The structure of the Inflection

Phrase

Bound morphemes, auxiliaries and modal verbs

Organization

Inflection: the head of S

Modal verbs

Auxiliary verbs

Bound morphemes

Inflection: the head of Ss

< sentences are larger phrases

< sentences are endocentric constructions round a head

the head =?

Inflection: the head of Ss

(1) Dan Diaconescu likes apples.

subject predicate

S

3

Subject Predicate

the head?????

Inflection as the head of S

(2) a. *Dan Diaconescu be crazy.

b. Dan Diaconescu must be crazy.

(3) a. *Dan Diaconescu buy Oltchim.

b. Dan Diaconescu will buy Oltchim.

Modal verbs : Tense and modality

Modal verbs: always in front of the lexical verb

Inflection as the head of S

(4) a. *Dan Diaconescu buy Oltchim.

b. Dan Diaconescu has bought Oltchim.

(5) a. *Dan Diaconescu always talk about E.

b. Dan Diaconescu is always talking about E.!

auxiliaries: Tense and agreement

auxiliaries: always in front of the lexical verb

Inflection as the head of S

(6) a. * Dan Diaconescu have OTTV.

b. Dan Diaconescu has OTTV.

(7) a. *Dan Diaconescu always arrive late.

b. Dan Daconescu always arrived late.

S becomes grammatical if: Tense/agr morphemes

Inflection as the head of S

elements which carry T are essential for S to be well-

formed

assume that T/Agr is the head of S

Modals and auxiliaries occur in front of the lexical verb

assume that T/Agr precedes VP

Inflection as the head of S

IP

3 Spec I’

SUBJECT 3

I VP

HEAD PREDICATE

Inflection as the head of S

DD buys Oltchim very soon. IP 2 Spec I’ DP 2

I VP -s 2

Spec V’ 2

V’ AdvP 2

V DP

Inflection as the head of S

Sentences are INFLECTION PHRASES

The head = INFLECTION

Q: What’s in an IP?

The structure of IP

/z/ = 3rd person sg + present tense

Inflection : both T and Agr

= the split-IP hypothesis (Pollock 1989)

Nous dessinons

we draw-1st pl

Nous dessinions

we draw-past -1st pl

The structure of IP

French, Romanian ….

AgrP 3

Spec Agr’ 3

Agr TP 3

T’ 3

T VP

The structure of IP

The order in which the morphemes occur provides

information with respect to the place which the two

projections occupy in the structure of IP. The closer a

morpheme is to the lexical stem, the closer to the VP it is

in the representation of the clause.

The structure of IP

Baker (1985) : The Mirror Principle

Morphological affixes appear in the order in which they

apply in the syntax// Morphological structure is a

reflection of syntactic operations.

The structure of IP

Back to English:

/z/ : both T and Agr

We will assume: IP for English

The structure of IP

IP

3 Spec I’

3 VP

{T/Agr/Mood/Asp}

I

The structure of IP

IP

3

I’

2

I VP

/d/

/z/

The structure of IP

IP

3

I’

2

I VP

have

be

do

The structure of IP

IP

3

Spec I’

3

I VP

can 3

may

could

will

The structure of IP

IP

3

You I’

3

I VP

{2nd sg. Present} 5

like Kazuo Ishiguro.

So far..

in spite of the difference between bound and free

morphemes, they are outside the VP

they carry tense/agreement/modality information

they are hosted by Inflection

So far...

a sentence is a hierarchically structured entity

the head of a sentence is Inflection ( Infl/I)

a sentence is a projection of I = an Inflection Phrase (IP)

the elements hosted by I carry Tense: auxiliaries,

modals, bound morphemes

I selects VP as a complement

IP is the functional domain of the verb

The structure of IP

IP

3

Spec I’

3

I VP

/d/,/z/ 3

modals

aux

The structure of IP

We have placed modals and auxiliaries outside the VP

we need evidence that they are outside the

VP, i.e. that they can be ‘separated’ from the VP

We have assumed that Inflection hosts both free

morphemes (aux, modals) and bound morphemes

BUT: He will arrive vs. He arrived

we need to explain why/how they all occupy, at

some point, I.

Evidence < pseudo-clefting, fronting

The teacher will explain the status of AUX.

What the teacher will do is explain the status of AUX.

Explain the status of AUX is what the teacher will do.

The teacher explained the status of AUX.

What the teacher did was {explain the status of AUX.}

{Explain the status of AUX} is what the teacher did.

Evidence <movement

And we will {provide evidence}

And {provide evidence} we will

Modals, aux, tense morphemes are outside the VP, which can

be moved away from a modal/an aux/the bound morpheme

Evidence <VP-ellipsis

We have provided evidence and they have {provided evidence}

too.

We can provide evidence and they can {provide evidence} too.

He provides evidence and John does {provide evidence} too.

