the significance of the bear ritual among the sami and other northern cultures

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RELIGION HOME Creation Myths & Worldview Sami Bear Ritual Transcendentalism & Sámi Worldview The Bear Went Down the Mountain Parallelism in Sioux and Sami Spiritual Traditions HOME : Diehtu : Siida : Religion : The Significance of the Bear Ritual Print Article The Significance of the Bear Ritual Among the Sami and Other Northern Cultures By Brandon "Kál'lá" Bledsoe There is an ancient belief that the bear is in communication with the lord of the mountains and with the sky, and certainly he has from time immemorial been surrounded by an aura which enjoins caution and respect. -Ivar Lissner, Man, God and Magic, (p.163) Of all the animals that inhabit the worldís northern climates none has been subject to greater reverence than the bear. Indigenous societies of North America and Northern Eurasia share a seemingly uniform belief that this elusive creature is endowed with supernatural qualities. Ceremonies venerating slain bears were, until more recent times, an important aspect of the Sami belief system. Close examination of eyewitness accounts shows that this ritual is in many ways typical of other bear ceremonies in the northern hemisphere. In this essay I will explore possible explanations for the common occurrence of bear ceremonialism, and what this indicates about the Samiís relationship with other indigenous cultures. This subject has received a fair amount of scholarly attention, and a few anthropologists have actually theorized about the origin of the ritual. Based on their information I believe that we can logically infer three possible explanations for this cultural parallel. Convergence - In each culture the bear is recognized, on some level, as the archetypal messenger to the supernatural world. The uniformity of this belief is the result of an inherent human tendency to venerate certain animals. The special role of the bear in the aboriginal metaphysical system is not due to contact between these societies, nor is it the result of a common ancestral belief system. The contention is that the rituals are a consequence of semi-isolated groups of people reacting to similar environments in a similar manner. These northern people can be said to constitute ìa single circumpolar cultural district in which a single environment forms the basis of common developmentî (Lissner, 160) 1. Ancient Ancestral Belief-System - The bear's position of prominence within the totemic dominance hierarchy, in each of these groups, is the result of a common ancestral belief-system of Asiatic origin dating back to the time of the Magdalenian period of 20,000 years ago. The Sami, the ancient Finns, the Tungus, the Gilyaks and various other tribes of Siberia, the Ainu of Japan, and Native North American groups, such as the Algonkins and Tlingit, all derived this belief (more or less intact) from the bear cult of prehistoric times. 2. Historical Interaction - Reverence is a common reaction for humans living in close contact with bears. However, many of the similarities in rites, rituals, and folklore are the result of cultural interactions. Other similarities are purely superficial and do not indicate a shared ancestral system. 3. The Significance of the Bear Ritual Among the Sami and Other... http://www.utexas.edu/courses/sami/diehtu/siida/religion/bear.htm 1 of 8 3/13/14, 1:43 PM

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  • RELIGION HOME

    Creation Myths &Worldview

    Sami Bear Ritual

    Transcendentalism &Smi Worldview

    The Bear Went Downthe Mountain

    Parallelism in Siouxand Sami SpiritualTraditions

    HOME : Diehtu : Siida : Religion : The Significance of the Bear Ritual Print Article

    The Significance of the Bear Ritual Among the Samiand Other Northern Cultures

    By Brandon "Kl'l" Bledsoe

    There is an ancient belief that the bear is in communication with thelord of the mountains and with the sky, and certainly he has fromtime immemorial been surrounded by an aura which enjoins cautionand respect.-Ivar Lissner, Man, God and Magic, (p.163)

    Of all the animals that inhabit the worlds northern climates none has been subject togreater reverence than the bear. Indigenous societies of North America and NorthernEurasia share a seemingly uniform belief that this elusive creature is endowed withsupernatural qualities. Ceremonies venerating slain bears were, until more recenttimes, an important aspect of the Sami belief system. Close examination ofeyewitness accounts shows that this ritual is in many ways typical of other bearceremonies in the northern hemisphere. In this essay I will explore possibleexplanations for the common occurrence of bear ceremonialism, and what thisindicates about the Samis relationship with other indigenous cultures. This subjecthas received a fair amount of scholarly attention, and a few anthropologists haveactually theorized about the origin of the ritual. Based on their information I believethat we can logically infer three possible explanations for this cultural parallel.

