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THE SEMANTIC VARIABILITY OF ABSOLUTE CONSTRUCTIONS

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THE SEMANTIC VARIABILITY OF ABSOLUTE CONSTRUCTIONS

SYNTHESE LANGUAGE LIBRARY

TEXTS AND STUDIES IN

LINGUISTICS AND PHILOSOPHY

Managing Editors.

ELiSABET ENGDAHL, University of Wisconsin

JAAKKO HINTIKKA, Florida State University, Tallahassee

ST ANLEY PETERS, Stanford University

Editorial Board:

EMMON BACH, University of Massachusetts at Amherst

JOAN BRESNAN, Stanford University

JOHN LYONS, University of Sussex

JULIUS M. E. MORAVCSIK, Stanford University

PATRICK SUPPES, Stanford University

DANA SCOTT, Carnegie-Mellon University, Pittsburgh

VOLUME 25

GREGORY T. STUMP Department of English, University of Kentucky

THE SEMANTIC VARIABILITY

OF ABSOLUTE CONSTRUCTIONS

D. REIDEL PUBLISHING COMPANY

A MEMBER OF THE KLUWER ACADEMIC PUBLISHERS GROUP

DORDRECHT/BOSTON/LANCASTER

library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Stump, Gregory T. (Gregory Thomas), 1954-The semantic variability of absolute constructions.

(Synthese language library; v. 25) Based upon the author's thesis (Ph.D.-Ohio State University,

1981) presented under title: The formal semantics and pragmatics'c;[free adjuncts and absolutes in English.

Bibliography: p. Includes indexes. 1. English language-Semantics. I. Title. II. Series.

PE1585.S665 1984 425 84-22277

ISBN-13: 978-90-277-1896-9 e-ISBN-13: 978-94-009-5277-5 DOl: 10.1007/978-94-009-5277-5

Published by D. Reidel Publishing Company, P.O. Box 17,3300 AA Dordrecht, Holland.

Sold and distributed in the U.S.A. and Canada by Kluwer Academic Publishers,

190 Old Derby Street, Hingham, MA 02043, U.S.A.

In all other countries, sold and distributed by Kluwer Academic Publishers Group,

P.O. Box 322, 3300 AH Dordrecht, Holland.

All Rights Reserved © 1985 by D. Reidel Publishing Company, Dordrecht, Holland

Softcover reprint of the hardcover I st edition 1985

No part of the material protected by this copyright notice may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical

including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission [rom the copyright owner

For Marcia

TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE xiii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xvii

I. THE SEMANTIC VARIABILITY OF FREE ADJUNCTS AND ABSOLUTES

1. Introduction to Free Adjuncts and Absolutes in English 4 1.1. The Free Adjunct Construction 4 1.2. The Nominative and Augmented Absolute

Constructions 8

2. Traditional Thoughts on the Semantic Variability of Free Adjuncts and Absolutes 14

3. Plan of Discussion 22

4. Some Syntactic Conventions 27 4.1. Binary Features 27 4.2. Morphological Functions 29 4.3. Main Verb Marking 31 4.4. Subject Marking 32 4.5. Syntactic Subroutines 32

Footnotes 36

II. MODALITY AND THE INTERPRETATION OF FREE ADJUNCTS 41

1. The Semantic Bifurcation of Free Adjuncts in Modal Contexts 42

2. Explaining the Entailment Properties of Strong and Weak Adjuncts in Modal Contexts 44 2.1. Kratzer's Theory of Conditional Modality 45 2.2. The Roles of Strong and Weak Adjuncts

in Modal 3entences 53 2.2.1. Weak Adjuncts in Modal Contexts 56 2.2.2. 3trong Adjuncts in Modal contexts 58

