the surveillance zone as meaningful space for the aged · 2016. 9. 27. · the surveillance zone,...

The surveillance zone, defined as space within the visual field of home, assumes increasing significanceas people grow older and spend more time at home. Using insights from a 3 year participant observation

study in an Appalachian community, this paper describes characteristics of the surveillance zone andexplores its meaning for old people. The process of monitoring events outside, the emergence of watchful

reciprocal social networks, and the potential of the surveillance zone for generating a sense of personalidentity, are explored. Implications for locating and designing environments for the elderly are traced.

The Surveillance Zone as MeaningfulSpace for the Aged1

Graham D. Rowles, PhD2

Yeah, everybody who comes in here says, "Mygoodness, you can see all over town. You reallyhave it nice here." . . . I don't know what I'd doneif it hadn't been for this window you know . . . I thinkif everybody had something like this, they wouldn'tfeel so closed in.

Peggy, 71 years oldThe outside space is more important than the

inside space, I think.Lucinda, 64 years old

In recent years there has been much concernwith exploring the meaning of "home" as adistinctive realm of space (Bachelard, 1969;Bollnow, 1967; Buttimer, 1980; Eliade, 1959;Loyd, 1975; Porteous, 1976; Rakoff, 1977).It has been argued that home may come toassume considerable emotional significancefor old people (Gelwicks, 1970; Holcomb,1980). However, concern with the meaningof home has tended to blind us to the importanceof other spaces.

Immediately outside each dwelling is an areathat can be viewed from the windows. Thisspace within the visual field of a residence maybe formally defined as the surveillance zone.This zone mediates between the sacred spaceof home and the more remote community en-vironment beyond the visual field. For manyold people, particularly the housebound whomay spend much time at the window, the sur-veillance zone represents a primary focus ofparticipation in the world beyond the threshold.

Several studies have suggested the signifi-cance of the surveillance zone as the area inwhich the activities of young children can bemonitored by their parents (Fanning, 1967;Hart, 1979; Jacobs, 1961; Jephcott, 1971;Michelson, 1969). However, little in-depth studyof the structure, use, and meaning of this spacefor old people has been undertaken, even thoughin a 1974 national study of housing for theelderly, 46.8% of the sample interviewed re-sponded positively to the question, "Do youspend much time sitting by a window to watchpeople or views outside?" (Howell, 1976). Inthis study the surveillance zone is explored asan arena for "watching" and "being watched,"in which visual reciprocity facilitates the emer-gence and maintenance of practical and socialsupport from neighbors, and as a space whichoften comes to provide an important sourceof ongoing environmental participation anda sense of identity for the old person. Theseobservations are viewed as themes within adevelopmental perspective on the role of thesurveillance zone in the old person/environ-ment transaction. Finally, some implicationsfor the location, design, and landscaping ofhousing for the elderly are considered.

Growing Old in an Appalachian CommunityThe environmental experience of old people

living in Colton,3 a dying Appalachian mountaincommunity, has been explored over the past3 years (Rowles, 1980a). Approximately 400

'The research reported in this paper was supported by a grant from theNIA (AC 00862).

'Asst. Prof, of Geography, Dept. of Geology & Geography, West VirginiaUniv., Morgantown, W V 26506. JColton is a pseudonym as are all proper names in this paper.

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people live here. Much of the population con-sists of elderly persons who remain despite adeteriorating physical setting. Using an experi-ential methodology (Rowles, 1978b), 15 longtime residents of Colton ranging in age from 64to 93 years have been worked with intensively.Through three summers residence in the com-munity and weekly visits during the remainderof the past 3 years, the author has establishedan interpersonal climate in which it has beenpossible to reveal dimensions of experiencethat are customarily taken-for-granted. In ex-ploring the significance of surveillance zonesin these old people's lives, lengthy tape-re-corded conversations have been complementedby semi-structured interviews, discussions withneighbors, participant observation, the mappingof surveillance zones, and photography, (in-cluding aerial photography to define spatialrelationships within the area surrounding eachhome).

Characteristics of Surveillance ZonesIt is useful to start by describing physical

characteristics of surveillance zones in orderto provide a measure of the arena potentiallyavailable to each old person. There is consider-able variation among the participants in themaximum visual range of surveillance (Table 1).

Table 1. Surveillance Zone Characteristics.