    Convergence - In each culture the bear is recognized, on some level, as thearchetypal messenger to the supernatural world. The uniformity of this belief isthe result of an inherent human tendency to venerate certain animals. Thespecial role of the bear in the aboriginal metaphysical system is not due tocontact between these societies, nor is it the result of a common ancestralbelief system. The contention is that the rituals are a consequence ofsemi-isolated groups of people reacting to similar environments in a similarmanner. These northern people can be said to constitute a single circumpolarcultural district in which a single environment forms the basis of commondevelopment (Lissner, 160)

    1.

    Ancient Ancestral Belief-System - The bear's position of prominence withinthe totemic dominance hierarchy, in each of these groups, is the result of acommon ancestral belief-system of Asiatic origin dating back to the time of theMagdalenian period of 20,000 years ago. The Sami, the ancient Finns, theTungus, the Gilyaks and various other tribes of Siberia, the Ainu of Japan, andNative North American groups, such as the Algonkins and Tlingit, all derivedthis belief (more or less intact) from the bear cult of prehistoric times.

    2.

    Historical Interaction - Reverence is a common reaction for humans living inclose contact with bears. However, many of the similarities in rites, rituals, andfolklore are the result of cultural interactions. Other similarities are purelysuperficial and do not indicate a shared ancestral system.

    3.

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  • One of the inherent difficulties of a broad -based cultural analysis- especially onerequiring an outsider to explain alien practices- is the temptation to interpret data in amanner favorable to the ethnographer's assumption. The author of TheoreticalArchaeology warns against this tendency. Dark asserts, in order to recognizeartifacts, structures or actions associated with religion or ritual, we must employ areliable middle-range theory capable of doing so, unless we choose a relativistposition (Dark, 145) It appears to me that the best way to create a mid-rangetheory in this particular case is to explore multiple levels of ritual interpretation. Oncemultiple interpretations have been established we can investigate how these levelsoverlap and influence one another. The bear ceremony is a good example of a ritualcontaining multiple functions. I will maintain that these functions can be interpreted asfollows:

    Religious Level - The bear ceremony is a form of communication with thesupernatural world, and is an expression of the belief in a hierarchy of spiritualentities. The bear is the representative of a high-ranking deity.

    1.

    Economic Level - This belief-system is the result of a perceived need forreciprocity with nature. Success in hunting and fishing is dependent on thegood will of the bear that rules over the reproduction of animals (Shnirelman,9)

    2.

    Psychological Level - In hunter-gatherer societies there is a certain amountof guilt associated with killing animals. The level of guilt may be greater whenit is necessary to kill an animal that is seen as being more anthropomorphic orrare. The bear ceremony is performed in order to pacify the bear's vengefulspirit.

    3.

    I will not claim that any one of these levels alone is the causal motivator. Nor will Iassert that one of the three hypotheses on its own can sufficiently explain everyaspect of this subject. However, in order to avoid a relativist position, I will attemptto integrate all of these hypotheses, and levels of interpretation, into one satisfactoryconclusion.

    The Sami's Relationship with the Bear

    The Sami call the bear saivo (sacred)

    Bear ceremonies are no longer held in Spmi. The veneration of the bear serves nopurpose outside the context of the Sami's former religion. This ritual belongs to theold ways of hunting, fishing, and following the reindeer herds, when they believed allthings to be animated by spirits. In their mythology various deities directed all mannerof natural phenomena. The Sami's direct dependence upon the surroundingenvironment actively shaped this belief system. Humanity's relationship with theforces of nature was viewed quite differently from our current empirical model.Industrial society's limited first hand interaction with wildlife has led to theobjectification of non-human animals. Our observations are now understood in termsof instincts, reflexes, environmental adaptations, and above all an assumption ofsuperiority. We reckon our evolutionary kinship with other animals based ontaxonomic classifications of phyla, order, classes, etc which we derive frommorphological and genetic relationships.