viii TABLE OF CONTENTS

3. A Semantic Correlate of the Distinction between Strong and Weak Adjuncts 64 3.1. Carlson's Ontology of Stages and

Individuals 66 3.2. A Categorial Distinction between Stage-

level and Individual-level Predicates 71 3.2.1. Be1 f PIVi/PREDs 73

3.2.2. Be2 f PIVi/PREDi 75

3.2.3. Be3 f PIVs/PREDi 76

79

3.3. The Stage/Individual Distinction as a Semantic Correlate of the Weak/Strong Distinction 84

3.4. Adjuncts with As and With 86

4. Chapter Summary 89

Footnotes 90

III. TENSE AND THE INTERPRETATION OF FREE ADJUNCTS 97

1. Preliminaries 100 1.1. Interval Semantics 101 1.2. Temporal Abstracts 103

1 .2.1. Rules of Tense 105 1.2.2. Shifting and Nonshifting Tenses 108

1.3. Two Categories of Time Adverbs 116 1.3.1. Time Adverbs of Category TA 116 1.3.2. Time Adverbs of Category MTA 117

1.4. The Semantics of Temporal Adverbial Clauses 121 1.4.1. The AnalYSis of Tense in Temporal

Adverbial Clauses 123 1.4.2. Unbounded Dependencies in Temporal

Adverbial Clauses 130 1.4.3. Temporal Adverbial Clauses with

Main Tense Adverbs 137 1.4.4. Remarks on Some Unacceptable

Temporal Adverbials 144 1.4.5. Remarks on the Assumed

Truthconditions for Temporal Adverbial Clauses 147 1.4.5.1. When 148 1.4.5.2. While 156 1.4.5.3. Before 158

TABLE OF CONTENTS ix

1.4.5.4. ACter 159 1.5. Summary of Tense and Time Adverb System 160

2. The Temporal Reference of Free Adjuncts 162 2.1. A-Abstracts 163 2.2. Deriving Conditional Adjuncts 165 2.3. Deriving Adsentential Adjuncts 166

3. Frequency Adverbs and the Distinction between Strong and Weak Adjuncts 172 3.1. The Semantics of Relative Frequency

Adverbs 173 3.2. Adjuncts Restricting the Interpretation

of Relative Frequency Adverbs 184

4. A Generalization Operator 190 4.1. Two Sorts of Interpretations for

Temporal Adverbial Clauses 192 4.2. Generalization Operators 193 4.3. Adjuncts Restricting the Generali-

zation Operator G" 203

5. Chapter Summary 206

Footnotes 209

IV. ASPECT AND THE INTERPRETATION OF FREE ADJUNCTS 220

1. The Perfect Tense and the Interpretation of Free Adjuncts 222 1.1. The Semantic Unspecificity of the Perfect 223 1.2. The Formal Semantics of the Perfect in

Finite Clauses 236 1.3. The Formal Semantics of the Perfect in

Free Adjuncts 242

2. An Argument for Free Adjuncts as Main Tense Adverbs 247

3. The Progressive Aspect and the Interpretation of Free Adjuncts 253 3.1. The Semantics of Present Participial

Phrases 255 3.2. The Formal Semantics of Present

Participial Adjuncts

4. Chapter Summary

Footnotes

261

264

265

x TABLE OF CONTENTS

V. THE FORMAL SEMANTICS OF ABSOLUTES 270

1. Modality and the Interpretation of Absolutes 272 1.1. Weak and Strong Absolutes 272 1.2. Formalizing the Distinction Between

Strong and Weak Absolutes 277 1.3. Deriving Conditional Absolutes 279

2. Tense and the Interpretation of Absolutes 280 2.1. Absolutes and Relative Frequency Adverbs 281 2.2. Absolutes and the Generalization Operator

~ ~3

3. Absolutes as Main Tense Adverbs 285

4. Chapter Summary 289

Footnotes 290

VI. INFERENCE AND THE LOGICAL ROLE OF FREE ADJUNCTS AND ABSOLUTES 299

1. Summary of the Proposed Semantic Analysis of Free Adjuncts and Absolutes 300

2. The Role of Inference in the Interpretation of Free Adjuncts and Absolutes 303 2.1. Two Kinds of Inferences 304 2.2. Inferences, Adjuncts, and Absolutes 307

2.2.1. Carlson's Ontology 308 2.2.2. Instantaneousness 318 2.2.3. Hord Order 321 2.2.4. Knowledge of the World 321 2.2.5. Connective Adverbs 322

