A.N.C. would win a huge majority. If the A.N.C. was elected with a such a

majority it could write a majority rule constitution that might not respect minority rights-- which is

what de Klerk would be fighting for. So, while the A.N.C. organized itself, de Klerk and his

National Party began establishing alliances with not only the Conservative Party, but also the

separatist Zulu movement called Inkatha and lead by Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi. !! Once satisfied with the coalition, de Klerk called for a national constitutional conventionwhere all parties were represented and had equal standing in drafting the constitution. The A.N.C.

objected vehemently to the proposal instead calling for all of the people of South Africa to elect

representatives to send to a convention. The A.N.C. ultimately compromised, and the first party-

appointed delegates arrived at the inaugural session of the Convention on a Democratic South

Africa, known by its acronym, CODESA. !

Page 16


17/26

! CODESA had two goals: to create an interim government and to elect a constituentassembly to draft a new constitution. Unfortunately, the convention was doomed from the outset.

First, the assembly couldn't agree on the percentages needed to pass a proposal, then, deadlocked,

they couldn't agree on a mechanism to break deadlocks! Meanwhile, both sides contended with

opposition. Chief Buthelezi boycotted the opening session and the White Conservatives said de

Klerk and the National Party did not have a mandate from the White South Africans to negotiate

on their behalf and that there should be a referendum. This was only the beginning. !! De Klerk held the referendum which angered Mandela. Undeterred, de Klerk told SouthAfricans that the sanctions would worsen dramatically if the Conservatives were elected, and with

a strong showing by White liberals, de Klerk was handsomely reelected. He used the now

unequivocal mandate to strengthen his position against the A.N.C. during CODESA II. !! The A.N.C. responded by strengthening its position and soon the negotiations were againdeadlocked. The A.N.C. walked out and staged a campaign of "rolling mass action" comprised of

general strikes and demonstrations intended to destabilize the country. Political violence continued

to escalate, and soon tension between Mandela's A.N.C. and Buthelezi's Inkatha party led to civil

war between factions within the two parties. Hundreds would perish as Summer relinquished to

Fall.!! The nadir in the relations between de Klerk and Mandela came in July 1991 when anewspaper citing confidential sources alleged that the police secretly funded Inkatha's terrorist

plots-- starting with a bus bombing the preceding September. Blacks had long suspected the police

as corroborators in sabotage against the negotiations and this only served to substantiate their

suspicions. De Klerk approved an investigation. When the results were inconclusive and de Klerk

Page 17


18/26

did not press the police for answers, Mandela, in his most aggressive public rebuke of de Klerk,

said that de Klerk was being "less than frank."!! The apex of the violence came during an A.N.C. rally in the Eastern Cape's semi-autonomous homeland of Ciskei. The rally had crossed into the neighboring political territory of

Oupa Gqozo, and, despite having secured a last-minute permit to cross, Gqozo's untrained and

indisciplined troops sprayed the demonstrators with thousands of machine gun bullets killing 28

and wounding hundreds. !! Shocked by the massacre, de Klerk invited Mandela to a summit to discuss ways to end theviolence. Mandela responded positively. With violence spiraling out of control, both men, Black

and White, would have to stare at the threat of a civil war in order to realize that their fates were

inextricably tied. If they refused to recognize their mutual dependency they would both be losers. !! Both parties drew a significant lesson from the massacre. As the two most powerful actors,it was better for the A.N.C. and the National Party to come to an independent agreement, then

force the remaining parties to accept it or be left behind. With this new attitude, and major

concessions from both sides, they cruised to an interim agreement that carried the support of most

of the other political parties and allowed them to hold an election.!!Elections!! For four days starting on April 27, 1994 South Africa voted. It required an extraordinaryconfluence of forces to bring that moment to bear. It took international sanctions and domestic

civil unrest. It took the collapse of the Soviet Union and with it the threat of Communism. And, it

Page 18


19/26

took the surprising liberalism of a White politician and the unwavering determination, patience,

and diplomacy of a Black one.!! South Africa's story was always an unlikely one. Few people believed at the beginning ofthe public negotiations that in just five years the world's most famous political prisoner would be

swept into the presidency in a one man, one vote election. Most believed that South Africa, with all

of its racial tension, would crumble into civil war before an election could take place. But alas,

while such moments of political transcendence are rare, they exist. And, while there are some who

are inevitably disappointed with the results, South Africa and all who supported it richly deserved

their elation, because despite all of the obstacles and the extraordinary weight of history, South