    The ancient Sami's conception of the natural world was based primarily on utility butwas greatly embellished with metaphysical notions. However, the underlyingpsychology behind this conceptualization is not as drastically removed from our ownepistemology as one might assume. As Gonseth points out, generally speaking thenatural sciences are not fundamentally distinct from indigenous and popular forms ofknowledge; they develop as a result of a continual process of conceptual tinkering'(Gonseth, 4) Thus their understanding was similarly rooted in the recognition ofdifferences among certain elements of the environment. Nevertheless, beliefs

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  • regarding the relationship between these elements were manifested in the form of folkwisdom rather than theories. However, any outside commentator should rememberthat there are logical premises at work behind such seemingly irrational customs asthe Sami's bear ceremony.

    Animals are believed to have essentially the same sort of animatingagency which man possesses. They have a language of their own,can understand what human beings say and do, have forms of tribalor social organization, and live a life which is parallel in otherrespects to that of human society.- Irving Hallowell, Bear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere,p.7

    Since the pre-Christian, shamanistic religion of the Sami wasdestroyed without leaving any written mythology, our understandingof how their pantheon of deities functioned is open to speculation. Itappears that the Sami maintained a religion that was very similar, inmost respects, to other circumpolar groups. Their beliefs centered onan ultimate creator deity, called Rdienhttje, and his wife andoffspring who fulfilled various other roles associated with naturalphenomena. The place of the bear in the ancient Sami belief systemis as mediator between the gods and the people.The animal's soulwas believed to be able to move freely between the natural worldand the otherworld. Each condition of this belief-with different namesfor gods-could be found at one time from the Hudson Bay area,through the Yukon, across the Bering Straight to Kamtchatka,throughout Siberia, the island of Hokkaido, in areas of NorthernManchuria, and all the way west to Finland and Spmi. In order tounderstand the origin and nature of these similarities I will nowoutline three of the best documented ceremonies we have on record:those of the Sami, the Gilyaks from the Amur region in South-Eastern Siberia, and the Ainus who inhabit Japan's northern mostisland of Hokkaido.

    Particulars of the Bear Ceremony

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  • The Sami

    The hunting and killing of such animals is certainly necessary, but atthe same time it is frequently a dangerous matter, because in doingso the hunter naturally incurs the anger of the animal killed.-Rafael Karsten, Religion of the Samek, p.113

    Departure for the forest. Bear hunting usually takes place during thehibernatory season, late winter or early spring. Once a den has been locatedthe hunters are assembled, the Noajdde and his drum are consulted, and theythen depart for the forest. The one who has located the bear takes the lead. Heholds a staff with a brass ring attached to it. A Noajdde usually follows him andprecedes the hunter elected to strike first.

    1.

    The Hunt. The one who located the bear is sent into the den to awaken it. TheSami were known to have used firearms, bow and arrow, lances or spears, andeven axes as a means of slaying the bear. The animal was not attacked directlyif a spear was being used, the weapon was held in reverse until the beastbegan its attack and impaled itself.

    2.

    Birching the bear. After the bear has been killed they drag it out from the lairand begin to whip it with soft twigs or birch branches. A switch is twisted intothe form of a ring which is fastened to the lower jaw of the bear. It is tied tothe belt of the principal bear-killer; the latter pulls at it three times singing(joiking) in a peculiar tone that he has become the bears master (Karsten,116)

    3.

    The Bear Master returns. When the hunters return to the sijdda their wivesgreet them by spitting elder bark juice in their faces. The principal bear-killerbrings the ring to his goahte, knocking three times at the door. If the bear isfemale he calls out sive neit (holy virgin), if the animal is male he shoutssive olmai (holy man) The bear master's wife keeps the ring in a linen clothuntil after the ceremonial meal.

    4.

    The Feast. It was customary for the men to prepare and cook the bear meat ina specially erected goahte that no woman could enter. Women must cover theirheads and during the next five days can only look at the bear killer through abrass ring. After this prescribed period of three days, the bear's skin isstretched out in the center of the banquet area where various libations oftobacco and foodstuff are offered to its spirit. After an apologetic speech isgiven the feast of bear meat begins.

    5.

    Ringing Him in. After the feast the ring is removed and the women and childrenattach pieces of a brass chain to it, which is then tied to the bears tail. Next,the ring is given to the men who bury it with the bones. Great care is taken toensure that the bones are arranged in their original form.

    6.