Participant

Jennifer RoseAudreyNellRebeccaBeatrice**Walter**NakomaLucinda* (1)

(2)AselMaryBillJoNellBertha

PeggyDan

*Lucinda

MaximumVisualRange(Yards)

50200200200400400***

400

800

400800***800800

12001200

12001600

Numberof

WindowsUsed

1

4

2232

31

2

342

—

1

23

Orientation ofWindows Used

(Front/Back/Sides)

X

X X 1

XX X

X 2

X 1

X 2

X

X X

X X 1

X X 1

X 1

no evidence

X

X 1

X 2

relocated during the course of the research.**Married couple.

***Reduced by poor vision.

For some, like 89 year old Bertha, the surveil-lance zone, as a result of home location andtopography, provides visual access across theentire valley. At the other extreme, for JenniferRose, 70 years old, living on a wooded stretchof highway outside Colton, the available visualfield is limited to a few yards and incorporatesno inhabited buildings. Most participants fallbetween these extremes. Their visual field em-braces several adjacent houses.

Surveillance potential involves more thanproximity. Consideration of the area surrounding81 year old Audrey's home reveals importantdirectional variation (Fig. 1). Audrey is sur-rounded by residences. She has a clear viewof Jean and Conrad's house and the home ofElvin and John (two men in their fifties) whoshare a home to the rear of her house. However,visual access to her closest neighbors' home(Vicki and Jim's) is limited by the position ofan evergreen tree and by the nonalignmentof windows between the two homes. Thesebarriers, reinforced by incompatible door orien-tation, have a significant impact on her rela-tionship with this neighbor:

She doesn't watch me like the others do, becauseshe can't see from her window . . . She said, "I'msorry. I don't think I do enough for you like the otherneighbors do." . . . She said, "I look over at night,but you know the way my windows are arranged,from the living room I can't see at all." . . . I said,"Why Vicki, you really are not my next door neighboreither because there is no door opening from yourhouse towards me." When they come out, they goout on the other side, they never come over onthis side.

The seasons also affect the visual range of sur-veillance. In the summer when the leaves areon the trees Audrey cannot see across the valleyto the home of Benny, the youth for whom shebabysat when he was a child and with whomshe maintains a strong relationship as a surrogate"grandmother."

One effect of such surveillance zone char-acteristics is that each participant has tendedto develop a pattern of surveillance favoringparticular directions, and using only those win-dows providing a good visual panorama (Table1). Audrey uses windows in the front, in theback, and to one side of her house. Other par-ticipants make frequent use of a single window.In sum, each individual's home provides a dis-tinctive potential for visual participation in thespace outside. How exactly is the surveillance

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Q Year round visual access

]] Winter visual access

H No visual access

x] Outbuildings

g) Coniferous Q Deciduous Trees

• Favorite observation points

Door orientation

Fig. 1. Audrey's surveillance zone.

zone transformed from an opportunity intoa resource?

Use of the Surveillance ZoneMuch time is spent "watching.'' Many of

the participants profess to wandering from win-dow to window during the day as they monitorevents outside. In addition to the change of

vista this affords, it also reduces the chancesof being perceived as "nosy." As Lucinda notes:

They always told me it was bad manners to stareout the window at somebody. If I'd look out thewindow, I'd kind of do it from behind the curtain.

Some watching has a practical purpose.Bertha watches for the newspaper carrier;


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Audrey looks for the mailman; 93 year old Aseloversees a garden that is the center of his life.In the summer, he will stand at his kitchen sinkand watch for stray dogs or other predatorswhich might disrupt the order of his immaculaterows of vegetables. Monitoring the activitiesof children is a favorite pastime. This may onoccasion take a more active form as the oldperson, acting as surrogate parent, intervenesto arbitrate disputes or impose sanctions onunruly behavior.

Sometimes watching can lead to actionstranscendingthe"nosi ness" of which old peopleare often accused. Nell, 84 years old, recountsan incident related to monitoring activities out-side the house at the foot of the hillside whereshe lives:

One evening they came home from work, andKaren (their child) got out of this side of the car,and I thought, it looked like she didn't shut thedoor . . . I didn't pay much attention to it, I wasbusy crocheting in the living room and had mytelevision on. About 9:00 p.m., I came out hereand it looked like there was a light on in the car.They had gone to bed. I could tell, their lightswere all out. So, I called down, I said, "Peter, thisis your nosy neighbor, Nell, on the hill. Looks tome like there is a light on in your car." He said,"Oh my goodness." He said if I hadn't called him,the battery would have gone clear down. He said,"Well, I'm glad we've got nosy neighbors like that."