Africa brought into the world something not ever seen before.!!A New South Africa!! Nelson Mandela won over 60% of the vote and prepared to take office with F.W. de Klerk(who won about 20%) as his deputy. By this point in his life, Mandela had been a revolutionary,

resistance leader, political prisoner, negotiator, and politician and now his final public role, he

would be President. ! !! De Klerk keenly observed that operating a revolution is much different from running acountry and had wondered openly about whether Mandela would slip into the same trap that so

many others before him had. De Klerk underestimated Mandela. Mandela, also a student of

history, knew that he was not best suited for daily governing and wisely chose to leave that to his

party deputies and to the National Party (which had done considerably well economically

Page 19


20/26

considering the sanctions). Instead, Mandela, the closest thing the world has seen to a secular saint,

focused on something only he could achieve: healing the country. !! Like de Klerk did five years before, Mandela would outline his intentions in his inauguraladdress. !! "Out of the experience of an extraordinary human disaster that has lasted too long must beborn a society of which all humanity will be proud," he began. He continued by acknowledging

that the White and Colored South Africans were as much African as the Blacks, and had as much

reason to consider it their home. "To my compatriots, I have no hesitation in saying that each one

of us is as intimately attached to the soil of this beautiful country as are the famous jacaranda trees

of Pretoria and the mimosa trees of the bushveld." He called for healing, tolerance, and unity

among all, and concluded with hope; "the sun shall never set on so glorious a human

achievement."!!Unification !! Mandela had two objectives as healer-in-chief. The first was to develop a medium throughwhich the oppressed peoples could grieve and hopefully find closure for their losses-- this idea

eventually became the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Secondly, Mandela had to find a

way to release the Whites of their fear of Blacks and of Black rule-- Rugby would be the answer.

Only by addressing the suppressed emotions of one population and the legitimate fears of another

could South Africa consider finding justice without vengeance.!!Page 20


21/26

! "Truth doesn't bring the dead back to life, but brings them out from silence." -JosZalaquett!! Ubuntu is a Xhosa word that expresses the African notion of togetherness and asserts aninterconnectedness with others. This belief that no individual can be healthy when the community

is sick is woven tightly into the South African perception of justice. There are two types of justice:

Retributive, which is most common in the West, and Restorative which aims not so much to

punish, but rather to "restore a balance knocked askew." This is what Nelson Mandela talked about

to his followers while he was negotiating, and what he sought when he asked Archbishop

Desmond Tutu to establish the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.!! The idea for the Truth Commission came from Latin America following the overthrow oftheir own right-wing dictators. There, the commissions were seen more as consolation prizes for

countries that did not have established court systems capable of holding widespread trials or where

the new government wasn't as committed to justice. In advocating for the Latin American

commissions, the Chilean human rights lawyer Jos Zalaquett said that "Truth doesn't bring the

dead back to life, but it brings them out from silence." However promising, the Latin-American

commissions did not succeed. There were a number of reasons, but most significantly, the

testimonies were held privately and there was no incentive for perpetrators to come forward.!! Tutu learned from those mistakes and adjusted accordingly. In South Africa, the TruthCommission operated in parallel with the courts and testimonies were televised nationwide--

everyone who testified fully was granted amnesty. In doing so, it achieved a number of objectives.

It allowed the mourners to have their stories, at the very least, heard and to find some measure of

closure. It also allowed the Whites to hear and learn about the history of suffering the Blacks had

Page 21


22/26

endured under apartheid. As Tutu said, it gave everyone the opportunity to have tolerance toward

people "which whom you do not identify." A single, unified people of South Africa began to

emerge. !!! The Springboks !! Rugby is the sport of White South Africa. It is as important to them as air is to breath-- andit is the same sport that the Black South Africans were raised to detest. Mandela, branded as

"terrorist-in-chief" by the government during his time in prison, deeply feared an ultra-

conservative, armed, and violent movement that would undermine the infant nation before it even

had an opportunity to take root. Luck was on Mandela's side though, because South Africa was

chosen to host the 1995 Rugby World Cup. Mandela saw this as his best opportunity to show that

he was legitimately invested in their inclusion in the new South Africa; and hoped to release the

Whites from their fear of Blacks as a result. !! Mandela, the ultimate charmer, invited the Springbok captain and the rest of the team'sleadership, to the Presidential residence for tea. He expressed his intentions to the men and asked

for their support. He would rally the Blacks if they wouldn't publicly reject his overtures. Once

assured, Mandela began campaigning in the townships, urging the Blacks to embrace rugby and to

support the all-White South African team as enthusiastically as their White brothers and sisters did.