    Immunizing the women. Finally, the skin is laid out on a stump and theblindfolded wives of the bear slayers take turns shooting at it with arrows.

    7.

    This last feature is the most outstanding of the Sami ritual. Special care must betaken to guard women and children against the bear's vengeful spirit. By shooting thecarcass they conquer this fear.

    The Gilyaks

    The bear plays a great part in the life of all the peoples inhabiting theregion of the Amoor and Siberia as far as Kamtchatka, but amongnone of them is his importance greater than among the Gilyaks.-J. Frazer, The Golden Bough, (517)

    A cub is captured in the forest; its mother is killed if necessary.1.The cub is brought back to the village, where it is confined in a cage untilreaching maturity. During its time at the village the cub is treated like an

    2.

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  • honored guest, it is routinely walked, cleaned, and well fed.An arena where the bear will die is prepared. It is then removed from its cagefor the final time and is lead from hut to hut where it is teased with firbranches. At the same time reassuring words are spoken to it. The bear's hostsometimes sneaks up on it and kisses it good-bye.

    3.

    The bear is led down to a river, around the host's house three times, and theninto the house. Everyone must leave the house except for the oldest kinsman.Finally, the bear is led to a place that has been prepared for it and tied downbetween two stakes. The animal is left alone for a moment while the banquetcommences.

    4.

    The host feeds the bear for the last time. Farewell, he says to the bear, I feedyou for the last time; go directly to your owner. May you be able to gain yourmaster's affection.

    5.

    The procession of the executioner begins. The village headman walks in front,carrying a kettle and an axe, he is followed the Narch-en (shaman), holding thesame, and then the rest of the guests.

    6.

    The executioner waits for the bear to turn in such a way that an arrow can besent straight to its heart, all the while he speaks to it reassuringly.

    7.

    The bear's corpse is laid out in the snow facing west. All of its skin is removedexcept for the head. The head and skin are laid out on a framework resemblinga body. A quiver of arrows, tobacco, and eatables are laid beneath the head.

    8.

    The meat is eaten on the day after the execution. A lively feast goes onthrough the night.

    9.

    Two dogs are often sacrificed to the bear's spirit on the day after the feast.10.

    The great winter festival is only an extension of the rite that is observed at theslaughter of every bear.

    The Ainu

    I-yomante- thing/send, thing/let goHunting, particularly bear hunting, required strict adherence toritual. The bear itself is a deity and the Bear Ceremony is the bestknown of all Ainu rituals.-N.G. Munro, Ainu Creed And Cult, p.4

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  • Hunters capture a bear cub from a den or shortly after emerging.1.The bear is raised among the villagers for a year and a half inside a special hut.The women of the village sometimes nurse the cub.

    2.

    The Iyomante festival is held at the beginning of the cold season, September orOctober.

    3.

    Prayers are offered to Fuchi the fire goddess and to Kimun-Kamuy the god ofthe mountains.

    4.

    The bear is lead out of the hut by a procession of prominent village men to thenusa (sending place). At this time the women begin addressing it with terms ofendearment.

    5.

    The bear is shot with blunt arrows. Critical wounds are made using sharparrows, and then the bear is strangled between two logs. Meantime the womenand girls had taken post behind the men, where they danced, lamenting andbeating the men who were killing the bear (Frazer, 508)

    6.

    Male elders skin and dress the bear. The skin is left attached to the head.Afterwards they place the skin in front of an altar with gifts that may includefood, sake, and a sword and quiver. She-bears are sometimes adorned with anecklace and earrings.

    7.

    The meat of the bear is taken to back to the hut and left there till the next day.Its liver is cut into small pieces, salted, and then eaten. The men drink theblood that has been gathered in cups. While the bear is being disemboweledthe women begin to cry and dance mournfully.

    8.

    The meat is eaten the next day and the celebration continues.9.