VP-ellipsis shows that the VP and the auxiliary/modal/bound

morpheme can be separated, i.e. they represent constituents

different from the VP which contains the lexical verb

Evidence < do so too substitution

The slim student at the back of the classroom will skip

classes next week and her friend will do so too.

But I will attend the lecture and my friend will do so too.

Summing up...

Aux, modals, tense/agr morphemes: can be ‘split’ from

the VP

Modals and aux always occupy a position in front of the

lexical verbs

Aux, modals, tense/agr morphemes: head their own

projection; at one point, they occupy a position in the

functional domain of the verb

31

Modal verbs

Q: the English modals: lexical or functional?

A1: lexical verbs

A2: a distinct morpho-syntactic class

32

Modal verbs

Modality: (i) possibility

(ii) necessity

MODALS of possibility: CAN, MAY, COULD, MIGHT

MODALS of necessity: MUST, SHOULD, NEED, OUGHT

+ MODALS of prediction/volition: WILL, SHALL.

33

Modal verbs

A1 < SUBSTANTIVE CONTENT, like lexical verbs

The train must have been delayed.

= necessity (probability)

They may be still waiting for us at the station.

= possibility

logical inference from the given circumstances

Modals vs. lexical verbs

modal verbs ?

[+V] = the capacity to license an argument and assign a

theta-role to its argument

Do modal verbs meet this requirement?

35

Modal verbs

= the modals make a common semantic contribution:

they indicate the degree of force with which the situation denoted by the VP is asserted/ the way in which the speaker evaluates the situation

She may look nice.

She can look nice when she has her hair done.

She must look very nice if she is a model.

Modal verbs

But, unlike lexical verbs, they lack an event

structure

their semantic function is to ‘modify’ the content of

another verb / of another sentence

John might have killed the cat.

They needn’t have sent them the letter.

Modal verbs

lack the capacity of assigning theta-roles to their argument

They may have left early.

MAY { they have left early}

She must have missed the train.

MUST {she has missed the train}

they do not project an external-argument

they c-select their internal argument

38

Modal verbs

Lexical verbs

denote EVENTS have

an event structure

Project an external

argument

S-select and c-select their

argument(s)

Modals

do NOT denote EVENTS

do NOT have an event

structure

do not project an external

argument

C-select their argument

39

Modal verbs

A2 : < the English modals have a set of morpho-syntactic

properties which distinguish them from lexical verbs

= they are NICE Negation can attach to the modal, without DO-support

Inversion (subject-modal) is possible in interrogative

sentences and in tags

Code: they can appear in codes

Emphatic affirmation

Modal verbs

I cannot dance.

*I do not can dance.

Must they leave?

*Do they must leave?

I can dance and so can Bill.

*I can dance and so does Bill.

You SHALL have the money by tomorrow.

*You do shall have the money by tomorrow.

41

Modal verbs

such properties clearly distinguish the English modals

from lexical verbs and show that they behave like the

auxiliaries have, be and do

= AUX are also NICE !

42

Modal verbs vs. auxiliaries

Modals are incompatible with non-finite forms:

a. *They are canning to do it now.

b. *To can or not to can, that is the question.

c. *They have must(ed) do it for a long time.

a modal is always the first verb in a finite verbal group:

a. They may have been punished for what they had done.

b. We might have gone about half a mile…

Modal verbs

John could play the piano when he was five.

They can speak Persian.

* They have could speak Persian.

Modals are always tensed

Modals merge in Inflection

44

Modal verbs

they have no passive form

they have no imperative

they cannot co-occur, with the exception of certain

dialects:

a. You might would say that.

b. I don't feel as if I should ought to leave. (Southern

USA)

45

So far...

The English modals : a distinct morpho-syntactic class

They merge in Inflection because they are always tensed

Modals

IP

2 Spec I’

3

VP

modals

I [+T]

Modals

IP

2 Spec I’

2

I VP

modals 5

Modals

IP

2 Spec I’

John 2

I VP

can 5 dance

Modals

IP

2 Spec I’

They 2

I VP

may 5 leave

Auxiliaries vs. modals

John has left.

John had left.

John is dancing.

John was dancing.

John has been dancing.

John may have been dancing.

no event structure

do not assign theta-roles

do not project an external argument

c-select their complement

BE+ PRESENT PARTICIPLE

HAVE + PAST PARTICIPLE

Auxiliaries

One important difference:

(i) Modals are inherently tensed; they lack non-finite

forms

(ii) Auxiliaries : present vs. past tense forms, they have

non-finite forms

Auxiliaries

Auxiliaries are always preceded by the modal; in this case

they are uninflected for tense

They may have left.

They may have been talking about the movie.

They may have been forgiven.

Auxiliaries

IP

3 Spec I’

3

I VP/ AuxP?

modals

Auxiliaries

He may have left.