2.3. Pragmatically Admissible Values for Land H 325

3. On the Possibility of Deriving Absolute Constructions from Adverbial Subordinate Clauses 329

4. On the Possibility that the Logical Role of an Absolute Construction is Always Inferred 335

5. Theoretical Implications 340

Footnotes 344

TABLE OF CONTENTS xi

APPENDIX - A FORMAL FRAGMENT FOR FREE ADJUNCTS AND ABSOLUTES 350

1. Intensional Logic 350

2. Syntax and Translation Rules for a Fragment of English 360 2.1. Syntax 360 2.2. Translation 377

REFERENCES

INDEX OF NAMES

GENERAL INDEX

390

396

398

PREFACE

The goal of this book is to investigate the semantics of absolute constructions in English; specifically, my object is to provide an explanation for the semantic variability of such constructions. As has been widely noted in traditional grammatical studies of English, free adjuncts and absolute phrases have the ability to playa number of specific logical roles in the sentences in which they appear; yet, paradoxically, they lack any overt indication of their logical connection to the clause which they modify. How, then, is the logical function of an absolute construction determined? In attempting to answer this question, one must inevitably address a number of more general issues: Is the meaning assigned to a linguistic expression necessarily determined by linguistic rules, or can the grammar of a language in some cases simply underdetermine the interpretation of expressions? Are the truthconditions of a sentence ever sensitive to the inferences of language users? If so, then is it possible to maintain the validity of any really substantive version of the Compositionality Principle? These are, of course, issues of great inherent interest to anyone concerned with the formal syntax and semantics of natural language, with the philosophy of language, or with language processing.

The descriptive framework assumed throughout is the semantic theory developed by Richard Montague (1970a, 1970b, 1973) and his followers. (For a very thorough introduction to Montague semantics, the reader may refer to Dowty, Wall and Peters (1981 ).) Montague' s theory, unlike the semantic theories most familiar to lingui'sts, is a theory of referential rather than psychological meaning: it associates liaguistic expressions directly with their denotations, without regard to processes of language comprehension; such a theory lays no claim to psychological reality, but affords a model-theoretic account of such important notions as truth and entailment. In recent years, it has nevertheless become clear that issues of language

xiii

xiv PREFACE

comprehension are not without relevance for referential theories of meaning. For example, Putnam (1975) has convincingly argued that a complete account of lexical meaning must comprise complementary referential and psychological components; and Partee (1979:10) has shown that "the linguist's concern for psychological representation may be relevant to every semanticist's concern for an account of the sewantics of propositional attitudes".

The analysis which I propose here provides further evidence of the relevance of matters of language comprehension for the referential conception of meaning. I argue that the logical role played by an absolute construction is in some cases wholly or partially determined by the semantic properties of an accompanying modal or temporal operator, but that in other cases--in fact, in the majori ty of cases--the logical connection between an absolute construction and the clause which it modifies is determined only by the inferences of language users. In such instances, the interpretation assigned to the sentence by the grammar of English is indeterminate between a certain range of choices; this referential indeterminacy is resolved by nonlinguistic--inferential--means. As I shall show. a number of diverse factors may give rise to such inferences.

This work began as my doctoral dissertation, ~ Formal Semantics and Pragmatics of Free Adjuncts and Absolutes in English (Ohio state University, 1981). A considerable number of changes and improvements have, however, been incorporated into the present version, including: a number of formal ameliorations in the proposed f10ntague fragment; an extension of the proposed analysis to account for the semantic peculiarities of free adjuncts headed by as and with; mention of relevant literature which has appeared since 1981; and a number of expository improvements.

This work was completed during the summer of 1984 at the University of Kentucky. I wish to thank my colleagues in the Department of English for providing me with both an ideal environment for finishing the book and the resources and practical advice necessary for producing the camera­ready manuscript; particular thanks go to Walt Foreman, Bob Hemenway, Kevin Kiernan, Armando Prats, and Greg Waller.

lowe a great debt of gratitude to many people for their willingness to discuss the issues addressed here. I am especially indebted to Greg Carlson, David Dowty, Doug Fuller, Mike Geis, Brian Joseph, John Nerbonne, Barbara

PREFACE xv

Partee, Mehmet and Feryal Yava§, Arnold Zwicky, and an anonymous referee; also to Seiko Fukuchi ,f'Or kindly supplying me with relevant literature not otherwise available to me.

Special thanks to Martin Scrivener at Reidel for his invaluable assistance.

Most of all, I wish to thank my wife, Marcia Hurlow, whose contributions to the completion of this study are beyond counting.

August, 1984 G. T. S. The University of Kentucky

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Excerpts from Elizabeth Drew, Portrait of an Election: copyright © 1981 by Elizabeth Drew, InC.; reprinted by permission of Simon & Schuster, Inc. All excerpts originally appeared in The New Yorker: 9/8/80, pp. 41-42, 46, 50, 68, 69, 77,80:-90, 99: 9/29/80, pp. 107, 119.