    The Iyomante ritual was performed in honor of many of the other animals that theAinu hunted, as well as certain plants and tools. However, the bear ceremony was byfar the most important and elaborate

    Conclusion

    Many of the peoples living in Siberia and North America called thebear old man, lord or sacred animal."-Viktor Shnirelman, Grandfather Bear, p.9

    Interpreting the rituals

    The parallels between the bear ceremonies of these three very distantly relatedcultures are unmistakable. In each case all three functional levels are simultaneouslypresent. A consistent belief in the bear's role as mediator between humanity and thelord of the forest reveals much about the rationale behind the ceremony. It was notthe physical manifestation of the bear that controlled natural phenomena, such asreproduction; rather it was his or her archetypal owner. In each of these examplesthe creature's spirit is begged for forgiveness -the blame is often ascribed to aneighboring tribe- and offered gifts to take to its master. Many of the rites performedmay appear paradoxical to the western mind. Why is it that they would kill an honoredguest? Why tease and praise the bear at the same time? Why fear its wrath if you arepaying homage?

    The motif that reoccurs most often is reciprocity with nature. The animal is expectedto sacrifice its mortal self so it may return to the god with words of praise for itshuman counterparts. Still, there may be some uncertainty as to whether or not theanimal wishes to leave. The bear's spirit is not feared because of any inherentmalignance, he may simply be angry for having been slain. This idea could indeed bethe result of the respect, and guilt, experienced after taking the life of a formidablecreature. Equally plausible explanations can be given in terms of religious beliefs,economics, or underlying psychology, but I find none of them alone to be adequate.Only by assuming the participant' mind set can one hope to appreciate the ritual's truemeaning.

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  • Origins

    The widespread dispersal of these notions, from Spmi to the Hudson Bay, doessuggest that its origins are indeed rooted in the bear cult of prehistory. A wall paintingfrom the Trois-Frres cave, which dates back to the Magdalenian period, clearlydepicts an ancient bear ritual. The bear is shown being shot and stoned to death whileblood streams from its mouth. Countless collections of Ursine bones and skulls havebeen found deposited across the Northern Hemisphere. Of course many of thesimilarities shared by the Gilyak and the Ainu ceremonies can no doubt be explainedby the close contact between these two groups. But this should in no way negate thetheory of its ancient origin. Nor should the fact that reverence for bears does seem tobe a natural inclination for humans everywhere. There are remnants of this in westernculture as well: the word berserk is of Norse origin meaning bear shirt, the Welshname Arthur is usually translated as bear hero, and the Greek myth explaining theorigin of Ursa Major and Ursa Minor is strikingly similar to some of the beliefs of thepeoples discussed.

    The animal's peculiar habit of hibernation certainly lends it an air of mystery. Bearremains are difficult to find because they usually crawl away to the mountains to die.Above all, the bear is a creature that lends itself easily to anthrophomorphication, itshabit of standing on two legs to strike and the human-like appearance of its skinnedcarcass gave many cultures, including the Sami, a sense of kinship.

    Bibliography

    Dark, K.R. Theoretical Archaeology. Cornell University Press, 1999.

    Frazer, J. The Golden Bough. Macmillan: London, 1922.

    Hallowell, Irving. B ear Ceremonialism in the Northern Hemisphere. AmericanAnthropologist 28, 1926.

    Karsten, Rafael. The Religion of the Samek. Leiden: Munich, 1955

    Lissner, Ivar. Man, God and Magic. Putnam's Sons: New York, 1961.

    Munro, N.G. Ainu Creed and Cult. Oxford Press: Oxford, 1963.

    Internet Resources

    The Significance of the Bear Ritual Among the Sami and Other... http://www.utexas.edu/courses/sami/diehtu/siida/religion/bear.htm

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  • | UT Directory | UT Offices A-Z | Campus & Parking Maps | UT Site Map | Calendars | UT Direct Contact Us

    Gonseth. Marc-Olivier. (1988) Man and Animals. UNESCO Courier, Feb 1988 p4(5)

    Kwon. Heonik. (1999) PLAY THE BEAR: Myth and ritual in East Siberia. History ofReligions, May 1999 v38 i4 p373

    Shnirelman. Viktor. (1988) Grandfather bear; hunting rituals and animal worship inearly Eurasian cultures. UNESCO Courier, Feb 1988 p9(2)

    Illustrations

    Cover - 1984 Childcraft Annual : Great Myths and Legends . World Book, Inc: Chicago,1984

    Map - Encyclopedia of World Mythology. Dempsey Par: London, 2000

    Bear Image- Eyewitness Guides : Viking . Dorling Kindersley: New York, 1994

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