IP

3 Spec I’

He 3

I VP/ AuxP

may 5 have left

Auxiliaries

Have and be are base-generated under VP; they reach

Inflection as a result of movement.

They move to Inflection to merge with Tense (and

Agreement) markers/ to check their T (and Agr)

features

Auxiliaries

IP 2 Spec I’ 2

I VP 5

V VP

have

be

Auxiliaries

IP 2 Spec I’ 2

I VP 5

V VP

has left the country

g

Auxiliaries

IP 2 Spec I’ 2

I VP has 5

V VP

t left the country

g

Auxiliaries vs. modals

Modals are always tensed:

they are base-generated/merge under Inflection.

have and be: reach Inflection as a result of Move

Auxiliaries vs. modals

IP

2 Spec I’

2

I VP

modals 5

Auxiliaries vs. modals

IP

2 Spec I’

They 2

I VP

may 5 have left

Auxiliaries

IP

2 Spec I’

They 2

I VP

may 5 be leaving

Auxiliaries

IP

2 Spec I’

They 2

I VP

5 are leaving

Auxiliaries

IP

2 Spec I’

They 3

I VP

are 5 t leaving

Auxiliaries vs. modals

IP

2 Spec I’

They 3

I VP

have 5 t left

Auxiliaries

How do we know they move?

Evidence < S-medial adverbs

John is already sleeping.

John has already left.

They are always buying smart phones!

They have never read this book.

Often, always, never: S-medial adverbs

VP

3 AAdvP VP

Evidence < S-medial adverbs

IP 2 She I’ 2 I VP /z/ 2 AdvP VP already 2 V’ 2 V VP have left

Evidence < S-medial adverbs

IP 2 She I’ 2 I VP /z/ 2 AdvP VP already 2 V’ 2 V VP be dancing

Evidence < negation

a. She hasn’t eaten snails.

b. She isn’t eating snails.

c. *She eats not snails.

d. She doesn’t eat snails..

Evidence < negation

= NOT is always in front of the lexical verb

= only auxiliaries and modals can be directly negated by

not/n’t.

Evidence < negation

John has not left.

NegP – VP

Evidence < negation

IP 3 A

John I’ 3 I NegP may 3 Neg’ 3 Neg VP not have arrived

Evidence < negation

IP 3 A

John I’ 3 I NegP 3 Neg’ 3 Neg VP not has arrived

Evidence < negation

IP 3 A

John I’ 3 I NegP has 3 Neg’ 3 Neg VP not t arrived

Evidence < negation

*John not has left.

John has not left.

Auxiliaries: summing up

Have and be: merge in VP

They move to Inflection

V-to-I movement

Auxiliaries vs. modals

AUXILIARIES

occur in the functional domain of the verb

functional elements

[+ V + AUX ]

cannot assign theta-roles

do not s-select their complement

MODALS

Occut in the functional domain of the verb

functional elements?

[+V + AUX/M]

cannot assign theta-roles

do not s-select their complement

Auxiliaries vs. modals

AUXILIARIES

not inherently tensed

base-generated under

VP

move to Inflection to

check their T features

can co-occur

MODALS

inherently tensed

base-generated in

Inflection

always 1st position in a

string of aux

cannot co-occur

So far...

auxiliaries and modals occur under Inflection

BUT:

/z/ and /d/ also occur under Inflection

Bound morphemes

(1) John will ask Mary to marry him after the LEC

exam.

(2) John asked Mary to marry him after the LEC exam.

(3) John asks a girl to marry him after each LEC exam.

Bound morphemes

John must have left.

must + VP

Infl VP

John leaves tomorrow.

V /z/

= ????

bound morphemes

The Stranded Affix Filter

an affix must be attached to a host, it cannot remain stranded.

the stranded affix [/d/ or /z/] must merge with a free

morpheme

Bound morphemes

IP

2 Spec I’

2

I VP

/z/ 5

arrive

IP

2 Spec I’

2

I VP

/z/ 5 arrive

bound morphemes

Verb raising or affix lowering?

bound morphemes

a. She always teaches syntax.

b. She will always teach syntax.

c. She has already told us about IP.

Always precedes lexical verbs and is placed after the

aux/modal

Bound morphemes

IP 3 She I’ 3 I VP

/z/ 3 AdvP VP

5 5 often teach syntax

Auxiliaries

IP 3 She I’ 3 I VP /z/ 2 AdvP VP 5 5 often teach syntax

Bound morphemes

* She teaches often _ syntax.

Auxiliaries

IP 3 She I’ 3 I VP

/z/ 3 AdvP VP

5 5 often teach syntax

Auxiliaries

She _ often teaches syntax.

Bound morphemes and lexical verbs

In English, lexical verbs do not move to Inflection

to allow the affix to attach to a verb. Instead, the

affix lowers to V .