Many old people engage in a process of"setting up" for watching. They select windowsproviding the best vantage and then arrangetheir furniture and provide themselves withsupports to facilitate monitoring space outside.Generally, windows are selected to providefor viewing active rather than passive scenes.Supports for observation range from prudentplacement of a chair to more elaborate andfrequently unconscious forms of "setting up."Audrey, whose balance is sometimes a littleunsteady, likes to stand leaning against theback of a chair placed by her front window.Peggy has her telephone, her C.B. transmitter,notepads and pencils, her latest sewing project,and the television remote control all withineasy arm's reach. Perhaps the best exampleof this process is provided by the way in which,aided by her family, Bertha set herself up duringan illness when she was confined to her bed(Fig. 2). The entire room was rearranged so thatshe had access to all her needs within arm'slength of her bed. A key component of this

"setting up" was placement of the bed to facili-tate watching events outside. She could seewho came to the door, keep an eye on herneighbors, and watch the trains.

During the summer, the process of surveil-lance is made easier by the ability to sit outsideand to watch and be watched from the porch(Lozier & Althouse, 1975). As Audrey notes:

I can see everybody that goes by. Everybodywaves to me. And I don't know some of the people,but they wave too . . . I guess they feel a little oldlady is sitting there. They think, "well, maybe,she's lonesome."

A second important use of the surveillancezone stems from this visual reciprocity. In addi-tion to watching, there is the important supportprovided by "being watched." Most of theColton elderly have established close relation-ships with neighbors in their surveillance zonethat incorporate systems of signals to monitoreach other's well-being. Audrey provides agood example of such a system as she describeshow she is watched by neighbors to the rearof her home.

They watch for the curtain to be opened in themorning. He (Elvin) told me that. He said, "do youknow, you get up about eight?" I said, "yes, I do."He said, "well, at that time, I'm usually standingthere at my kitchen window with a cup of coffeein my hand watching for you r curtains to be opened."

She went on to describe how Jean, anotherneighbor, watched for her to open the drapes

Fig. 2. "Setting up": Bertha's surveillance zone.

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in her bedroom each morning: "There's a signal.I couldn't lay in bed sick very long, becausethey'd find me/' she concluded. A sense ofsecurity derives from such knowledge.

Continual visual contact between the oldperson and neighbors often facilitates the de-velopment of practical support. This is especiallyimportant for the many old residents of Coltonwho live alone. Nell provides an excellentexample of such everyday support. Neighborswithin her surveillance zone bring in the mailfrom the roadside mailbox, pick up items fromthe grocery store, provide assistance with in-terpreting tax forms, and fix leaky faucets. Theyalso provide opportunities for getting out. Likemany of her peers, Nell is transported to churchby neighbors within the surveillance zone.During winter, the level of practical supportis sufficient to sustain her for several monthswithout ever leaving home.

In some cases, support is available from familymembers. It enables the old person to remainindependent longer than might otherwise bepossible. Asel's youngest daughter lives withinview of his kitchen window. Each day she bringshis lunch at noon. Her husband calls in beforehe leaves for work to bring the medicine Aselmight otherwise forget to take.

Practical support from within the surveillancezone is especially important during crisis situ-ations. When a youth broke into the rear ofher house, Nell had just enough time to tele-phone Bill on the street below before she wasassaulted. He was able to reach her home inless than a minute. This probably saved herfrom injuries more severe than the crackedribs she sustained. Less spectacular emergenciesmay also be dealt with by neighbors withinthe surveillance zone. In time of illness, theywill handle visitors, call the old person's familyto keep them informed of their loved one'sstatus, and if hospitalization is necessary, willoften take in the mail, service the furnace, andin general, act as guardians of the old person'shome.

Practical support invariably is coupled withstrong social support, sustained through frequentvisits and telephone calls. Audrey talks aboutthe visits she receives from her neighbor Elvin:

About every Sunday afternoon, he comes downfor an hour. If there is anybody here, he doesn't.If he sees a car he doesn't. But if not, on Sunday,he'll come down for an hour to see me. I enjoy him.

Indeed, over time, as a cluster of people withinthe old person's surveillance zone developstronger and stronger functional and social ties,and as a sense of mutual obligation evolves,this arena gradually becomes a distinctive socialspace(Buttimer, 1969; Lozier& Althouse, 1975).

The Surveillance Zone as a Source of MeaningTo fully understand the significance of sur-

veillance zones in the I ives of the Colton elderly,it is necessary to view this space in the contextof the old person's total life experience. WhenAudrey stands and gazes at the falling snow,and when Asel sits watching the workmenremove rubble from the burnt out shell of thehouse next door — what are they thinking?How does this activity fit into their lives?