Excerpts from Robert van Gulik, The Phantom of the Temple (Charles Scribner's Sons); copyright © 1966~bert H. van Gulik; reproduced here by kind permission of Charles Scribner's Sons.

Excerpts from Robert van Gulik, Poets and Murder (Charles Scribner's Sons); copyright © 1968~obert van Gulik; reproduced here by kind permission of Charles Scribner's Sons.

Sentence taken from a Johnson's Dental Floss package; copyright © 1980, Johnson & Johnson Products, Inc.; reproduced here by kind permission of Johnson & Johnson Products, Inc.

Reprinted by permission of Farrar, Straus and Giroux, Inc. Excerpts from Oranges by John McPhee. Copyright © 1966, 1967 by John McPhee. Excerpts from The Crofter and the Laird by John t-lcPhee. Copyright 1969, 1970 by John McPhee. The text of both books appeared originally in The New Yorker.

Excerpts from Whitney Balliett, 'Mingus,' The New Yorker 6/18/79, p.100; 'Newport News,' The New YMker 7/16/79, pp.74, 80, 81; 'Number Twenty-six,' The New Yorker 7/21/80, pp.90, 91, 92; copyright © 1979~980, The New Yorker; reproduced here by kind permission of The New Yorker and Whitney Balliett.

xvii

xviii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Excerpt from Brendan Gill, 'The Horizontal City,' The New Yorker 9/15/80, p.l09; copyright © 1980, The New Yorker; reproduced here by kind permission of The New-rDrker and Brendan Gill.

Excerpts from Emily Hahn, 'Eleventh Hour,' The New Yorker 9/1/80, pp.38, 55, 59; copyright © 1980, The New Yorker; reproduced here by kind permission of The New-yQrker and Emily Hahn.

Excerpts from Pauline Kael, 'Master Spy, Master Seducer,' The New Yorker 8/4/80, p.68; 'Australians,' The New YC>rker-9/15/80, p.154; 'The Man Who Made Howard Hughes Sing and The Iron-Butterfly Mom,' The New Yorker 10/13/80, pp.174, 189; copyright ©--1980,- The New Yorker; reproduced here by kind permission of The New Yorker and Pauline Kael.

Excerpts from Calvin Tomkins, 'Autobiography,' The New Yorker 6/30/80, pp.57, 60; copyright © 1980, The New Yorker; reproduced here by kind permission of The New Yorker and Calvin Tomkins.

Excerpts from Calvin Trillin, 'Regional Thoughts from Atop the Gateway Arch,' The New Yorker 6/16/80, pp.l04, 107, 108, 109; copyright ~~80, The New Yorker; reproduced he-re by kind permission of The New Yorker and Calvin Trillin.

Excerpts from a brief review of Death Drop (by B. M. Gi 11), The New Yorker 9/1/80, p.92; 'Rafting-Up,' The New Yorker 9/15/80, p.36j brief review of Island on the Edge of the World: The Story of St. Kilda (by Charles Maclean)," The New Yor"'k'er 10/13/80;-P.194j copyright © 1980, The New YC>rkerj reproduced here by kind permission of The New Yorker.

Sentence excerpted from Allan J. Mayer et al., 'A Tide of Born-Again POlitics,' Newsweek, 9/15180, p.31; copyright © 1980, Newsweek, Inc.; reproduced here by kind permission of Newsweek, Inc.

Two sentences excerpted from the Ohio State University Lantern, 8/26/80, pp.3,8; copyright © 1980, The Ohio state University Lantern; reproduced here by kind permission of the Ohio state University Lantern.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xix

Sentence excerpted from The Oregonian, 9/14/80, p.C4, reproduced here by kind permission of The Oregonian, Portland, Oregon.

Sentence taken from the instructions to Pressman's Stack­Ominos game; copyright © 1979, Pressman Toy Corporation; reproduced here by kind permission of Pressman Toy Corporation.

Excerpts from Robert J. Seidman, One Smart Indian (The Overlook Press); copyright © 1977, Robert J. Seidman; reproduced here by kind permission of G. P. Putnam's Sons and Robert J. Seidman.

Sentence excerpted from Woodall's Trailer and RV Travel/West 12/77, p. 11; copyright © 1977, Woodall'S Trailer and RV Travel; reproduced here by kind permission of WoO"dall'S Trailer and RV Travel.