He was not well received. But Mandela was not so easily dissuaded and continued campaigning

intensely leading up to the Cup.!! Mandela's efforts paid off, because when the Springboks reached the finals against NewZealand all of South Africa, from the seaside cliffs of Cape Town to the townships of Johannesburg

Page 22


23/26

and all of the bush in between tuned in to watch. Before the game started, Mandela made a surprise

appearance in full Springbok regalia to shake hands with the home team. The crowd was stunned

silent. Then from the depths of the balcony they began to chant. Nel-son...Nel-son...Nel-son. !! The energy swept South Africa to victory in overtime and the country erupted withorgiastic enthusiasm. A few minutes later Nelson Mandela strode onto the stage to present Franois

Pienaar, the Springbok captain, with the champion's cup. When he shook the captain's had he said,

"Franois, thank you for what you have done for our country." Pienaar, showing extraordinary

presence of mind did not let the moment pass and replied, "No Mr. President. Thank you for what

you have done."!!Change to nation, and hope to the world.!! A few weeks before his 90th birthday, Nelson Mandela was visited by an old friend, thewriter Richard Stengel. Stengel, who helped Mandela write is autobiography in the 1990s, was

preparing a piece about leadership for Time Magazine and wanted to meet Mandela once more.

While most of the world reveres Mandela as one of the world's most influential humans, according

to Stengel, Mandela sees himself as something far more pedestrian: a politician. However humble

his self-perception, Mandela has lived up to his name, causing enough trouble for a few lifetimes.

He has overthrown a government, united nation, and flooded the world with hope. He is the

summation of all of the theories on leadership; he is visionary and tactical, charismatic and

focused, diplomatic and ruthless. !! However, despite having all of the necessary components for change, he could not endapartheid alone. He needed a partner within the government-- someone who was willing to

Page 23


24/26

effectively negotiate themselves out of power. That person came in the form of F.W. de Klerk, a

descendent of one of the founders of apartheid. De Klerk and Mandela might not have shared

many superficial qualities, but fundamentally they were very similar. They both shared a vision for

their country and they were both able to mobilize their parties. !! The negotiations floundered for many years and violence threatened to derail themconstantly, but when South Africa found two strong and courageous leaders who were both

committed to the same cause, and both willing to talk honestly and frankly to achieve it, they

brought change to a nation and hope to the world.!

!!

Page 24


25/26

Bibliography!!1. "The Secret Revolution" Allister Sparks. Letters from South Africa, New Yorker. New York

City, New York. April 11, 1994!2. "Recovering from Apartheid" Tina Rosenberg, New Yorker, November 18, 1996.!3. "Digging UP the Dead" Michael Ignatieff. New Yorker, November 10, 1997.!4. "South Africa's New Era; Mandela's Address: 'Glory and Hope' Nelson Mandela, May 11,

1994.!5. "Vote of Confidence" Comment: New Yorker. May 9, 1994!6. "Hope Lives on in a new South Africa" The Financial Post. Toronto, Canada. January 7, 1992!7. "The South African Vote: History; South Africa's Long Journey: From Violence to

Cooperation" Bill Keller. New York Times, New York City, NY. April 24, 1994!8. "Hope for the beloved country: President De Klerk's momentous speech marks a new

beginning for South Africa." Donald Woods. The Guardian. London, UK. February 3, 1990.!9. "South Africa's New Era; What Mandela Wants." New York Times. New York City, New York.

February 11, 1990.!10. "South Africa Moves to Scrap Apartheid" Christopher S. Wren. New York Times. New York

City, New York. February 2, 1991.!11. "South Africa democracy talks begin well De Klerk declares he's ready for transitional

government." Bill Schiller. Toronto Star. Toronto Canada. December 20, 1991.!12. "Sanctions and Survival" A Reporter at Large, New Yorker. New York City, New York.

February 2, 1987.!

Page 25


26/26

13. "Mandela: His 8 Lessons of Leadership" Richard Stengel. Time Magazine. New York City,

New York. July 9, 2008.!14. "The CODESA negotiations" www.sahistory.org.za/codesa-negotiations!15. "CODESA: Response by Nelson Mandela, to the opening statement by State President FW De

Klerk" -- http://www.anc.org.za/show.php?id=3977 -- December 20, 1991.!16. "Opening of second session of 9th parliament of Republic of South Africa" F.W. de Klerk.

www.fwdeklerk.org. February 2, 1990.!17. "Nelson Mandela's Speech from the Dock: Rivonia Trial" Nelson Mandela, Pretoria, South

Africa. April 20, 1964. www.nelsonmandela.org!18. "The Long Walk of Nelson Mandela." Frontline Documentary Series, PBS. www.pbs.org/

wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/mandela/ !19. Conversations with Myself. Nelson Mandela. Picador, 1st Ed. October, 2011!20. Democratization of South Africa. Timothy D. Sisk. Princeton University Press. 1995.!21. A Long Walk to Freedom: The Autobiography of Nelson Mandela. Nelson Mandela. Back Bay

Book. 1994.!22. No Bread for Mandela: Memoirs of Ahmed Kathrada, Prisoner No. 468/64 Ahmed Kathrada.!

the role of leadership in the rebirth of a nation: south africa

Documents