First, the space, and the process of surveil-lance it fosters, provides a crucial link betweenthe old person and the contemporary worldoutside, a sense of ongoing participation inevents. Monitoring the rhythm of life in thecontemporary space provides a "field of caring."Often involvement extends to vicarious par-ticipation. As Audrey wistfully observes:

You know after you've gone to church all yourlife, it's hard not to be able to. I sit here and lookout the window and watch them all go, and thenI turn the TV on and listen. It's the next best thing .. .Sunday, I look out more, because I'm watchingpeople go to church. Since I can't go to church,I watch the cars go by, watch Jean and Conradleaving, McCories, all of them . . . and then atnoon, I watch them all come back.

Asel reveals the same process when he explainshow he sits watching the men work on thedemolition of the house next door and worksout how he would tackle the job. For a timehe can participate vicariously, almost turningback the clock.

Participation in outside space has an historicalas well as a contemporary aspect. This maybe especially important to old people immersedin reminiscence, or engaged in the processof life review that studies have suggested areimportant facets of old age (Butler, 1963; Lewis,1971; Lieberman & Falk, 1971; McMahon &Rhudick, 1967; Merriam, 1980). The surveil-lance zone may provide a mirror to the oldperson's life. If the person has lived in the com-munity for many years, as is the case with mostof the participants in this research, physicalcues within the visual field may act as symbols


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of the past and provide a stimulus to reflection.Within Jennifer Rose's visual field, there is ahalf constructed garage her husband startedto build 30 years ago. The project was nevercompleted. It remains as a physical legacy thatstirs fond memories. Beatrice, 84 years old,when she looks out of her front room can seethe broken dam that many years ago impoundedmany gallons of water. In the winter this pro-vided a skating rink for the children. The pondis now filled with silt, but each time she looksat it, there is the potential to revive memoriesof her youth. The scene within the surveillancezone also serves to sustain memories of peoplewho inhabited this space. I found that Nellcould trace an elaborate social history of eachhome within her surveillance zone, repletewith vivid accounts of incidents that transpiredmany decades ago.

Contemporary events within the surveillancezone may also trigger reminiscence and en-courage a form of "gazing" behavior I haveoften noted as old people stare out of theirwindows, seemingly becoming oblivious to mypresence. I asked Audrey to share her thoughtsas she stared out at a recent snowfall: "I thoughtabout my poor mother doing all that dressingon me, and putting me out there. And oh, justlittle things." Such "little things" may be ex-tremely important in maintaining a sense ofidentity.

Developmental Significance of SurveillanceZones

In seeking to assess the significance of thesurveillance zone in old people's lives, it isuseful to adopt a developmental perspectiveand to consider this space in relation to changingactivity levels over the lifespan (Fig. 3). Wemay hypothesize that the surveillance zoneassumes particular importance during two stagesof life, although for different reasons. In child-

«l ActivitySpace

Birth Time Death

Fig. 3. Developmental significance of the surveillancezone.

hood, this space is the arena in which the childis allowed to play; an arena defined by parentalsanctions of surveillance which limit the wan-derings of the child. Space within sight of homemay thus come to assume special significance(Hart, 1979). As the child grows and is per-mitted to venture farther afield, this space be-comes progressively less important. Duringadulthood, because much time is spent awayfrom home, the surveillance zone may be oflimited consequence.

As physiological capability declines in oldage the surveillance zone once again assumesincreasing importance, one of a variety of tran-sitions that occur in the old person/environmenttransaction as the individual becomes increas-ingly environmentally vulnerable. Most viewsof aging acknowledge reduced mobility and agradual constriction of the old person's activityspace (Montgomery, 1977; Pastalan & Carson,1970; Windley et al., 1975). As this transitionoccurs, progressively more time is spent athome. However, this is something of an over-simplification. There are a variety of compen-sations in other dimensions of the old person'senvironmental experience (Rowles, 1978a,1980b, 1981). In "an hypothesis of changingemphasis" I have suggested that vicarious in-volvement in environments displaced in space(the worlds of children) and/or time (placesof one's past) often becomes a substitute forphysical participation. As these transitionsoccur, there is some reorientation in the func-tional role of particular realms of space andin the affective meaning with which they areimbued. Home becomes a more salient spacein terms of both the individual's time andemotional investment. More important in thecontext of this discussion, adjacent space, thesurveillance zone, becomes a more pervasivecomponent of the individual's lifespace as itbegins to assume the array of functions I havedescribed. For the housebound or institution-alized old person, the surveillance zone maycome to represent the major arena of directcontact with the world outside (Rowles, 1979).Considering these transitions in associationwith other postulated developmental changes —an increased propensity for reminiscence andthe process of I ife review (Butler, 1963; Merriam,1980) — it becomes possible to see how thesurveillance zone, in addition to its practicaland social significance can become a focusof meaning for the elderly long time residentof a community.

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Some ImplicationsThere is considerable variation in the char-

acteristics, use, and meaning of the surveillancezone among the old people of Colton. Thisraises important research questions. Is the sur-veillance zone important to all old people?Is it experienced in the same manner, or areparticular themes within surveillance zoneutilization more significant to certain subgroups?Does the significance of the surveillance zonevary systematically with age or health status?What role does personality play in surveillancezone utilization? To what extent is interpersonalvariation merely a function of location andthe different surveillance zone potentials gen-erated by alternative housing arrangementsand designs? The Colton elderly are long-timeresidents of old single family housing stock.They have had the time to accumulate thetemporal depth of meaning within their sur-veillance zones that makes them reservoirs ofcues to reflection. Are old people without similarlength of residence, or those who relocate tonew housing, able to harness surveillance zones,or must they forego the identity reinforcingfunction of this space? What is the role of thisspace in other environmental settings? In urbanneighborhoods? In special housing for the el-derly? In institutional settings?

Several philosophical dilemmas also emerge.One of the most interesting concerns attitudestoward old people. It is perhaps appropriateto reassess a prevalent association between thewatchful elderly neighbor and images of "thebusybody": such behavior may be no morethan an adaptation to more limited personalcircumstances. On the other hand, this acknow-ledgement raises the crucial problem of recon-ciling legitimate privacy needs with the sup-portive potential of surveillance. Assumingsuch dilemmas can be resolved, what are theimplications for providing improved living situ-ations for old people?

First, there are ramifications with regard tothe location and orientation of new housing.Siting in settings surrounded by other homesis clearly desirable. Prudent orientation canalso facilitate the creation and use of surveil-lance zones, although here the issue of privacymust be considered, particularly in an inter-generational context. Some young families mayresent the prospect of being constantly watched,however beneficial this may be for their elderlyneighbor. Location and orientation affordingthe potential for overlooking "active" scenes

is also preferable to the provision of tranquilvistas of rustic beauty.

Advantages of location and orientation canbe complemented by housing design (Howell,1980). Complementary door orientation facili-tates both visual and social contact. The heightof window ledges and the size of windows canalso foster or preclude surveillance. Berthaexplains why she adamantly refused to moveto Dallas to live in her daughter's modern ranchstyle house:

The windows is all up so high that you can't seeout. These new houses, you know, the windows,they aren't down like this. They're up high, andall the people keeps draperies and everything allover the windows, so you can't see out. And I liketo see out. If I had to stay in that house, all that time,and couldn't see out, and couldn't go no place . . .I'm better at home.

One strategy to overcome this problem, utilizedby Peggy, was replacement of her small livingroom window with a picture window with alower sill that provided a clear vista across thecenter of Colton. Interior design and arrange-ment of rooms in both new and refurbishedhousing could also be undertaken to more fullyacknowledge the importance of surveillancezones and facilitate the process of "setting up."

Moving outside the house, greater sensitivityto the content and landscaping of space withinthe surveillance zone can enhance the environ-mental experience of the old person. The needfor such awareness is illustrated by Beatriceas she talks about the impact of her neighborJeff's recent construction of a workshop on theside of his house on her relationship with hiswife, Sarah:

Ever since Jeff built all that stuff in between us,we said we might as well live ten miles apart. Wedon't see each other you know. We used to lookout the kitchen window and wave, and point andmake signs. And we could tell when they got up,and they could tell when we got up and went tobed . . . It's different now.

How often do we unwittingly impoverish thelives of old people and increase their isolationby closing them in through construction, designmodification, or merely by planting a tree?

Perhaps the most important implicationsare attitudinal. It is necessary to seek deeperunderstanding of the particular meaning of thesurveillance zone to old people. To the child,space immediately beyond the threshold is


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a source of adventure, the scene of first explora-tions and at the same time an arena of securityunder mother's watchful gaze. To the old person,it may become not only a source of functionalsupport but also a symbol of continuity andcontinuing participation within a world fromwhich one is physically withdrawing. Yet wehave an unfortunate propensity for homoge-nizing space and viewing its use in unidimen-sional terms. As we pass by the house wherethe lady is always peeking out from behindthe curtain, we may feel a certain resentmentat her nosiness. On her part, she may feel atwinge of guilt at her behavior. In reality, neitherparty understands the significance of a scenariothat is far from trivial.

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